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diff --git a/old/69871-0.txt b/old/69871-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 74910de..0000000 --- a/old/69871-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,14335 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Bradford's history of the Plymouth -settlement, 1608-1650, by William Bradford - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Bradford's history of the Plymouth settlement, 1608-1650 - Rendered into Modern English by Harold Paget - -Author: William Bradford - -Editor: Harold Paget - -Release Date: January 24, 2023 [eBook #69871] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Steve Mattern, John Campbell and the Online Distributed - Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was - produced from images generously made available by The - Internet Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF THE -PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT, 1608-1650 *** - - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE - - The original manuscript of this history was written between 1630 - and 1655, but was not published and was lost for many years. It - was rediscovered and an edition was published in 1856, and another - edition published in 1901. Both were printed closely following the - mediaeval English of the manuscript. - - This book is a rework of that 1901 edition into modern English by - Harold Paget. His Introduction gives an account of the loss and - eventual return of the manuscript to Massachusetts. - - In this etext italic text is denoted by _underscores_. - - Footnote anchors are denoted by [number], and the footnotes have been - placed at the end of the book. - - Some minor changes to the text are noted at the end of the book. - - - - - BRADFORD’S HISTORY - OF THE - PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT - - - - - BRADFORD’S HISTORY - OF THE - PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT - - 1608-1650 - - Rendered into Modern English by - HAROLD PAGET - - [Illustration: (Publisher colophon)] - - NEW YORK - E. P. DUTTON & COMPANY - 681 FIFTH AVENUE - - - - - Copyright, 1909 - By THE JOHN McBRIDE CO. - - Copyright, 1920 - By E. P. DUTTON & COMPANY - - _All Rights Reserved_ - - - _Printed in the United States of America_ - - - - -Some Dates in the History of England, Holland, Spain, and America, -which bear upon the Contents of this Book - - - Discovery of America 1492 - Henry VIII of England 1509-1547 - Act of Supremacy (Secession of England from Rome) 1534 - Edward VI of England 1547-1553 - Mary I of England 1553-1558 - Philip, son of Charles V of Spain, marries Mary I of England 1554 - Charles V of Spain hands over sovereignty of the Netherlands - to his son Philip 1555 - Charles V of Spain resigns his crowns to his son, Philip II 1556 - Elizabeth of England 1558-1603 - Philip II returns from Netherlands to Spain 1559 - Spanish Oppression of Netherlands reformers 1565 - Netherlands rebel against Spain 1566 - Netherlands form Republic (Union of Utrecht) 1579 - William I of Orange accepts sovereignty of Holland: murdered: - his son Maurice elected Captain-General 1584 - England joins Holland against Spain 1586 - Defeat of Spanish Armada by England 1588 - Philip II of Spain dies: Philip III succeeds 1598 - James I of England 1603-1625 - Pilgrim Fathers fly from England to Holland 1608 - Truce of 12 years between Holland and Spain 1609 - Landing of Pilgrim Fathers in New England 1620 - Philip IV of Spain: truce with Holland expires 1621 - Prince Maurice of Orange dies: his half-brother, Frederick - Henry, succeeds 1625 - Charles I of England 1625-1649 - Charter granted to Massachusetts 1629 - Puritan Emigration to New England increases 1630 - Archbishop Laud attacks English Puritans 1633 - Writs for ship-money issued to English maritime towns 1634 - Marriage of William, son of Prince of Orange, to Mary, - daughter of Charles I of England 1641 - William II of Orange succeeds Frederick Henry 1647 - Treaty between Holland and Spain 1648 - Commonwealth of England 1649-1660 - English Navigation Acts lead to war with Holland 1651 - Blake defeats Van Tromp 1653 - Charles II of England 1660-1687 - The Dutch lose New Amsterdam to England: renamed New York 1664 - James II of England 1685-1689 - William (of Orange) III and Mary II of England 1689-1702 - - - - -CONTENTS - - - BOOK I—1608-1620. Persecution and Flight from - England—Settlement in Holland—Passage to England and Voyage to - America—Landing at Cape Cod and New Plymouth - - CHAPTER PAGE - - I. Suppression of Religious Liberty in England—First Cause of - the Foundation of the New Plymouth Settlement 1 - - II. Flight to Holland (Amsterdam and Leyden): 1607-1608 9 - - III. Settlement at Leyden: 1609-1620 14 - - IV. Reasons which led the Congregation at Leyden to Decide upon - Settlement in America 19 - - V. Decision to make New England the place of Settlement in - preference to Guiana or Virginia—Endeavour to obtain a Patent - from the King of England: 1617-1620 24 - - VI. Agreement between the Congregation at Leyden and the - Merchants and Adventurers in London for the accomplishment of - the Settlement in New England: 1620 35 - - VII. Departure from Leyden—Arrival and Preparations at - Southampton—Letter of Farewell from John Robinson to the whole - party of Pilgrims: July and August, 1620 49 - - VIII. Departure from Southampton, and Delay of both Ships at - Dartmouth and Plymouth: August and September, 1620 57 - - IX. The Mayflower sails from Plymouth—Voyage—Arrival at Cape - Cod: September-November, 1620 62 - - X. The Pilgrims seek a Site for their Settlement, and discover - the Harbour of New Plymouth: November-December, 1620 67 - - - BOOK II—1620-1646. History of the Settlement at New Plymouth - - I. Deed of Government drawn up—Death of half their - number—Squanto—Compact with the Indians—Captain Dermer’s - description of New Plymouth: 1620 75 - - II. The Mayflower returns—Death of John Carver—William - Bradford, Governor—Trade with the Massachusetts—The - First Marriage—Friendship with Massasoyt - confirmed—Hobbamok—Expedition against Corbitant—The First - Harvest—Arrival of Robert Cushman with 35 settlers—Fortune - returns, laden—The Narragansetts’ challenge—Christmas - Day: 1621 84 - - III. Weston abandons the Settlement—Dissensions among the - Adventurers in England—Weston’s plan for a Colony, and arrival - of Sixty Settlers for it—News from Captain Huddleston of - massacre in Virginia—Fort built at New Plymouth—Death of - Squanto—Weston’s Colony in difficulties: 1622 96 - - IV. Rescue of Weston’s Settlement—Weston arrives at New - Plymouth—His reception and ingratitude—Individual planting - of corn substituted for communal—Hardships—John Pierce and - the Patent—Sixty new Settlers—Compact between the Colony and - private Settlers—Captain Robert Gorges, Governor-General of - New England—Weston charged and arrested—Fire at New Plymouth: - Storehouse threatened: 1623 111 - - V. Changes in form of Government—Pinnace wrecked—Private - Settlers make trouble—Winslow returns from England with the - first Cattle—Faction among Adventurers in England—Objections of - the Colony’s opponents—Letters from John Robinson—Opposition to - sending the Leyden people—One acre apportioned for permanent - holding to each Settler—Ship-building and Salt-making—Trouble - with Lyford and Oldham—Pinnace salvaged and rigged: 1624 133 - - VI. Oldham and Lyford expelled—Lyford’s Past—Reply of - Settlement to Adventurers’ Charges—Support from friendly group - of Adventurers—Loss of two ship-loads of cargo—Captain Standish - in England: 1625 158 - - VII. Standish returns from England—Death of John Robinson and - Robert Cushman—Purchase of trading goods at Monhegan—Isaac - Allerton goes to England—Small ship built: 1626 169 - - VIII. Allerton brings back Proposed Composition between - Adventurers in England and the Settlement—Division of land - and live-stock among the Colonists—Hospitality given to - Fells-Sibsie Settlers—Pinnace and Depot at Manomet—Allerton - returns to England—Greetings between Dutch Colony at New - Amsterdam and Plymouth Settlement—Leading Colonists become - responsible for purchase of Adventurers’ shares in England and - buy rights of the Settlements’ trading from the general body of - Colonists for six years: 1627 174 - - IX. Allerton in England negotiates partnership between leading - New Plymouth colonists and some of the previous London - adventurers—Patent for Kennebec River procured—Further Dutch - intercourse—Trade in Wampum begun—Troubles with Morton in - Massachusetts—John Endicott’s arrival—Morton trades guns and - ammunition to the Indians—Morton apprehended—Troubles begin - with Isaac Allerton: 1628 188 - - X. Arrival of the Leyden people—Allerton in England tries - to get the Kennebec Patent enlarged—Morton’s return—Further - trouble with Allerton—The partnership with Ashley—The Penobscot - trading-house—Purchase of a fishing ship suggested—John - Endicott at Salem—The Church at Salem: 1629 201 - - XI. Ashley’s beginnings—Arrival of Hatherley on the Friendship - and Allerton on the White Angel—Hatherley examines the affairs - of the Colony—Failure of Allerton’s fishing voyage on the White - Angel—Ashley apprehended and sent to England—Discharge of - Allerton from his Agency—The first Execution—Day of - Humiliation appointed for Boston, Salem, Charlestown, and - New Plymouth: 1630 216 - - XII. Mr. Winslow in England about the White Angel - and Friendship accounts—The White Angel let out to - Allerton—Allerton’s extravagance as agent—Josias Winslow sent - from England as accountant—Penobscot robbed by the French—Sir - Christopher Gardiner in New England—The Order of the Privy - Council about New England: 1631 227 - - XIII. Sale of the White Angel to Allerton—The White Angel - sold in Spain—Hatherley settles in New England—Rapid increase - of the Colonists’ Prosperity—Divisions in the Church of New - Plymouth—Wreck of William Pierce in the Lyon: 1632 241 - - XIV. Trouble about the accounts of the partnership—Roger - Williams—Establishment of a trading-house on the - Connecticut River—Trouble with the Dutch there—Fever at New - Plymouth—Scourge of Flies: 1633 246 - - XV. Hocking Shot at Kennebec—Lord Say and the Settlement at - Piscataqua—Mr. Alden imprisoned at Boston—The case of Hocking - submitted to a Tribunal of the combined Colonies—Captain Stone - and the Dutch Governor—Stone killed by Indians—Smallpox among - the Indians: 1634 253 - - XVI. Edward Winslow in England—Petition to the Commissioners - for the Colonies in America—Winslow imprisoned—The London - partners withhold the accounts of the partnership—The - French capture the trading-house at Penobscot—Attack on the - French fails—Phenomenal Hurricane—Settlement of people from - Massachusetts on the Connecticut River—Mr. Norton minister at - New Plymouth: 1635 263 - - XVII. Consignments of Fur to England—The plague in - London—Disorganization of the accounts—Dispute between - the London partners—The Pequot Indians get unruly—Oldham - killed—John Raynor minister: 1636 275 - - XVIII. The war with the Pequot Indians—Co-operation between the - Colonies—The Narragansett Indians allies of the English—The - Pequot Fort attacked and taken—The Pequots routed and - subdued—The Narragansett Indians jealous of the Monhiggs under - Uncas—James Sherley discharged from his agency in London: 1637 283 - - XIX. Trial of three Murders—Rise in value of - Livestock—Earthquake: 1638 293 - - XX. Settlement of boundaries between New Plymouth and - Massachusetts—First steps towards winding up the partnership by - a composition: 1639-1640 298 - - XXI. Further steps towards the Composition between the London - and New Plymouth partners—Dispute with Rev. Charles Chauncey - about Baptism—Fall in value of live-stock—Many leading men of - New Plymouth move from town: 1641 305 - - XXII. Conclusion of Composition between London and New Plymouth - partners: 1642 312 - - XXIII. Death of Mr. William Brewster—His Career—Remarkable - longevity of the principal men among the Pilgrims—Confederation - of the United Colonies of New England—War between the - Narragansetts and Monhiggs—Uncas permitted by the English to - execute Miantinomo: 1643 314 - - XXIV. Suggested removal of the Church of New Plymouth to - Nauset—The Narragansetts continue their attack on Uncas and the - Monhiggs—Truce arranged by the English: 1644 326 - - XXV. The Narragansetts renew their attack on Uncas and threaten - the English—Preparation for War by the Colonies—Declaration of - War by the English—Peace arranged and General Treaty signed by - the United Colonies of New England and the Narragansetts and - Byanticks: 1645 330 - - XXVI. Captain Thomas Cromwell settles in Massachusetts—His - death—Edward Winslow’s long stay in England: 1646 338 - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - -During the last four hundred years the peoples of the Western world -have been busily engaged in converting their governments—often -forcibly—to practical Christianity, in regard to their domestic -affairs. - -The new era, upon which we now enter after the Great War, opens -with a crusade for the application of Christianity to international -relationships. - -If the modern student sets up before his mental vision a moving -panorama of the history of Europe through the Middle Ages, the most -striking general feature is undoubtedly the irresistible course of -the growing stream of Freedom, touching and fructifying every section -and institution of human life—the inevitable outcome of the evolution -of Christianity made manifest in things temporal, and breaking -through the ecclesiastical bounds so long set for it, as exclusively -pertaining to things spiritual. - -The gospel of Jesus Christ had hitherto been regarded as a religious -stream pure and simple, from which might be drawn, by priestly hands -alone, refreshment for the spiritual life of man, offered to him -in the sacerdotal cup, in such quantity and with such admixture of -doctrine as seemed fitted to his spiritual needs, by those ordained -to take charge of that department of his existence—the servants of -the Mediæval Church. - -Little by little Christianity discovers itself as no single stream -of sacred water, limited by the shores of a prescribed religious -territory. Here and there in the wider landscape it is gradually -pushing a way out into the unconsecrated ground of the temporal -domain, welling up through the ancient crust of Feudalism—bursting -through it, submerging it, carrying it away, now gently and almost -imperceptibly piecemeal, now in sweeping and irresistible torrents, -passionate against its long subjection and suppression. This activity -recognizes no national or geographical limits—it reveals itself now -here, now there, fertilizing far distant spots of varying soil—some -instantly generous to its live-giving influence, some slow to respond. - -Now watch its effect upon the inhabitants of the territories through -which it newly flows. Some, watching its uprising through the barren -soil, stand amazed—doubtful. See them slowly approach it, and gaze -upon it, awe-struck; they stoop, timorously—and drink; they pause—and -stoop to drink again. Presently their singing eyes declare the secret -they have won from it; a moment or two of forgetful, selfish joy—and -they turn away and hurry to impart the wonderful discovery to their -comrades. So by degrees they come, a straggling, jostling, motley -crowd—some doubting, some fearing, some realizing. - -Now see their priests hurrying, perturbed, to behold the rumoured -wonder. What! The sacred river has burst its banks! Hasten to guard -it from the profane thirst of the multitude, and confine it to its -sacred keeping! - -Impossible! Its upwelling pools and flowing tributaries are already -too many—the priestly keepers now too few to preserve the discovered -waters. For, as they stand watching, troubled and amazed, behold -the streamlets spreading themselves ever further, breaking forth -unbidden, in every direction. - -They consult together. What shall be done? Counsel must be taken of -their superiors, for this is too much for the lesser orders to cope -with. - -And so, as we watch the scene, we listen to the busy plans of princes -of church and state, of Popes and Kings. Some would set about damming -up these new unbiddable by-streams at their places of egress; others -would divert their courses, turning them back into the parent-current. - -Too late! too late! - -Proclaim then, broadcast, that the people shall not drink at these -waters, on pain of damnation. Meanwhile, hasten to secrete them again -by some means—for if the once rare and sacred treasure, jealously -guarded, comes, by superabundance, to be common and general, what -function is left for the votaries consecrated to its preservation? - -But—oh horrible!—here is a dignitary of the state, there even a -personage of the church, who will not be led to further the vast -scheme of secluding the waters of these newborn rivulets from the -vulgar gaze or the profane thirst of the laity. There follow sharp -rebukes and rebellious retorts, inquisitions and excommunications; -factions breed, and wrangling takes the place of deliberation. - -Slowly the scene’s central interest changes for us, and we find we -are watching, not the miraculous birth of many waters, but battling -crowds of angry partisans, surging this way and that. Now a little -band of stalwarts, who strive to keep the stream open to their -fellows, is routed and dispersed; now their following increases, -and in due time their supporters are rallied again—sometimes to -a temporary victory, with short lived reward and quick reverse, -sometimes to repeated disaster and defeat. But ever the waters -inevitably remain only half-guarded, and by ones and threes the -people find their way to them, some stealthily, some defiantly, and -drink of them—and are sealed. The little bands of stalwarts grow to -great followings, and their trend is as irresistible as the source -of their inspiration. - -Once again the scene changes. As our eyes wander over it, we see that -it is not now a matter of mere civil warfare in isolated spots; it -is the nations themselves that rage furiously together; the western -world is one great battle-ground for the opposing forces. Treaties -and wars, alliances and royal marriages, all are but the flotsam -and jetsam on the surface of this ever increasing, ever multiplying -river,—sublime in the far-flung grandeur of its streamlets and -tributaries, its still deeps and its raging cataracts—not one -department of the whole landscape of human life, in all its variety, -but reveals its vague new workings or its established deep-set -currents. - -Ah! At last we realize it: this is indeed the river of Freedom, -washing away, bearing away, surely, irresistibly—quietly if it may, -turbulently if it must—the worn-out earth-crust of the moribund -Feudal world, giving place to the bloom and blossom of a new era in -the history of Christ’s Kingdom on Earth and declaring the triumph -for all time of Soul-Freedom for His people. - -It was He Himself, the arch-heretic, Who first broke from the -doctrinal curriculum of the priestly caste of His day, to spread -His gospel of Freedom to life’s wayfarers—saint and sinner alike. -The sword that He brought to break the head of the deadening, -self-sufficient, Pharisaical peace, hung suspended the while over the -world, awaiting the moment to strike. The sword has descended, and -has severed the bonds of the centuries which roll away to give place -to the new dispensation. Ex oriente lux! To-day the East itself is -just awakening to the dawning of the new day. Almost we hear a voice -from heaven, declaiming over the dust of the mediæval world: “Now is -Christ risen from the dead, and is become the first fruits of them -that slept.” - -My object in limning the foregoing sketch has been to present to the -mind of the reader a setting for the ensuing remarks concerning “The -History of the Plymouth Settlement,” as recorded contemporaneously by -Governor Bradford, the first cause of which enterprise was one of the -most important episodes in the widespread movement whose course we -have just been observing,—the episode which, above all others of that -epoch, has produced the weightiest consequences in the history of the -world. - -America was discovered by Columbus in 1492; Spain planted colonies -on its shores in the 16th Century; English trading settlements were -established in Virginia and elsewhere in the latter half of the -same century. It is no mere claim of priority that lends historic -importance to the foundation by the Pilgrim Fathers of the English -colony at New Plymouth. The materialization of their objects was -accomplished by the same means as formed the basis of the earlier -colonies: a trading enterprise supported by merchants in the home -country. - -What, then, gives this particular project a prominence and -significance which so utterly dwarfs its predecessors? It was -the motive of its Founders. And what was that motive? Freedom of -religious thought and practice, in the first place; of civil rights, -in the second. It was the sublime ideal of this little band of -Englishmen which gave to the New Plymouth colony (the nucleus of -the other New England colonies) the honour and glory of setting its -characteristic impress upon the greatest of the new nations of the -world—the United States of America. - -The ideal aimed at we have probably grasped from our preliminary -sketch of the general movement of western civilization out of the -shackles of feudalism towards religious and civil freedom. But -the sacrifice involved in its consummation,—do we realize its -significance? Let us try to think what it means. - -Picture to yourself a group of citizens and their families, of good -standing and of average education. In defiance of established law -and order, and of the accepted, orthodox view of it, this little -body of people pursues an ideal, vital to the peace of their souls, -with a tenacity which implies certain loss of personal freedom -and confiscation of property, with risk of death. Rather than be -compelled to abandon the pursuit of their ideal, these people -voluntarily exile themselves from England, thereby depriving -themselves of loved homes and dear friends and worldly possessions. -After a few years of severe hardships in Holland, their newly adopted -country, the seed they are nurturing is threatened once again. It -must be preserved at all costs. They gather it up and bear it across -the seas—fearful seas—and plant it once more, forming a little -settlement in the savage, distant land of North America. For years -they defend their treasure there against every conceivable attack by -Nature and by man, encouraged solely by the consciousness that the -plant they are tending is God’s Truth—Freedom for each man to honour -and worship God as he sees Him. - -First picture this to yourself as if it were an incident of modern -occurrence, and try to realize what would be its significance. Then -turn your eyes upon our Pilgrims, and watch them through their -persecution in mediæval England; their flight to Holland; their -hard sojourn there; their voyage across the wide seas of those -days, and their settlement at New Plymouth—“in a country devoid of -all civilized inhabitants, given over only to savage and brutish -men, who range up and down, little differing from the wild beasts -themselves.... What, then, could now sustain them but the spirit of -God, and His grace? Ought not the children of their fathers rightly -to say: Our fathers were Englishmen who came over the great ocean, -and were ready to perish in this wilderness; but they cried unto the -Lord, and He heard their voice, and looked on their adversity.... Let -them therefore praise the Lord, because He is good, and His mercies -endure forever. Yea, let them that have been redeemed of the Lord, -show how He hath delivered them from the hand of the oppressor. When -they wandered forth into the desert-wilderness, out of the way, and -found no city to dwell in, both hungry and thirsty, their soul was -overwhelmed in them. Let them confess before the Lord His loving -kindness, and His wonderful works before the sons of men.” - -As we read this pæan of praise, penned by Bradford some ten or twelve -years after their arrival, the reality of a sublime human sacrifice -begins to shape itself in the mind, and our wonder rests upon the -spiritual grandeur of the offering, rather than upon its world-wide -consequences—of which the tale is not yet told. - -It was from such a body of Englishmen, with their burning ideals -and consuming purpose, that a new national ideal emanated, and a -new nation ultimately sprang, since typically identified with their -devotion to Freedom. The eyes of liberal Europe were upon this little -handful of unconscious heroes and saints, taking courage from them, -step by step. The same ideals of Freedom burned so clear and strong -in future generations of these English colonists that they outpaced -the march of the parent nation towards the same goal—and so, the -episode we have just been contemplating resulted in due course in the -birth of the United States of America; in the triumph of democracy -in England over the vain autocracy of a foreign-born king and his -corrupt government; and, above all, in the firm establishment of the -humanitarian ideals for which the English-speaking races have been -the historic champions, and for which the Pilgrims offered their -sacrifice upon the altar of the Sonship of Man. - -In the words of Governor Wolcott, at the ceremony of the gift of -the manuscript of Bradford’s History, by England to America: “They -stablished what they planned. Their feeble plantation became the -birthplace of religious liberty, the cradle of a free Commonwealth. -To them a mighty nation owns its debt. Nay, they have made the -civilized world their debtor. In the varied tapestry which pictures -our national life, the richest spots are those where gleam the golden -threads of conscience, courage, and faith, set in the web by that -little band. May God in his mercy grant that the moral impulse which -founded this nation may never cease to control its destiny; that -no act of any future generation may put in peril the fundamental -principles on which it is based—of equal rights in a free state, -equal privileges in a free church, and equal opportunities in a free -school.” - -For some years many have trembled for the fruits of the Pilgrims’ -sacrifice. It seemed that the press of the children’s hurrying feet -had raised such a dust as to obscure from them their forefather’s -glorious visions and ideals. A striking absence of spiritual -aspiration and a dire trend towards gross materialism seemed, for a -time, all too characteristic of America. But to such as doubted or -feared have come, recently, a wonderful reassurance and a renewed -faith in the eternal efficacy of so sublime an offering. It is the -sons of those men—their spiritual offspring—who have arisen in their -millions,—here in America, there in old England,—to defend the -World’s freedom. The Dean of Westminster voiced England’s feeling, -and that of the world, when in the Memorial Service at Westminster -Abbey for the Officers and Men of the United States Army and Navy -who fell in the War, he gave thanks to God in the following words: - - Their deaths have sealed the unwritten but inviolable Covenant - of our common Brotherhood. Their deaths have laid the enduring - foundations of the world’s hope for future peace. For their - sakes we raise this day our proud thanksgiving in the great - Abbey which enshrines the illustrious dust of the makers of the - English-speaking peoples. Let us render our humble and joyful - praise to Almighty God that in their response to the clarion call - of freedom and of justice the two Commonwealths have not been - divided. - - Nor have our American brothers laid down their lives in vain. - They came in their hundreds of thousand from the other side of - the Atlantic to vindicate the cause of an outraged humanity and a - menaced liberty. The freewill offering of their sacrifice has been - accepted. They have been summoned to some other and higher phase in - the life of heavenly citizenship. - - The mystery of suffering, sorrow and pain awaits its Divine - interpretation hereafter. Not yet can we hope to see through the - mist that veils the future. But the Cross is our pledge of the - fruitfulness of self-sacrifice. - - May America and Great Britain go forward charged with the privilege - of a common stewardship for the liberties of mankind! May the - glorious witness of these brave lives, whom we commemorate to-day, - enrich us, whose course on earth is not yet run, with the inspiring - vision of the sanctity and self-abnegation of true patriotism! The - warfare against the countless forms of violence, injustice, and - falsehood will never cease: may the example of our brothers exalt - and purify our aims! - -A few words as to the vicissitudes of the precious manuscript of this -book. - -As the author tells us, he began to write down this record of the -affairs of the New Plymouth Settlement in the year 1630, ten years -after their arrival, continuing the writing of it from time to time -up to the year 1650, when he compiled the Register of Passengers on -the _Mayflower_, their marriages, the birth of their descendants, and -their deaths. In form, the original manuscript is a parchment-bound -folio, measuring about 11 inches high, 8 inches wide, and 1½ inches -thick. - -Some inscriptions on fly leaves in it, give, tersely, its ownership -up to 1728. “This book was writ by Governor William Bradford, and -given by him to his son Major William Bradford, and by him to his son -Major John Bradford: writ by me, Samuel Bradford, March 20th, 1705.” - -An entry by Thomas Prince, dated June 4th, 1728, intimates that Major -John Bradford turned over the manuscript to him for the New England -Library of Prints and Manuscripts, which he had been collecting since -1703, when he entered Harvard College. Since then it is supposed -that sundry authors have drawn upon its material, and that Governor -Hutchinson had access to it when he wrote the second volume of his -History, published in 1767. - -From this time all traces of its presence in New England disappear, -and it was not until almost a century later that it was discovered -and identified in the Library of the Bishop of London, at Fulham -Palace. It is supposed that the manuscript found its way to England -some time between the years 1768 and 1785, being deposited under the -title of “The Log of the Mayflower,” at Fulham Palace as the Public -Registry for Historical and Ecclesiastical Documents relating to -the Diocese of London, and to the Colonial and other Possessions of -Great Britain beyond the seas—New Plymouth being, ecclesiastically, -attached to the Diocese of London. - -When compiling his “History of the Protestant Episcopal Church in -America,” published in 1844, Samuel Wilberforce, Bishop of Oxford, -and later of Winchester, delved into the archives of Fulham Palace, -and brought under contribution a number of unpublished manuscripts, -from which he gave extracts. In 1855 this work fell into the hands of -John Wingate Thornton, and, through him, came under the eye of Barry, -the author of “The History of Massachusetts,” who recognized that -the passages quoted in Wilberforce’s work must come from none other -than Bradford’s long-lost annals. Charles Deane was consulted and -communicated with Joseph Hunter in England, who visited Fulham Palace -Library, and established incontestably the identity of “The Log of -the Mayflower” with Bradford’s History. It is still unknown exactly -how it found its way to London—but in all probability it was brought -over during the War of Independence. - -From time to time, after its discovery, representations were made -to the custodians of the manuscript that it should be restored to -America, where its value was inestimable, as one of the earliest -records of her National History—in the words of Senator Hoar: “The -only authentic history of what we have a right to consider the most -important political transaction that has ever taken place on the -face of the earth.” Ultimately, the Hon. Thomas F. Bayard, the first -United States Ambassador to England, instigated by Senator Hoar, put -the matter before the Bishop of London—Creighton—at Fulham, with -the result that, after due legal sanction by the Constitutional and -Episcopal Court of London, the manuscript was conveyed by Mr. Bayard -to America, and formally handed over to Governor Roger Wolcott, -on July 12th, 1897, for the State Archives of the Commonwealth of -Massachusetts, subject to the production of a photographic facsimile -being deposited at Fulham, and to the original manuscript being -reasonably accessible for investigation. Its present resting place is -the Massachusetts State Library. - -No words could more vividly depict the feelings in the hearts of -Bradford’s descendants, on the return to American soil of this -precious relic by the free gift of England, than those of Senator -Hoar, which I now quote: - -“I do not think many Americans will gaze upon it without a little -trembling of the lips and a little gathering of mist in the eyes, as -they think of the story of suffering, of sorrow, of peril, of exile, -of death, and of lofty triumph, which that book tells,—which the -hand of the great leader and founder of America has traced on those -pages. There is nothing like it in human annals since the story of -Bethlehem. These English men and English women going out from their -homes in beautiful Lincoln and York, wife separated from husband and -mother from child in that hurried embarkation for Holland, pursued -to the beach by English horsemen; the thirteen years of exile; the -life at Amsterdam ‘in alley foul and lane obscure’; the dwelling at -Leyden; the embarkation at Delfthaven; the farewell of Robinson; the -terrible voyage across the Atlantic; the compact in the harbour; -the landing on the rock; the dreadful first winter; the death roll -of more than half the number; the days of suffering and of famine; -the wakeful night, listening for the yell of the wild beast and the -war-whoop of the savage; the building of the State on those sure -foundations which no wave nor tempest has ever shaken; the breaking -of the new light; the dawning of the new day; the beginning of the -new life; the enjoyment of peace with liberty,—of all these things -this is the original record by the hand of our beloved father and -founder.” - -After its discovery and identification, an edition was published -in the year 1856, under the editorship of Charles Deane, by the -Massachusetts Historical Society, based on a transcript made from -the original document in London. A photographic facsimile of the -manuscript was issued in 1896, in both London and Boston; and upon -receipt of the original by the Commonwealth of Massachusetts in 1897, -a resolution was passed providing for the printing and publication -of a carefully collated edition, together with a report of the -proceedings connected with its return from England to America. This -edition was duly issued in 1901, and it is from that as a basis that -I have prepared the present modernization. My purpose is obvious. To -many, the reading of the mediæval English of the original, to which -all preceding editions have adhered, would be so laborious as to -preclude them from becoming acquainted with it. I have endeavoured -to preserve, as far as possible, the atmosphere of the time, while -accurately rendering the thought in current language. - - * * * * * - -As for the writer himself, William Bradford, who, on the death of -John Carver, the first Governor of the colony, a few months after -their arrival, succeeded him in the Governorship, and remained the -guiding genius of its destinies for over thirty years—his character, -despite his utter self-repression throughout his writings, can be -clearly read between the lines; his marvelous breadth of charity -and tolerance; his strong, simple piety; his plain, unselfconscious -goodness—all the grandest characteristics of the best traditions of -puritanism seem concentrated in him. - -But little is known of his life in England. He was born at the -village of Austerfield, near Scrooby, in Nottinghamshire, and the -baptismal entry in the registers of the church is dated March 19th, -1590. His family was of yeoman stock. The first Mrs. Bradford -(Dorothy May) was drowned in the harbour soon after the arrival of -the _Mayflower_, by falling overboard. The second wife was a Mrs. -Alice Southworth, a widow, to whom, it is supposed Bradford had been -attached before his and her first marriage. He wrote his proposal -of marriage to her in England, and she came out to him, with two -Southworth children. William Bradford died, May 9th, 1657, at 69 -years of age. - -His dealings in the external affairs of the colony were largely with -that class of hypocritical charlatan which successfully turns to -perverse account the generous religious impulses of those with whom -they hold intercourse. Yet his firm hold on faith, hope, and charity -never failed him; he always ascribed to them, until clear proof of -dishonour was revealed, the best of motives; taking account of the -possibility of misunderstanding; or, in the last resort, making -allowance for human weakness in the face of temptation, and forgiving -unto seventy times seven. His was the spirit given to Newton, who as -he watched a murderer being led to the gallows, exclaimed: “There -goes John Newton, but for the Grace of God”; or to Cromwell, in his -typical exhortation,—“I beseech you, in the name of Christ, think it -possible you may be mistaken.” - -The reverse side of the picture shows us, indeed, the horrible -hypocrisy of the pseudo-puritans of the Weston-Sherley type, who -whenever ill-fortune overtook them called upon the name of the Lord -in true Pharisaic fashion,—as if to bribe by flattery a frivolous -Providence,—playing upon the finest qualities of forbearance and -disinterestedness of such men as Bradford and his colleagues, to -get advantage of them and rob them usuriously. Such parasites on -the true growth of puritanism brought it into disrepute with the -undiscriminating of those times,—nor have the results of their -evil work (in very truth, the Sin against the Holy Ghost!) yet -disappeared; for we find it in the supercilious and suspicious -attitude of the orthodox towards dissent in any form, to this day. - -The strong grasp of the intellectual and practical side of his and -the other Pilgrims’ ideals of religious liberty,—for which, no doubt, -they owed a deep debt to that splendid apostolic figure, their old -pastor at Leyden, John Robinson,—is evidenced by the clear exposition -of their claims, in the answer they gave to charges against them of -dissembling in their declaration of conformity to the practices of -the French Reformed Churches, and of undue license in differing from -those professed forms of worship: - -“In attempting to tie us to the French practices in every detail, -you derogate from the liberty we have in Christ Jesus. The Apostle -Paul would have none follow him but wherein he followed Christ; much -less ought any Christian or Church in the world do so. The French -may err, we may err, and other Churches may err, and doubtless do in -many circumstances. That honour of infallibility belongs, therefore, -only to the word of God and pure testament of Christ, to be followed -as the only rule and pattern for direction by all Churches and -Christians. It is great arrogance for any man or Church to think -that he or they have so sounded the word of God to the bottom as to -be able to set down precisely a Church’s practices without error in -substance or circumstance, and in such a way that no one thereafter -may digress or differ from them with impunity.” - -On the other hand, it is interesting to mark Bradford’s disparagement -of Utopian schemes of communal, or socialistic, forms of government. -Here is his conservative argument, based on the experience of the -first few years of their colonization: - -“The failure of this experiment of communal service, which was tried -for several years, and by good and honest men, proves the emptiness -of the theory of Plato and other ancients, applauded by some of later -times,—that the taking away of private property, and the possession -of it in community by a commonwealth, would make a state happy and -flourishing; as if they were wiser than God. For in this instance, -community of property (so far as it went) was found to breed much -confusion and discontent, and retard much employment which would have -been to the general benefit and comfort.... If (it was thought) all -were to share alike, and all were to do alike, then all were on an -equality throughout, and one was as good as another; and so, if it -did not actually abolish those very relations which God himself has -set among men, it did at least greatly diminish the mutual respect -that is so important should be preserved amongst them. Let none argue -that this is due to human failing rather than to this communistic -plan of life in itself. I answer, seeing that all men have this -failing in them, that God in His wisdom saw that another plan of life -was fitter for them.” - -Thus in civil as in religious matters, Bradford’s sure instinct -led him always to follow the guidance of a wise and benevolent -Providence, working for the rational and natural evolution -of mankind, which humanity could expedite only by a plain, -unsophisticated reliance upon truth and goodness, as incarnate in the -divine character and life of Christ. - - * * * * * - -If we of to-day, whether American or British, fail to appreciate -the almost unearthly value of Bradford’s History, it is because we -ourselves are still too close to the opening of that era in modern -civilization,—yet in its early stages of development,—with which -it is concerned. I believe that, among the world’s archives of -contemporary chronicles of the human race, future generations will -attribute to his annals a value far higher than that which we at -present ascribe to any similar historic record except the Gospels -themselves. - -Certainly it is fitting in the present communion of interests of the -Anglo-Saxon peoples, that we should refresh ourselves at the glorious -founts of freedom which constitute their common heritage. - - HAROLD PAGET. - Silver Mine, Conn. 1920. - - - - - BRADFORD’S HISTORY - OF THE - PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT - - - - - BRADFORD’S HISTORY - of the PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT - - - BOOK I - - 1608-1620 - - PERSECUTION AND FLIGHT FROM ENGLAND—SETTLEMENT IN HOLLAND - (AT AMSTERDAM AND LEYDEN)—CROSSING TO ENGLAND AND VOYAGE TO - AMERICA—LANDING AT CAPE COD AND NEW PLYMOUTH. - - - - -CHAPTER I - -Suppression of Religious Liberty in England—First Cause of the -Foundation of the New Plymouth Settlement. - - -First I will unfold the causes that led to the foundation of the -New Plymouth Settlement, and the motives of those concerned in it. -In order that I may give an accurate account of the project, I must -begin at the very root and rise of it; and this I shall endeavour to -do in a plain style and with singular regard to the truth,—at least -as near as my slender judgment can attain to it. - -As is well known, ever since the breaking out of the light of the -gospel in England, which was the first country to be thus enlightened -after the gross darkness of popery had overspread the Christian -world, Satan has maintained various wars against the Saints, from -time to time, in different ways,—sometimes by bloody death and cruel -torment, at other times by imprisonment, banishment, and other -wrongs,—as if loth that his kingdom should be overcome, the truth -prevail, and the Church of God revert to their ancient purity, and -recover their primitive order, liberty, and beauty. But when he could -not stifle by these means the main truths of the gospel, which began -to take rooting in many places, watered by the blood of martyrs and -blessed from heaven with a gracious increase, he reverted to his -ancient stratagems, used of old against the first Christians. For -when, in those days, the bloody and barbarous persecutions of the -heathen Emperors could not stop and subvert the course of the gospel, -which speedily overspread the then best known parts of the world, -he began to sow errors, heresies, and discord amongst the clergy -themselves, working upon the pride and ambition and other frailties -to which all mortals, and even the Saints themselves in some measure, -are subject. Woful effects followed; not only were there bitter -contentions, heartburnings, and schisms, but Satan took advantage of -them to foist in a number of vile ceremonies, with many vain canons -and decrees, which have been snares to many poor and peaceable souls -to this day. - -So, in the early days, Christians suffered as much from internal -dissension as from persecution by the heathen and their Emperors, -true and orthodox Christians being oppressed by the Arians and -their heretical accomplices. Socrates bears witness to this in his -second book. His words are these: “Indeed, the violence was no less -than that practised of old towards the Christians when they were -compelled to sacrifice to idols; for many endured various kinds of -torment—often racking and dismemberment of their joints, confiscation -of their goods, or banishment from their native soil.” - -Satan has seemed to follow a like method in these later times, ever -since the truth began to spring and spread after the great defection -of that man of sin, the Papal Antichrist. Passing by the infinite -examples throughout the world as well as in our country, when that -old serpent found that he could not prevail by fiery flames and the -other cruel torments which he had put in use everywhere in the days -of Queen Mary and before, he then went more closely to work, not -merely to oppress but to ruin and destroy the kingdom of Christ by -more secret and subtle means, and by kindling flames of contention -and sowing seeds of strife and bitter enmity amongst the reformed -clergy and laity themselves. - -Mr. Fox records, that besides those worthy martyrs and confessors who -were burned and otherwise tormented in Queen Mary’s days, as many -as 800 students and others fled out of England, and formed separate -congregations at Wesel, Frankfort, Basel, Emden, Marburg, Strasburg, -Geneva, etc. - -Amongst these bodies of protestant reformers—especially amongst -those at Frankfort,—arose a bitter war of contention and persecution -about the ceremonies and the service book and other such popish -and anti-Christian stuff, the plague of England to this day. Such -practises are like the high places in Israel, which the prophets -cried out against; and the better part of the reformers sought to -root them out and utterly abandon them, according to the purity of -the gospel; while the other part, under veiled pretences, sought as -stiffly to maintain and defend them, for their own advancement. This -appears in the account of these contentions published in 1575—a book -that deserves to be better known. - -The one party of reformers endeavoured to establish the right worship -of God and the discipline of Christ in the Church according to the -simplicity of the gospel and without the mixture of men’s inventions, -and to be ruled by the laws of God’s word dispensed by such officers -as Pastors, Teachers, Elders, etc., according to the Scriptures. - -The other party,—the episcopal,—under many pretences, endeavoured to -maintain the episcopal dignity after the popish manner,—with all its -courts, canons, and ceremonies; its livings, revenues, subordinate -officers, and other means of upholding their anti-Christian -greatness, and of enabling them with lordly and tyrannous power to -persecute the poor servants of God. The fight was so bitter, that -neither the honour of God, the persecution to which both parties were -subjected, nor the mediation of Mr. Calvin and other worthies, could -prevail with the episcopal party. They proceeded by all means to -disturb the peace of this poor persecuted church of dissenters, even -so far as to accuse (very unjustly and ungodly, yet prelate-like) -some of its chief members with rebellion and high-treason against the -Emperor, and other such crimes. - -And this contention did not die with Queen Mary, nor was it left -beyond the seas. At her death the episcopal party of the Protestants -returned to England under gracious Queen Elizabeth, many of them -being preferred to bishoprics and other promotions, according to -their aims and desires, with the result that their inveterate hatred -towards the holy discipline of Christ in his church, represented -by the dissenting part, has continued to this day; furthermore, -for fear it should ultimately prevail, all kinds of devices were -used to keep it out, incensing the Queen and State against it as a -danger to the commonwealth; arguing that it was most needful that -the fundamental points of religion should be preached in these -ignorant and superstitious times, and that in order to win the weak -and ignorant it was necessary to retain various harmless ceremonies; -and that though reforms were desirable, this was not the time for -them. Many such excuses were put forward to silence the more godly, -and to induce them to yield to one ceremony after another, and one -corruption after another. By these wiles some were beguiled and -others corrupted, till at length they began to persecute all the -zealous reformers in the land, unless they would submit to their -ceremonies and become slaves to them and their popish trash, which -has no ground in the word of God, but is a relic of that man of -sin. And the more the light of the gospel grew, the more they urged -subjection to these corruptions,—so that, notwithstanding all their -former pretences, those whose eyes God had not justly blinded easily -saw their purpose. In order the more to cast contempt upon the -sincere servants of God, they opprobriously gave them the name of -“Puritans,” which it is said the novations assumed out of pride. It -is lamentable to see the effects which have followed. Religion has -been disgraced, the godly grieved, afflicted, persecuted, and many -exiled, while others have lost their lives in prisons and other ways; -on the other hand, sin has been countenanced, ignorance, profanity, -and atheism have increased, and the papists have been encouraged to -hope again for a day. - -This made that holy man, Mr. Perkins, cry out in his exhortation to -repentance, upon Zeph. ii. “Religion,” said he, “has been amongst -us these thirty-five years; but the more it is disseminated, the -more it is condemned by many. Thus, not profanity or wickedness, -but Religion itself is a byword, a mocking stock, and a matter of -reproach; so that in England at this day the man or woman who begins -to profess religion and to serve God, must resolve within himself to -sustain mocks and injuries as though he lived among the enemies of -religion.” Common experience has confirmed this and made it only too -apparent.[1] - -But to come to the subject of this narrative. When by the zeal of -some godly preachers, and God’s blessing on their labours, many -in the North of England and other parts become enlightened by the -word of God and had their ignorance and sins discovered to them, -and began by His grace to reform their lives and pay heed to their -ways, the work of God was no sooner manifest in them than they were -scorned by the profane multitude, and their ministers were compelled -to subscribe or be silent, and the poor people were persecuted with -apparators and pursuants and the commissary courts. Nevertheless, -they bore it all for several years in patience, until by the increase -of their troubles they began to see further into things by the light -of the word of God. They realized not only that these base ceremonies -were unlawful, but also that the tyrannous power of the prelates -ought not to be submitted to, since it was contrary to the freedom of -the gospel and would burden men’s consciences and thus profane the -worship of God. - -On this subject a famous author thus writes in his Dutch -commentaries: “At the coming of King James into England, the new King -found established there the reformed religion of Edward VI., but -retaining the spiritual office of the bishops,—differing in this from -the reformed churches in Scotland, France, the Netherlands, Emden, -Geneva, etc., whose reformation is shaped much nearer to the first -Christian churches of the Apostles’ times.” - -Those reformers who saw the evil of these things, and whose hearts -the Lord had touched with heavenly zeal for his truth, shook off this -yoke of anti-Christian bondage and as the Lord’s free people joined -themselves together by covenant as a church, in the fellowship of -the gospel to walk in all His ways, made known, or to be made known -to them, according to their best endeavours, whatever it should cost -them, the Lord assisting them. And that it cost them something, the -ensuing history will declare. - -These people became two distinct bodies or churches and congregated -separately; for they came from various towns and villages about the -borders of Nottinghamshire, Lincolnshire, and Yorkshire. One of -these churches was led by Mr. John Smith, a man of able gifts, and -a good preacher, who was afterwards made pastor; but later, falling -into some errors in the Low Countries, most of its adherents buried -themselves,—and their names! To the other church, which is the -subject of this discourse, belonged besides other worthy men, Mr. -Richard Clifton, a grave and reverend preacher, who by his pains and -diligence had done much good, and under God had been the means of -the conversion of many; also that famous and worthy man, Mr. John -Robinson, who was afterwards their pastor for many years, till the -Lord took him away; also Mr. William Brewster, a reverend man, who -was afterwards chosen an Elder of the church, and lived with them -till old age. But after the events referred to above, they were not -long permitted to remain in peace. They were hunted and persecuted on -every side, until their former afflictions were but as fleabitings in -comparison. Some were clapped into prison; others had their houses -watched night and day, and escaped with difficulty; and most were -obliged to fly, and leave their homes and means of livelihood. Yet -these and many other even severer trials which afterwards befell -them, being only what they expected, they were able to bear by the -assistance of God’s grace and spirit. However, being thus molested, -and seeing that there was no hope of their remaining there, they -resolved by consent to go into the Low Countries, where they heard -there was freedom of religion for all; and it was said that many -from London and other parts of the country, who had been exiled -and persecuted for the same cause, had gone to live at Amsterdam -and elsewhere in the Netherlands. So after about a year, having -kept their meeting for the worship of God every Sabbath in one -place or another, notwithstanding the diligence and malice of their -adversaries, seeing that they could no longer continue under such -circumstances, they resolved to get over to Holland as soon as they -could—which was in the years 1607 and 1608. But of this, more will be -told in the next chapter. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -Flight to Holland (Amsterdam and Leyden): 1607-1608 - - -For these reformers to be thus constrained to leave their native -soil, their lands and livings, and all their friends, was a great -sacrifice, and was wondered at by many. But to go into a country -unknown to them, where they must learn a new language, and get their -livings they knew not how, seemed an almost desperate adventure, -and a misery worse than death. Further, they were unacquainted with -trade, which was the chief industry of their adopted country, having -been used only to a plain country life and the innocent pursuit of -farming. But these things did not dismay them, though they sometimes -troubled them; for their desires were set on the ways of God, to -enjoy His ordinances; they rested on His providence, and knew Whom -they had believed. - -But this was not all; for though it was made intolerable for them to -stay, they were not allowed to go; the ports were shut against them, -so that they had to seek secret means of conveyance, to bribe the -captains of ships, and give extraordinary rates for their passages. -Often they were betrayed, their goods intercepted, and thereby were -put to great trouble and expense. I will give an instance or two of -these experiences. - -A large number of them had decided to take passage from Boston -in Lincolnshire, and for that purpose had hired a ship wholly to -themselves, and made agreement with the captain to be ready at a -convenient place on a certain day to take them and their belongings. -After long waiting and great expense—he had not kept day with -them—he came at last and took them aboard at night. But when he -had secured them and their goods he betrayed them, having arranged -beforehand with the searchers and other officers to do so. They -then put them in open boats, and there rifled and ransacked them, -searching them to their shirts for money,—and even the women, further -than became modesty,—and took them back to the town and made a -spectacle of them to the multitude that came flocking on all sides -to see them. Being thus rifled and stripped of their money, books, -and other property, they were brought before the magistrates, and -messengers were sent to inform the Lords of the Council about them. -The magistrates treated them courteously, and showed them what -favour they could; but dare not free them until order came from -the council-table. The result was, however, that after a month’s -imprisonment, the majority were dismissed, and sent back to the -places whence they came; but seven of the leaders were kept in -prison, and bound over to the Assizes. - -Next spring there was another attempt made by some of the same -people, with others, to get over from a different place. They heard -of a Dutchman at Hull who had a ship of his own belonging to Zealand, -and they made an agreement with him, and acquainted him with their -plight, hoping to find him more reliable than the English captain -had been; and he bade them have no fear. He was to take them aboard -between Grimsby and Hull, where there was a large common a good way -from any town. The women and children, with all their effects, were -sent to the place at the time arranged in a small bark which they -had hired; and the men were to meet them by land. But it so happened -that they all arrived a day before the ship came, and the sea being -rough, and the women very sick, the sailors put into a creek hard -by, where they grounded at low water. The next morning the ship -came, but they were stuck fast and could not stir till about noon. -In the meantime, the captain of the ship, seeing how things were, -sent his boat to get the men aboard whom he saw were ready walking -about the shore. But after the first boatful was got aboard and she -was ready to go for more, the captain espied a large body of horse -and foot, armed with bills and guns and other weapons,—for the -country side had turned out to capture them. The Dutchman, seeing -this, swore his country’s oath, “sacramente,” and having a fair wind, -weighed anchor, hoist sail, and away! The poor men already aboard -were in great distress for their wives and children, left thus to be -captured, and destitute of help,—and for themselves, too, without -any clothes but what they had on their backs, and scarcely a penny -about them, all their possessions being aboard the bark, now seized. -It drew tears from their eyes, and they would have given anything -to be ashore again. But all in vain, there was no remedy; they must -thus sadly part. Afterwards they endured a fearful storm at sea, and -it was fourteen days or more before they reached port, in seven of -which they saw neither sun, moon, nor stars, being driven near the -coast of Norway. The sailors themselves often despaired, and once -with shrieks and cries gave over all, as if the ship had foundered -and they were sinking without hope of recovery. But when man’s hope -and help wholly failed, there appeared the Lord’s power and mercy -to save them; for the ship rose again, and gave the crew courage to -manage her. If modesty permitted, I might declare with what fervent -prayers the voyagers cried to the Lord in their great distress,—even -remaining fairly collected when the water ran into their mouths and -ears; and when the sailors called out, “We sink, we sink,” they cried -(if not with miraculous, yet with sublime faith): “Yet Lord, Thou -canst save; yet Lord, Thou canst save!” Upon which, the ship not only -righted herself, but shortly afterwards the violence of the storm -began to abate, and the Lord filled their afflicted minds with such -comfort as but few can understand, and in the end brought them to -their desired haven, where the people came flocking, astonished at -their deliverance, the storm having been so long and violent. - -But to return to the rest where we left them. The other men, who were -in greatest danger, made shift to escape before the troops could -surprise them, only sufficient staying to assist the women. But it -was pitiful to see these poor women in their distress. What weeping -and crying on every side: some for their husbands carried away in the -ship; others not knowing what would become of them and their little -ones; others again melted in tears, seeing their poor little ones -hanging about them, crying for fear and quaking with cold! Being thus -apprehended, they were hurried from one place to another, till in -the end the officers knew not what to do with them; for to imprison -so many innocent women and children only because they wished to go -with their husbands, seemed unreasonable and would cause an outcry; -and to send them home again was as difficult, for they alleged, as -was the truth, that they had no homes to go to,—for they had sold or -otherwise disposed of their houses and livings. To be short, after -they had been thus turmoiled a good while, and conveyed from one -constable to another, they were glad to be rid of them on any terms; -for all were wearied and tired of them. Though in the meantime, they, -poor souls, endured misery enough. So in the end, necessity forced a -way for them. - - * * * * * - -But not to be tedious, I will pass by other troubles which they -endured in their wanderings and travels, both on land and sea. -I must not omit, however, to mention the fruit of it all. For by -these public afflictions, their cause became famous, and led many to -inquire into it; and their Christian behaviour left a deep impression -on the minds of many. Some few shrank from these first conflicts, and -no wonder; but many more came forward with fresh courage and animated -the rest. In the end, notwithstanding the storms of opposition, -they all got over, some from one place, some from another, and met -together again with no small rejoicing. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -Settlement at Leyden: 1609-1620 - - -Having reached the Netherlands, they saw many fine fortified cities, -strongly walled, and guarded with troops of armed men; and they heard -a strange and uncouth language, and beheld the different manners and -customs of the people, with their strange fashions and attire—all -so far differing from their own plain country villages wherein they -were bred and had lived so long, that it seemed they had come into -a new world. But these were not the things they gave much attention -to. They had other work in hand, and another kind of war to wage. For -though they saw fair and beautiful cities, flowing with abundance of -all sorts of wealth and riches, it was not long before they saw the -grim and grisly face of poverty coming upon them like an armed man, -with whom they must buckle and encounter, and from whom they could -not fly; but they were armed with faith and patience against him and -all his encounters; and though they were sometimes foiled, yet, by -God’s assistance, they prevailed and got the victory. - -When Mr. Robinson, Mr. Brewster, and the other principal members -had arrived,—they were among the last, having stayed to help the -weakest over,—such things were deliberated as were necessary for -their settling and for the best ordering of the church affairs. When -they had lived at Amsterdam about a year, Mr. Robinson, their pastor, -together with the most discerning of the others, seeing that Mr. -John Smith and his followers had already fallen out with the church -which was there previously, and that nothing could avail to end the -quarrel, and also that the flames of contention were likely to break -out in the parent church itself (as afterwards, alas, came to pass); -they thought it best to move, before they were in any way involved, -though they knew it would be to their worldly disadvantage, both at -present and probably in the future,—as indeed it proved to be. - -For these and other reasons, then, they removed to Leyden, a fair and -beautiful city, of a sweet situation, made famous by its university, -in which recently there had been so many learned men. However, -lacking seafaring trades, which Amsterdam enjoys, it was not so -favourable in providing means of livelihood. But being settled here, -they fell to such trades and employments as they best could, valuing -peace and their spiritual comfort above any other riches whatever; -and at length they came to raise a competent and comfortable living, -though only by dint of hard and continual labour. - -Thus, after numerous difficulties, they continued many years in -good circumstances, enjoying together much sweet and delightful -intercourse and spiritual comfort in the ways of God, under the able -ministry and prudent government of Mr. Robinson, and Mr. William -Brewster, who before had been his assistant in place of an Elder, -to which position he was now called and chosen by the church. So -they grew in knowledge and other gifts and graces of the spirit of -God, and lived together in peace and love and holiness; and many -came to them from different parts of England, so that there grew -up a great congregation. And if any differences arose or offences -broke out,—as cannot but be even amongst the best of men,—they -were always so met with and nipped in the head betimes, that love, -peace, and communion continued; or, in some instances, the church -was purged of those who were incurable and incorrigible, when, after -much patience used, no other means would serve. Indeed, such was -the love and respect that this worthy man, Mr. John Robinson, had -to his flock, and his flock to him, that it might be said of them, -as it once was of the famous Emperor Marcus Aurelius and the people -of Rome, that it was hard to judge whether he was more delighted in -having such a people or they in having such a pastor. His love was -great towards them, and his care was always bent to their best good -both for soul and body; for, besides his singular ability in divine -things (wherein he excelled), he was also very able in directing -their civil affairs and foreseeing dangers and troubles; so he was -very helpful to their material well-being, and was in every way a -common father to them. None offended him more than those who kept -apart from the rest, and neglected the common good; or those who -were rigid in matters of outward order and would inveigh against the -evil of others, and yet were remiss themselves and not too careful -to maintain virtuous conversation. The congregation, too, ever had a -reverent regard for him and held him in precious estimation, as his -worth and wisdom deserved; and highly as they esteemed him whilst -he lived and laboured amongst them, it was even more so after his -death, when they came to feel the want of his help, and saw by woful -experience what a treasure they had lost. But to return. I know not -but it may be spoken to the honour of God, and without prejudice to -any, that such was the true piety, the humble zeal, and fervent love, -of this people, whilst they thus lived together, towards God and His -ways, and the single-heartedness and sincere affection of one towards -another, that they came as near the primitive pattern of the first -churches as any other church of these later times has done. - -It is not my purpose to treat of what befell them whilst they lived -in the Low Countries,—which would require a large treatise of -itself,—but to show the beginnings of the New Plymouth Settlement. -But since some of their adversaries, upon their departure from -Leyden of their own free will, uttered slanders against them, as if -the country had been weary of them and had driven them out, as the -heathen historians asserted of Moses and the Israelites when they -went out of Egypt, I will mention a particular or two to show the -contrary, and the good acceptation they had in the place where they -lived. - -First, though many of them were poor, there were none so poor but -that if they were known to be of that congregation, the Dutch (either -bakers or others) would trust them to any reasonable extent when they -lacked money to buy what they needed. They found by experience how -careful they were to keep their word, and saw how diligent they were -in their callings, that they would even compete for their custom, and -employ them in preference to others. - -Again, about the time of their departure, or a little before, the -magistrates of the city, gave this commendable testimony of them -in the public place of justice in reproof to the Walloons, who -were of the French church there. “These English,” said they, “have -lived among us these twelve years, and yet we never had any suit or -accusation against any of them; but your strifes and quarrels are -continual.” - -At this time occurred the great trouble with the Arminians, who -molested the whole state, and this city in particular, where the -chief university was situated. So there were daily hot disputes in -the schools thereabouts, and the students and other learned people -were divided in their opinions between two professors of divinity, -the one daily teaching in favour of the Arminian faction, and the -other against it. Things grew to such a pass, that few of the -followers of the one professor would hear the other teach. But Mr. -Robinson, though he preached thrice a week himself and wrote several -books, besides his many other duties, went constantly to hear their -readings, the one as well as the other; so he became well-grounded -in their controversy and saw the force of all their arguments, and -knew the shifts of the opponent, and being himself very able, none -was fitter to buckle with them than himself,—as appeared by various -disputes. In fact, he began to be a terror to the Arminians, so that -Episcopius, the Arminian professor, put forth his best strength and -advanced various Theses which he asserted he would defend against all -comers in public dispute. - -Now Poliander, the other professor, and the chief preachers of the -city, requested Mr. Robinson to take up his challenge, but he was -loth to do so, being a stranger. However the others importuned -him, and told him that such was the ability and nimbleness of the -opponent, that the truth would suffer if he did not help them. So he -acquiesced and prepared himself accordingly; and when the day came, -the Lord so helped him to defend the truth and foil his adversary, -that he put him to an apparent nonplus in public audience. And he -did the same thing two or three times upon similar occasions. This, -while it made many praise God that the truth had so famous a victory, -procured him much honour and respect from those learned men and -others who loved the truth. So far from being weary of him and his -people, or desiring their absence, had it not been for fear of giving -offence to the government of England, they would have conferred -upon him some public honour. Indeed, when there was talk of their -departure to America, several men of prominence in the country tried -to induce them to become naturalized, and even made them large offers -to do so. Though I might mention many other similar examples to show -the untruth of this slander, these suffice, for it was believed by -few and was raised in malice. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -Reasons which led the Congregation at Leyden to decide upon -Settlement in America. - - -After they had lived here for some eleven or twelve years,—the period -of the famous truce between the Low Countries and Spain,—several of -them having died, and many others being now old, the grave mistress, -Experience, having taught them much, their prudent governors began to -apprehend present dangers and to scan the future and think of timely -remedy. After much thought and discourse on the subject, they began -at length to incline to the idea of removal to some other place; -not out of any new-fangledness or other such giddy humour, which -often influences people to their detriment and danger, but for many -important reasons, the chief of which I will here briefly touch upon. - -First, they saw by experience that the hardships of the country -were such that comparatively few others would join them, and fewer -still would bide it out and remain with them. Many who came and many -more who desired to come, could not endure the continual labour -and hard fare and other inconveniences which they themselves were -satisfied with. But though these weaker brethren loved the members -of the congregation, personally approved their cause, and honoured -their sufferings, they left them, weeping, as it were;—as Orpah did -her mother-in-law, Naomi; or as those Romans did Cato at Utica, who -desired to be excused and borne with, though they could not all be -Catos. For, though many desired to enjoy the ordinances of God -in their purity, and the liberty of the gospel, yet, alas, they -preferred to submit to bondage, with danger to their conscience, -rather than endure these privations. Some even preferred prisons in -England to this liberty in Holland, with such hardships. But it was -thought that if there could be found a better and easier place of -living, it would attract many and remove this discouragement. Their -pastor would often say, that if many of those who both wrote and -preached against them were living where they might have liberty and -comfortable conditions, they would then practice the same religion as -they themselves did. - -Secondly, they saw that though the people generally bore these -difficulties very cheerfully, and with resolute courage, being in -the best strength of their years; yet old age began to steal on -many of them, and their great and continual labours, with other -crosses and sorrows, hastened it before their time; so that it was -not only probable, but certain, that in a few more years they would -be in danger of scattering by the necessities pressing upon them. -Therefore, according to the divine proverb (Prov. xxii, 3), that a -wise man seeth the plague when it cometh, and hideth himself; they, -like skillful and hardened soldiers, were wary of being surrounded by -their enemies, so that they could neither fight not flee, and thought -it wiser to dislodge betimes to some place of better advantage and -less danger, if any such could be found. - -Thirdly, as necessity was a task-master over them, so they themselves -were forced to be, not only over their servants, but in a sort over -their dearest children; which not a little wounded the hearts of -many a loving father and mother, and produced many sad and sorrowful -effects. Many of their children, who were of the best disposition -and who had learned to bear the yoke in their youth and were willing -to bear part of their parents’ burden, were often so oppressed with -their labours, that though their minds were free and willing, their -bodies bowed under the weight and became decrepit in early youth,—the -vigour of nature being consumed in the very bud, as it were. But -still more lamentable, and of all sorrows most heavy to be borne, -was that many of the children, influenced by these conditions, and -the great licentiousness of the young people of the country, and the -many temptations of the city, were led by evil example into dangerous -courses, getting the reins off their necks and leaving their parents. -Some became soldiers, others embarked upon voyages by sea and others -upon worse courses tending to dissoluteness and the danger of their -souls, to the great grief of the parents and the dishonour of God. So -they saw their posterity would be in danger to degenerate and become -corrupt. - -Last and not least, they cherished a great hope and inward zeal of -laying good foundations, or at least of making some way towards it, -for the propagation and advance of the gospel of the kingdom of -Christ in the remote parts of the world, even though they should be -but stepping stones to others in the performance of so great a work. - -These, and some other similar reasons, moved them to resolve upon -their removal, which they afterwards prosecuted in the face of great -difficulties, as will appear. - -The place they fixed their thoughts upon was somewhere in those vast -and unpeopled countries of America, which were fruitful and fit for -habitation, though devoid of all civilized inhabitants and given over -to savages, who range up and down, differing little from the wild -beasts themselves. This proposition when made public, found many -different opinions, and raised many fears and doubts. The hopeful -ones tried to encourage the rest to undertake it; others more timid, -objected to it, alleging much that was neither unreasonable nor -improbable. They argued that it was so big an undertaking that it -was open to inconceivable perils and dangers. Besides the casualties -of the seas, they asserted that the length of the voyage was such -that the women, and other weak persons worn out with age and travail, -could never survive it. Even if they should, they contended that the -miseries which they would be exposed to in such a country, would -be too hard to endure. They would be liable to famine, nakedness, -and want. The change of air, diet, and water would infect them -with sickness and disease. Again, all those who surmounted these -difficulties, would remain in continual danger from the savages, who -are cruel, barbarous, and treacherous, furious in their rage, and -merciless when they get the upper hand,—not content to kill, they -delight in tormenting people in the most bloody manner possible; -flaying some alive with the shells of fishes, cutting off the members -and joints of others piecemeal, broiling them on the coals, and -eating collops of their flesh in their sight whilst they live,—with -other cruelties too horrible to be related. - -And the very hearing of these things could not but move the very -bowels of men to grate within them and make the weak to quake and -tremble. It was further objected that it would require greater -sums of money to prepare for such a voyage, and to fit them with -necessaries, than their diminished estates would amount to. Many -precedents of ill success and lamentable miseries befallen others -in similar undertakings were alleged,—besides their own experience -in their removal to Holland, and how hard it was for them to live -there, though it was a neighboring country and a civilized and rich -commonwealth. - -It was replied that all great and honourable actions are accompanied -with great difficulties, and must be both met and overcome with -answerable courage. It was granted the dangers were great, but not -desperate; the difficulties were many, but not invincible. For, many -of the things feared might never befall; others by provident care and -the use of good means might in a great measure be prevented; and all -of them, through the help of God, by fortitude and patience, might -either be borne or overcome. True it was that such attempts were not -to be undertaken without good ground and reason, rashly or lightly; -or, as many had done, for curiosity or hope of gain. But their -condition was not ordinary; their ends were good and honourable; -their calling, lawful and urgent; therefore they might expect the -blessing of God on their proceedings. Yea, though they should lose -their lives in this action, yet might they have the comfort of -knowing that their endeavour was worthy. - -They were now living as exiles in poor circumstances; and as great -miseries might befall them here as there, for the twelve years’ -truce was now over, and there was nothing but beating of drums -and preparation for war. The Spaniard might prove as cruel as the -savage of America, and the famine and pestilence as sore in Holland -as across the seas. After many other things had been alleged on -both sides, it was fully decided by the majority to undertake the -enterprise, and to prosecute it by the best means they could. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -Decision to make New England the place of Settlement, in preference -to Guiana or Virginia—Endeavour to obtain a Patent from the King of -England: 1617-1620 - - -After humble prayers to God for His protection and assistance, and -a general conference, they consulted what particular place to pitch -upon. Some had thought of Guiana; some of those fertile places in hot -climates; others were for some parts of Virginia, where the English -had already made entrance. Those for Guiana alleged that the country -was rich, fruitful, and blessed with a perpetual spring, where -vigorous nature brought forth all things in abundance and plenty, -without need of much labour, and that the Spaniards, having much more -than they could possess, had not yet settled there, or anywhere very -near. - -To this it was objected that though the country was fruitful and -pleasant, and might yield riches and easy maintenance to the -possessors, other things considered, it would not be so fit for them. -First, such hot countries are subject to horrible diseases and many -noisome pests, which other more temperate places are free from, and -they would not agree so well with our English bodies. Again, if they -lived there and did well, the jealous Spaniards would never leave -them in peace, but would dispossess them as they did the French in -Florida,—and the sooner because they would have no protection, and -their own strength would be insufficient to resist so potent an enemy -and so near a neighbour. - -On the other hand, against Virginia it was objected that if they -lived among the English who had settled there, or so near them as -to be under their government, they would be in as great danger of -persecution for their religion as if they lived in England,—and it -might be, worse; while, if they lived too far off, they would have -neither help nor defence from them. - - * * * * * - -At length the conclusion was reached that they should live as a -separate body, by themselves, under the general government of -Virginia; and that through their friends they should sue his majesty -to be pleased to allow them freedom of religion. That this might be -granted they were led to hope by some prominent persons of rank and -influence, who had become their friends. - - * * * * * - -Whereupon, two members of the congregation were sent to England -at the expense of the rest, to arrange the matter. They found the -Virginia company anxious to have them, and willing to grant them a -patent, with as ample privileges as they themselves had or could -grant and to give them the best assistance they could. Some of the -principal officers of the Virginia Company did not doubt that they -could obtain the King’s grant of liberty of religion, confirmed -under his broad seal. But it proved a harder piece of work than -they expected; and, though many means were used to accomplish it, -it proved impossible. Many of high standing used their influence to -obtain it,—though one of the King’s chief secretaries, Sir Robert -Nanton, was against them,—and others urged the Archbishop to give -way to it; but it proved all in vain. They succeeded, however, in -sounding his majesty’s mind, and found that he would connive at them, -and not molest them, provided they behaved peaceably. But to allow or -tolerate their claim to religious freedom by his public authority, -under his seal, was found to be impossible. This was all the leading -officials of the Virginia Company or any of their best friends could -do; though they persuaded the Congregation at Leyden to proceed with -the undertaking, believing that they would not be troubled. With this -answer the messengers returned. - -This damped their enthusiasm, and caused some distraction. Many -feared that if they should unsettle themselves and count upon these -hopes, it might prove dangerous and be a sandy foundation. Indeed -it was thought they might better have taken this understanding for -granted, without making suit at all, than to have it thus rejected. -But some of the chief members thought otherwise, and that they might -well proceed, and that the King would not molest them, even though, -for other reasons, he would not confirm it by any public act. And it -was further contended that if there was no security in the promise -thus intimated, there would be no great certainty in its further -confirmation; for if, afterwards, there should be a desire to wrong -them, though they had a seal as broad as the house floor, it would -not serve their turn, for means would be found to reverse it. With -this probability of success they urged that they should trust to -God’s providence for the outcome, as they had done in other things. - -Upon this resolution other messengers were despatched to close with -the Virginia Company as well as they could and to procure a patent -with as good and ample conditions as possible; also to arrange with -such merchants and other friends as had manifested interest, to -participate in the accomplishment of this voyage. For these ends they -were instructed upon what lines to proceed,—otherwise to conclude -nothing without further orders. - -Here it will be necessary to insert a letter or two bearing on these -proceedings. - - _Sir Edwin Sandys in London to John Robinson and William Brewster - at Leyden_: - - After my hearty salutations.... The agents of your congregation, - Robert Cushman and John Carver, have been in communication with - some of the more important members of his majesty’s counsel for - Virginia; and by presentation of the seven articles subscribed - with your names have given them such satisfaction as has decided - them to further your wishes as well as possible, for your own and - the public good. Several particulars we will leave to the faithful - report of your agents, who have carried themselves here with a - discretion that is as creditable to themselves as to those they - represent. Having requested time to confer with those who are - interested in this undertaking, about several particulars, it has - been very willingly assented to and so they now return to you. If, - therefore, it may so please God to direct you that on your parts - there occur no just impediments, I trust by the same direction it - shall appear, that on our part all reasonable assistance will be - given. And so I leave you, with your undertaking (which I hope is - indeed the work of God), to the gracious protection and blessing of - the Highest. - - Your very loving friend, - EDWIN SANDYS. - _London, Nov. 12th, 1617._ - - - _John Robinson and William Brewster at Leyden to Sir Edwin Sandys - in London_: - - Right Worshipful, - - Our humble duties, with grateful acknowledgment of your singular - love, especially shown in your earnest endeavour for our good - in this weighty business about Virginia. We have set down our - request in writing, subscribed as you wished by the majority of - the congregation and have sent it to the Council of the Virginia - Company by our agent, John Carver, a deacon of our Church, whom a - gentleman of our congregation accompanies. - - We need not urge you to any more tender care of us, since, under - God, above all persons and things in the world, we rely upon you, - expecting the care of your love, the counsel of your wisdom, and - the countenance of your authority. Notwithstanding, for your - encouragement in the work we will mention these inducements to our - enterprise: - - 1. We verily believe and trust that the Lord is with us, unto Whom - and Whose service we have given ourselves in many trials; and - that He will graciously prosper our endeavours according to the - simplicity of our hearts therein. - - 2. We are well weaned from the delicate milk of our mother - country, and inured to the difficulties of a strange and hard land, - which by patience we have largely overcome. - - 3. The people are for the most part as industrious and frugal, we - think we may safely say, as any company of people in the world. - - 4. We are knit together as a body in a most strict and sacred bond - and covenant of the Lord, of the violation whereof we make great - conscience, and by virtue whereof we hold ourselves straitly tied - to all care of each other’s good. - - 5. Lastly, we are not like some, whom small things discourage, - or small discontents cause to wish themselves at home again. We - know what we can expect both in England and in Holland, and that - we shall not improve our material well-being by our departure; - whereas, should we be forced to return, we could not hope to regain - our present position, either here or elsewhere during our lives, - which are now drawing towards their periods.[2] - - These motives we have been bold to put to you, and, as you think - well, to any other of our friends of the Council. We will not be - further troublesome, but with our humble duties to your Worship, - and to any other of our well-willers of the Council, we take our - leaves, committing you to the guidance of the Almighty. - - Yours much bounden in all duty, - JOHN ROBINSON. - WILLIAM BREWSTER. - _Leyden, Dec. 15th, 1617._ - -For further light on these proceedings, here follow some other -letters and notes. - - _Mr. John Robinson and Mr. William Brewster at Leyden to Sir John - Worstenholme in London_: - - Right Worshipful, - - With due acknowledgment of our gratitude for your singular care - and pains in the business of Virginia, we have sent enclosed, - as is required, a further explanation of our judgments in the - three points specified by some of his majesty’s Honourable Privy - Council; and though we are grieved that such unjust insinuations - are made against us, we are glad of the opportunity of clearing - ourselves before such honourable personages. The declarations we - have enclosed. The one is more brief and general, which we think - fitter to be presented; the other is somewhat more comprehensive, - expressing some small accidental differences, which if you think - well you can send instead of the former. Our prayer to God is, that - your Worship may see the fruit of your endeavours, which on our - parts we shall not fail to further. And so praying you, as soon as - convenient, to give us knowledge of the success of the business - with his majesty’s Privy Council, and accordingly what your further - pleasure is, so we rest, - - Your worshipful in all duty, - JOHN ROBINSON. - WILLIAM BREWSTER. - _Leyden, Jan. 27th, 1617._ - -The first brief declaration was this: - - As regards the Ecclesiastical ministry, namely of pastors for - teaching, elders for ruling, and deacons for distributing the - churches’ contribution, as also for the two sacraments,—baptism - and the Lord’s supper,—we agree wholly and in all points with the - French Reformed Churches, according to their public Confession of - Faith. - - The Oath of Supremacy we shall willingly take, if it be required of - us, and if it be not sufficient that we take the Oath of Allegiance. - - JOHN ROBINSON. - WILLIAM BREWSTER. - -The second and ampler declaration was this: - - As regards the Ecclesiastical ministry, etc., as in the former - declaration, we agree in all things with the French Reformed - Churches, according to their public Confession of Faith; though - some small differences may be found in our practices,—not at - all in the substance of the things, but only in some accidental - circumstances. - - 1. Their ministers pray with their heads covered; ours uncovered. - - 2. We choose none for governing elders but such as are able to - teach; which ability they do not require. - - 3. Their elders and deacons are annual, or at most for two or three - years; ours perpetual. - - 4. Our elders deliver admonitions and excommunications for public - scandals, publicly, before the congregation; theirs more privately, - in their consistories. - - 5. We administer baptism only to infants of whom one parent, at - least, is of some church, which some of their churches do not - observe; though in this our practice accords with their public - confession, and with the judgments of the most learned amongst them. - - Other differences worth mentioning, we know of none. Then about the - Oath of Supremacy, as in the former declaration. - - Subscribed, - JOHN ROBINSON. - WILLIAM BREWSTER. - - - _Part of a letter from the messenger in England, who delivered the - foregoing, to Mr. John Robinson and Mr. William Brewster at Leyden_: - - Your letter to Sir John Worstenholme I delivered into his own hands - almost as soon as I received it, and stayed with him whilst he - opened and read it. There were two papers enclosed, which he read - to himself, and also the letter; and while reading it he asked me: - “Who will make them?” (viz., the ministers). I answered that the - power of making ministers rested with the church; that they were - ordained by the imposition of hands, by its fittest members; that - it must rest either with the church or with the pope, and the pope - is antichrist. “Ho!” said Sir John, “what the pope holds good,—as - the Trinity,—we do well to assent to; but we will not enter into - dispute now.” As for your letters, he said he would not show them, - lest he should spoil all. He had expected that you would be of the - Archbishop’s mind in regard to the appointment of ministers; but - it seems you differed. I could have wished to know the contents - of your two enclosures, at which he stuck so much,—especially the - larger. - - I asked his Worship what good news he had for me to write - to-morrow. He told me very good news, for both the King’s majesty - and the bishops had consented. He said he would go to the - Chancellor, Sir Fulk Greville, this day, and next week I should - know more. I met Sir Edwin Sandys on Wednesday night; he wished me - to be at the Virginia Court next Wednesday, where I purpose to be. - I hope next week to have something certain to communicate. I commit - you to the Lord. - - Yours, - S. B. - _London, Feb. 14th, 1617._ - -These things being lengthily discussed, and messengers passing to and -fro about them, they were long delayed by many rubs. At the return of -the messengers to England they found things far otherwise than they -expected. The Virginia Council was now so disturbed with quarrels -among themselves, that no business could well go forward. This will -appear in one of the messenger’s letters which follows: - - _Robert Cushman in England to the Congregation at Leyden_: - - I intended long since to have written to you, but could not effect - it; but I doubt not that Mr. B. has written to Mr. Robinson. The - main hindrance to the Virginia business is the dissensions in the - Council of Virginia. The cause of the trouble is, that, recently, - Sir Thomas Smith, weary of his many offices, wished the Company of - Virginia to relieve him of being its treasurer and governor,—he - having 60 votes, Sir John Worstenholme 16 votes, and Alderman - Johnstone 24. But Sir Thomas Smith, finding his honours diminished, - was very angry, and raised a faction to contest the election, and - sought to tax Sir Edwin Sandys, the new Governor, with many things - which would both disgrace him and deprive him of his office as - Governor. In these contentions they still stick, and what will - result we are not yet certain. Most likely Sir Edwin will win, and - if he does, things will go well in Virginia; if otherwise, they - will go ill. We hope in some two or three Court-days things will be - settled. Meanwhile, I intend to go down to Kent, and come up again - about 14 days or three weeks hence unless these contentions or the - ill tidings from Virginia (of which I will now speak) should wholly - discourage us. - - Captain Argoll came home from Virginia this week. Upon receiving - notice of the intentions of the Council, he left before Sir George - Yeardley had arrived there; so there is no small dissatisfaction. - But his tidings are ill. He says Mr. Blackwell’s ship did not reach - there till March, owing to northwest winds, which carried them to - the southward beyond their course. The captain of the ship and - some six of the sailors dying, it seems they could not find the - bay till after long beating about. Mr. Blackwell is dead, and Mr. - Maggner, the Captain; in fact Captain Argoll says 130 persons on - that ship died out of a total of 180. There were so many that they - were packed together like herrings. They were ill with the flux, - and they lacked fresh water; so here it is rather wondered at that - as many are alive, than that so many are dead. The merchants here - say it was Mr. Blackwell’s fault for packing so many in the ship. - There was much grumbling at the time, and Mr. Blackwell was blamed - for his disposition of them and his insults to them. They say the - streets of Gravesend rang with their quarreling, crying out at each - other: “Thou hast brought me to this;” and, “I may thank thee for - this!” Heavy news it is, and I wonder how far it will discourage - our project. No one here is much discouraged; they seem only to - wish to learn by other men’s misfortunes. As we desire to serve one - another in love, so take heed of being enthralled by any imperious - persons,—especially if they seem to have an eye to their own - advantage. It often troubles me to think that in this business all - of us must learn, and none can teach; but better so, than to depend - upon such teachers as Mr. Blackwell was. He once laid a similar - trap for Mr. Johnson and his people at Emden,—which was their ruin. - But though in that instance he managed to pluck his neck out of - the collar, at last his foot is caught. No letters have arrived - yet, as the ship Captain Argoll came in is still on the west coast; - all that we hear is his report; it seems he came away secretly. - The ship that Mr. Blackwell went in will be here shortly. What Mr. - Robinson once said has come true: that we should hear no good of - them. - - Mr. B. is not well; whether he will return to you or go north, I - do not know. For myself I hope to see an end of this business ere - I come, though I am sorry to be away from you. If things had gone - straight forward, I should have been with you within these 14 days. - I pray God direct us, and give us the spirit which is fitting for - such a business. Thus having summarily pointed at things which Mr. - Brewster I think has more largely written of to Mr. Robinson, I - leave you to the Lord’s protection. - - Yours in all readiness, etc., - ROBERT CUSHMAN. - _London, May 8th, 1619._ - -A word or two, by way of digression, about this Mr. Blackwell. He -was an Elder of the church at Amsterdam,—a man well known to most -of them. He declined from the truth with Mr. Johnson and the rest, -and went with them when they parted from the congregation in that -woful manner, which brought such great dishonour to God, scandal -to the truth, and ruin to themselves in this world. But, I hope, -notwithstanding, through the mercies of the Lord, their souls are now -at rest with Him in the heavens, and that they have reached the haven -of happiness; though some of their bodies were thus buried in the -terrible seas, and others sank under the burden of bitter afflictions. - -He, with some others, had prepared to go by way of London to -Virginia. Being a private meeting—I take it a fast—in London, and -being discovered, many of them were arrested, Mr. Blackwell being -one; but he so glozed with the bishops, and either dissembled or -flatly denied the truth which he had formerly maintained, and very -unworthily betrayed another godly man who had escaped, so that he -might slip his own neck out of the collar, that he won the bishop’s -favour (but lost the Lord’s) and was not only acquitted, but in open -court the Archbishop praised him highly, and gave him his solemn -blessing to proceed on his voyage. But if such events follow the -Archbishop’s blessing, happy are they that miss it; it is much better -to keep a good conscience and have the Lord’s blessing, whether in -life or death. - -But to return to the concerns of the congregation at Leyden. At -last, after all these occurrences, and their long waiting, they had -a patent granted them and confirmed under the Virginia Company’s -seal. But these divisions had alienated many of their less constant -supporters, and they were thus disappointed of much of their hoped -for and proffered means. By the advice of some friends the patent -was not taken out in the name of any of their own members, but in -the name of Mr. J. Wincot (a religious gentleman then in the service -of the Countess of Lincoln), who intended to go with them. But God -so disposed things that he never went, nor did they ever make use of -this patent, which had cost them so much labour and expense, as will -appear. The patent being sent over for those at Leyden to consider, -and also the propositions of such merchants and friends as would go -with them or participate in the adventure,—and especially those (Mr. -Thomas Weston, etc.), on whom they chiefly depended for shipping -and stores,—they were requested to prepare with all speed. And this -matter of the patent is a true emblem of the uncertain things of this -world, which, when men have toiled to acquire them vanish into smoke! - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -Agreement between the Congregation at Leyden and the Merchants and -Adventurers in London for the accomplishment of the Settlement in New -England: 1620. - - -Upon the receipt of these papers through one of their messengers, -they had a solemn meeting and a day of humiliation to seek the Lord’s -direction; and their pastor took this text, I Sam. xxiii., 3, 4: “And -David’s men said unto him, see, we be afraid here in Judah; how much -more if we come to Keilah against the host of the Philistines? Then -David asked counsel of the Lord again.” From this text he taught -things very aptly and befitting the present occasion,—strengthening -them against their fears and perplexities, and encouraging them in -their resolutions. - -Afterwards they decided what number and which of the members should -prepare to go first; for not all that were willing to go could settle -their affairs in so short a time; nor if all could have been ready, -would there have been means of transport for them. Those that stayed, -being the greater number, required the pastor, Mr. Robinson, to stay -with them; and for other reasons he could not well go, and so it was -the more easily conceded. The others then desired the elder, Mr. -Brewster, to go with them, which was agreed to. It was also decided -by mutual consent that those who went should be a separate church, -distinct from those who stayed, since, with such a dangerous voyage -before them, and removal to such a distance, it might happen that -they should never meet again, as a body, in this world. But there -was this proviso: that when any of the members at Leyden came over -to join the others, or when any of the others returned, they should -be received as members without any further testimonial. It was also -promised by the rest to those that went first, that if the Lord gave -them life and opportunity, they would come to them as soon as they -could. - -About this time, while they were troubled at the proceedings of -the Virginia Company, and the ill-news about Mr. Blackwell and his -fellow-colonists, and were busily enquiring about the hiring or -buying of shipping for their voyage, some Dutchmen made them offers -about going with them. Also, Mr. Thomas Weston, a merchant of London, -came to Leyden about the same time, being well acquainted with some -of them, having assisted them in their former proceedings,—and -after much conference with Mr. Robinson and other chief members, -he persuaded them to go on, and not to join with the Dutch, or to -depend too much on the Virginia Company; for if that failed them, he -and some of his merchant-friends would supplement their means and -set them forth. He advised them to prepare and fear neither want of -shipping nor of money; what they needed should be provided. And, not -so much for himself as for the satisfaction of his friends, they -were to draw up articles of agreement, and make a proposition such -as would be likely to incline his friends to the venture. Upon which -an agreement was drawn up, and was shown to and approved by him, and -was afterwards sent to England by their messenger, Mr. John Carver, -who, together with Robert Cushman, were to receive the money and make -provision both for shipping and other things for the voyage. They -were charged not to exceed their commission but to proceed according -to the agreement. Others at Leyden were chosen to proceed with -similar arrangements which were to be made there. Those that were to -go, prepared with all speed, and sold their estates, putting their -money into the common stock, which was in charge of those appointed -to make the general provisions. - -About this time they heard both from Mr. Weston and others, that -sundry honourable lords had obtained a large grant from the King, of -the more northerly parts of the country, arising out of the Virginia -Company’s patent, but wholly separated from its government, and to be -called by another name, viz., New England. To these parts, Mr. Weston -and the chief members began to feel that it was best for them to -go,—amongst other reasons, chiefly because of the profit to be made -from the fishing there. - -But in all business the executive part is most difficult,—especially -where the concurrence of many agents is necessary. And so it was -found to be in this undertaking: some of those in England, who were -to have gone, changed their minds and would not go; other merchants -and friends, who had offered to invest their money in the project, -withdrew, making many excuses. Some wished them to go to Guiana; -others again would risk nothing if they did not go to Virginia; -some again—indeed those they had most relied on—utterly disapproved -of Virginia, and would do nothing if they went there. In the midst -of these distractions, those at Leyden, who had disposed of their -property and expended their money, were in great straits and feared -disastrous results; but at length the majority inclined to the New -England Settlement. - -But now another difficulty arose. Mr. Weston and some of his friends -(either for their own advantage, or, as they pretended, to make -further inducements for others to join them) insisted on altering -some of the conditions that had been agreed upon at Leyden. To these -alterations the two agents sent from Leyden (or at least one of them -who is most to be blamed for it) consented, fearing that otherwise it -would all be thrown up. They presumed to agree with the new terms, -in some particulars overstepping their authority and commission, and -without giving due notice. Indeed, the fact that it was concealed -for fear of any further delay, afterwards caused much trouble and -contention. - -I will here insert a copy of these new conditions, as follows. - - _July 1st, 1620._ - - 1. The adventurers and planters agree that every person who goes, - of sixteen years and upwards, be rated at £10; £10 to be reckoned - as a single share. - - 2. That he who goes in person, and furnishes himself with £10, - either in money, or provisions, be accounted as having £20 in - stock; and in the division shall receive a double share. - - 3. The persons transported, and the adventurers, shall continue - their joint stock and partnership together for seven years (unless - some unexpected impediment cause the whole company to agree - otherwise), during which time all profits and benefits go by trade, - traffic, trucking, working, fishing, or any other means, by any - persons or person, shall remain in the common stock until the - division. - - 4. That on their arrival there, they shall chose out such number - of fit persons as may man their ships and boats at sea; employing - the rest in their several faculties upon the land, such as - building houses, tilling and planting the ground, and making such - commodities as shall be most useful for the colony. - - 5. That at the end of the seven years, the capital and profits, - viz., the houses, lands, goods and chattels, shall be equally - divided among the adventurers and planters; which done, every man - shall be free of any debt to any other of them, arising from this - adventure. - - 6. Whosoever shall come to the colony hereafter, or shall - contribute to the stock, shall at the end of the seven years be - allowed proportionately to the time of his doing so. - - 7. He who shall take his wife and children, or servants, shall - be allowed for every person now aged sixteen years and upwards, - a single share in the division; or if he provide them with - necessaries, a double share; or if they be between ten and sixteen, - two of them to be reckoned as one person, both in transportation - and division. - - 8. That such children as now go, and are under the age of ten - years, have no other share in the division, but fifty acres of - unmanured land. - - 9. That such persons as die before the seven years be expired, - their executors to have their part or share at the division, - proportionately to the time of their life in the colony. - - 10. That all such persons as are of this colony, are to have their - food, drink, clothing, and all provisions, out of the common stock - and goods of the said colony. - -The principal difference between this and the former agreement, -consisted of these two points: that the houses and improved lands, -especially gardens and home-lots, should remain undivided, and should -belong wholly to the planters at the seven years’ end; secondly, that -they should have two days a week for their own private employment, -for the greater comfort of themselves and their families. But as -letters are considered the best part of history by some wise men, I -will show their grievances on the score by their own letters. - - _Mr. John Robinson at Leyden to Mr. John Carver in England_: - - My dear Friend and Brother. - - Whom, with yours, I always remember in my best affection, and whose - welfare I shall never cease to commend to God, by my best and most - earnest prayers. - - You thoroughly understand by our general letters the state of - things here, which indeed is very pitiful; especially the want - of shipping, and not seeing means of providing it; though, in - addition, there is great want of money for other needful things. - Mr. Pickering, you know before this, will not defray a penny here; - though Robert Cushman reckoned upon I know not how many hundred - pounds from him, and I know not whom else. But it seems strange - that we should be asked to take the risk of his and his partners’ - enterprise,—and yet Mr. Weston writes to him that he has drawn upon - him for £100 more. There is some mystery in this, as indeed there - seems to be in the whole affair. Besides this, those who were to - pay in such of their money as is yet in arrears, refuse to do it - till they see shipping provided, or steps taken for its provision. - Indeed, I think there is not a man here who would pay anything, - if he had his money in his purse again. We depended on Mr. Weston - alone, and upon such means as he would procure; and when we had - in hand another project with the Dutchmen, we broke it off at his - instance and upon the conditions propounded by him shortly after. - He had our interests sincerely at heart, I know; but he has not - fulfilled his pledges thus far. That he ought first to have put in - his money is the opinion of many; but that I can well excuse, he - being a merchant, and having uses for it in the meantime to his - benefit; whereas, others, if it had been in their hands, would have - expended it. But that he should not have had shipping ready before - this, or at least definite provision for it, duly made known to us, - cannot in my conscience be excused. I have heard that when he has - been urged about the business, he has put it off and referred it to - others; or would go to George Morton and enquire news of him about - things, as if he himself had scarcely been even an accessory to it. - Whether some of his friends have failed him, and so he is not able - to go through with things; or whether he fears it will be ready - too soon and so increase the charge of shipping; or whether he - thought by holding back to put us in straits, thinking that thereby - Mr. Brewer and Mr. Pickering would be induced to do more; or what - other mystery is in it, we know not. But certain we are that the - arrangements made do not accord with the requirements. Mr. Weston - makes himself merry with our endeavours to buy a ship; but we have - done nothing about this without good reason, nor about anything - else that I know of, except two. The one is that we employed Robert - Cushman, who though a good man and of special ability in his way - is known to be most unfit to deal for others, because of his - singularity and too great indifference to the circumstances,—for, - as a matter of fact, we have had nothing from him but terms and - suggestions. The other is that we have relied too much by implicit - faith as it were, upon generalities, without having the details of - ways and means for so important an affair settled between us. For - shipping, Mr. Weston it seems is set upon hiring, which I hope he - may soon accomplish. Of Mr. Brewer you know what to expect. I do - not think Mr. Pickering will take part except to buy, as specified - in former letters. - - About the conditions, you have our reasons for what is agreed - upon. And let this specially be borne in mind; that the greatest - part of the colony is likely to be employed constantly not upon - cultivating their own particular land, and building houses, but - upon fishing, trading, etc. So, though the land and houses would be - but a trifling advantage to the adventurers, the ultimate division - of them would be a great discouragement to the settlers who would - tend them with singular care, to make them comfortable, with - borrowed hours from their sleep. The same consideration of common - employment, constantly, by the majority, is good reason not to deny - to the planters the two days a week for private use. Consider how - unfitting you would find it that you and your likes should serve - a new apprenticeship of seven years, and not a day’s freedom from - task. - - Send me word what others are going; who that are possessed of - useful faculties; how many; and particulars of everything. I know - you do not lack a mind. I am sorry you have not been in London all - this while. Time will suffer me to write no more; fare you and - yours well, always in the Lord, in Whom I rest. - - Yours to use, - JOHN ROBINSON. - _June 14th, 1620._ - - - _Several of them at Leyden to John Carver and Robert Cushman in - England_: - - To their loving friends John Carver and Robert Cushman: - - Good Brethren, - - We received several letters at the coming of Mr. Nash and our - pilot, which was a great encouragement to us. Indeed, had you - not sent him, many would have been ready to lose heart, and give - up—partly because of the new conditions which have been accepted - by you, which all are against; and partly for lack of our own - ability to accomplish any of the important matters which you have - commissioned us to do here. As to the former, of which Robert - Cushman requests reasons for our dislike and promises to alter - them accordingly, saying that otherwise we must think he has no - brains,—we desire him to exercise them therein, referring him to - our pastor’s former reasons. But our desire is that you will not - bind yourselves and us to any such unreasonable stipulations, viz., - that the merchants shall have half the houses and lands at the - dividend; and that the settlers shall be deprived of the two days - a week for their own work, as agreed upon,—otherwise we cannot - conceive why any of us should take servants for our own help and - comfort, since we could demand no service of them. This alteration - we have gathered only by word from Mr. Nash, and not from any - letters of yours; so we hope you have not proceeded far in so - great a departure from the terms without our concurrence. However, - requiring you not to exceed the bounds of your commission, which - was to proceed upon the conditions agreed upon and expressed in - writing, we leave it,—not without wondering that you yourselves, as - you write, knowing how small a thing disturbs our consultations, - and hew few understand the business aright, should trouble us with - such matters as these. - - Salute Mr. Weston from us, in whom we hope we are not deceived. - Pray make known our present condition to him, and, if you think - good, show him our letters. At least tell him that, under God, we - rely much upon him and put our confidence in him; and that as you - well know, if he had not joined with us, we should not have entered - upon the enterprise, presuming that if he had not seen means to - accomplish it, he would not have begun it. So we hope that he will - so far help us that our expectations in him be not disappointed. - Thus beseeching the Almighty, Who is all-sufficient to raise us - out of this depth of difficulties, and to assist us herein, and to - supply means by His providence and fatherly care for us, His poor - children and servants, that we may with comfort behold the hand - of our God for good towards us in this our enterprise, which we - undertake in His name and fear; we take leave and remain, - - Your perplexed, yet hopeful brethren, - SAMUEL FULLER WILLIAM BRADFORD - EDWARD WINSLOW ISAAC ALLERTON - _June 10th, 1620_. - - - _Robert Cushman in England to the foregoing at Leyden_: - - Brethren, - - I understand by letters that have come to me, that many of you - greatly dislike my proceedings. Sorry I am to hear it, yet content - to bear it, not doubting that partly by writing, and principally - by word when we come together, I can satisfy any reasonable man. - I have been persuaded by some, especially the bearer of this, to - come and make things clear to you; but as things now stand I cannot - be absent one day, without hazarding the whole voyage; nor do I - conceive that any great good would come of it. Take then, brethren, - this as a step to give you content. First, as to your dislike of - the alteration of one clause in the conditions: if you see it - aright, no blame can lie on me at all. The articles first brought - over by John Carver were never seen by any of the adventurers here - except Mr. Weston himself, when he had well considered it. £500 - was withdrawn by Sir George Farrer and his brother because of it, - and all the rest would have withdrawn (Mr. Weston excepted), if we - had not altered the clause. Now when we at Leyden concluded upon - certain points, as we did, we reckoned without our host, which was - not my fault. Besides, I showed you by letter the equity of the new - condition as against our inconveniences, which might be set against - all the inconveniences cited by Mr. Robinson, and showed that - without the alteration of that clause, we could neither have means - to get there, nor supplies for our subsistence when we arrived. - Yet, notwithstanding all those reasons, which were not mine, but - other men’s wiser than myself, without answer to any one of them, - many complaints are directed against me, of lording it over my - brethren, and making conditions fitter for thieves and bondslaves - than honest men. And at last came a paper of reasons against that - clause in the conditions, which since they were delivered to me - open, my answer shall be open to you all. - - 1. First, it is said that if there had been no division of houses - and lands, it would have been better for the poor:— - - True,—and that shows the inequality of the original conditions: - we should more respect him that ventures both his money and his - person, than him that ventures his person only. - - 2. Consider, further, that we are not giving alms, but furnishing - a storehouse. No one will be poorer than his neighbour for seven - years; and, from the nature of the enterprise, if any of us be - rich, none of us can be poor. At any rate we must not in such an - undertaking start out with the cry,—Poor, poor; mercy, mercy! - Charity has its life in disasters, not in ventures. - - 3. This will hinder the building of good houses, which is contrary - to sound politics:— - - So we would have it. Our purpose is, for the present, to build - such houses as, if need be, we may with little grief set fire to - and run away by the light. Our riches shall not be in pomp, but in - strength. If God sends us riches, we will employ them to provide - more men, ships, ammunition, etc. You will see it argued amongst - the best politicians, that a commonwealth is readier to ebb than to - flow when once fine houses and gay clothes appear. - - 4. The government can prevent excess in building:— - - But if it be generally resolved on beforehand to build modest - houses, the Governor’s labour is spared. - - 5. All men are not of one condition:— - - If by “condition” you mean “wealth” you are mistaken; if you mean - by “condition,” “qualities,” then I say that he who is not content - that his neighbour shall have as good a house, fare, means, etc., - as himself, is not of good quality. Such secluded persons as have - an eye only to themselves, are fitter to come where catching is, - than closing; and are fitter to live alone, than in any society, - either civil or religious. - - 6. It will be of little value, scarcely worth £5:— - - True; it may not be worth half £5. If then so small a thing will - content them, why strive we thus about it, and give them occasion - to suspect us to be worldly and covetous? I will not say what I - have heard since these complaints first reached us here. - - 7. Our friends that venture with us do not look to their own - profit, as did the old adventurers:— - - Then they are better than we, who for a little matter of profit are - ready to draw back. Look to it, brethren, you that make profit your - main end; repent of this, or go not, lest you be like Jonas to - Tarshis. Though some of them have no eye for profit, others have; - and why not they as much as we? Such ventures are undertaken by all - sorts of men, and we must try to content them all if we can. - - 8. It will break up the community, as may be shown by many reasons:— - - That is only a statement; and I say again, it will best foster - community, as may be shown by many reasons. - - 9. Great profit is likely to be made by trucking, fishing, etc.:— - - As it is better for them, so for us; for half is ours, besides - getting our living from it. And if profit comes largely in that - way, we shall labour less on the land, and our houses and lands - will be of less value. - - 10. Our risk is greater than theirs:— - - True, but do they force us to it? Do they urge or egg us? Has not - the motion and resolution always been in ourselves? Do they, any - more than in seeing us resolute if we had means, help us to means - upon equal terms and conditions? If we do not wish to go, they are - content to keep their money. Thus I have pointed out a way to loose - those knots, which I hope you will consider seriously, and let me - have no more stir about them. - - Now, further, I hear a noise about slavish conditions being made; - but surely this is all that I have altered, and I have sent you - the reasons. If you mean about the two days a week for personal - occupations, you are misled. You can have three days a week, as far - as I care, if you wish; and when speaking to the adventurers about - times of working, they said they hoped we were men of discretion - and conscience, and fit to be trusted with that. But indeed the - grounds of our proceedings at Leyden were mistaken. - - As for those of Amsterdam, I thought they would as soon have gone - to Rome as with us; for our liberty is to them as rat’s-bane, - and their rigour as bad to us as the Spanish inquisition. If any - action of mine discourage them, let them withdraw. I will undertake - they shall have their money back at once, paid here. Or if the - congregation think me the Jonas, let them dismiss me before we go; - I shall be content to stay with good will, having but the clothes - on my back. Let us then have quietness, and no more of these - clamours; little did I expect these things which are now come to - pass. - - Yours, - ROBERT CUSHMAN. - -Whether this letter of his ever came to their hands at Leyden, I know -not; I rather think it was intercepted by Mr. Carver and kept by -him, for fear it should give offence. But the letter which follows -was received. - - _Robert Cushman in England in reply to the joint letter from - Leyden_: - - I received your letter yesterday through John Turner, with another - the same day from Amsterdam through Mr. W., savouring of the place - whence it came. And indeed, the many discouragements I find here, - together with the demurs there, made me say I would give up my - accounts to John Carver, and at his coming acquaint him fully - with all, and so leave it entirely with only the poor clothes - on my back. But gathering myself up, on further consideration I - resolved to make one trial more, and to acquaint Mr. Weston with - the unstable condition of things. He has been very discontented - with us of late, and has even said that but for his promise he - would have nothing more to do with the business; but considering - how far we have gone already and how it stood with our credit, - he pulled himself together, and coming to me two hours after, he - told me he would not yet abandon it. So we decided to hire a ship, - and have taken the option of one till Monday. It is small, but - except one that was too large for our purpose, we could not get a - larger; but it is a fine ship. Since our friends over there are - so close-fisted, we hope to secure her without troubling them any - further; and if the ship is too small, it is only fitting that - those who stumble at straws so early in the day, shall rest them - there awhile, lest worse blocks come in the way ere seven years be - ended. If you had faced this business so thoroughly a month ago, - and had written as you do now, we could have concluded things with - less difficulty. But it is as it is. I hope our friends there, if - they are quit of the ship-hire, will be induced to venture the - more. All that I now require is that salt and nets may be bought - there,—all the rest we will provide here; and if even that be - impossible, let them give you credit for a month or two, and we - will take steps to pay it all. Let Mr. Reynolds remain there, and - bring the ship to Southampton. We have hired another pilot here, a - Mr. Clark, who went last year to Virginia with a ship of cattle. - - You shall hear more exactly by John Turner, who I think will leave - here on Tuesday night. I had thought to come with him to answer - the complaints; but if I had more mind to go and dispute with them - than I have care of this important project, I should be like those - who live by clamour and jangling. But neither my mind nor my body - is at liberty to do much, for I am fettered with business, and had - rather study to be quiet than to make answer to their exceptions. - Meanwhile entreat our friends not to be too busy in questioning my - actions before they know them. If I do things that I cannot give - reasons for, it seems you have sent a fool about your business; - in that case you had best return the reproof to yourselves, and - send another, and let me return to my combes. The Lord, Who judges - justly without respect of persons, see into the equity of my cause - and give us quiet, peaceable, and patient minds in all these - turmoils, and sanctify us unto all crosses whatsoever. And so I - take my leave of you all, in all love and affection. - - I hope we shall get all ready here in fourteen days. - - Your poor brother, - ROBERT CUSHMAN. - _June 11th, 1620._ - -There arose, also, a difference between the three that received -the money and made the provisions in England; for besides the -two formerly mentioned, sent from Leyden,—John Carver and Robert -Cushman,—there was one chosen in England to join them in making -provisions for the voyage. His name was Mr. Martin; he came from -Billirike in Essex, whence several others came to join them, as well -as from London and other places. It was thought right by those in -Holland that these strangers who were to go with them should appoint -some one, not so much from any great need of their help, as to avoid -all suspicion or jealousy. Indeed their care not to give offence, -both in this and other things, afterwards greatly inconvenienced -them, as will appear. However, it showed their equal and honest -minds. The provisions were made for the most part at Southampton, -contrary to Mr. Weston’s and Robert Cushman’s advice (which generally -concurred in these things). Reference to these matters is made in the -following letter from Robert Cushman to Mr. Carver, and more will -appear afterwards. - - _Robert Cushman in London to John Carver at Southampton_: - - Loving Friend, - - I have received some letters from you, full of affection and - complaints; but what it is you want me to do I know not. You cry - out, Negligence, negligence, negligence: I marvel why so negligent - a man as myself was employed to undertake the business. Yet you - know that as far as my power permits, nothing shall be one hour - behind, I warrant you. You call upon Mr. Weston to help us with - more money than his share in the adventure; while he protests that, - but for his promise, he would not have done anything further. He - says we take a heady course; and he is offended that our provisions - are being made so far off, and that he was not made acquainted with - our quantity of things. He says that working thus, in three places, - so far distant, we shall, with going hither and thither, wrangling - and expostulating, let the summer slip by before we start. And to - tell the truth, there is already a flat schism among us. We are - readier to dispute than to undertake a voyage. I have received from - Leyden, since you went, three or four letters directed to you; - though as they only concern me I will not trouble you with them. - - I have always feared the event of the Amsterdamers striking in with - us. I trow you must excommunicate me, or else go without their - company, or we shall not lack quarrelling; but let that pass. We - have reckoned, it seems, without our host; and counting upon 150 - persons, we cannot raise above £1200 odd, besides some cloth, - stockings, and shoes, which are not counted; so we shall come short - at least three or four hundred pounds. I would have reduced the - beer and other provisions; and now we could get, both in Amsterdam - and Kent, beer enough; but we cannot accept it without prejudice. - - You fear we have begun to build and shall not be able to make - an end. Our plans for provisioning not having been made in - consultation, we may justly fear the results. There was contention - amongst us three at the first. You wrote to Mr. Martin to prevent - the making of the provisions in Kent; which he did nevertheless, - and decided how much he would have of everything, irrespective of - us. However, your money which you must have there, we will provide - you with instantly. £500 you say will serve; as for the rest, which - will be required here and in Holland, we may go scratch for it. As - for Mr. Crabe, the minister, of whom you write, he has promised to - go with us; but I shall not be sure till I see him shipped, for - he is contentious on many points; still, I hope he will not fail. - Think the best of all, and bear with patience what is wanting, and - the Lord guide us all. - - Your loving friend, - ROBERT CUSHMAN. - _London, June 10th, 1620._ - -I have been more discursive on these subjects,—and shall crave leave -to be so concerning some similar occurrences which will follow; -though in other things I shall try to be more concise. My object is -that their children may see with what difficulties their fathers -had to wrestle in accomplishing the first beginnings; and how God -ultimately brought them through, notwithstanding all their weakness -and infirmities; also that some use may be made of them later, by -others, in similar important projects. Herewith I will end this -chapter. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -Departure from Leyden—Arrival and Preparations at Southampton—Letter -of Farewell from John Robinson to the whole party of Pilgrims: July -and August, 1620. - - -At length after much discussion everything was got ready. A small -ship was bought and fitted out in Holland, intended to help transport -them, and then to remain in the country for fishing and such other -pursuits as might benefit the colony. Another ship was hired at -London, of about 180 tons. When they were ready to depart, they had -a day of solemn humiliation, their pastor taking his text from Ezra -viii., 21: “And there at the river, by Ahava, I proclaimed a fast -that we might humble ourselves before our God, and seek of Him a -right way for us and for our children, and for all our substance.” -Upon this discourse he spent a good part of the day very profitably. -The rest of the time was spent in pouring out prayers to the Lord -with great fervency and abundance of tears. - -The time having come when they must depart, they were accompanied -by most of their brethren out of the city to a town several miles -off, called Delfthaven, where the ship lay ready to take them. So -they left that good and pleasant city, which had been their resting -place for nearly twelve years; but they knew they were pilgrims, -and lifted up their eyes to the heavens, their dearest country, and -quieted their spirits. When they came to the place, they found the -ship and everything ready, and such of their friends as could not -come with them followed them, and several came from Amsterdam to see -them shipped and to take leave of them. That night there was little -sleep for most of them, for it was spent in friendly entertainment -and Christian discourse and other real expressions of true Christian -love. The next day the wind being fair they went aboard and their -friends with them,—and truly doleful was the sight of that sad and -mournful parting. What sighs and sobs and prayers rose from amongst -them! What tears gushed from every eye, and pithy speeches pierced -each heart! Many of the Dutch strangers who stood on the quay as -spectators, could not refrain from tears. Yet it was comfortable and -sweet to see such lively and true expressions of dear and unfeigned -love. But the tide which stays for no man called them away, though -loth to part; and their reverent pastor, falling down on his knees, -and all with him, with watery cheeks commended them with most fervent -prayers to the Lord and His blessing. Then with mutual embraces and -many tears, they took their leave of one another,—which proved to be -the last leave for many of them. - -Thus, hoisting sail, with a prosperous wind they came in short time -to Southampton, where they found the bigger ship from London lying -ready with all the rest of the company. After a joyful welcome and -mutual congratulations with other friendly entertainment, they -came to the subject of their business, and how to conclude it most -expeditiously, and discussed with their agents the alteration of -the conditions. Mr. Carver pleaded that he was employed here at -Southampton, and did not know what his colleague had done in London. -Mr. Cushman answered that he had done nothing but what was essential, -both in fairness and of necessity, otherwise all would have been -sacrificed and many ruined. He stated that at the outset he had -acquainted his fellow-agents with what he had done, and that they had -consented, and left it to him to execute, to receive the money in -London and send it down to them at Southampton, where they wished -to buy provisions; which he accordingly did, though it was against -his advice and some of the merchants’. As for giving them notice at -Leyden, about this change he could not, because of the shortness of -time; again, he knew it would trouble them and hinder the business, -which had already been too long delayed, considering the time of the -year, which he feared they would find to their cost. - -But these explanations did not content his hearers. Mr. Weston also -came up from London to see them embark, and to have the conditions -confirmed; but they refused, and told him that he knew well that -they were not according to the first agreement, nor could they -endorse them without the consent of the rest in Holland. In fact -they had special orders when they came away, from the chief men of -the congregation, not to do it. At this he was much offended, and -told them in that case they must stand on their own legs; so he -returned to London in displeasure. They lacked about £100 to clear -their obligations; but he would not disburse a penny, and left them -to shift as they could. So they were forced to sell some of their -provisions, including some three or four firkins of butter, which -they were best able to spare, having provided too much. Then they -wrote a letter to the merchants and adventurers about the changes in -the conditions as follows: - - - _The Pilgrims at Southampton to the Merchants and Adventurers_: - - Beloved Friends, - - We are sorry that it should be necessary to write to you at all, - because we hoped to see most of you here; but especially we regret - that there should be these differences between us. Since we cannot - confer together, we think it proper to show you briefly the just - cause of our dissenting from the articles last made by Robert - Cushman, without our commission or knowledge. For, though he might - make good excuses to himself, it in no way justifies his having - done it. Our main differences lie in the fifth and ninth articles, - concerning the division of houses or lands, the possession of - which, as some you know, was one special motive amongst others - which induced us to go. This was thought so reasonable, that when - your chief partner in this venture (whom we have much cause to - respect) proposed conditions to us of his own accord, he added this - one. A copy of these conditions we have sent to you, including - some proposed by us; which being approved on both sides, and a day - set for the payment of the money, those of Holland paid in theirs. - After that, Robert Cushman, Mr. Pierce, and Mr. Martin put them - into better form, and wrote them in a book now extant; and upon - Robert’s showing Mr. Mullins a copy he paid in his money. And we - of Holland had never seen any other agreement before our coming to - Southampton, except for a private copy of changed conditions which - reached us, and at which we manifested utter dislike; but having - sold our estates and being ready to come, it was too late to give - up the voyage. We beseech you, therefore, to judge impartially of - things, and if a fault has been committed, lay it where it should - be, and not upon us. - - We never gave Robert Cushman commission to draw up a single article - for us, but only sent him to receive money upon the articles before - agreed on, and to arrange for the provisions till John Carver came, - and to assist him in it. However, since you conceive yourselves - wronged as well as we, we have made an addition to our 9th article, - such as will almost heal the wound of itself. But that it may - appear to all that we are not lovers of ourselves only, but desire - also the good of our friends who have ventured their money with - our persons, we have added the last article to the rest, promising - you again by letter, on behalf of the whole company, that if large - profits should not arise during the seven years, we will remain - longer with you if the Lord give a blessing. We are in such straits - at present that we are forced to sell £60 worth of our provisions - to clear the Haven, and put ourselves upon bare necessities, - scarcely having any butter, no oil, not a soul to mend a shoe, nor - every man a sword to his side, lacking many muskets, much armour, - etc. And yet we are willing to expose ourselves to such imminent - dangers as are likely to ensue, and trust to the good providence - of God, rather than His name and truth should be evil spoken of - through us. Thus saluting all of you in love, we take our leave and - rest, - - Yours, etc. - _Aug. 3rd, 1620._ - -It was subscribed with the names of the chief members of the -congregation. - -At their parting Mr. Robinson wrote a letter to the whole party of -the pilgrims which, though it has already been printed, I thought -well to insert here; also a brief letter written at the same time to -Mr. Carver, in which the tender love and godly care of a true pastor -appears. - - _Mr. John Robinson in Holland to John Carver at Southampton_: - - My dear Brother, - - I received enclosed in your last letter the note of information, - which I shall certainly keep and make use of, when occasion arises. - I have a true feeling of your perplexity of mind and toil of body; - but I hope that you, who have always been able so plentifully - to administer comfort to others in their trials, are so well - furnished for yourself that even far greater difficulties than - you have yet undergone (though I conceive them to have been great - enough) cannot oppress you, though they press you, as the Apostle - says. The spirit of a man, sustained by the spirit of God, will - sustain his infirmity, and, I doubt not, so will yours; and much - the better when you enjoy the presence and help of so many godly - and wise brethren, in bearing part of your burden, who will not - admit into their hearts the least thought or suspicion of the least - negligence, still less presumption, to have been in you, whatever - they may think of others. Now what shall I say and write to you - and your good wife, my loving sister? Even only this: I desire, - and always shall, from the Lord unto you as unto my own soul; and - assure yourself that my heart is with you, and that I will not - delay my bodily coming at the first opportunity. I have written a - large letter to the whole company, and am sorry that I shall not - be able to speak with them; the more so considering the want of a - preacher, which will be an additional spur to my hastening after - you. I do ever commend my best affection to you, which if I thought - you doubted, I would express in more words. And the Lord in whom - you trust, and whom you serve ever in this business and journey, - guide you with His hand, protect you with His wing, and show you - and us His salvation in the end, and bring us in the meanwhile - together in the place desired, if such be His good will, for His - Christ’s sake. Amen. - - Yours, - JOHN ROBINSON. - _July 27th, 1620._ - -This was the last letter that Mr. Carver lived to see from him. - - _Mr. John Robinson in Holland to the Pilgrims departing from - Southampton for New England_: - - Loving Christian Friends, - - I salute you all heartily in the Lord, as being they with whom - I am present in my best affections and most earnest longings, - though I am constrained for a time to be bodily absent from you. I - say constrained, God knowing how willingly, and much rather than - otherwise, I would have borne my part with you in this first brunt, - were I not by strong necessity held back for the present. Think of - me in the meanwhile as of a man divided in himself with great pain, - and (physical limitations set aside) as having his better part with - you. Though I doubt not that in your godly wisdom, you foresee what - is applicable to your present condition, I have thought it but my - duty to add some further spur, even to those who run already,—not - because you need it, but because I owe it in love and duty. - - First, as we ought daily to renew our repentance with our God, - especially for our sins known, and generally for our unknown - trespasses, so doth the Lord call us in a singular manner, upon - such an occasion of difficulty and danger as lies before you, both - to more narrow search and careful reformation of our ways in His - sight lest He, calling to remembrance of our sins forgotten by us - or unrepented of, take advantage of us, and, as a judgment upon us, - leave us to be swallowed up in one danger or another. Whereas, on - the contrary, sin being taken away by earnest repentance, and the - pardon thereof from the Lord sealed up into a man’s conscience by - His spirit, great shall be his security and peace in all dangers, - sweet his comfort in all distresses, with happy deliverance from - all evil, whether in life or in death. - - Now next after this heavenly peace with God and our own conscience, - we are carefully to provide for peace with all men so far as in - us lieth especially with our associates; and for that we must - be watchful that we ourselves neither give, nor easily take, - offence. Woe be unto the world for offences; for though it be - necessary (considering the malice of Satan and man’s corruption) - that offences come, yet woe unto the man or woman either, by whom - the offence come, saith Christ (Math. xviii, 7). And if offences - arising from unseasonable actions, innocent in themselves, are - more to be feared than death itself, as the Apostle teacheth (I - Cor. ix, 15), how much more when arising from things simply evil, - in which neither honour of God nor love of man is thought worthy - to be regarded. Nor is it sufficient that we keep ourselves by the - grace of God from giving offence, except we be armed also against - taking offence when it is given by others. For how imperfect is the - work of grace in him who lacks the charity that covers a multitude - of offence, as the scripture says. Neither are you exhorted to - this grace only upon the common grounds of Christianity. Persons - ready to take offence, either lack the charity which should cover - offences; or the wisdom duly to weigh human frailty; or lastly, - are gross though close hypocrites, as Christ our Lord teaches - (Math. vii, 1, 2, 3). In my own experience I have found few who - are quicker to give offence, than those who easily take it. They - who have nourished this touchy humour have never proved sound and - profitable members in societies. - - But there are, besides, many reasons why you, above others, should - use special care in this direction. You are, many of you, strangers - to each other and to the infirmities of one another, and so stand - in need of the more watchfulness, lest when unsuspected qualities - appear in men and women, you be inordinately affected by them. This - requires at your hands much wisdom and charity. Further, the plans - for your intended civil community will furnish continual occasion - of offence, and will be as fuel to the fire, unless you diligently - quench it with brotherly forbearance. And if taking offence - causelessly or easily at men’s doings should be so carefully - avoided, how much more is it to be heeded lest we take offence at - God himself,—which we do as often as we murmur at His providence in - our crosses, or bear impatiently such afflictions as He pleases to - visit upon us. Store up, therefore, patience against the evil day, - with which we take offence at the Lord Himself in His holy and just - works. - - A fourth thing is carefully to be provided for, to wit, that with - your employments, which will be common to all, you join affections - truly bent upon the general good, avoiding, as a deadly plague of - your comfort, all retiredness of mind for selfish advantage. Let - every one repress within himself, as so many rebels against the - common good, all private partialities, not consistent with the - general convenience and as one is careful not to have a new house - shaken with any violence before it is well settled and the parts - firmly knit, so be you, I beseech you brethren, much more careful, - that the house of God, which you are and are to be, be not shaken - with unnecessary novelties or other oppositions at the first - settling thereof. - - Lastly, whereas you are to become a body politic, administering - among yourselves civil government, and are furnished with persons - of no special eminence above the rest, from whom you will elect - some to the office of government, let your wisdom and godliness - appear, not only in choosing such persons as will entirely love and - promote the common good, but also in yielding them all due honour - and obedience in their lawful administrations; not beholding - in them the ordinariness of their persons, but God’s ordinance - for your good; nor being like the foolish multitude, who honour - a gay coat more than either the virtuous mind of the wearer or - the glorious ordinance of the Lord. But you know better, and - understand that the image of the Lord’s power and authority which - the magistrate bears, is honourable, in how humble persons soever. - And this duty you can the more willingly perform, because you are - at present to have only those for your governors as you yourselves - shall choose. - - Several other things of importance I could put you in mind of, but - I will not so far wrong your godly minds as to think you heedless - of these things, there being many among you well able both to - admonish themselves and others. These few things, therefore, I do - earnestly commend unto your care and conscience, joining therewith - my daily incessant prayers unto the Lord, that He Who has made the - heavens and the earth, the sea and all rivers of waters, and Whose - providence is over all His works, especially over all His dear - children for good, would so guide and guard you in your ways, as - inwardly by His spirit, so outwardly by the hand of His power, that - both you and we also may praise His name all the days of our lives. - Fare you well in Him in Whom you trust, and in Whom I rest. - - An unfeigned well-willer of your happy success in this hopeful - voyage, - - JOHN ROBINSON. - -This letter, though long, being so suitable to the occasion I thought -well to insert here. - -Everything being now ready, and all business completed the company -was called together, and this letter was read to them, and was -well received by all, and afterwards bore fruit in many. Then they -allotted the company to each ship as they thought best, and chose -governors and two or three assistants, to take charge of the people -on the way, and to see to the distribution of their provisions, and -such affairs. Which done, they set sail from Southampton, about the -5th of August; but what befell them further upon the coast of England -will appear in the next chapter. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -Departure from Southampton, and Delay of both Ships at Dartmouth and -Plymouth: August and September, 1620. - - -Having thus put to sea, they had not gone far when Mr. Reynolds, the -captain of the smaller ship, complained that he found her so leaky -that he dare not go further till she was mended. So the captain of -the bigger ship, Mr. Jones, being consulted with, they both resolved -to put into Dartmouth and have her mended, which accordingly was -done, at great expense and loss of time and a fair wind. She was -here thoroughly searched from stem to stern, some leaks were found -and mended, and it was then believed that she might proceed without -danger. So with good hope they put to sea again, thinking they -would go comfortably on, not looking for any more hindrances of -this kind. But after they had gone 100 leagues beyond Land’s End -holding together all the while, the captain of the small ship again -complained that she was so leaky that he must bear up or sink at sea, -for they could scarcely keep her afloat by pumping. So they consulted -again, and both ships resolved to bear up again and put into -Plymouth, which accordingly was done. No special leak could be found, -but it was judged to be the general weakness of the ship, and that -she would not prove equal to the voyage. Upon which it was resolved -to dismiss her, and part of the company, and proceed with the other -ship; which, though it caused great discouragement, was put into -execution. So after they had taken out such provisions as the other -ship could well stow, and decided what persons to send back, they -made another sad parting, the one ship going back to London, and the -other proceeding on her voyage. Those that went back were mostly such -as were willing to do so, either from discontent or fear of the ill -success of the voyage, seeing they had met with so many crosses and -the year was so far spent. Others, owing to their weakness and having -many young children, were thought least useful and most unfit to bear -the brunt of this arduous adventure; to which work of God and the -judgment of their brethren they were contented to submit. And thus, -like Gideon’s army, this small number was divided, as if the Lord -thought these few too many for the great work He had to do. - -It was afterwards found that the leakiness of the ship was partly -caused by being overmasted and too much pressed with sail; for after -she was sold and put into trim she made many voyages, to the profit -of her owners. But it was partly due to the cunning and deceit of -the captain and his crew, who had been hired to stay a whole year at -the Settlement, and now, fearing want of victuals, they plotted this -stratagem to free themselves, as was afterwards confessed by some of -them. Yet in order to encourage the captain the majority of those -who had come from Leyden had been put aboard this ship, to content -him. But so strong was self-love that he forgot all duty and former -kindnesses, and dealt thus falsely with them, though he pretended -otherwise. - -Amongst those who returned was Mr. Cushman and his family, whose -heart and courage had failed them before. He was assistant to -Mr. Martin, who was governor in the bigger ship. I insert here a -passionate letter he wrote to a friend in London from Dartmouth, -whilst the ship lay there mending, which, besides the expression of -his own fears, shows how the providence of God was working for their -good beyond man’s expectations, and other things concerning their -condition in these straits. And though it discloses some infirmities -in him (as who under temptation is free), he afterwards continued to -be a special instrument for their good, and performed the offices of -a loving friend and faithful brother to them, and was a partaker of -much comfort with them. - - _Robert Cushman at Dartmouth to Edward Southworth, at Heanage - House, Duke’s Place, London._ - - Loving Friend, - - My most kind remembrances to you and your wife, with loving E. M., - etc., whom in this world I never look to see again. For beside the - imminent dangers of this voyage, which are no less than deadly, an - infirmity has seized me which will not in all likelihood leave me - till death. What to call it I know not; but it is, as it were, a - bundle of lead crushing my heart more and more these fourteen days, - so that though I perform the actions of a living man I am but as - dead; but the will of God be done. - - Our pinnace will not cease leaking, else I think we had been half - way to Virginia. Our voyage hither has been as full of crosses as - ourselves have been of crookedness. We put in here to trim her, and - I think if we had stayed at sea but three or four hours more she - would have sunk. And though she was twice trimmed at Southampton - she is still as open and leaky as a sieve. We lay at Southampton - seven days, in fair weather, waiting for her; and now we lie here - waiting for her in as fair a wind as can blow, and so have done - these four days, and are likely to lie four more, and by that time - the wind may have turned as it did at Southampton. Our victuals - will be half eaten up, I think, before we leave the coast of - England, and if our voyage last long we shall not have a month’s - victuals when we arrive. Nearly £700 has been spent in Southampton, - upon what I know not. Mr. Martin says he neither can nor will give - any account of it; and if he is called upon for accounts he cries - out that we are ungrateful for his pains and care, and that we are - suspicious of him. Also he insults our poor people, and treats them - with scorn and contempt, as if they were not good enough to wipe - his shoes. It would break your heart to hear the mourning of our - poor people. They complain to me, and alas! I can do nothing for - them. If I speak to him he flies in my face as mutinous, and says - no complaints shall be heard or received but by himself, and they - are forward, waspish, and discontented people. There are others - who would gladly lose all they have put in, or make satisfaction - for what they have had, if they might only depart; but he will - not listen to them or allow them to go ashore lest they should run - away. The sailors, too, are so annoyed at his ignorant boldness, in - meddling with things he knows nothing of, that some threaten to do - him mischief. He makes himself a laughing stock. - - As for Mr. Weston, unless grace is with him he will hate us - ten times more than ever he loved us, for not confirming the - conditions. Now that they have met some reverses they begin to see - the truth, and say Mr. Robinson was at fault to tell them never to - consent to those conditions, or put me in office. But he and they - will rue it too late. Four or five of the chief of them from Leyden - came resolved never to go on those conditions. Mr. Martin said he - never received any money on those conditions, and that he was not - beholden to the merchants for a pin; that they were blood-suckers, - and I know not what. Simple man, he indeed never made any - conditions with the merchants, nor ever spoke with them. But did - all that money fly to Southampton, or was it his own? Who would go - and lay out money so rashly and lavishly as he did, and never know - how he comes by it or on what conditions? Secondly, I told him of - the alterations long ago, and he was content; but now he domineers, - and says I betrayed them into the hands of slave-drivers; he is - not beholden to them; he can fit out two ships himself for a - voyage—when he has only £50 worth of shares in the venture, and if - he gave in his accounts he would not have a penny left, as I am - persuaded. - - Friend, if ever we establish a colony, God works a miracle; - especially considering how scanty our provisions will be and most - of all how disunited we are among ourselves, and devoid of good - leaders. Violence will break all. Where is the meek and humble - spirit of Moses and of Nehemiah, who re-edified the walls of - Jerusalem and the state of Israel? Is not the sound of Rehoboam’s - bragging daily among us here? Have not the philosophers and all - wise men observed, that even in settled commonwealths violent - governors bring either themselves or people or both to ruin? How - much more in the building of commonwealths, when the mortar is - scarcely hardened which is to bind the walls. If I were to write - you everything that foreruns our ruin, I should overcharge my weak - head and grieve your tender heart; only this,—prepare for evil - tidings of us every day. But pray for us instantly. It may be the - Lord may yet be entreated. - - I see not how in reason we can escape the gasping of hunger-starved - persons; but God can do much, and His will be done. It is better - for me to die now than to bear it. Poor William King and I strive - who shall first be meat for the fishes; but we look for a glorious - resurrection, knowing Christ Jesus after the flesh no more; but, - looking unto the joy that is before us, we will endure all these - things and account them light in comparison of the joy we hope for. - Remember me in all love to our friends, as if I named them, whose - prayers I desire earnestly, and wish again to see, but not till I - can look them in the face with more comfort. The Lord give us that - true comfort which none can take from us. I desired to send a brief - account of our condition to some friend. I doubt not but you will - know when to speak a word in season. What I have written is true, - and much more which I have foreborne to mention. I write it as upon - my life and my last confession in England. What you deem well to - mention at once, you may speak of; and what is best to conceal, - conceal. Excuse my weak manner, for my head is weak and my body is - feeble. The Lord make me strong in Him, and keep both you and yours. - - Your loving friend, - ROBERT CUSHMAN. - _Dartmouth, Aug. 17th, 1620._ - -These being his fears at Dartmouth, they must needs be much stronger -when he arrived at Plymouth. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -The Mayflower sails from Plymouth—Voyage—Arrival at Cape Cod: -September-November, 1620 - - -These troubles being over, and all being together in the one ship, -they put to sea again on September 6th with a prosperous wind, which -continued for several days and was some encouragement to them, -though, as usual, many were afflicted with sea-sickness. I must not -omit to mention here a special example of God’s providence. There -was an insolent and very profane young man,—one of the sailors, -which made him the more overbearing,—who was always harassing the -poor people in their sickness, and cursing them daily with grievous -execrations, and did not hesitate to tell them that he hoped to help -throw half of them overboard before they came to their journey’s -end. If he were gently reproved by any one, he would curse and swear -most bitterly. But it pleased God, before they came half seas over, -to smite the young man with a grievous disease, of which he died -in a desperate manner, and so was himself the first to be thrown -overboard. Thus his curses fell upon his own head, which astonished -all his mates for they saw it was the just hand of God upon him. - -After they had enjoyed fair winds and weather for some time, they -encountered cross winds and many fierce storms by which the ship was -much shaken and her upper works made very leaky. One of the main -beams amid-ships was bent and cracked, which made them afraid that -she might not be able to complete the voyage. So some of the chief -of the voyagers, seeing that the sailors doubted the efficiency of -the ship, entered into serious consultation with the captain and -officers, to weigh the danger betimes and rather to return than to -cast themselves into desperate and inevitable peril. Indeed there was -great difference of opinion amongst the crew themselves. They wished -to do whatever could be done for the sake of their wages, being -now half way over; on the other hand they were loth to risk their -lives too desperately. But at length all opinions, the captain’s -and others’ included, agreed that the ship was sound under the -water-line, and as for the buckling of the main beam, there was a -great iron screw the passengers brought out of Holland, by which the -beam could be raised into its place; and the carpenter affirmed that -with a post put under it, set firm in the lower deck, and otherwise -fastened, he could make it hold. As for the decks and upper works, -they said they would calk them as well as they could; and though with -the working of the ship they would not long keep stanch, yet there -would otherwise be no great danger, if they did not overpress her -with sail. - -So they committed themselves to the will of God, and resolved to -proceed. In several of these storms the wind was so strong and the -seas so high that they could not carry a knot of sail, but were -forced to hull for many days. Once, as they thus lay at hull in a -terrible storm, a strong young man, called John Howland, coming on -deck was thrown into the sea; but it pleased God that he caught hold -of the top-sail halliards which hung overboard and ran out at length; -but he kept his hold, though he was several fathoms under water, -till he was hauled up by the rope and then with a boat-hook helped -into the ship and saved; and though he was somewhat ill from it he -lived many years and became a profitable member both of the church -and commonwealth. In all the voyage only one of the passengers died, -and that was William Button, a youth, servant to Samuel Fuller, when -they were nearing the coast. But to be brief, after long beating -at sea, on November 11th they fell in with a part of the land -called Cape Cod, at which they were not a little joyful. After some -deliberation among themselves and with the captain, they tacked about -and resolved to stand for the southward, the wind and weather being -fair, to find some place near Hudson’s River for their habitation. -But after they had kept that course about half a day, they met -with dangerous shoals and roaring breakers, and as they conceived -themselves in great danger,—the wind falling,—they resolved to bear -up again for the Cape, and thought themselves happy to get out of -danger before night overtook them, as by God’s providence they did. -Next day they got into the bay, where they rode in safety. - -A word or two, by the way, of this Cape. It was first thus named by -Captain Gosnold and his people in 1602, because they caught much of -that fish there; and afterwards was called Cape James by Captain -Smith; but it retains the former name among seamen. The point where -they first met with those dangerous shoals they called Point Care, or -Tucker’s Terror; but the French and Dutch to this day call it Malabar. - -Having found a good haven and being brought safely in sight of land, -they fell upon their knees and blessed the God of Heaven who had -brought them over the vast and furious ocean, and delivered them from -all the perils and miseries of it, again to set their feet upon the -firm and stable earth, their proper element. And no marvel that they -were thus joyful, when the wise Seneca was so affected with sailing -a few miles on the coast of his own Italy, that he affirmed he had -rather taken twenty years to make his way by land, than to go by sea -to any place in however short a time,—so tedious and dreadful it was -to him. - -But here I cannot but make a pause, and stand half amazed at this -poor people’s present condition; and so I think will the reader, -too, when he considers it well. Having thus passed the vast ocean, -and that sea of troubles before while they were making their -preparations, they now had no friends to welcome them, nor inns to -entertain and refresh their weather-beaten bodies, nor houses—much -less towns—to repair to. - -It is recorded in scripture (Acts. xxviii) as a mercy to the apostle -and his shipwrecked crew, that the barbarians showed them no small -kindness in refreshing them; but these savage barbarians when they -met with them (as will appear) were readier to fill their sides full -of arrows than otherwise! As for the season, it was winter, and those -who have experienced the winters of the country know them to be -sharp and severe, and subject to fierce storms, when it is dangerous -to travel to known places,—much more to search an unknown coast. -Besides, what could they see but a desolate wilderness, full of wild -beasts and wild men; and what multitude there might be of them they -knew not! Neither could they, as it were, go up to the top of Pisgah, -to view from this wilderness a more goodly country to feed their -hopes; for which way soever they turned their eyes (save upward to -the Heavens!) they could gain little solace from any outward objects. -Summer being done, all things turned upon them a weather-beaten face; -and the whole country, full of woods and thickets, presented a wild -and savage view. - -If they looked behind them, there was the mighty ocean which they had -passed, and was now a gulf separating them from all civilized parts -of the world. If it be said that they had their ship to turn to, it -is true; but what did they hear daily from the captain and crew? That -they should quickly look out for a place with their shallop, where -they would be not far off; for the season was such that the captain -would not approach nearer to the shore till a harbour had been -discovered which he could enter safely; and that the food was being -consumed apace, but he must and would keep sufficient for the return -voyage. It was even muttered by some of the crew that if they did not -find a place in time, they would turn them and their goods ashore and -leave them. - -Let it be remembered, too, what small hope of further assistance from -England they had left behind them, to support their courage in this -sad condition and the trials they were under; for how the case stood -between the settlers and the merchants at their departure has already -been described. It is true, indeed, that the affection and love of -their brethren at Leyden towards them was cordial and unbroken; but -they had little power to help them or themselves. - -What, then, could now sustain them but the spirit of God, and His -grace? Ought not the children of their fathers rightly to say: Our -fathers were Englishmen who came over the great ocean, and were -ready to perish in this wilderness; but they cried unto the Lord, -and He heard their voice, and looked on their adversity.... Let -them therefore praise the Lord, because He is good, and His mercies -endure forever. Yea, let them that have been redeemed of the Lord, -show how He hath delivered them from the hand of the oppressor. When -they wandered forth into the desert-wilderness, out of the way, and -found no city to dwell in, both hungry and thirsty, their soul was -overwhelmed in them. Let them confess before the Lord His loving -kindness, and His wonderful works before the sons of men! - - - - -CHAPTER X - -The Pilgrims seek a Site for their Settlement, and discover the -Harbour of New Plymouth: November-December, 1620 - - -They thus arrived at Cape Cod on the 11th of November, and necessity -called on them to look out for a place of habitation. Having brought -a large shallop with them from England, stowed in quarters in the -ship, they now got her out, and set their carpenters to work to trim -her up; but being much bruised and battered in the foul weather they -saw she would be long mending. So a few of them volunteered to go -by land and explore the neighbouring parts, whilst the shallop was -put in order; particularly since, as they entered the bay, there -seemed to be an opening some two or three leagues off, which the -captain thought was a river. It was conceived there might be some -danger in the attempt; but seeing them resolute, sixteen of them, -well armed, were permitted to go, under charge of Captain Standish. -They set forth on the 15th of November, being landed by the ship’s -boat, and when they had marched about the space of a mile by the -sea-side, they espied five or six persons with a dog coming towards -them. They were savages; but they fled back into the woods, followed -by the English, who wished to see if they could speak with them, and -to discover if there were more lying in ambush. But the Indians, -seeing themselves followed, left the woods, and ran along the sands -as hard as they could, so our men could not come up with them, but -followed the track of their feet several miles. Night coming on, they -made their rendezvous, and set sentinels, and rested in quiet. Next -morning they again pursued the Indians’ tracks, till they came to a -great creek, where they had left the sands and turned into the woods. -But they continued to follow them by guess, hoping to find their -dwellings; but soon they lost both the Indians and themselves, and -fell into such thickets that their clothes and armour were injured -severely; but they suffered most from want of water. At length they -found some, and refreshed themselves with the first New England water -they had drunk; and in their great thirst they found it as pleasant -as wine or beer had been before. Afterwards they directed their -course towards the other shore, for they knew it was only a neck of -land they had to cross over. At length they got to the sea-side, -and marched to this supposed river, and by the way found a pond of -fresh water, and shortly after a quantity of cleared ground where -the Indians had formerly planted corn; and they found some of their -graves. Proceeding further, they saw stubble where corn had been -grown the same year, and also found a place where a house had lately -been, with some planks, and a great kettle and heaps of sand newly -banked, under which they found several large baskets filled with -corn, some in the ear of various colours, which was a very goodly -sight they having never seen any like it before. This was near the -supposed river that they had come to seek. When they reached it, they -found that it opened into two arms, with a high cliff of sand at the -entrance, but more likely to be creeks of salt water than fresh, they -thought. There was good harbourage for their shallop, so they left -it to be further explored when she was ready. The time allowed them -having expired, they returned to the ship, lest the others should be -anxious about their safety. They took part of the corn and buried -the rest; and so, like the men from Eschol, carried with them of the -fruits of the land, and showed their brethren; at which the rest -were very glad, and greatly encouraged. - -After this, the shallop being ready, they set out again for the -better reconnoitering of the place. The captain of the ship desired -to go himself, so there were some thirty men. However, they found -it to be no harbour for ships, but only for boats. They also found -two of the Indians’ houses covered with mats, and some of their -implements in them; but the people had run away and could not be -seen. They also found more corn, and beans of various colours. These -they brought away, intending to give them full satisfaction when they -should meet with any of them,—as about six months afterwards they did. - -And it is to be noted as a special providence of God, and a great -mercy to this poor people, that they thus got seed to plant corn the -next year, or they might have starved; for they had none, nor any -likelihood of getting any, till too late for the planting season. Nor -is it likely that they would have got it if this first voyage had not -been made, for the ground was soon all covered with snow and frozen -hard. But the Lord is never wanting unto His in their great need; let -His holy name have all the praise. - -The month of November being spent in these affairs, and foul weather -coming on, on the sixth of December they sent out their shallop -again with ten of their principal men and some sailors upon further -discovery, intending to circumnavigate the deep bay of Cape Cod. The -weather was very cold, and it froze so hard that the spray of the sea -froze on their coats like glass. Early that night they got to the -lower end of the bay, and as they drew near the shore they saw ten or -twelve Indians very busy about something. They landed about a league -or two from them; though they had much ado to put ashore anywhere, -it was so full of flats. It was late when they landed, so they made -themselves a barricade of logs and boughs as well as they could in -the time, and set a sentinel and betook them to rest, and saw the -smoke of the fire the savages made that night. When morning came -they divided their party, some to coast along the shore in the boat, -and the rest to march through the woods to see the land, and, if -possible, to find a fit place for their settlement. They came to the -place where they had seen the Indians the night before and found they -had been cutting up a great fish like a grampus, covered with almost -two inches of fat, like a hog. The shallop found two more of the same -kind of fish dead on the sands, a usual thing after storms there, -because of the great flats of sand. They ranged up and down all that -day, but found no people nor any place they liked. When the sun got -low they hastened out of the woods to meet their shallop, making -signs to it to come into a creek hard by, which it did at high water. -They were very glad to meet, for they had not seen each other since -the morning. They made a barricade, as they did every night, with -logs, stakes, and thick pine boughs, the height of a man, leaving it -open to leeward; partly to shelter them from the cold wind, making -their fire in the middle and lying around it; and, partly to defend -them from any sudden assaults of the savages, if they should try to -surround them. So being very weary, they betook them to rest. But -about midnight they heard a hideous cry, and their sentinel called -“Arm, arm!” So they bestirred themselves and stood to their arms, and -shot a couple of muskets and then the noise ceased. They concluded -it was a pack of wolves, or some such wild beasts; for one of the -sailors told them he had often heard such noises in Newfoundland. So -they rested till about five o’clock in the morning. After prayer they -prepared for breakfast, and it being day dawning, it was thought best -to be carrying things down to the boat. Some said it was not best -to carry the guns down; others said they would be the readier, for -they had wrapped them up in their coats to keep them from the dew. -But some three or four would not carry their guns down to the boat -till they went themselves. However, as the water was not high enough, -the others laid theirs down on the bank of the creek, and came up to -breakfast. But soon, all of a sudden, they heard a great and strange -cry, which they knew to be the same as they had heard in the night, -though with various notes. One of the company who was outside came -running in and cried: “Men; Indians, Indians”; and at that their -arrows came flying amongst them! The men ran down to the creek with -all speed to recover their guns, which by the providence of God they -succeeded in doing. In the meantime two of those who were still armed -discharged their muskets at the Indians; and two more stood ready at -the entrance of the rendezvous, but were commanded not to shoot till -they could take fell aim at them; and the other two loaded again at -full speed, there being only four guns there to defend the barricade -when it was first assaulted. - -The cry of the Indians was dreadful, especially when they saw the men -run out of the rendezvous towards the shallop to recover their guns, -the Indians wheeling about them. But some of the men, armed with -coats of mail and with cutlasses in their hands, soon got their guns -and let fly among them, which quickly stopped their violence. There -was one big Indian, and no less valiant, who stood behind a tree, -within half a musket-shot, and let his arrows fly at them. He was -seen to shoot three arrows, which were all avoided. He stood three -musket-shots, till one of them made the bark and splinters of the -tree fly about his ears, at which he gave an extraordinary shriek, -and away all of them went. The men left some of the party to guard -the shallop, and followed the Indians about a quarter of a mile, -shouting once or twice, and shooting off two or three guns, and then -returned. They did this so that the natives might not think they were -afraid of them. - -Thus it pleased God to vanquish their enemies, and give them -deliverance; and by His special providence so to dispose that not -one of them was hit, though the arrows came close to them, on every -side, and some of their coats which were hung up in the barricade -were shot through and through. Afterwards they gave God solemn thanks -and praise for their deliverance, and gathered up a bundle of the -arrows, and later sent them to England by the captain of the ship. -They called the place “The First Encounter.” - -Then they left, and coasted all along, but discovered no likely place -for a harbour. So they made all speed to a spot which their pilot—a -Mr. Coppin, who had been in the country before—assured them was a -good harbour, which he had been in, and which they might fetch before -night. Of this they were glad, for the weather began to be foul. -After some hours’ sailing, it began to snow and rain, and about the -middle of the afternoon the wind increased, and the sea became very -rough. They broke their rudder, and it was as much as two men could -do to steer her with a couple of oars. But the pilot bade them be of -good cheer, and said he saw the harbour; but the storm increasing -and night drawing on, they carried all the sail they could to get in -while they could see. Then their mast broke in three pieces, and the -sail fell overboard in a very heavy sea, so that they were in danger -of being wrecked; but by God’s mercy they recovered themselves, and -having the tide with them, struck in towards the harbour. But when -they came to, the pilot found he had mistaken the place, and said the -Lord be merciful to them, for he had never seen the place before; -and he and the mate were about to run her ashore, in a cove full -of breakers, before the wind. But one of the seamen, who steered, -bade the rowers, if they were men, about with her, or they would all -be cast away; which they did with speed. So he bid them be of good -cheer and row lustily for there was a fair sound before them, and -he did not doubt but they would find a place where they could come -to safely. Though it was very dark and rained hard, they ultimately -got under the lee of a small island, and remained there safely all -night; but they did not know it was an island till morning. They -were divided in their mind; some wished to stay in the boat, for -fear there would be more Indians; others were so weak and cold -they could not endure it, but got ashore and with much ado made a -fire—everything being wet,—and then the rest were glad enough to join -them; for after midnight the wind shifted to the northwest and it -froze hard. - -But though this had been a night of much hardship and danger, God -gave them a morning of comfort and refreshment, as He usually doth -to His children; for the next day was a fair sun-shining day, and -they found they were on an island secure from the Indians, where they -could dry their stuff, fix their arms, and rest themselves and give -God thanks for His mercies in their manifold deliverances. This being -the last day of the week they prepared to keep the Sabbath there. -On Monday they sounded the harbour and found it fit for shipping; -and marching inland they found several cornfields and little running -brooks,—a place, as they supposed, fit for a settlement, at least -it was the best they could find, and considering the season of the -year and their present necessity they were thankful for it. So they -returned with this news to the rest of their people aboard the ship, -which cheered them greatly. - -On the 15th day of December they weighed anchor to go to the place -they had discovered, and came within two leagues of it, but had to -bear up again. On the 16th day the wind came fair, and they arrived -safe in the harbour. Afterwards they took a better view of the place, -and resolved where to pitch their dwellings; and on the 25th day they -began to erect the first house for common use, to receive them and -their goods. - - - - - BOOK II - - 1620-1646 - - HISTORY OF THE SETTLEMENT AT NEW PLYMOUTH - - - - -CHAPTER I - -Deed of Government drawn up—Death of half their -number—Squanto—Compact with the Indians—Captain Dermer’s description -of New Plymouth: 1620. - - -The rest of this work—if God give me life and opportunity—I shall, -for brevity’s sake, handle in the form of Annals, noting only the -principal doings, chronologically. - -First, I will turn back a little, and begin with a compact or deed -drawn up by them before they went ashore to settle, constituting the -first foundation of their government. This was occasioned partly by -the discontented and mutinous speeches that some of the strangers -amongst them had let fall: that when they got ashore they would -use their liberty that none had power to command them, the patent -procured being for Virginia, and not for New England, which belonged -to another company, with which the Virginia company had nothing -to do. And, further, it was believed by the leading men among the -settlers that such a deed, drawn up by themselves, considering their -present condition, would be as effective as any patent, and in some -respects more so. - -The form of the deed was as follows: - - In the name of God, Amen. We whose names are underwritten, the - loyal subjects of our dread sovereign lord, King James, by the - grace of God, of Great Britain, France and Ireland, King, Defender - of the Faith, etc., having undertaken for the glory of God, and - advancement of the Christian faith, and honour of our king and - country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the northern - parts of Virginia, do by these presents solemnly and mutually in - the presence of God, and of one another, covenant and combine - ourselves into a civil body politic, for our better ordering and - preservation, and the furtherance of the ends aforesaid and by - virtue hereof to enact, constitute, and frame, such just and equal - laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices, from time to - time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general - use of the Colony, unto which we promise all due submission and - obedience. In witness whereof we have here underscribed our names - at Cape Cod, 11th of November, in the year of the reign of our - sovereign lord, King James of England, France and Ireland the - eighteenth, and of Scotland the fifty-fourth. - - _A. D. 1620._ - -They then chose, or rather confirmed, Mr. John Carver, a godly man -and highly approved among them, as their governor for that year. -After they had provided a place for their goods and common stores, -which they were long in unlading owing to want of boats, the severity -of the winter weather, and sickness, had begun some small cottages -for dwellings,—as time would admit they met and consulted of law and -order, both for civil and military government, as seemed suited to -their conditions, adding to them from time to time as urgent need -demanded. In these arduous and difficult beginnings, discontent -and murmuring arose amongst some, and mutinous speech and bearing -in others; but they were soon quelled and overcome by the wisdom, -patience, and just and equal administration of things by the Governor -and the better part, who held faithfully together in the main. - -But soon a most lamentable blow fell upon them. In two or three -months’ time half of their company died, partly owing to the severity -of the winter, especially during January and February, and the want -of houses and other comforts; partly to scurvy and other diseases, -which their long voyage and their incommodious quarters had brought -upon them. Of all the hundred odd persons, scarcely fifty remained, -and sometimes two or three persons died in a day. In the time of -worst distress, there were but six or seven sound persons, who, to -their great commendation be it spoken, spared no pains night or day, -but with great toil and at the risk of their own health, fetched -wood, made fires, prepared food for the sick, made their beds, washed -their infected clothes, dressed and undressed them; in a word did -all the homely and necessary services for them which dainty and -queasy stomachs cannot endure to hear mentioned; and all this they -did willingly and cheerfully, without the least grudging, showing -their love to the friends and brethren; a rare example, and worthy -to be remembered. Two of these seven were Mr. William Brewster, -their reverend elder, and Myles Standish, their captain and military -commander, to whom myself and many others were much beholden in our -low and sick condition. And yet the Lord so upheld these men, that in -this general calamity they were not at all infected with sickness. -And what I have said of these few, I should say of many others who -died in this general visitation, and others yet living, that while -they had health or strength, they forsook none that had need of them. -I doubt not that their recompense is with the Lord. - -But I must not pass by another remarkable and unforgettable -occurrence. When this calamity fell among the passengers who were -to be left here to settle, they were hurried ashore and made to -drink water, so that the sailors might have the more beer and when -one sufferer in his sickness desired but a small can of beer, it -was answered that if he were their own father he should have none. -Then the disease began to seize the sailors also, so that almost -half of the crew died before they went away, and many of their -officers and strongest men, amongst them the boatswain, gunner, -three quarter-masters, the cook and others. At this the captain was -somewhat struck, and sent to the sick ashore and told the Governor -that he could send for beer for those that had need of it, even -should he have to drink water on the homeward voyage. - -But amongst the sailors there was quite a different bearing in their -misery. Those who before, in the time of their health and welfare, -had been boon companions in drinking and jollity, began now to desert -one another, saying they would not risk their lives for the sick -among them, lest they should be infected by coming to help them in -their cabins; if they died, let them die! But the passengers who were -still aboard showed them what pity they could, which made some of -their hearts relent, such as the boatswain, who was an overbearing -young man, and before would often curse and scoff at the passengers. -But when he grew weak they had compassion on him and helped him. Then -he confessed he did not deserve it at their hands, for he had abused -them in word and deed. “Oh,” said he, “you I see now, show your love -like Christians indeed to one another; but we let one another lie -and die like dogs.” Another lay cursing his wife, saying if it had -not been for her he had never come on this unlucky voyage; and anon -cursed his fellows, saying he had done this or that for some of them, -he had spent so much and so much amongst them, and they were now -weary of him, and did not help him in his need. Another made over to -one of his mates all he had, when he should die, if he would but help -him in his weakness. So his companion went and got a little spice -and prepared some food once or twice; and when he did not die as -soon as he expected, he went among his comrades and swore the rogue -would cheat him of his inheritance; he would see him choke before -he prepared him any more food; and so the poor fellow died before -morning! - -All this while the Indians came skulking about those who were ashore -and would sometimes show themselves aloof, at a distance, but when -any approached them, they would run away. Once they stole away the -men’s tools where they had been at work, and were gone to dinner. -About the 16th of March a certain Indian came boldly among them, and -spoke to them in broken English, which they could well understand, -but were astonished at it. At length they understood by speaking -with him that he was not of these parts, but belonged to the eastern -country where some English ships came to fish; and with some of these -English he was acquainted, and could name several of them. From them -he had got his knowledge of the language. He became useful to them in -acquainting them with many things concerning the state of the country -in the east parts where he lived, as also of the people there, their -names and number, their situation and distance from this place, and -who was chief among them. His name was Samoset; he told them also -of another Indian, whose name was Squanto, a native of this part, -who had been in England and could speak English better than himself. -After some time of entertainment, being dismissed with gifts, in a -little while he returned with five more, and they brought back all -the tools that had been stolen, and made way for the coming of their -great Sachem, called Massasoyt, who about four or five days after, -came with the chief of his friends and other attendants, and with -Squanto. With him, after friendly entertainment and some gifts, they -made a peace which has now continued for twenty-four years. - -These were the terms: - - 1. That neither he nor any of his, should injure or harm any of - their people. - - 2. That if any of his did any harm to any of theirs, he should send - the offender, that they might punish him. - - 3. That if anything were taken away from any of theirs, he should - cause it to be restored; and they should do the like to his. - - 4. If any made unjust war against him, they would aid him; if any - made war against them, he should aid them. - - 5. He should send to his neighboring confederates, to certify them - of this, that they might not wrong them, but might be likewise - comprised in the conditions of peace. - - 6. That when their men came to them, they should leave their bows - and arrows behind them. - -After this he returned to his place, called Sowams, some forty -miles off, but Squanto stayed with them, and was their interpreter, -and became a special instrument sent of God for their good, beyond -their expectation. He showed them how to plant their corn, where to -take fish and other commodities, and guided them to unknown places, -and never left them till he died. He was a native of these parts, -and had been one of the few survivors of the plague hereabouts. -He was carried away with others by one Hunt, a captain of a ship, -who intended to sell them for slaves in Spain; but he got away for -England, and was received by a merchant in London, and employed in -Newfoundland and other parts, and lastly brought into these parts -by a Captain Dermer, a gentleman employed by Sir Ferdinand Gorges -and others, for discovery and other projects in these parts. Of -Captain Dermer I will say something, because it is mentioned,—in -a book published A. D. 1622, by the President and Council of New -England,—that he made peace between the savages of these parts and -the English, of which this plantation, as it is there intimated, had -the benefit. But what kind of peace it was appears by what befell him -and his men. - -Captain Dermer had been here the same year that the people of the -Mayflower arrived, as appears in an account written by him, and given -to me by a friend, bearing date, June 30th, 1620; and as they came -in the November following, there was but four months’ difference. -In this account to his honoured friend, he makes the following -references to this very place: - - “I will first begin,” says he, “with the place from which Squanto - (or Tisquantem) was taken away, which in Captain Smith’s map - is called ‘Plymouth’; and I would that Plymouth had the same - commodities. I could wish that the first plantation might be - situated here, if there came to the number of fifty persons or - upward; otherwise at Charlton, because there the savages are less - to be feared. The Pokanokets, who live to the west of Plymouth, - bear an inveterate hatred to the English, and are of greater - strength than all the savages from there to Penobscot. Their desire - of revenge was occasioned by an Englishman, who having invited many - of them on board slaughtered them with small shot, when, as the - Indians say, they offered no injury on their part. Whether they - were English or no, it may be doubted; but they believe they were, - for the French have so assured them. For this reason Squanto cannot - deny but they would have killed me when I was at Namasket, had he - not interceded hard for me. The soil of the borders of this great - bay may be compared to most of the plantations which I have seen in - Virginia. The land is of various sorts. Patuxet is a stubborn but - strong soil; Nauset and Satucket are for the most part a blackish - and deep mould, much like that where the best tobacco in Virginia - grows. In the great bay itself is a quantity of cod and bass, or - mullet.” - -But above all, he commends the Pokanokets’ country for the richest -soil, and much open ground fit for English grain, etc. - -“Massachusetts, about nine leagues from Plymouth, and situated -between both, is full of islands and peninsulas, for the most part -very fertile.” - -He was taken prisoner by the Indians at Manamoick, a place not far -off, now well-known. He gave them what they demanded for his liberty, -but when they had got what they desired, they still kept him, and -endeavoured to kill his men; but he freed himself by seizing some of -them, whom he kept bound till they gave him a canoe-load of corn (of -which, see Purch: lib. ix, fol. 1778). But this was A. D. 1619. - -After the writing of the foregoing narrative, Dermer went with -Squanto to the Island of Capawack, which lies south of this place -on the way to Virginia. There he went ashore amongst the Indians to -trade, as he used to do, but was betrayed and assaulted by them, and -all his men were killed except one who kept the boat. He himself -got aboard very sorely wounded, and they would have cut off his -head as he climbed into his boat, had not the man rescued him. They -got away, and made shift to reach Virginia, where he died. This -shows how far the natives were from peace, and under what dangerous -conditions this plantation was begun, but for the powerful hand of -the Lord, which protected them. This was partly the reason why they -kept aloof, and were so long before they came to the English. Another -reason, as afterwards they themselves stated, was that about three -years before, a French ship was wrecked at Cape Cod, but the men got -ashore and saved their lives and a large part of their provisions. -When the Indians heard of it, they surrounded them and never left -watching and dogging them till they got the advantage and killed -them, all but three or four, whom they kept, and sent from one Sachem -to another, making sport with them and using them worse than slaves. -Of these, Captain Dermer released two. So the Indians thought that -this ship had now come to revenge these outrages. It was also later -disclosed, that before they came to the English to make friends, they -got all the Powows of the country together for three days to curse -and execrate them in a horrid and devilish manner with conjurations, -holding their assembly in a dark and dismal swamp. - -But to return. The spring now approaching, it pleased God the -mortality began to cease among them, and the sick recovered apace, -which put new life into them all; though they had borne their sad -afflictions with as much patience and contentedness as I think -any people could do. But it was the Lord who upheld them, and had -beforehand prepared them, many having long borne the yoke, yea, even -from their youth. Many other minor matters I will omit, several of -them having been published already in a journal written by one of -the company; and some other narratives and descriptions of journeys, -already published, to which I refer those who wish to acquaint -themselves more closely. Having now come to the 25th of March, I will -begin the year 1621. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -The Mayflower returns—Death of John Carver—William Bradford, -Governor—Trade with the Massachusetts—The first marriage—Friendship -with Massasoyt confirmed—Hobbamok—Expedition against Corbitant—The -first harvest—Arrival of Robert Cushman with 35 settlers—Fortune -returns, laden—The Narragansetts’ challenge—Christmas Day: 1621. - - -They now decided to send back the ship which had brought them over, -and which had remained till about this time or the beginning of -April. The reason, on their part, why she had stayed so long, was the -necessity and danger they were under. It was well towards the end of -December before she could land anything, or they were in a condition -to receive anything ashore. And after that on the 14th of January, -the house they had built for a general rendezvous accidentally caught -fire, and some of them had to go aboard the ship for shelter. Then -the sickness began to fall among them sorely, and the weather was so -bad that they could not hasten their preparations. Again the Governor -and the chief members, seeing so many fall sick and die daily, -thought it unwise to send the ship away, considering their condition -and the danger they were in from the Indians, till they could procure -some shelter; and therefore thought it better to incur further -expense for themselves and their friends, than to risk everything. -And though before, the captain and sailors had hurried the passengers -ashore, so that they could be gone; now many of the crew being -dead,—and some of the ablest of them,—and of the rest many lay sick -and weak, the captain did not dare put to sea till he saw them begin -to recover, and the heart of winter over. - -The settlers, as many as were able, then began to plant their corn, -in which service Squanto stood them in good stead, showing them how -to plant it and cultivate it. He also told them that unless they got -fish to manure this exhausted old soil, it would come to nothing, -and he showed them that in the middle of April plenty of fish would -come up the brook by which they had begun to build, and taught them -how to catch it, and where to get other necessary provisions; all of -which they found true by experience. They sowed some English seed, -such as wheat and pease, but it came to no good, either because of -the badness of the seed or the lateness of the season or some other -defect. - -This April, while they were busy sowing their seed, their Governor, -Mr. John Carver, one hot day, came out of the field very sick. He -complained greatly of his head and lay down, and within a few hours -his senses failed. He never spoke again, and died, a few days after. -His death was much lamented, and depressed them deeply, with good -cause. He was buried in the best manner possible, with some volleys -of shot by all that bore arms; and his wife, a weak woman, died five -or six weeks after him. - -Shortly after, William Bradford was chosen governor in his stead, and -having not yet recovered from his illness, in which he had been near -the point of death, Isaac Allerton, was appointed assistant to him. -These two, by renewed election each year, continued several years -together. This I here note, once for all. - -On May 12th the first marriage here took place, which, according to -the laudable custom of the Low Countries[3] in which they had lived, -it was thought proper for the magistrate to perform, as a civil -institution upon which many questions about inheritances depend, and -other things requiring their cognizance, as well as being consonant -with the scriptures (Ruth iv), and nowhere mentioned in the gospels -as a part of the minister’s duty. - -Having now made some progress with their affairs at home, it was -thought advisable to send a deputation to their new friend Massasoyt, -and to bestow upon him some gratuity to bind him faster to them; -also at the same time to view the country, and see in what manner -he lived, what strength he had about him, and what was the way to -his place, if at any time they should have need. So on July 2nd -they sent Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. Hopkins, with the aforesaid -Squanto for their guide. They gave Massasoyt a suit of clothes, and -a horseman’s coat, with some other small things, which were kindly -accepted, though they found but short commons, and came home both -weary and hungry. The Indians in those times did not have nearly so -much corn as they have had since the English supplied them with hoes, -and set them an example by their industry in preparing new ground -therewith. Massasoyt’s place was found to be forty miles off and -the soil good. But his people had died in great numbers during the -recent plague throughout these parts, about three years before the -coming of the English. Thousands of them died, until the living were -not able to bury the dead, and their skulls and bones were found in -many places lying still above ground, where their houses and dwelling -places had been,—a very sad spectacle. But they brought word that -the Narragansetts lived just on the other side of the great bay, and -were a strong, populous tribe living close together, and had not been -attacked by this wasting plague. - -About the latter end of this month one John Billington lost himself -in the woods, and wandered up and down for about five days, living -on berries and what he could find. At length he came across an -Indian plantation, twenty miles to the south, called Manamet. They -conveyed him further off to Nauset, among the Indians who had set -upon the landing party when they were coasting and whilst their ship -lay at the Cape, as before noted. But the Governor caused him to be -enquired for among the Indians, and at length Massasoyt sent word -where he was, and the Governor sent a shallop for him, and had him -delivered. The Indians there also came and made their peace and full -satisfaction was given by the settlers to those whose corn they had -found and taken when they were at Cape Cod. - -Thus their peace and acquaintance was pretty well established with -the natives about them. Another Indian, called Hobbamok came to live -with them, a fine strong man, of some account amongst the Indians for -his valour and qualities. He remained very faithful to the English -till he died. He and Squanto having gone upon business among the -Indians, a Sachem called Corbitant, allied to Massasoyt, but never a -good friend to the English to this day, met with them at an Indian -town called Namassakett, fourteen miles west of this, and whether out -of envy of them or malice to the English began to quarrel with them, -and threatened to stab Hobbamok; but he, being a strong man, cleared -himself of him, and came running away, all sweating, and told the -Governor what had befallen him, and that he feared they had killed -Squanto, for they threatened them both, for no other reason than -that they were friends to the English and serviceable to them. The -Governor taking counsel, it was decided not to pass it over, for if -they allowed their friends and messengers to be harmed, none would -associate with them or give them intelligence or do them service -afterwards; and next thing the Indians would fall upon them, too. So -it was resolved to send the Captain and fourteen men, well armed, and -to go and fall upon them in the night; and if they found that Squanto -was killed, to cut off Corbitant’s head, but not to hurt any but -those who had a hand in it. Hobbamok was asked if he would go and be -their guide, and bring them there before day. He said he would, and -could show them the house where Corbitant lived, and which he was. -They set forth on the 14th of August, and surrounded the house; and -the Captain, giving orders to let none escape, entered to search for -him. But he had gone away that day; so they missed him, but learned -that Squanto was alive, and that Corbitant had only threatened to -kill him, and made as if to stab him, but did not. So they withheld -their punishment, and did no more harm; and the people came trembling -and brought them the best provisions they had, when they had been -acquainted by Hobbamok with their purpose. Three Indians, badly -wounded, broke out of the house, and tried to pass through the guard. -These they brought back with them, and had their wounds dressed and -cured, and then sent them home. After this they had many greetings -from various Sachems and much firmer peace. Even the Indians of the -Island of Capawack sent to declare friendship; and Corbitant himself -used the mediation of Massasoyt to make his peace, but was shy to -come near them for a long time after. - -After this, on the 18th September, they sent out their shallop with -ten men and Squanto as guide and interpreter to the Massachusetts, to -explore the bay and trade with the natives, which they accomplished, -and were kindly received. The Indians were much afraid of the -Tarantines, a tribe to the eastward, who used to come at harvest -time and take away their corn, and often kill some of them. They -returned in safety, and brought home a good quantity of beaver, and -reported on the place, wishing they could have settled there. But -it seems that the Lord, Who assigns to all men the bounds of their -habitations, had appointed it for another use. And thus they found -the Lord to be with them in all their ways, and to bless their -outgoings and incomings, for which let His holy name have the praise -forever, to all posterity. - -They began now to gather in the small harvest they had, and to -prepare their houses for the winter, being well recovered in health -and strength, and plentifully provisioned; for while some had been -thus employed in affairs away from home, others were occupied in -fishing for cod, bass, and other fish, of which they caught a good -quantity, every family having their portion. All the summer there was -no want. And now, as winter approached, wild fowl began to arrive, of -which there were plenty when they came here first, though afterwards -they became more scarce. As well as wild fowl, they got abundance of -wild turkeys, besides venison, etc. Each person had about a peck of -meal a week, or now, since harvest, Indian corn in that proportion; -and afterwards many wrote at length about their plenty to their -friends in England,—not feigned but true reports. - -In November, about 12 months after their arrival, there came a small -ship unexpectedly, bringing Mr. Cushman (so much spoken of before), -and with him 35 persons to remain and live in the plantation; at -which they rejoiced not a little. And the new arrivals, when they -came ashore and found all well, and saw plenty of victuals in every -house, were no less glad. Most of them were healthy young men, -many of them wild enough, who had little considered what they were -undertaking,—till they reached the harbour of Cape Cod, and there -saw nothing but a naked and barren place. They then began to wonder -what would become of them, should the people be dead or cut off by -the Indians. So, hearing what some of the sailors were saying, they -began to plot to seize the sails, lest the ship should go, and leave -them there. But the captain, hearing of it gave them good words, and -told them that if any misfortune should have befallen the people -here, he thought he had food enough to take them to Virginia, and -whilst he had a bit, they should have their share, which satisfied -them. So they were all landed; but they brought not so much as -biscuit-cake, or any other victuals with them, nor any bedding, -except some poor things they had in their cabins; nor pot nor pan to -cook any food in; nor many clothes, for many of them had sold their -coats and cloaks at Plymouth on their way out. But some burching-lane -suits were sent over in the ship, out of which they were supplied. -The plantation was glad of this addition of strength, but could have -wished that many of them had been of better class, and all of them -better furnished with provisions; but that could not now be helped. - -In this ship Mr. Weston sent a long letter to Mr. Carver, the late -Governor, now deceased, full of complaints and expostulations about -the former troubles at Southampton, and keeping the ship so long in -the country, and returning her without lading, etc.,—most of which -for brevity I omit. The rest is as follows. - - _Mr. Weston in England to Mr. John Carver at New Plymouth_: - - I never dared acquaint the adventurers with the alterations in the - conditions first agreed on between us, which I have since been very - glad of, for I am well assured that had they known as much as I do, - they would not have ventured a halfpenny of what was necessary for - this ship. That you sent no lading back with the ship is strange, - and very properly resented. I know your weakness was the cause - of it; and I believe more weakness of judgment than weakness of - hands. A quarter of the time you spent in discoursing, arguing, - and consulting, would have done much more; but that is past.... - If you mean, bona fide, to perform the conditions agreed upon, do - us the favour to copy them out fair, and subscribe them with the - names of your principal members and likewise give us account, as - particularly as you can, how our money was laid out. Then I shall - be able to give them some satisfaction, while I am now forced - to put them off with good words. And consider that the life of - this business depends on the lading of this ship. If you do so - satisfactorily, so that I may recoup the great sums I disbursed for - the former voyage, and must do for this one, I promise you I will - never forsake this enterprise, though all the other adventurers - should do so. - - We have procured you a charter, the best we could, which is better - than the former, and with less limitations. As for anything else - that is worth writing, Mr. Cushman can inform you. I pray write - instantly for Mr. Robinson to come to you. And so, praying God to - bless you with all graces necessary both for this life and that to - come, I rest, - - Your very loving friend, - THOS. WESTON. - _London, July 6th, 1621._ - -This ship, called the Fortune, was speedily despatched, laden with -good clapboard, as full as she could stow, and two hogsheads of -beaver and otter skins, which they had traded in exchange for a few -trifling commodities brought with them at first, being otherwise -altogether unprovided for trading; nor was there a man among them who -had ever seen a beaver skin till they came out, and were instructed -by Squanto. The freight was estimated to be worth nearly £500. Mr. -Cushman returned with the ship, as Mr. Weston and the rest had -commissioned him, for their better information. And neither he -nor the settlers doubted that they would receive speedy supplies, -considering that, owing to Mr. Cushman’s persuasion, and to letters -which they received from the congregation at Leyden, urging them to -do so, they agreed to the aforesaid conditions, and signed them. -But it proved otherwise, for Mr. Weston, who had made that large -promise in his letter, that if all the rest should drop out, he would -never quit the business, but would stick to them if they signed the -conditions and sent some lading on the ship,—and of this Mr. Cushman -was equally confident, confirming it by Mr. Weston’s own words and -serious protestations to himself before he left,—all this, I say, -proved but wind, for he was the first and only man that forsook them, -and that before he had so much as heard of the return of the ship, or -knew what had been done. So vain is confidence in man! But of this, -more in its place. - -A letter in answer to that written by Mr. Weston to Mr. Carver was -sent from the Governor, of which so much as is pertinent to the thing -in hand I will insert here: - - _Governor Bradford at New Plymouth to Mr. Weston in England_: - - Sir, - - Your long letter written to Mr. Carver, and dated July 6th, 1621, - I received on November 10th, wherein, after the apology made for - yourself, you lay many imputations upon him and us all. Touching - him, he is now departed this life, and is at rest in the Lord from - all these troubles and incumbrances with which we yet strive. He - needs not my apology; for his care and pains were so great for - the common good, both ours and yours, that, as it is thought, he - thereby oppressed himself and shortened his days; of whose loss we - cannot sufficiently complain. At great expense in this adventure I - confess you have been, and many losses may sustain; but the loss - of his and many other industrious men’s lives cannot be valued at - any price. Of the one there may be hope of recovery, but the other - no recompense can make good. However, I will not confine myself to - general statements, but will deal with your particular charges. - - You greatly blame us for keeping the ship so long in the country, - and then sending her away empty. She lay five weeks at Cape Cod, - whilst with many a weary step, after a long journey and the - endurance of many a hard brunt we sought out in the depth of winter - a place of habitation. Then we set about, as well as we could, to - provide shelter for ourselves and our goods upon which task many - of our arms and legs can tell us to this day that we were not - negligent! But it pleased God to visit us then with death daily, - and with a disease so disastrous that the living were scarcely - able to bury the dead, and the healthy not in any measure to tend - the sick. And now to be so greatly blamed for not freighting the - ship touches us near and discourages us much. But you say you - know we shall plead weakness; and do you think we had not cause? - Yes, you tell us you believe it—but that it was more weakness of - judgment than of hands! Our weakness herein is great, we confess; - therefore we will bear this rebuke patiently, with the rest, till - God send us wiser men. But those who told you we spent so much - time in discoursing and consulting, etc., their hearts can tell - their tongues they lie. They care not, so that they salve their own - sores, how they wound others. Indeed it is our calamity that we - are, beyond expectation, yoked with some ill-disposed people, who, - while they do no good themselves, corrupt and abuse others. - -The rest of the letter stated that they had subscribed to the -conditions according to his desire, and sent him the previous -accounts very exactly; also how the ship was laden, and in what -condition their affairs stood; that the arrival of the new people -would bring famine upon them unavoidably, if they did not receive -supplies, in time,—as Mr. Cushman could more fully inform him and the -rest of the adventurers. Also that, seeing he was not satisfied in -all his demands, he hoped offences would be forgotten, and he would -remember his promise, etc. - -After the departure of this ship, which did not stay above fourteen -days, the Governor and his assistant having disposed the new arrivals -among several families as best they could, took an exact account -of all their provisions in store, and proportioned the same to the -number of persons, and found that it would not hold out above six -months at half allowance, and hardly that. They could not well give -less this winter, till fish came in again. So they were presently put -on half allowance, one as well as another. It became irksome, but -they bore it patiently, hoping to receive fresh supplies. - -Soon after this ship’s departure, the great Narragansett tribe, in a -braving manner, sent a messenger to them with a bundle of arrows tied -about with a great snake skin, which their interpreters told them was -a threatening challenge. Upon which the Governor, with the advice -of the others, sent them a round answer, that if they would rather -have war than peace, they might begin when they would; they had done -them no wrong, neither did they fear them, nor would they find them -unprepared. They sent the snake skin back by another messenger with -bullets in it; but they would not receive it, and returned it again. -These things I need merely mention, because they are fully dealt with -in print by Mr. Winslow, at the request of some friends. The reason -was probably their own ambition, thinking, since the death of so many -of the Indians, to domineer and lord it over the rest, and that the -English would be a bar in their way, Massasoyt having taken shelter -already under their wings. - -But this made the settlers more careful to look to themselves. They -agreed to enclose their dwellings in a good strong stockade and make -flankers in convenient places, with gates to shut. These they locked -every night, and a watch was kept, and when need required there were -also outposts in the day-time. The colonists, at the Captain’s and -Governor’s advice, were divided into four squadrons, and every one -had his quarter appointed, to which to repair at any sudden alarm; -and in case of fire, a company with muskets was appointed as a guard, -to prevent Indian treachery, whilst the others quenched it. This -was accomplished very cheerfully, and the town was enclosed by the -beginning of March, every family having a pretty garden plot. - -Herewith I shall end this year—except to recall one more incident, -rather amusing than serious. On Christmas Day, the Governor called -the people out to work as usual; but most of the new company excused -themselves, and said it went against their consciences to work on -that day. So the Governor told them, if they made it a matter of -conscience, he would spare them till they were better informed. So -he went with the rest, and left them; but on returning from work at -noon he found them at play in the street, some pitching the bar, some -at stool-ball, and such like sports. So he went to them and took away -their games, and told them that it was against his conscience that -they should play and others work. If they made the keeping of the -day a matter of devotion, let them remain in their houses; but there -should be no gaming and revelling in the streets. Since then, nothing -has been attempted in that way, at least openly. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -Weston abandons the Settlement—Dissensions among the Adventurers in -England—Weston’s plan for a Colony, and arrival of Sixty Settlers for -it—News from Captain Huddleston of massacre in Virginia—Fort built at -New Plymouth—Death of Squanto—Weston’s Colony in difficulties: 1622. - - -They had arranged with the Massachusetts to go again and trade with -them in the spring, and began to prepare for the voyage about the -latter end of March. But Hobbamok, their Indian, told them that, -from some rumours he had heard, he feared they had joined the -Narragansetts and might betray them if they were not careful. He -also intimated some suspicion of Squanto, from what he had observed -of some private whisperings between him and other Indians. But they -resolved to proceed, and sent out their shallop with ten of their -chief men about the beginning of April, both Squanto and Hobbamok -with them, considering the jealousy between them. But they had not -been gone long from the settlement, before an Indian belonging to -Squanto’s family came running in, apparently in great fear, and told -them that many of the Narragansetts with Corbitant, and he thought -also Massasoyt, were coming to attack them; and he got away to tell -them, not without danger. And being examined by the Governor, he -made as if the enemy were at hand, and kept looking back as if they -were at his heels. At which the Governor ordered the settlers to -take arms and stand on their guard; and believing the boat would be -still within hearing, since it was calm, he caused a warning piece -or two to be shot off, which they heard and returned. But no Indians -appeared, and though watch was kept all night, nothing was seen. -Hobbamok was confident of Massasoyt’s good faith and thought it was -all false. But the Governor had him send his wife privately to see -what she could observe, on pretence of other purposes, but nothing -was found and all was quiet. So they proceeded on their voyage to the -Massachusetts and had good trade, and returned in safety blessed be -God! - -But by what had passed they began to see that Squanto sought his own -ends and played his own game, by frightening the Indians and getting -gifts from them for himself, making them believe he could stir up war -against them if he would, and make peace for whom he would. He even -made them believe the English kept the plague buried in the ground, -and could send it among them whenever they wished, which terrified -the Indians and made them more dependent on him than on Massasoyt. -This made him envied, and was likely to have cost him his life; -for, after discovering this, Massasoyt sought it both privately and -openly. This caused Squanto to stick close to the English, and he -never dared leave them till he died. The colony also made good use of -the emulation between Hobbamok and him, which made them behave more -squarely, the Governor seeming to countenance the one and the Captain -the other, by which they procured better intelligence and made them -both more zealous in their service. - -Now their provisions were practically all exhausted and they looked -anxiously for supplies, but none came. About the latter end of May, -however, they spied a boat at sea, which at first they thought was -some Frenchman; but it proved to be a shallop which came from a ship -which Mr. Weston and another man had sent out fishing at a place -called Damariscove, 40 leagues to the eastward of them, where that -year many ships had come to fish. This boat brought seven passengers -and some letters, but no provisions and no hope of any. Part of this -letter I will give. - - _Mr. Weston in England to Mr. John Carver at New Plymouth_: - - The Fortune, in which Mr. Cushman went,—who I hope is with you, - for we daily expect the ship back again,—left England at the - beginning of July with 35 persons, though not over well provided - with necessaries owing to the parsimony of the adventurers. I have - begged them to send you a supply of men and provisions before she - returns. They all answer they will do great things when they hear - good news—nothing before, so faithful, constant, and careful of - your good are your old and honest friends, that if they hear not - from you they are not likely to send you supplies.... I will now - explain the sending of this ship, hoping if you give me credit, you - will have a more favourable opinion of the project than some here, - whereof Pickering is one.... Mr. Beauchamp and I have bought this - little ship, and have fitted her out, partly, it may be, to benefit - the plantation, and partly to recoup ourselves for former losses; - though we are censured.... This is the reason we have sent this - ship and these passengers, on our own account; and we desire you to - entertain them and supply them, with such necessaries as you can - spare.... And among other things, pray lend or sell them some seed - corn, or if you have some of the salt remaining from last year, let - them have it for their present use, and we will either pay you for - it, or give you more when our salt pan is at work, which we want to - have set up in one of the little islands in your bay.... We intend, - if God please, and the others will not join us, to send within - a month another ship, which, having discharged her passengers, - will go to Virginia.... And perhaps we shall send a small ship to - remain with you on the coast, which should be a great help to the - plantation. In order that we may accomplish our endeavours, which - will be also for your good, pray give them entertainment in your - houses while they are with you, so that they may lose no time, but - may at once proceed to fell trees and cleave them, so that lading - may be ready, and the ship be not delayed. - - Some of the adventurers have sent you herewith some directions for - your furtherance in the common enterprise,—like those whom St. - James speaks of, that bid their brother eat, and warm himself, - but give him nothing; so they bid you make salt, and uphold the - plantation, but send you no means wherewith to do it.... By the - next ship we intend to send more people on our own account, and to - take a patent; lest your people should be as inhuman as are some - of the adventurers, and should not permit us to dwell with them, - which would be such extreme barbarism that I will not let myself - think you have any such Pickerings among you. Yet to satisfy our - passengers I must perforce do it, and for some other reasons which - I need not write.... I find the rest so backward, and your friends - at Leyden so cold, that I fear you must stand on your own legs, and - trust (as they say) to God and yourselves. - - Subscribed, - Your loving friend, - THOS. WESTON. - -Several other things I pass over, being tedious and impertinent. - -All this was but cold comfort with which to fill their hungry bellies -and a slender performance of his recent promise, and as little did -it either fill or warm them as those the Apostle James speaks of, to -which he refers. - -There came by the same ship other letters, but of later date, one -from Mr. Weston and another from some of the other adventurers, as -follows. - - _Mr. Weston in England to Mr. John Carver at New Plymouth_: - - Mr. Carver, - - Since my last, in order that we might more readily help the - company, at a meeting of some of the principal adventurers - a proposition was made and agreed to by all present, except - Pickering, that each man should further adventure the third part - of what he had formerly done. Some others followed Pickering’s - example and would adventure no more. Therefore, the greater part - of the adventurers being willing to support the enterprise, seeing - no reason why those who were willing, should carry on the business - of those who were unwilling, and whose backwardness discouraged - those who would go forward, and hindered other new adventurers - from joining, we, having well considered the matter, have resolved - according to the article in our agreement (that, by general - consent, the adventurers and settlers for just cause may break off - their joint stock), to break it off; and beg you to ratify and - confirm the same on your parts. This being done we shall the more - willingly proceed to provide you with necessary supplies. But in - any case you must agree to the articles and send them back under - your hands and seals by the first ship. So I end, - - Your loving friend, - THOS. WESTON. - _Jan. 17th, 1621._ - -Another letter was written by part of the company of the adventurers -to the same purpose, and subscribed with nine of their names, of -which Mr. Weston’s and Mr. Beauchamp’s were two. This inconstancy and -shuffling seemed strange, and it appeared there was some mystery in -the matter. So the Governor concealed these letters from the public -and only imparted them to some trusted friends for advice, who agreed -with him that to inform them would tend to disband and scatter them -in their present necessity; and if Mr. Weston and others like-minded -should come over with shipping, provisioned as his letters suggested, -most of the advantage would fall to him, to the prejudice of -themselves and their friends and the rest of the adventurers, from -whom as yet they had heard nothing. Indeed it was doubted whether -he had not sent over the people in the former ship with this idea. -However, they took compassion on the seven whom this ship, fishing -to the eastward, had kept till planting time was over, so that it -was too late for them to set their corn, and who brought no food, -for they turned them ashore without any. Nor had the salt-pan come; -so they could not accomplish any of the things which Mr. Weston had -mentioned, and might have starved if the plantation had not succoured -them. Their wants were supplied exactly as the rest of the settlers’. -The ship went down to Virginia, where they sold both ship and fish, -of the proceeds of which Mr. Weston received a very slender share, it -is understood. - -After this came another of his ships, bringing letters dated the 10th -April, from Mr. Weston, as follows. - - _Mr. Weston in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth_: - - Mr. Bradford, these, etc. - - The Fortune has arrived, whose good news concerning you I am very - glad to hear. And though she was robbed on the way by the French, - yet I hope your loss will not be great, for the prospect of so - great a return much encourages the adventurers, so that I hope some - matter of importance will be done by them.... As for myself, I - have sold my adventure and debts to them, so I am quit of you, and - you of me, for that matter.... And now, though I have no position - as an adventurer amongst you, I will advise you a little for your - good, if you like to avail yourselves of it. I know as well as any - the disposition of your adventurers, whom the hope of gain has - drawn on to what they have done; but I fear that hope will not - draw them much further. Besides, most of them are against sending - your friends at Leyden, in whose interests this business was first - begun; and some of the most religious (for instance a Mr. Greene) - takes exception to them. So that my advice is (you may follow it if - you please) that you forthwith break off your joint stock, which - you have the right to do both in law and conscience, since the - majority of the adventurers have sanctioned it in a former letter. - The resources you have there, which I hope will be to some purpose - by means of this spring’s trade, may, with the help of some friends - here, meet the expense of transporting the Leyden contingent, and - when they are with you I do not question but by God’s help you - will be able to subsist of yourselves. But I leave you to your own - discretion. - - I requested several of the adventurers, Mr. Pierce, Mr. Greene, - and others, if they had anything to send you,—such as food or - letters,—to send them by these ships; and wondering that they - sent not so much as a letter, I asked our passengers what letters - they had, and after some hesitation one of them told me he had - one, which was delivered him with great show of secrecy; and for - its greater security he was told to buy a pair of new shoes, and - sew it between the soles for fear of its being intercepted. I, - taking the letter, wondering what mystery might be in it, broke - it open and found this treacherous letter subscribed by the - hands of Mr. Pickering and Mr. Greene. Had it come to your hands - without comment, it might have injured, if not ruined, us all. - For assuredly if you had followed their instructions, and had - treated us as unkindly as they advise you to, distrusting us as - enemies, etc., it might have set us together by the ears to our - destruction. For I believe that in such a case, knowing the nature - of past business between us, not only my brother, but others also, - would have been violent and heady against you.... I meant to have - settled the people I before and now send you, with or near you, for - mutual security and defence and help on all occasions. But I find - the adventurers so jealous and suspicious that I have altered my - resolution, and have given orders to my brother and those with him - to do as he and they shall find fit. - - Your loving friend, - THOS. WESTON. - _April 10th, 1621._ - - - _Part of Mr. Pickering’s and Mr. Greene’s letter to the Settlers at - New Plymouth_: - - To Mr. Bradford and Mr. Brewster, etc. - - My dear love remembered to you all, etc. - - The company has bought out Mr. Weston, and are very glad they are - freed of a man who thought himself superior to the rest, and not - expressing so much fear of God as was meet. I need say no more: a - few words to the wise. - - Mr. Weston will not permit letters to be sent in his ships, nor - anything for your good or ours, since it would be contrary to his - interests. His brother Andrew, whom he sends as principal in one - of these ships, is a violent, heady young man, and set against - you there and the company here. He and Mr. Weston plot their own - ends, which tend to your and our undoing in respect of our estates - there. We are informed by credible testimony that his purpose is - to come out to your colony, pretending he comes for and from the - adventurers, and will try to get whatever you have in readiness - aboard his ships, as if they came from the company; and all will - then be so much profit to himself. Further, they intend to inform - themselves what special places or sources of profit you have - discovered, so that they may suppress and deprive you.... - - The Lord, who is the watchman of Israel and sleepeth not, preserve - you and deliver you from unreasonable men. I am sorry that there - is cause to admonish you of these things concerning this man; so - I leave you to God, Who bless and multiply you into thousands, to - the advancement of the glorious gospel of Our Lord Jesus. Amen. - Farewell. - - Your loving friends, - EDWARD PICKERING. - WILLIAM GREENE. - - I pray conceal both the writing and delivery of this letter, but - make the best use of it. We hope to fit out a ship ourselves within - this month. - -The following are of the chief points of Mr. Weston’s comments on the -foregoing letter: - - Mr. Bradford, this is the letter I wrote you of, which to answer - in every particular were needless and tedious. My own conscience - and all our people can, and I think will, testify that my end in - sending the ship Sparrow was your good.... Now I will not deny that - there are many of our people rude fellows, as these men term them; - yet I presume they will be governed by such as I set over them, and - I hope not only to be able to reclaim them from their profaneness, - but, by degrees, draw them to God.... I am so far from sending you - rude fellows to deprive you either by fraud or violence of what is - yours, that I have ordered the captain of the Sparrow to leave with - you 2000 of bread, and a good quantity of fish.[4] ... But I will - leave it to you to consider what evil this letter might have done, - had it come to your hands and taken the effect its writers desired. - - Now if you be of the same mind as these men, deal plainly with us, - and we will seek our residence elsewhere. If you are as friendly as - we have thought you to be, give us the entertainment of friends and - we will take nothing from you, neither meat, drink, nor lodging, - without in some way or other paying you for it.... I shall leave - in the country a little ship, if God send her safe thither, with - sailors and fishermen, to stay there to coast and trade with the - savages and the old plantation. It may be we shall be as helpful to - you as you will be to us. I think I shall see you next spring; so I - commend you to the protection of God, Who ever keep you. - - Your loving friend, - THOS. WESTON. - -Thus all their hopes in regard to Mr. Weston were laid in the dust, -and all his promised help turned into empty advice, which they saw it -was neither lawful nor profitable for them to follow. And they were -thus not only left destitute of help in their extreme want, having -neither food nor anything to trade with, but others were preparing -to glean up what the country might have afforded for their relief. -As for the harsh censures and suspicions intimated in the former -and following letters, they desired to judge them as charitably -and wisely as they could, weighing them in the balance of love and -reason; and though they came in part from godly and loving friends, -they recognized that much might arise from over-deep jealousy and -fear, or from provocation,—though they saw clearly that Mr. Weston -pursued his own ends and was embittered in spirit. After the receipt -of the former letters the Governor received one from Mr. Cushman, who -went home in the ship and was always intimate with Mr. Weston,—as -former passages prove. It had seemed strange that nothing was heard -from him all this while; but it seems it was the difficulty of -sending, for this letter was directed as if from a wife in England to -her husband who was here, and was brought by him to the Governor. It -was as follows. - - _Robert Cushman in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth_: - - Beloved Sir, - - I heartily salute you, trusting you are well, and with many thanks - for your love. By God’s providence we got home safely on the 17th - Feb., being robbed by the French on the way and taken by them into - France, where we were kept 15 days and lost all that we had that - was worth taking. But thanks be to God we escaped with our lives - and our ship. It does not seem to have discouraged any here. I - purpose by God’s grace to see you shortly, I hope in June next or - before. In the meantime consider well the following. Mr. Weston - has quite broken off from our company, through some disagreement - that arose between him and some of the other adventurers, and has - sold all his adventurers and has now sent three small ships for his - particular colony. Of the biggest of these, which is 100 tons, Mr. - Reynolds is captain; Mr. Weston intends to come himself with the - others,—why I know not. - - The people they take are no men for us, so I beg you not to - entertain them nor to exchange men with them, except perhaps some - of your worst. He has taken out a patent for himself. If they offer - to buy anything of you let it be such as you can spare and let - them give full value for it. If they borrow anything of you let - them leave a good pawn.... It is probable he will settle southward - of the Cape, for William Trevor has lavishly told what he knew - (or imagined) of Capawack, Monhegan and the Narragansetts. I fear - these people will hardly deal as well with the savages as they - should. I advise you therefore to signify to Squanto that they are - a distinct body from us, and we have nothing to do with them; that - we must not be blamed for their faults,—much less can we warrant - their fidelity. We are about to recover our losses in France. Our - friends at Leyden are well, and as many as can will come this - time. I hope all will turn out for the best, so I pray you not - to be discouraged, but to meet these difficulties cheerfully and - with courage, in that place wherein God has set you until the day - of refreshing come. And the Lord God of sea and land bring us - comfortably together again, if it may stand with His glory. - - Yours, - ROBERT CUSHMAN. - -On the other side of the leaf in the same letter, came these few -lines from Mr. John Pierce, in whose name the patent here was taken, -and of whom more will follow in its place. - - _John Pierce in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth_: - - Worthy Sir, - - I desire you to take into consideration what is written on the - other side, and in no way to let your own colony be contaminated, - whose strength is but weakness and may therefore be more enfeebled. - As for the Letters of Association, by the next ship we send I hope - you will receive satisfaction; in the meantime whom you admit I - will approve. As for Mr. Weston’s company, I think them so inferior - for the most part that they do not seem fit for honest men’s - company. I hope they may prove otherwise. It is not my purpose to - write at length, but cease in these few lines, and so rest, - - Your loving friend, - JOHN PIERCE. - -All this they considered carefully; but they decided to give the -men friendly entertainment, partly out of regard for Mr. Weston -himself, considering what he had done for them, and partly out of -compassion for the people, who had come into a wilderness (as they -themselves had before) and were presently to be put ashore altogether -ignorant of what to do. The ship was then to carry other passengers -to Virginia. So, as they had received Mr. Weston’s former company of -seven men, and victualed them as their own hitherto, they received -these—about sixty strong men—and gave them housing for themselves and -their goods; and many of them who were sick had the best the place -could afford them. They stayed most of the summer, till the ship came -back again from Virginia; then by the direction of those set over -them, they moved to Massachusetts Bay, where Mr. Weston had obtained -a patent for some land on the strength of reports which he had got in -some of the letters previously sent home. They left all their sick -folk here till they were settled and housed. But of the provisions of -this contingent the New Plymouth Colony accepted none,—though they -were in great want,—nor anything else in return for any courtesy -rendered by them; nor did they desire it, for they were an unruly -company, without proper government, and would inevitably soon fall -into want if Mr. Weston did not come out to them. So, to prevent all -chance of subsequent trouble, they would accept nothing from them. - -In these straits, deserted by those from whom they had hoped for -supplies, and famine beginning to pinch them severely, the Lord, Who -never fails His, provided assistance beyond all expectation. A boat -which came from the eastward brought them a letter from a stranger -whose name they had never heard before, the captain of a fishing -ship. This letter was as follows. - - _Captain John Huddleston to the Colony at New Plymouth_: - - To all good friends at New Plymouth, these, etc., - - Friends, Countrymen, and Neighbours, - - I salute you and wish you all health and happiness in the Lord. I - make bold to trouble you with these lines, because unless I were - inhuman I could do no less. Bad news spreads itself too far; but - still, I may inform you that I and many good friends in the south - colony of Virginia, have sustained such a loss as the lives of 400 - persons would not suffice to make good. Therefore I hope, although - not knowing you, that the old rule which I learnt at school may be - sufficient: that is,—Happy is he whom other men’s ills doth make to - beware! And now, again and again wishing all those that willingly - would serve the Lord all health and happiness in the world, and - everlasting peace in the world to come, I rest, - - Yours, - JOHN HUDDLESTON. - -By this boat the Governor returned a grateful answer, and also sent -a boat of their own with Mr. Winslow, to procure what he could from -the ships. He was kindly received by the captain, who not only spared -what provisions he could but wrote to others to do the same. By -this means he got a good quantity and returned in safety. Thus the -plantation had a double benefit: first, they were refreshed at the -time by the food obtained; secondly, they knew the way to those parts -to their advantage thereafter. What this small boat brought, divided -among so many, came to but little; still, by God’s blessing it -sustained them until harvest. It amounted to a quarter of a pound of -bread a day for each person; and the Governor had it given out daily, -otherwise, had it been in their own custody, they would have eaten it -up and then starved. In this way with what else they could get they -made fair shift till their corn was ripe. - -This summer they built a fort with good timber,—a handsome building -and a good defence, made with a flat roof and battlement, on which -their ordnance was mounted, and where they kept constant watch, -especially in time of danger. It served them also as a meeting house -and was fitted accordingly for that use. It was a big undertaking for -them at this period of weakness and want; but the dangerous times -necessitated it; and the continual rumours about the Indians here, -especially the Narragansetts, and also the news of the great massacre -in Virginia, made all hands willing to complete it. - -Now the welcome time of harvest approached, in which all had their -hungry bellies filled. But it amounted to but little compared with -a full year’s supply, partly because they were not yet used to the -culture of Indian corn (they had no other), partly owing to their -many other employments; but chiefly their weakness for want of -food prevented them from cultivating it as they should have done. -Again, much was stolen even before it became eatable, and much -more afterwards—and though many were well whipped when they were -caught stealing a few ears of corn, hunger drove others to it, whom -conscience did not restrain. It was quite clear that famine would -prevail again next year if not prevented, or if their supplies, to -which they dare not trust, should fail. Markets there were none -to go to, except the Indians; and even then they had no trading -commodities. Behold now another providence of God. A ship comes -into the harbour in charge of a Captain Jones, fitted out by some -merchants to discover all the harbours between here and Virginia -and the shoals of Cape Cod, and to trade along the coast where they -could. This ship had supplies of English beads which were then good -trade, and some knives,—though the Captain would sell none except at -high prices and in large quantities. But they were so glad of the -chance that they were willing to buy at any rate,—even at a premium -of 100 per cent, if not more, and even then to sell coat beaver at -three shillings per pound, which a few years after fetched twenty -shillings. By this means they were able again to trade for beaver and -other things, and intended to buy what corn they could. - -But I will here take the liberty of making a little digression. There -was aboard this ship a gentleman, by name Mr. John Pory, who had been -secretary in Virginia, and was now going home as a passenger. After -his departure he wrote a letter to the Governor, in the postscript of -which were these lines: - - To yourself and Mr. Brewster I must acknowledge myself much - indebted, and would have you feel that his books are well bestowed - on one who esteems them such jewels. My haste would not suffer me - to remember, much less to ask for, Mr. Ainsworth’s elaborate work - upon the five Books of Moses. Both his and Mr. Robinson’s highly - commend the authors, as conversant with the scriptures above all - others. And who knows what good it may please God to work by them, - through my unworthy hands, who finds such high content in them. God - have you all in His keeping. - - Your unfeigned and firm friend, - JOHN PORY. - _Aug. 28th, 1622._ - -This I insert here in honour of the author’s memory, which this -gentleman thus ingenuously acknowledges; and he, upon his return, did -the plantation much credit amongst men of no mean rank. But to return. - -Shortly after harvest Mr. Weston’s people, who were now settled in -Massachusetts, and had, by disorder as it seems, made havoc of their -provisions, began now to realize that want would press them. Finding -that the people here had bought trading commodities, and intended to -trade for corn, they wrote to the Governor and asked that they might -join them in trading, employing their small ship for the purpose; -and further requested them either to lend or to sell them some of -their trading commodities in return, and they would undertake to -make payment when Mr. Weston or their supplies should come. The -Governor agreed to do so upon equal terms, intending to go round the -cape southwards, with the ship, where corn might be got. Captain -Standish was appointed to go with them, and Squanto as a guide and -interpreter, about the latter end of September; but the winds drove -them in; and putting out again, Captain Standish fell ill with fever, -so the Governor went himself. But they could not get round the shoals -of Cape Cod, for flats and breakers, and Squanto could not direct -them better. The Captain of the boat dare not venture any further, so -they put into Manamoick Bay, and got what they could there. - -Here Squanto fell ill of Indian fever, bleeding much at the -nose,—which the Indians take for a symptom of death,—and within a few -days he died. He begged the Governor to pray for him, that he might -go to the Englishmen’s God in heaven, and bequeathed several of his -things to some of his English friends, as remembrances. His death was -a great loss. - -On this voyage they got in one place or another about 26 or 28 -hogsheads of corn and beans, which was more than the Indians could -well spare hereabouts, for they sowed but little till they got -English hoes. So they had to return, disappointed that they could not -get round the Cape and were not better laden. Afterwards the Governor -took a few men and went to inland places to get what he could, to be -fetched home in the spring, which was some help. - -In February a messenger came from John Sanders, who was left in -charge of Mr. Weston’s men at the Bay of Massachusetts, bringing a -letter telling of the great want they had fallen into. He wished to -borrow a hogshead of corn from the Indians, but they would lend him -none. He asked whether he might not take it from them by force to -supply his men till he returned from the east, where he was going. -The governor and the rest dissuaded him strongly, for it might -exasperate the Indians and endanger their safety, and all might smart -for it. Already it had been rumoured how they had wronged the Indians -by stealing their corn, etc., and that they were much incensed -against them. But so depraved were some of Mr. Weston’s people, that -they went and told the Indians that the Governor intended to come and -take their corn by force. This and other things made them enter into -a conspiracy against the English, of which more in the next chapter. -Herewith I end this year. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -Rescue of Weston’s Settlement—Weston arrives at New Plymouth—His -reception and ingratitude—Individual planting of corn substituted -for communal—Hardships—John Pierce and the Patent—Sixty new -Settlers—Compact between the Colony and private Settlers—Captain -Robert Gorges, Governor-General of New England—Weston charged and -arrested—Fire at New Plymouth: Storehouse threatened: 1623. - - -It may be thought strange that the Weston colony should have fallen -into such extremity in so short a time being fully provided when the -ship left them, in addition to their share of the corn which was got -by trade, besides much that they got by one means or another from -the Indians where they lived. It must needs have been their lack of -order, spending excessively whilst they had it, and may be wasting -part among the Indians—for the chief man amongst them was said to -keep Indian women, how truly I know not. Then, when they began to -want many sold their clothes and bed-coverings; others,—so depraved -were they,—became servants to the Indians, cutting them wood and -fetching them water for a capfull of corn; others fell to plain -stealing from the Indians of which they complained grievously. In -the end some starved and died with cold and hunger; one in gathering -shell-fish was so weak he stuck fast in the mud, and was found -dead in the place; at last most of them left their dwellings, and -scattered up and down in the woods and by the water-side, a few here -and a few there, wherever they could find ground-nuts and clams. - -The Indians scorned them for such conduct, and began to insult them -in a most insolent manner. Often, while they were cooking a pot of -ground-nuts or shell-fish, when it was ready, the Indians would come -and eat it up; and at night they would come and steal the blankets -from such few as had them, and let them lie in the cold. Their -condition was very lamentable, and in the end, in order to satisfy -the Indians, they were obliged to hang one of their men whom they -could not keep from stealing. - -While things went on thus, the Governor and the people here had -notice that their friend Massasoyt was sick, and near to death. -They visited him, and took whatever they could to relieve him; and -he recovered. He then discovered a conspiracy amongst the Indians -of Massachusetts, and other neighbouring tribes with whom they -had conspired, to wipe out Mr. Weston’s people, in revenge for -the continual injuries they did them, taking opportunity of their -weakness to do it. And believing that the people at New Plymouth -would avenge their death, they decided to do the same by them, and -had solicited Massasoyt to join them. He advised the New Plymouth -settlement to prevent it, by speedily capturing some of the chief of -the conspirators before it was too late, for he assured them of the -truth of it. - -This troubled them much, and they took it into serious deliberation, -and upon examination found other evidence too long to relate. In the -meantime one of Mr. Weston’s people came from Massachusetts, with -a small pack on his back; and though he did not know a foot of the -way, he got here safe. He lost his way, which was well for him, for, -though pursued, he was missed. He told them here how everything stood -among them, and that he dared stay no longer. He believed, by what he -observed, they would all be knocked on the head shortly. - -So the people at New Plymouth made the more haste, and they -despatched a boat with Captain Standish and some men, who found them -in a miserable condition out of which he rescued them, and killed -some few of the chief conspirators among the Indians, and according -to his order, offered to bring the remnant of the Weston settlement -here if they thought well, in which case they should fare no worse -than the colonists themselves, till Mr. Weston or some supplies came -to them. Or, if they preferred any other course, he was to give them -any assistance he could. They thanked him, but most of them begged -he would give them some corn so that they could go with their small -ship to the eastward, where they might hear of Mr. Weston or get some -supplies from him, since it was the time of the year for the fishing -ships to be out. If not, they would work among the fishermen for -their living, and get their passage back to England if they heard -nothing from Mr. Weston in the meantime. So he put aboard what they -had, and he got them all the corn he could, scarcely leaving enough -to bring himself home, and saw them well out of the bay, under sail -at sea. Then he came back, not accepting a penny worth of anything -from them. I have but touched these things briefly because they have -been published in print more completely already. - -This was the end of those who at one time boasted of their -strength,—all able, healthy men,—and what they would do in comparison -with the people here, who had many women and children and weak ones -among them and who had said, on their first arrival, when they saw -the want here, that they would take a very different course and not -to fall into any such condition as these simple people had come to. -But a man’s way is not in his own hands. God can make the weak to -stand: let him also that standeth take heed lest he fall! - -Shortly after, when he heard of the ruin and destitution of his -colony, Mr. Weston came over with some of the fishermen, under -another name, and disguised as a blacksmith. He got a boat, and -with a man or two came to see how things were there. But on the way -ashore he was caught in a storm, and his shallop was sunk in the bay, -between Merrimac river and Piscataqua, and he barely escaped with his -life. Afterwards he fell into the hands of the Indians, who robbed -him of all that he had saved from the wreck, and stripped him of all -his clothes to his shirt. At last he got to Piscataqua and borrowed -a suit of clothes, and so came to New Plymouth. A strange alteration -there was in him, to such as had seen him in his former flourishing -condition; so uncertain are the mutable things of this unstable -world! And yet men set their hearts upon them, though they daily see -their vanity. - -After many arguments and much discourse,—former troubles boiling in -his mind and wrankling there, as was discerned,—he asked to borrow -some beaver from them, and told them he had hopes that a ship with -good supplies was on its way to him, and that then they should have -anything they stood in need of. They gave little credit to his -report of supplies, but pitied his condition and remembered former -courtesies. They pointed out to him their own wants, and said they -did not know when they might get any supplies. He well knew, also, -how the case stood between them and the adventurers in England. -They had not much beaver, and if they should let him have it, it -would be enough to cause a mutiny among the people since there were -no other means of procuring them the food and clothes which they -so much wanted. Nevertheless, they told him they would help him, -considering his necessity; but that it must be done secretly for the -above reasons. So they let him have 100 beaver skins, which weighed -170 lbs. odd. Thus they helped him when all the world failed him; and -with this he went again to the ships, and supplied his small ship -and some of his men, and bought provisions and fitted himself out; -and it was this supply alone which enabled him to pursue his course -thereafter. But he requited them ill, proving himself a bitter enemy -upon every opportunity, and never repaying them to this day,—except -in reproaches and calumnies. - -All this while no supplies were heard of, nor did they know when they -might expect any. So they began to consider how to raise more corn, -and obtain a better crop than they had done, so that they might not -continue to endure the misery of want. At length after much debate, -the Governor, with the advice of the chief among them, allowed each -man to plant corn for his own household, and to trust to themselves -for that; in all other things to go on in the general way as before. -So every family was assigned a parcel of land, according to the -proportion of their number with that in view,—for present purposes -only, and making no division for inheritance,—all boys and children -being included under some family. This was very successful. It made -all hands very industrious, so that much more corn was planted than -otherwise would have been by any means the Governor or any other -could devise, and saved him a great deal of trouble, and gave far -better satisfaction. The women now went willingly into the field, and -took their little ones with them to plant corn, while before they -would allege weakness and inability; and to have compelled them would -have been thought great tyranny and oppression. - -The failure of this experiment of communal service, which was tried -for several years, and by good and honest men proves the emptiness of -the theory of Plato and other ancients, applauded by some of later -times,—that the taking away of private property, and the possession -of it in community, by a commonwealth, would make a state happy and -flourishing; as if they were wiser than God. For in this instance, -community of property (so far as it went) was found to breed much -confusion and discontent, and retard much employment which would have -been to the general benefit and comfort. For the young men who were -most able and fit for service objected to being forced to spend their -time and strength in working for other men’s wives and children, -without any recompense. The strong man or the resourceful man had -no more share of food, clothes, etc., than the weak man who was not -able to do a quarter the other could. This was thought injustice. The -aged and graver men, who were ranked and equalized in labour, food, -clothes, etc., with the humbler and younger ones, thought it some -indignity and disrespect to them. As for men’s wives who were obliged -to do service for other men, such as cooking, washing their clothes, -etc., they considered it a kind of slavery, and many husbands would -not brook it. This feature of it would have been worse still, if they -had been men of an inferior class. If (it was thought) all were to -share alike, and all were to do alike, then all were on an equality -throughout, and one was as good as another; and so, if it did not -actually abolish those very relations which God himself has set among -men, it did at least greatly diminish the mutual respect that is so -important should be preserved amongst them. Let none argue that this -is due to human failing, rather than to this communistic plan of life -in itself. I answer, seeing that all men have this failing in them, -that God in His wisdom saw that another plan of life was fitter for -them. - -But to return. After this had been settled, and their corn was -planted in this way, all their food supplies were consumed, and they -had to rely upon God’s providence, often at night not knowing where -to get a bit of anything next day; and so, as one well observed, -they had need above all people in the world, to pray to God that He -would give them their daily bread. Yet they bore their want with -great patience and cheerfulness of spirit, and that for upwards of -two years; which reminds me of what Peter Martyr writes in praise of -the Spaniards, in his Fifth Decade, page 208. “They,” says he, “led -a miserable life five days together, with the parched grain of maize -only,” and concludes, “that such pains, such labour, and such hunger, -he thought none living, who was not a Spaniard could have endured.” -But alas! these colonists, when they had maize,—that is Indian -corn,—thought it as good as a feast; and not only lacked bread for -days at a time, but sometimes for two or three months continuously -were without bread or any kind of corn. Indeed, in another place,—his -Second Decade, page 94, the same writer mentions how some others -were even worse put to it, and ate dogs, toads, and dead men,—and -so died almost all. From these extremities the Lord in His goodness -kept these His people, and in their great need preserved both their -lives and their health; let His name have the praise. Yet let me here -make use of the same writer’s conclusion, which in a manner may be -applied to the people of this colony: “That with their miseries they -opened a way to these new lands; and after these hardships, with what -ease other men came to inhabit them, owing it to the calamities which -these forerunners had suffered; so that they who followed seemed to -go, as it were, to a bride feast, where all things are provided for -them.” - -As for fishing, having but one boat left, and she not very well -fitted, they were divided into several crews, six or seven to a crew, -who went out with a net they had bought, to catch bass and other -fish, each party taking its turn. No sooner was the boat emptied of -what she had brought, than the next crew took her, and went out with -her, not returning till they had caught something, even though it -were five or six days, for they knew there was nothing at home, and -to go home empty would be a great disappointment to the rest. They -tried who could do best. If she stayed long or got little, then all -went to seeking shell-fish, which at low water they dug out of the -sands. This was what they lived on in the summer time, till God sent -them better; and in winter there were ground-nuts and fowl to help -them out. In the summer now and then they got a deer, one or two of -the fittest being told off to hunt in the woods. What was got in that -way was divided among them. - -At length they received a letter from the adventurers, too long and -tedious to record here in full, which told of their further crosses -and frustrations, beginning in this manner. - - - _The Adventurers in England to the Settlers at New Plymouth_: - - Loving Friends, - - As your sorrows and afflictions have been great, so our crosses and - interruptions in our proceedings here have not been small. After - we had, with much trouble and expense, sent the Parragon away to - sea, and thought all the trouble was at an end, about fourteen days - after she returned leaking dangerously and battered with storms, - so that she had to be put into dock and have £100 spent on her. - All the passengers lay upon our hands for six or seven weeks, and - much discontent was occasioned. But we trust all will be well, - and result to our mutual advantage, if you can wait with patience - and have but strength to hold on to life. While these things were - happening, Mr. Weston’s ship came, and brought various letters from - you.... We rejoice to hear the good reports that many have brought - home about you.... - -This letter was dated December 21st, 1622. - -This ship was brought out by Mr. John Pierce, and fitted out at -his own expense, in hope of doing great things. The passengers and -goods which the company had sent in her he took aboard as freight, -arranging to land them here. This was the man in whose name the -colony’s first patent was taken out, because of the acquaintance of -their friends with him, though his name was only used in trust. But -when he saw that they were settled here thus hopefully, and by the -success God gave them had obtained the favour of the Council of New -England, he goes to the Council, as if on behalf of the settlers—asks -them for another patent, much more extensive, which he thus easily -obtained. But he meant to keep it to himself, and allow the colonists -what he pleased to grant them as his tenants, and sue to the courts -as chief lord, as will appear by what follows. But the Lord prevented -him; for after the first return of the ship, and the expenses above -mentioned, when she was fitted again, he takes in more passengers, -and those not very good, to try and meet his losses, and sets out a -second time. But what the result was, will appear in another letter -from one of the chief members of the company, dated 9th of April, -1623, written to the Governor here, as follows: - - Loving Friend, - - When I sent my last letter, I hoped to have received one from you - by this time; though when I wrote in December I little thought I - should see Mr. John Pierce till he brought tidings of you. But - it pleased God that he brought us only the woful tidings of his - return, driven back by violent storms when he was half way over, - wherein the goodness and mercy of God appeared in sparing their - lives,—in all 109 souls! The loss is great to Mr. Pierce, and the - company is put to great expense.... - - At last, with great trouble and loss, we have got Mr. John Pierce - to assign to the Company the grand patent, which he had taken in - his own name, the former grant being made void. I am sorry to write - that many here think that the hand of God was justly against him, - both the first and second time of his return; for it appears that - he, whom you and we so confidently trusted only to use his name for - the company, should actually aspire to be supreme over us all, and - to make you and us tenants at his will and pleasure, our patent - having been annulled by his means. I desire to judge charitably of - him; but his unwillingness to part with his royal lordship, and the - high rate he put it at, which was £500,—it cost him £50,—makes many - speak hardly of him. The company are out for goods in his ship, - with expense of passengers, £640.... - - We have hired from two merchants a ship of 140 tons, called the - Anne, which is to be ready the last of this month, to bring sixty - passengers and 60 tons of goods.... - -This is their own judgment of the man’s proceedings. I thought it -better to describe them in their words than my own. Yet, though -no other compensation was got from him than the reversion of this -patent and the shares he had in the adventure, he was never quiet, -but sued them in the chief courts of England, and when he was still -frustrated, brought it before Parliament. But he is now dead, and I -will leave him to the Lord. - -This ship was in greater extremity at sea, during her second -attempted passage, than one could often hear of—without being -wrecked—as I have been informed by Mr. William Pierce who was then -captain of her, and by many others who were passengers on her. It -was about the middle of February. The storm lasted for fourteen days -altogether; but for two or three days and nights continuously it was -of fearful violence. After they had cut down their mast, their round -house and all their upper works were swept away; three men had all -they could do to keep the helm, and the man who held the ship before -the wind was obliged to be bound fast to prevent him from washing -away. The seas so over-raked them, that many times those on the deck -did not know whether they were within board or without; and once she -was so foundered in the sea that they all thought she would never -rise again. But yet the Lord preserved them, and brought them at last -safe to Portsmouth, to the wonder of all who saw what a state she was -in, and heard what they had endured. - -About the latter end of June there arrived a ship, with Captain -Francis West, commissioned to be Admiral of New England, to restrain -interlopers and such fishing ships as came to fish and trade without -a license from the Council of New England, for which rights they were -to be made to pay a substantial sum of money. But he could do no good -with them; they were too strong for him, and he found the fishermen -stubborn fellows; and their owners, upon complain made to Parliament, -procured an order that fishing should be free. He told the Governor -they spoke with a ship at sea and were aboard her, which was coming -to this settlement, in which there were several passengers; he -wondered she had not arrived and feared some mischance, for they -parted company in a storm shortly after they had been aboard. This -report filled them with fear, though they still had hopes. The -captain of this ship had some two hogshead of peas to sell, but -seeing their need he held them at £9 sterling a hogshead, and would -not take under £8, and yet he wanted to buy their beaver at less than -the market rate. So they told him they had lived so long without, -they would do so still, rather than give such an unreasonable price. -So he went on to Virginia. - -About fourteen days after, the ship called the Anne arrived, of which -Mr. William Pierce was captain; and about a week or ten days later -came the pinnace which they had lost in foul weather at sea,—a fine -new vessel, of about forty-four tons, which the company had built -to stay in the country. They brought about sixty settlers for the -colony, some of them very useful persons, who became good members -to the body, and some were the wives and children of those who were -here already. Some of the new settlers were so unruly, that they were -obliged to go to the expense of sending them home again the next -year. Besides these there were a number who did not belong to the -general body, but came on their own resources, and were to have lands -assigned to them, to work for themselves,—but subject to the general -Government. This caused some differences, as will appear. I shall -here again take the liberty to insert a few things out of letters -which came in this ship, desiring to give account of things in their -own words as much as may be. - - _Robert Cushman in England to the Settlers at New Plymouth_: - - Beloved Friends, - - I kindly salute you all, with trust of your healths and welfare. I - am sorry that no supplies have been sent to you all this time, and - in explanation I must refer you to our general letters. Nor have - we now sent you all that we would, for want of money. But there - are people more than enough,—though not all who are fit to go,—for - people come flying in upon us, but money comes creeping in. Some - few of your old friends have come.... So they come dropping to you, - and by degrees, I hope ere long, you will enjoy them all. As people - are pressing so hard upon us to go, and often they are none of the - fittest, I pray you write earnestly to the treasurer, and direct - what persons should be sent. It grieves me to see so weak a company - sent you, and yet had I not been here, they would have been weaker. - You must still call upon the company here to see that honest men - are sent you, and threaten to send back others.... In no way are - we in such danger as from corrupt and disorderly persons. Such and - such came without consent; but the importunity of their friends got - our Treasurer’s word in my absence. There is no need why we should - take lewd men for we have honest men enough.... - - Your assured friend, - R. C. - - - _Thirteen of the Adventurers in England to the Settlers at New - Plymouth_: - - Loving Friends, - - We most heartily salute you in all love and hearty affection, - hoping that the same God Who has hitherto preserved you in such - a marvellous manner, continues your lives and health, to His own - praise and all our comforts. We are very sorry that you have not - been sent to all this time.... We have in this ship sent such women - as were willing and ready to go to their husbands and friends, - with their children.... We would not have you discontented because - we have not sent you more of your old friends, and especially - him on whom you most depend, John Robinson. Far be it from us to - neglect you or slight him. But as the original intent was, so the - results shall show that we will deal fairly, and squarely answer - your expectations to the full. There also come to you some honest - men to settle near you, on their own account, which, if we had - not allowed, would have been to wrong both them and you,—them, by - inconveniencing them, and you, because, being honest they will be a - support to the place and good neighbours to you. In regard to these - private planters we have made two stipulations: - - First, the trade in skins is to be confined to the colonists till - the dividends; secondly, while they may settle near you, it shall - be at such distance as is neither inconvenient to the apportionment - of your lands, nor to your easily assembling together in case of - need. - - We have sent you several fishermen, with salt.... We have sent you - various other provisions, as will appear in your bill of lading, - and though we have not sent all we would, because our cash is - small, it is what we could. - - Although as it seems, you have discovered many more rivers and - fertile grounds than where you are, since by God’s providence, the - place fell to your lot, let it be accepted as your portion; and - rather fix your eyes upon what may be done there, than languish in - hope after things elsewhere. If your site is not the best, it is - the better because you will be envied or encroached upon less, and - such as are earthly minded will not settle too near your border. - If the land afford you bread, and the sea yield you fish, rest you - awhile contented. God will one day grant you better fare; and all - men shall know that you are neither fugitives nor discontents, but - can, if God so order it, take the worst to yourselves with content, - and leave the best to your neighbours with cheerfulness. - - Let it not grieve you that you have been instruments to break the - ice for others, who come after with less difficulty; the honour - shall be yours to the world’s end.... - - We bear you always in our breasts, and our hearty affection is - towards you all, as are the hearts of hundreds more who have - never seen your faces, but who doubtless pray for your safety as - their own, as we do and ever shall—that the same God which has so - marvellously preserved you from seas, foes, and famine, will still - preserve you from all future dangers, and make you honourable among - men, and glorious in bliss at the last day. And so the Lord be with - you all, and send us joyful news of you, and enable us with one - shoulder so to accomplish and perfect this work, that much glory - may come to Him that confoundeth the mighty by the weak, and maketh - small things great. To Whose greatness be all glory, for ever and - ever. - -This letter was subscribed with thirteen of their names. - -The passengers, when they saw the poor condition of those ashore, -were much daunted and dismayed, and, according to their different -characters were, differently affected. Some wished themselves in -England again; others began weeping, fancying what their own misery -would be from what they saw before them; others pitied the distress -they saw their friends had been in so long, and still were under; -in a word, all were full of sadness. Some few of their old friends -rejoiced to see them again, and to know that it was no worse with -them, for they could not expect it to be better; and hoped that now -they would enjoy better days together. And it was certainly not -unnatural that the new arrivals should be thus affected; for the -settlers were in very poor case,—many were ragged in apparel, and -some little better than half naked; though some few, who were well -stocked before, were well enough clothed. But as for food, they were -all alike, except some who had got a few peas from the ship that -was last here. The best dish they could present to their friends -was a lobster, or a piece of fish, without any bread, or anything -else but a cup of fair spring water. The long continuance of this -diet, and their labours, had somewhat abated the freshness of their -complexions. But God gave them health and strength and showed them by -experience the truth of that word (Deut. viii, 3): “Man liveth not by -bread alone, but by every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of -the Lord doth a man live.” - -When I think how sadly the Scripture speaks of the famine in Jacob’s -time, when he said to his sons, “Go buy us food, that we may live and -not die” (Gen. xlii, 2, and xliii, 1); and that the famine was great -in the land and yet they had such great herds of cattle of various -kinds, which besides meat produces other foods, such as milk, butter -and cheese, etc., and yet it was counted a sore affliction; when we -think of this, then we see that the affliction of these settlers must -have been very great, who not only lacked the staff of life, but all -these things, and had no Egypt to go to. But God fed them out of the -sea for the most part, so wonderful is His providence over His in all -ages; for His mercy endureth for ever. - -Now the original settlers were afraid that their corn, when it -was ripe, would have to be shared with the new-comers, and that -the provisions which the latter had brought with them would give -out before the year was over,—as indeed they did. So they went to -the Governor and begged him that as it had been agreed that they -should sow their corn for their own use, and accordingly they had -taken extraordinary pains about it, they might be left to enjoy it. -They would rather do that than have a bit of the food just come in -the ship. They would wait till harvest for their own and let the -new-comers enjoy what they had brought; they would have none of it, -except what they could purchase by bargain or exchange. Their request -was granted them and it satisfied both sides; for the new-comers were -much afraid the hungry settlers would eat up the provisions they had -brought, and then that they would fall into like conditions of want. - -The ship was laden in a short time with clapboard, by the help of -many hands. They also sent in her all the beaver and other furs they -had, and Mr. Winslow was sent over with her, to give information and -to procure such things as were required. Harvest time had now come, -and then instead of famine, God gave them plenty, and the face of -things was changed, to the rejoicing of the hearts of many for which -they blessed God. And the effect of their particular planting was -well seen, for all had, one way or another, pretty well to bring the -year about, and some of the abler sort and more industrious had to -spare, and sell to others,—in fact, no general want or famine has -been amongst them since, to this day. - -Those that came on their own venture looked for greater things than -they found, or could attain to, such as building great houses in -pleasant situations, as they had fancied,—as if they could be great -men, and rich, all of a sudden; but they proved castles in the air. - -The following were the conditions agreed on between the colony and -them: - - 1. That the Governor in the name and with the consent of the - company embraces and receives them in all love and friendship; and - is to allot them competent places for habitations within the town; - and promises to show them all such other courtesies as shall be - reasonable for them to desire, or us to perform. - - 2. That they on their parts be subject to all such laws and orders - as are already made, or hereafter shall be made, for the public - good. - - 3. That they be free and exempt from the general employments of the - said company (which their present condition of community requires), - except common defence, and such other employments as tend to the - perpetual good of the colony. - - 4. Towards the maintenance of government, and public officers of - the said colony, every male above the age of 16 years shall pay a - bushel of Indian wheat, or the worth of it, into the common store. - - 5. That according to the agreement the merchants made with them - before they came, they are to be debarred from all trade with the - Indians for all sorts of furs and such like commodities, till the - time of the communality be ended. - -About the middle of September Captain Robert Gorges arrived in the -Bay of Massachusetts, with sundry passengers and families, intending -to begin a plantation there; and pitched upon the place that Mr. -Weston’s people had forsaken. He had a Commission from the Council -of New England, to be Governor-General of the country, and they -appointed for his counsel and assistance, Captain Francis West,—the -admiral aforementioned,—Christopher Levett, Esquire, and the Governor -of New Plymouth for the time being, etc. They also gave him authority -to choose such other as he should see fit. Also, they gave (by their -commission) full power to him and his assistants, or any three of -them, whereof himself was always to be one, to do and execute what -should seem to them good, in all cases capital, criminal, and -civil, etc. with various other instructions. Of these and also his -commission, it pleased him to let the Governor here take a copy. - -He gave them notice of his arrival by letter, but before they could -visit him, he went eastward with the ship he came in; but a storm got -up, and as they lacked a good pilot to harbour them there, they bore -up for this harbour. He and his men were kindly entertained here, and -stayed fourteen days. - -In the meantime Mr. Weston arrived with his small ship, which he -had now recovered. Captain Gorges, who informed the Governor here -that one purpose of his going east was to meet with Mr. Weston, -took this opportunity to call him to account for some abuses he had -to lay to his charge. Whereupon he called Weston before him and -some other of his assistants, with the Governor of this place; and -charged him first with the ill carriage of his men in Massachusetts, -by which means the peace of the country had been disturbed, and he -himself and the people he had brought over to settle there were much -prejudiced. To this Mr. Weston easily answered, that what had been -done, was in his absence, and might have befallen anyone; he left -them sufficiently provided, and supposed they would be well governed; -for any error committed he had sufficiently smarted. This particular -charge was passed by. - -The second charge was of a wrong done towards his father, Sir -Ferdinand Gorges, and to the State. The offence was this: Mr. Weston -had used him and others of the Council of New England, to procure -him a license for the purchase and transportation to New England of -many pieces of great ordnance, on the plea of great fortifications -in this country, etc. Having obtained them, he went and sold them -beyond the seas for his private profit; at which, he said, the State -had been much offended, and his father had been sharply rebuked, and -he had order to apprehend him for it. Mr. Weston excused it as well -as he could, but could not deny it, it being the main reason why he -had left England. But after much argument, by the mediation of the -Governor and some other friends here, he was inclined to be lenient, -though he foresaw the vexation of his father. When Mr. Weston saw -this he grew more presumptuous, and made such provoking and cutting -speeches, that the Governor-General rose up in great indignation -and distemper, and vowed that he would either curb him or send him -home to England. At which Mr. Weston was somewhat daunted, and came -privately to the Governor here, to know whether he would allow him -to be apprehended. He was told they could not prevent it, and blamed -him much that, after having pacified things, he should again break -out and by his own folly and rashness bring trouble upon himself and -them too. He confessed it was his temper, and prayed the Governor to -intercede for him, and smooth things if he could. At last he did so -with much ado; so he was summoned again, and the Governor-General -consented to accept his own bond, to be ready to make further answer, -when either he or the Lords should send for him. Finally, he took -only his word, and there was a friendly parting on all hands. - -But after he had gone, Mr. Weston, in lieu of thanks to the Governor -and his friends here, gave them this quip behind their backs, for -all their pains: That though they were but young justices, they -were good beggars. Thus they parted for the time, and shortly after -the Governor took his leave and went to Massachusetts by land, very -grateful for his kind entertainment. - -The ship stayed here and fitted herself to go to Virginia, having -some passengers to deliver there, and with her there returned several -of those who had come over privately, some from discontent and -dislike of the country, others because of a fire that broke out, -burning the houses they lived in and all their provisions. The fire -was caused by some of the seamen, who were roystering in a house -where it first began. It being very cold weather, they had made a -great fire, which broke out of the chimney and set alight the thatch, -and burnt down three or four houses, and all the goods and provisions -in them. The house in which it began was right against the common -storehouse, in which were all their provisions; and they had much -difficulty in saving it. If it had been lost, the plantation would -have been ruined. But through God’s mercy it was saved by the great -efforts of the people, and the care of the Governor and some about -him. Some advised that the goods be thrown out; but then there would -have been much stolen by the rough crews of the two ships, who were -almost all ashore. But a reliable company was placed within, so that -if necessity required they could have got them all out with speed, -and others with wet cloths and other means kept off the fire outside. -For they suspected some malicious dealing, if not plain treachery; -though whether it was only suspicion or no, God knows. But this is -certain, that when the tumult was greatest, a voice was heard—from -whom it was not known—that bid them look well about them, for all -were not friends near them. And shortly after, when the worst of the -fire was over, smoke was seen to rise from a shed adjoining the end -of the storehouse, which was wattled up with boughs, the withered -leaves of which had caught fire. Those who ran to put it out found -a large firebrand, about a yard long, lying under the wall on the -inside, which could not possibly have come there by accident, but -must have been put there intentionally, as all thought who saw it. -But God kept them from this danger, whatever was intended. - -Shortly after Captain Gorges, the Governor-General, had got home to -Massachusetts, he sent a warrant to arrest Mr. Weston and his ship, -and sent a seaman to sail her thither, and one, Captain Hanson, of -his suite, to be in charge of him. The Governor and others were -very sorry to see him take this course, and took exceptions to the -warrant, as not legal or sufficient, and wrote to him to dissuade -him from this course, showing him that he would but entangle and -burden himself by doing this, and that he could not do Mr. Weston a -better turn, as things now stood with him, for he had a great many -men in his service in the ship to whom he was deeply in debt for -wages, and that he was practically out of provisions, and winter -was at hand: for all of which Captain Gorges would be responsible -if he arrested his ship. In the meantime Mr. Weston had notice to -shift for himself; but it was supposed that he did not know where to -go or how to better himself, but was rather glad of the issue, and -so did not move. But the Governor-General would not be dissuaded, -and sent a very formal warrant under his hand and seal, with strict -orders, as they would answer for it to the State; he also wrote that -he had better considered things since he was here, and he could not -answer for it to let him go, besides other things that had come to -his knowledge since, which Mr. Weston must account for. So he was -allowed to proceed; but he found in the end that what had been told -him was true; for when an inventory was taken of what was in the -ship, food was found sufficient for only fourteen days, at a bare -allowance, and not much else of any worth, and the men clamoured so -for wages and rations in the meantime, that he was soon weary. So in -conclusion it turned to his loss, and the expense of his provisions; -and towards the spring they came to an agreement, after they had -been east, and the Governor-General restored him his vessel again, -and made satisfaction in biscuit and meal and such like provisions -for what he had used of his, or what had been wanted or consumed. -So Mr. Weston came here again, and afterwards shaped his course -for Virginia, and so for the present I shall leave him. He died -afterwards at Bristol, at the time of the war, of the sickness there. - -The Governor-General and some of his suite soon returned to England, -having scarcely saluted the country put under his government, as -he did not find the state of things here correspond to his station -and way of life. The people dispersed; some went to England, others -to Virginia, some few remained and were helped with supplies from -here. The Governor-General had brought over a minister of religion -with him, one Mr. Morrell, who, about a year after his return, took -shipping from here. He had I know not what power and authority -of superintendence over other churches granted him, and sundry -instructions to that end; but he never showed it or made use of it. -It seems he saw it was in vain, and he only spoke of it to some here -at his departure. This was the end of the second settlement there. -This year there were also some scattered beginnings made in other -places, as at Piscataqua by Mr. David Thomson, at Monhegan and some -other places by several others. - -It remains now for me to speak a word about the pinnace mentioned -before, sent by the adventurers to be employed in the country. She -was a fine vessel, and bravely fitted out; but I fear the adventurers -were over proud of her, for she had ill success. However, they made -a great mistake about two things in her. First, though she had a -competent master, she was badly manned, and all the crew were upon -shares, and none were to receive any wages but the captain. Secondly, -though mainly busied with trade, they had sent nothing of any value -to trade with. When they came over they received bad advice from Mr. -Weston and others of the same stamp, until neither the captain nor -the governor could control them, for they declared that they were -abused and deceived; that they were told they would sail as a man of -war, and take I know not whom,—French, Spaniards, etc. They would -neither trade nor fish without wages; in fine, they would obey no -orders of the captain, and it was feared they would either make away -with the vessel, or get off on the other ships and abandon her. So -Mr. Pierce and other friends persuaded the Governor to change their -conditions, and give them wages; which was accordingly done. Then the -vessel was sent about the Cape to the Narragansetts to trade, but -they made a poor voyage of it. They got some corn and beaver, but -the Dutch had been used to trade with cloth, and better commodities, -and these had only a few beads and knives, which were not valued by -the Indians. On her return home, at the very entrance into her own -harbour, she was almost wrecked in a storm, and was forced to cut her -main mast by the board, to save herself from driving onto the flats -that lie outside, called Brown Islands, the force of the gale being -so great that her anchors gave way, and she was being driven right -upon them; but when her mast and tackling were gone, they were able -to hold her till the wind shifted. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -Changes in form of Government—Pinnace wrecked—Private Settlers -make trouble—Winslow returns from England with the first -Cattle—Faction among Adventurers in England—Objections of the -Colony’s opponents—Letters from John Robinson—Opposition to sending -the Leyden people—One acre apportioned for permanent holding to -each Settler—Ship-building and Salt-making—Trouble with Lyford and -Oldham—Pinnace salvaged and rigged: 1624. - - -The time for the election of the officers for the year having come, -the number of people having increased and the business of government -accordingly, the Governor desired them to change the officials and -renew the election and give the Governor more assistants for his -help and advice, pointing out that if it was an honour or advantage -it was only fit that others should share it; if it was a burden,—as -doubtless it was,—it was but fair that others should help to bear it, -and that this, in fact, was the purpose of the annual elections. The -outcome was that whereas before there had been only one assistant -they now chose five, giving the Governor a double voice; and -afterwards they increased them to seven. This plan has been continued -to this day. - -Having at some trouble and expense new-masted and rigged their -pinnace, in the beginning of March they sent her well-victualed -to the eastward, fishing. She arrived safely at a place called -Damariscove, and was well harboured where ships were accustomed -to anchor, with some other ships from England, already there. But -shortly after there arose such a violent and extraordinary storm, -that the seas broke into the harbour in a way that had never been -known before, and drove her against great rocks, which beat such -a hole in her bulk that a horse and cart might have been driven -through, and then she drifted into deep water, where she lay sunk. -The captain was drowned; the rest of the men, except one, with -difficulty saved their lives; all her provisions, salt, etc., were -lost. And here I must leave her to lie till afterwards. - -Some of those who still remained here on private venture, began -secretly to plot, in league with a strong faction of the adventurers -in England, on whom several of them depended. By their whisperings -they drew some of the weaker members of the colony itself to their -side, and made them so discontented that at last nothing would -satisfy them but that they might be allowed to be on their own -resources also, and even made large offers to be freed from the -community. The Governor consulted with the ablest members of the -colony, and it was decided to permit them to separate on the same -terms as the other private settlers, with the additional stipulation -that they should be bound to remain here till the general partnership -was concluded; and that they should pay into the common store one -half of all the goods and commodities they might accumulate beyond -their food, in consideration of expenses already incurred for them; -and some other similar details. When this liberty was granted the -defection soon stopped, for but few took this course when they came -to consider it, and the rest soon wearied of it. It turned out that -they had been told by the other private settlers and Mr. Weston that -no more supplies would be sent to the general body, but that the -private settlers had friends at home who would do I know not what for -them. - -Shortly after, Mr. Winslow returned from England and brought a -pretty good supply of provisions, with a ship sent for fishing,—an -enterprise never successful with the colony. He brought three heifers -and a bull,—the first cattle in the country,—some clothing and other -necessaries. He reported a strong faction amongst the adventurers -against the colonists, and especially against sending the rest from -Leyden. He related with what difficulty the present supply was -procured, and that by their strong and long opposition his departure -had been so delayed that not only had they now arrived too late for -the fishing season here, but the best fishermen had gone to the west -country and he was forced to take the best captain and crew he could -procure. Some letters from the adventurers will make these things -clearer. - - - _James Sherley in England to the Settlers at New Plymouth_: - - Most worthy and loving Friends, - - Your kind and loving letters I have received with thanks.... It - has pleased God to stir up the hearts of the adventurers to raise - new stock for fitting out this ship, called the Charity, with - men and necessaries both for the settlement and fishing,—though - with very great difficulty, since we have amongst us some who - undoubtedly serve their private ends, and thwart the others - here, and worthy instruments of God’s glory elsewhere,[5] rather - than aiming at the general good and furtherance of this noble - enterprise. Still we have many others,—I hope the majority,—very - honest Christian men, whose intent I am convinced, is wholly for - the glory of Our Lord Jesus Christ, the propagation of His gospel, - and the hope of gaining these poor savages to the knowledge of - God. But as the proverb says: One scabbed sheep may mar a whole - flock,—so these malcontented and turbulent spirits do what they - can to draw men’s hearts from you and your friends, and from the - general business,—even with a show of godliness and zeal for the - plantation. Whereas the aim is quite contrary, as some of the - honester hearted men (though lately of their faction) made clear - at our last meeting. But why should I trouble either you or myself - with these restless opposers of all goodness, who, I doubt not, - will be continual disturbers of our friendly meetings and love. On - Thursday, Jan. 8th, we had a meeting about the articles between - you and us, at which they moved to reject what we had pressed you - to grant in our recent letters,—an addition to the period of our - joint stock. Their reason, as they stated, was that it troubled - their conscience to exact longer time from you than had been agreed - upon at first. That evening, however, they were so confused and - wearied by their own perverse contentions, that they even offered - to sell their adventures,—and some were willing to buy. But I, - thinking it would only raise scandal and false reports, and so do - us more harm, would not permit it. So on Jan. 12th we had another - meeting. But in the interim several of us had talked with most of - them privately, and had great combats and reasoning, pro and con. - But that night, when we met to read the general letter, we had the - friendliest meeting I ever knew, and our greatest enemies offered - to put up £50. So I sent for a bottle of wine—I would you could - do the like—which we drank friendly together. Thus God can turn - the hearts of men when it pleases Him.... Thus loving friends, I - heartily salute you in the Lord, hoping ever to rest, - - Yours to my power, - JAMES SHERLEY. - _Jan. 25th, 1623._ - - - _Robert Cushman in England to the Settlers at New Plymouth_: - - Beloved Sir, - - We have now sent you, we hope, men and means to accomplish three - things, viz., fishing, salt-making, and boat-making: if you - can master them your wants will be supplied. I pray you exert - yourselves to do so. Let the ship be loaded as soon as you can, - and sent to Bilbao. You must send some competent representative, - whom, once more, you must authorize to confirm the conditions. - If Mr. Winslow could be spared, I wish he could come again. The - boat-builder is believed to be one of the best in his trade, and - will no doubt be of much service. Let him have absolute command - over his assistants, and whomever you put under him. Let him build - you two catches, a lighter, and some six or seven shallops, as soon - as you can. The salt-maker is a skilful and industrious man. Put - some assistants under him who will quickly learn the secret of it. - The preacher we have sent is, we hope, an honest plain man, though - none of the most eminent and rare. About his appointment, use your - own liberty and discretion; he knows he has no authority among you, - though perhaps custom and habit may make him forget himself. Mr. - Winslow and myself gave way to his going, to satisfy some here, and - we see no reason against it except his large family of children. - - We have taken a patent for Cape Ann.... - - I am sorry more discretion is not used by some in their letters - home.[6] Some say you are starved in body and soul; others that - you eat pigs and dogs that have died; others that the reports of - the fertility of the country are gross and palpable lies, that - there is scarcely a fowl to be seen, or a fish to be caught, and so - on. I wish such discontented men were back again, rather than the - whole plantation shall be thus exposed to their passionate humours. - Hereafter I shall prevent some from going who are not better - disposed; in the meantime it is our cross, and we must bear it. - - I am sorry we have not sent you more provisions, but we have run - into so much expense to victual the ship, provide salt, fishing - implements, etc., that we could not afford other comforts, such as - butter, sugar, etc. I hope the return of this ship, and the James, - will put us in cash again. The Lord make you full of courage in - this troublesome business, which must now be stuck to, till God - give us rest from our labours. Farewell, in all hearty affection. - - Your assured friend, - R. C. - _Jan. 24th, 1623._ - -With the former letter from Mr. Sherley were sent various charges -against the colony, of which he writes thus: “These are the chief -objections which those just returned raise against you and the -country. I pray you consider them, and answer them at your first -convenience.” - -These objections were made by some of those who came over on private -enterprise, and had returned home as before mentioned; they were of -the same kind as those the last letter mentions. I shall record them -here, with the answers made to them and sent over at the return of -this ship. The fault-finders were so confounded that some confessed, -and others denied what they had said and ate their words; some have -since come over again, and have lived here to convince themselves -sufficiently. - - Obj. 1. Diversity of religious beliefs. - - Ans: We know of no such diversity, for there has never been any - controversy, either public or private, to our knowledge, since we - came. - - Obj. 2. Neglect of family duties on the Lord’s day. - - Ans: We allow no such thing. They who report it, would have showed - their Christian love more if they had told the offenders of it - kindly, rather than thus to reproach them behind their backs. But, - to say no more, we wish they themselves had given a better example. - - Obj: 3. Want of both the sacraments. - - Ans: The more is our grief that our pastor is kept from us, at - whose hands we might enjoy them. In Holland we used to have the - Lord’s supper every Sabbath, and baptism as often as there were - children to baptise. - - Obj. 4. Children are not catechised, or taught to read. - - Ans: Neither is true—several take pains with their own, as well - as they can. We have no common school, for want of a fit person - hitherto, or means to obtain one; though we hope now to begin. - - Obj. 5. Many of the private members of the colony will not work for - the community. - - Ans: This also is not wholly true: for though some do it - unwillingly, and others not honestly, still all do it. The worst - of them gets his own food, and something besides. We do not excuse - them, but try to reform them the best we can,—or else quit the - settlement of them. - - Obj. 6. The water is not wholesome. - - Ans: If they mean not so wholesome as the good wine and beer in - London, which they so dearly love, we will not dispute them; but - for water, it is as good as any in the world, so far as we know, - and it is wholesome enough for us who can be content with it. - - Obj. 7. The ground is barren, and grows no grass. - - Ans: Here, as everywhere, some ground is better, some worse. The - cattle find grass for they are as fat as need be; we wish we had - but one beast for every hundred that there is grass to keep. This - objection, like some others, is ridiculous to all here who see and - know the contrary. - - Obj. 8. The fish cannot be salted, to keep them sweet. - - Ans: This is as true as writing that there is scarcely a fowl to be - seen, or a fish to be caught; things likely to be true in a country - where so many ships come fishing yearly! They might as well say - that no ale or beer in London can be kept from going sour. - - Obj. 9. Many of them steal from one another. - - Ans: If London had been free from that crime, we should not have - been troubled with it here. It is well known that several have - smarted well for it—and so are the rest likely to do whenever they - are caught. - - Obj. 10. The country is over-run with foxes and wolves. - - Ans: So are many other good countries, too; but poison, traps, and - other such means will help to destroy them. - - Obj. 11. The Dutch are settled near Hudson’s Bay, and are likely to - overthrow the trade. - - Ans: They would come and settle here as well, if we and others did - not, or if we went home and left it to them. We rather commend - them, than condemn them for it. - - Obj. 12. The people are much pestered with mosquitoes. - - Ans: They are too delicate and unfit to begin new plantations and - colonies who cannot endure the biting of a mosquito. We would wish - such to keep at home,—at least till they be mosquito proof. But - this is as free as any, and experience teaches that the more the - land is tilled and the woods cut down, the fewer there will be,—and - in the end scarcely any at all. - -Having dispatched those objections, I will here insert two letters -from Mr. Robinson, their pastor; the one to the Governor, the other -to Mr. Brewster, their elder, which will throw much light on what -has gone before, and show the tender love and care of a true pastor -towards them. - - _John Robinson at Leyden to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth_: - - My loving and much beloved friend, whom God has hitherto preserved, - preserve and keep you still to His glory and the good of many - that His blessing may make your godly and wise endeavours equal - to the occasion. Of your love, too, and care for us here, we have - never doubted, and are glad to take full knowledge of it. Our love - and care to and for you is mutual, though our hopes of coming to - you are small, and weaker than ever. But of this at large in Mr. - Brewster’s letter, with whom you mutually communicate your letters, - I know, as I desire you may do these, etc. - - Concerning the killing of those poor Indians, of which we heard - at first by rumour, and since by more definite report, oh! how - happy a thing had it been if you had converted some, before you - had killed any. Besides, where blood once begins to be shed, it is - seldom staunched for a long time after. You will say they deserved - it. I grant it; but upon what provocation from those heathenish - Christians?[7] Besides, you not being magistrates over them, had - to consider not what punishment they deserved, but what you were - by necessity constrained to inflict. Necessity of killing so many - I cannot see. Methinks one or two principals should have been - enough, according to the approved rule,—the punishment to a few, - and the fear to many. Upon this occasion let me be bold to exhort - you seriously to consider the disposition of your Captain, whom I - love, and am persuaded the Lord in great mercy and for much good - has sent to you, if you use him right. He is a man humble and meek - among you, and towards all, under ordinary circumstances, but if - this merely come from a humane spirit, there is cause to fear - that, on occasions of special provocation there may be wanting - that tenderness of the life of man, made after God’s image, which - is meet. It is also apt to be more glorious in men’s eyes, than - pleasing in God’s, or fit for Christians, to be a terror to poor - barbarous peoples; and indeed I am afraid lest, by this example, - others should be drawn to adopt a kind of ruffling course in the - world. I doubt not that you will take in good part these things - that I write, and if there is cause make use of them. We wish we - were present, to communicate our mutual help; but seeing that - cannot be done, we shall always long after you, and love you, and - wait God’s appointed time. The adventurers, it seems, have neither - money to send us, nor any great mind for us, for the most part. - They deny it to be any part of the agreement between us that they - should transport us, nor do I look for any further help from them - till means come from you. My wife with me, re-salutes you and - yours. Unto Him Who is the same to His in all places, and near to - them which are far from one another, I commend you, and all with - you, resting, - - Yours truly loving, - JOHN ROBINSON. - _Leyden, Dec. 19th, 1623._ - - - _John Robinson at Leyden to William Brewster at New Plymouth_: - - Loving and dear friend and brother, - - What I most desired of God for you, namely, the continuance of your - life and health, and the safe coming of those sent to you, I most - gladly hear of, and praise God for it; and I hope Mrs. Brewster’s - weak state of health will be somewhat repaired by the coming of her - daughters, and the provisions sent in this and former ships, which - makes us here bear more patiently the deferring of our desired - transportation. I call it desired, rather than hoped for: for - first, there is no hope at all, that I know or can conceive of, of - any new stock being raised for that purpose; so that everything - must depend upon returns from you, which are surrounded by so many - uncertainties. Besides, though for the present the adventurers - allege nothing but want of money, which is an invincible obstacle, - still if that be removed by you, other difficulties will be raised - to take its place. In order to understand this better, we must - divide the adventurers under three heads. Of these some five or six - (as I believe) are absolutely in favour of us, before all; another - five or six are openly our bitter adversaries; the rest—the main - body,—are I believe, honest minded, and friendly towards us; but - they have other friends (namely, the forward preachers) nearer - to them than we are, whose interests, in so far as they conflict - with ours, they would rather advance than ours. Now what a pull - these men have with the professors, you know; and I am convinced - that they, of all others, are unwilling I should be transported; - especially such of them as have an eye that way themselves, fearing - that if I go there, their market will be marred in many respects. - As for these adversaries, if they have but half as much wit as - malice, they will stop my going as soon as they see it is intended; - and as one restive jade can hinder, by hanging back, more than two - or three can draw forward, so it will be in this case. A clear - proof of this they gave in your messenger’s presence, binding the - company to promise that none of the money now subscribed should be - expended to help any of us over to you. - - Now as to the question propounded by you: I judge it not lawful - for you,—a ruling elder (Rom. xii, 7, 8; and I Tim. v, 17), as - distinct from the elders that teach and exhort and labour in the - word and doctrine, in whose duties the sacraments are included, - to administer them,—nor fitting, if it were lawful. Whether any - learned man will come out to you, I do not know; if so, you must - Consilium capere in arena. Be you most heartily saluted, and your - wife with you, both from me and mine. Your God and ours, and the - God of all His, bring us together if it be His will, and keep us in - the mean while, and always to His glory, and make us serviceable to - His majesty and faithful to the end. Amen. - - Your very loving brother, - JOHN ROBINSON. - _Leyden, Dec. 20th, 1623._ - -These matters premised, I will now proceed with my account of affairs -here. But before I come to other things I must say a word about -their planting this year. They felt the benefit of their last year’s -harvest; for by planting corn on their own account they managed, with -a great deal of patience, to overcome famine. This reminds me of a -saying of Seneca’s (Epis. 123): that an important part of liberty -is a well-governed belly, and patience in want. The settlers now -began to consider corn more precious than silver; and those that -had some to spare began to trade with the others for small things, -by the quart, pottle, and peck, etc.; for they had no money, and if -they had, corn was preferred to it. In order that they might raise -their crops to better advantage, they made suit to the Governor to -have some land apportioned for permanent holdings, and not by yearly -lot, whereby the plots which the more industrious had brought under -good culture one year, would change hands the next, and others would -reap the advantage; with the result that the manuring and culture of -the land were neglected. It was well considered, and their request -was granted. Every person was given one acre of land, for them and -theirs, and they were to have no more till the seven years had -expired; it was all as near the town as possible, so that they might -be kept close together, for greater safety and better attention to -the general employments. This often makes me think of what Pliny -(lib. 18, cap. 2) says of the Romans’ first beginnings in the time of -Romulus—how everyone contented himself with two acres of land, and -had no more assigned to them; and (cap. 3) how it was thought a great -public reward to receive a pint of corn from the people of Rome. And -long after, the most generous present given to a Captain who had won -a victory over their enemies, was as much ground as he could till -in one day; in fact a man was not considered a good but a dangerous -citizen, who was not content with seven acres of land; also how they -used to pound their corn in mortars, as the settlers were forced to -do for many years, until they got a mill. - -The ship which brought these supplies was speedily unloaded, and, -with her captain and crew was sent out fishing to Cape Ann, where -they had got a patent, as mentioned above. As the season was so -far advanced, some of the planters were sent to help to build the -landing stage, to their own hindrance. Partly owing to the lateness -of the year, and more especially to the bad character of the captain, -one Baker, they made a poor voyage of it. He proved a very drunken -beast, and did little but drink and guzzle and consume time and -victuals, most of the crew following his example; and though Mr. -William Pierce was superintending the business and was to captain the -ship home, he could do no good amongst them. The loss was great, and -would have been more, but that they did some trade for skins, which -was a help to them. - -The ship-builder who had been sent out to the colony was an honest -and very industrious man. He and his assistants quickly built two -good strong shallops, which afterwards did them great service, and a -strong lighter; and he had hewn timber for two catches, when he fell -sick with fever in the hot season of the year, and though he had the -best attention the place could afford, he died. He was a very great -loss, and they were very sorry for his death. - -But the man sent out to make salt was an ignorant, foolish, -self-willed fellow. He boasted that he could do great things in -making salt-works; so he was sent to seek out fit ground for the -purpose; and after some search he told the Governor that he had found -a suitable place, with a good bottom to hold water, and otherwise -very convenient, which he doubted not, in a short time could be -brought to perfection, and yield them great profit; but he must have -eight or ten men constantly employed. He was requested to make sure -the ground was good, and otherwise suitable, and that he could bring -it to perfection; otherwise he would incur great expense by employing -himself and so many men. But he was, after some trial, so confident, -that he caused them to send carpenters to rear a great frame for a -large house, to receive the salt, and for other uses. But in the end -it all proved useless. So he found fault with the ground, in which -he said he had been mistaken; but if he might have the lighter to -carry clay, he was sure he could do it. Now, though the Governor -and some others saw that this would come to little good, they had -so many malignant spirits amongst them who, in their letters to the -adventurers, would have blamed them for not letting him bring his -work to perfection; and the man himself, who by his bold confidence -and large promises had deceived the adventurers in England, had so -wound himself into the high esteem of some here, that they decided -to let him go on till everyone saw his vanity. In the end all he -could do was to boil salt in pans, and yet tried to make those who -worked with him believe there was a great mystery in it, and used to -make them do unnecessary things as a blind, until they saw through -his deception. The next year he was sent to Cape Ann, and the pans -were set up where the fishing was; but before the summer was out he -had burnt the house, and the fire was so fierce that it spoiled the -pans,—at least some of them; and this was the end of that expensive -business. - -The third person of importance mentioned in the letters was the -minister whom they sent over, by name Mr. John Lyford, of whom and -whose doings I must be more lengthy, though I will abridge as much -as I can. When this man first came ashore, he saluted them with such -reverence and humility as is seldom to be seen; indeed he made them -ashamed, he so bowed and cringed to them, and would have kissed their -hands if they had allowed him. He wept and shed many tears, blessing -God Who had brought him to see their faces, admiring what they had -done in their need, as if he had been made all of love and was the -humblest person in the world. And all the while (if we may judge -by his after-behaviour) he was only like him mentioned in Psalm x, -10: who croucheth and boweth, that heaps of poor may fall by his -might. Or like that dissembling Ishmael (Jer. xli, 6), who, when he -had slain Gedelia, went out weeping, and met them who were coming to -offer incense in the house of the Lord, saying: Come to Gedelia—when -he meant to slay them. - -They gave him the best entertainment they could in all simplicity, -and a larger allowance of food out of the store than any other had; -and as the Governor in all weighty affairs had consulted their elder, -Mr. Brewster, and his assistants, so now he called Mr. Lyford, too, -to the council with them, on the most important matters. After a -short time he desired to become a member of the church here, and -was accordingly received. He made a large confession of his faith, -and an acknowledgment of his former disorderly walking, and his -being entangled with many corruptions which had been a burden to -his conscience and blessed God for this opportunity of freedom and -liberty to enjoy the ordinances of God in purity among His people, -with many similar expressions. - -I must speak here a word, too, of Mr. John Oldham, who joined him in -his after courses. He had been a chief stickler in the former faction -among the private settlers, and an intelligencer to those in England. -But now, since the coming of the ship with supplies he opened his -mind to some of the chief members here, and confessed that he had -done them wrong both by word and deed in writing thus to England; -that he now saw the eminent hand of God was with them, which made -his heart smite him; and he assured them that his friends in England -should never use him against them again. He begged them that former -things might be forgotten, and that they would look upon him as one -who desired to support them in every way,—and such like expressions. -Whether this was hypocrisy or some sudden pang of conviction (which -I rather think), God only knows. However, they at once showed -themselves ready to embrace him in all friendliness, and called -him to the council with them, on all the chief affairs without any -distrust at all. - -Thus everything seemed to go very comfortably and smoothly amongst -them, at which they rejoiced. But it did not last long, for both -Oldham and Lyford grew perverse, and showed a spirit of great -malignancy, drawing as many into faction as they could. No matter how -vile or profane, they backed the delinquents in all they did so long -as they would but uphold them and speak against the church here; so -that there was nothing but private meetings and whisperings amongst -them. Thus they fed themselves and others with what they would -accomplish in England through their friends there, bringing others as -well as themselves into a fool’s paradise. However, they could not be -so secret but that much of their doings and sayings was discovered; -though outwardly they still showed a fair face. - -At length, when the ship was ready to go, it was discovered that -Lyford was long in writing, and sent many letters and could not -forbear to communicate with his intimates such things therefrom as -made them laugh in their sleeves, thinking he had done their errands -satisfactorily. The Governor and some of his friends, knowing how -matters stood in England, and what harm this might do, took a shallop -and went out with the ship a league or two to sea, and called for -Lyford’s and Oldham’s letters. Mr. William Pierce being captain of -the ship, and knowing well the mischief they made both here and in -England, afforded them all the assistance he could. He found above -twenty of Lyford’s letters, many of them long and full of slanders -and false accusations, tending not only to their prejudice but -even aiming at their ruin. Most of the letters they let pass, but -took copies of them; of some they sent true copies and kept the -originals, lest he should deny that he had written them. Amongst them -they found copies of two which he sent enclosed in a letter of his to -Mr. John Pemberton, a minister, and a great opponent of theirs. Of -these two letters of which he had taken the copies, one of them was -written by a gentleman in England to Mr. Brewster, the other by Mr. -Winslow to Mr. John Robinson in Holland, at his coming away, as the -ship lay at Gravesend. They were lying sealed in the main cabin; and -whilst Mr. Winslow was busy about the affairs of the ship, this sly -mischief-maker opens them, makes copies, and seals them up again; and -not only sends the copies to his friend and their adversary, but adds -in the margin many scurrilous and flouting annotations! - -The ship went out towards evening, and in the night the Governor -returned. They were somewhat blank at it, but after some weeks, as -they heard nothing, they were as brisk as ever, thinking nothing was -known, and all had gone well for them, and that the Governor had only -gone to despatch his own letters. The reason why the Governor and the -rest took no steps at once was in order to let things ripen so that -they might the better discover their intention and see who were their -adherents; for, amongst others they had found a letter from one of -their confederates, stating that Mr. Oldham and Mr. Lyford intended a -reformation in church and commonwealth, and that as soon as the ship -was gone, they intended to join together and have the sacraments, etc. - -As for Oldham, few of his letters were found, for he was so bad a -scribe that his hand was scarcely legible; but he was as deeply -involved as the other. So, thinking they were now strong enough, they -began to pick quarrels at everything. Oldham being told off to stand -watch according to order, refused to come, calling the captain a -beggarly rascal, resisting him, and drawing his knife on him, though -he had done him no wrong nor spoken to him improperly, but had merely -required him with all fairness to do his duty. The Governor, hearing -the tumult, sent to quiet it; but Oldham ramped more like a furious -beast than a man, and called them all traitors, and rebels, and -other such foul language as I am ashamed to remember; but after he -had been clapped up awhile, he came to himself, and with some slight -punishment was let go upon his behaviour, pending further censure. - -But to cut things short, at length it came to this, that Lyford with -his accomplices, without speaking one word to either the Governor, -the Church, or the elder, withdrew themselves, and held a separate -public meeting on the Lord’s day; and with many such insolent doings, -too long to relate here, began to act publicly what they had been -plotting privately. It was thought high time to prevent further -mischief by calling them to account; so the Governor called a court, -and summoned the whole company to appear, and charged Lyford and -Oldham with their guilt. But they were stubborn, and resolutely -denied the charges, and required proof. The court first alleged that -from what had been written to them from England, and from their -practises here, it was evident they were plotting against them, and -disturbing the peace, both in respect of their civil and church -estate, which was most injurious to the colony; for both they and all -the world knew that they had come here to enjoy liberty of conscience -and the free use of God’s ordinances, and for that end had ventured -their lives and had already passed through so much hardship; and they -and their friends had borne the expense of these beginnings, which -was not small. They pointed out that Lyford for his part was sent -over at their expense, and that both he and his large family were -maintained by them; that he had joined the church, and was a member -of it; and for him to plot against them and seek their ruin, was -most unjust and perfidious. As for Oldham, or any one who came over -at his own expense, and were on their own resources, they had been -received in courtesy by the plantation, coming to seek shelter and -protection under its wings, being unable to stand alone; but as the -hedgehog in the fable, whom the coney on a stormy day invited in pity -into her burrow, would not be content to share it with her, but in -the end with her sharp pricks forced the poor coney out, so these -men, with similar injustice, endeavoured to do the like by those who -entertained them. - -Lyford denied that he had anything to do with the people in England, -or knew their plans, and pretended similar ignorance of the other -charges. Then his letters were produced and some of them read, at -which he was struck dumb. But Oldham began to rage furiously, that -they had intercepted and opened the letters. Threatening them in -very high language, he stood up and in a most audacious and mutinous -manner called upon the people, saying,—My masters, where are your -hearts? Now show your courage; you have often complained to me so -and so; now is the time; if you will do anything, I will stand by -you, etc. Thinking that everyone who, knowing his humour, had soothed -and flattered him, or otherwise in a moment of discontent uttered -anything to him, would now side with him in open rebellion. But he -was disappointed; not a man opened his mouth, for all were struck -silent by the injustice of the thing. - -Then the Governor turned to Mr. Lyford, and asked him if they thought -he had done wrong to open his letters; but he was silent and dare not -say a word, knowing well what they might reply. Then the Governor -explained to the people that he had done it as a magistrate, and was -bound to do it to prevent the mischief and ruin that this conspiracy -and plot of theirs might otherwise have brought to the colony. But -Lyford, besides his misbehaviour here, had dealt treacherously with -his friends that trusted him, and stole their letters, and opened -them, and sent copies of them with disgraceful annotations to his -friends in England. Then the Governor produced them and his other -letters under his own hand, which he could not deny, and had them -read before all the people: at which all his friends were blank, and -had not a word to say. - -It would be too long and tedious to insert his letters here—they -would almost fill a volume—though I have them by me. I shall only -note a few of the chief things from them, with the answers to them as -they were then given, as instances. - - 1. He said that the church desired that no one should live here - except its members; nor would anyone willingly do so, if they had - but company with which to live elsewhere. - - Ans: Their answer was that this was false, in both its parts; for - they were willing and desirous that any honest men should live with - them, who would behave peaceably, and seek the common good,—or at - least do them no harm; and that there were many who would not live - elsewhere, so long as they were permitted to live with them. - - 2. That if any honest men came over who were not dissenters, they - soon disliked them, etc. - - Ans: Their answer was as before, that it was a calumny, for they - had many amongst them whom they liked well, and were glad of their - company; and should be of any such who came to them. - - 3. That they took exception to him for these two doctrines from - II Sam. xii, 7. First, that ministers must sometimes apply their - teaching in particular to special persons; secondly, that great men - may be reproved as well as humble. - - Ans: Their answer was that both these charges were without truth or - colour of truth—as was proved to his face—and that they had taught - and believed this long before they knew Mr. Lyford. - - 4. That they tried to ruin the private settlers, as was proved by - this: they would not allow any of the colony either to buy or sell - with them, or to exchange one commodity for another. - - Ans: This was a most audacious slander, and void of all truth as - was proved to him before all, for any of them bought, sold or - exchanged with them as often as they pleased—and also both lent - and gave to them, when they wanted; and this the private settlers - themselves could not deny, but freely confessed in open court. But - the ground whence this slander arose made it much worse; for he - was at the council with them, when a man was called before them, - and was questioned for receiving powder and biscuit out of the - company’s supplies from the gunner of the small ship, which he had - arranged should be put in at his window in the night; and also for - buying salt of one who had no right to it. Lyford not only backed - this defaulter—who was one of these private settlers—by excusing - and extenuating him; but upon this ground he built this mischievous - and false slander; that because they would not suffer a private - settler to buy stolen goods, ergo, they sought their utter ruin: - Bad logic for a divine! - - 5. Next he accused them of forcing men to become private settlers, - on their own resources, and then seeking to starve them, and - deprive them of all means of subsistence. - - Ans: To this it was answered, he did them manifest wrong, for they - had turned none upon their own resources who had not of their own - importunity and earnest desire urged and constrained them to do it. - They appealed to the persons themselves for the truth of it, and - they testified against him before all present, and that they had no - cause to complain of any hard or unkind usage. - - 6. He accused them with unjust distribution, and wrote that it - seemed strange that some should be allowed 16 lbs. of meal per - week, and others only 4 lbs. And then adds floutingly: it seems - that some men’s bellies and mouths are very little and slender - compared with others! - - Ans: This might seem incomprehensible to those to whom he wrote - his letters in England, and who did not know the reason for it; - but to him and others it was well understood. The first comers had - no allowance at all, but lived on their own corn. Those who came - in the Anne the August before, and had to live thirteen months on - the provisions they brought, had as good an allowance of meal and - peas as would go round. A little while before harvest, when fish - and fruits were to be got, they had only 4 lbs., being at liberty - to make their own provisions in addition. But some of those who - came last, such as the ship-builder, the salt men, and others who - were to follow constant employment and had not an hour’s time from - their labour to provide food besides their allowance,—such workers - had at first 16 lbs. allowed them, and afterwards, when fish and - other food could be got, they had 14 lbs., 12 lbs., or some of them - 8 lbs., as occasion required. But those who had time to plant corn - for themselves, even though they received but 4 lbs. of meal a week - from the store, lived better than the others, as was well known. - And it must be remembered that Lyford and his family had always the - highest allowance. - -He accused them of many other things in his letters such as of great -waste of tools and utensils—though he knew that an honest man was -appointed to look after these very things; and of this, when it came -to be examined, all the instances he could give was, that he had seen -an old hogshead or two fall to pieces, and a broken hoe or two left -carelessly in the fields. But he had written such things as these to -cast disgrace and prejudice upon them thinking that what came from a -minister would pass for true. He told them that Winslow had said that -there were not above seven of the adventurers who sought the good of -the colony; and he ended by saying that the faction here matched the -Jesuits for cunning. - -Finally he gave his friends advice and directions: - - 1. First, that the Leyden company (Mr. Robinson and the rest) must - still be kept back, or all would be spoiled. Lest any of them - should be taken in privately somewhere on the coast of England, as - was to be feared, they must change the captain of the ship (Mr. - William Pierce), and put someone else in Winslow’s place as agent, - or it could not be prevented. - - 2. He would have such further settlers shipped over as would - out-number those here; the private settlers should have votes in - all courts and elections, and be free to bear any office; and every - private settler should come over as an adventurer, even if he be - only a servant, someone else investing the necessary £10, the bill - being taken out in the servant’s name, and then assigned to the - party whose money it was, proper agreements being drawn between - them for the purpose. These things, said he, would be the means of - strengthening the private settlers. - - 3. He told them that if that Captain they spoke of came over to - take command, he was sure he would be elected, for “this Captain - Standish looks like a silly boy, and is in utter contempt.” - - 4. Then he argued that if by the aforementioned means they could - not get control, it would be better to settle elsewhere by - themselves, choosing the place they liked best within three or - four miles, and showing that there were far better places for a - settlement than this. - - 5. Lastly, he concluded that if neither of these thing were - accomplished, they must join the main body here, perforce. Then he - added: “Since I began to write, some letters have come from your - company, giving sole authority in various things to the Governor - here; which, if it take place, then, Ve nobis. But I hope you will - be more vigilant hereafter, that nothing may pass in such a manner. - I suppose Mr. Oldham will write to you further about these things. - I pray you conceal me as the source of these disclosures, etc.” - -I have thus briefly touched some things in his letters and shall -now return to their proceedings with him. After reading his -letters before the whole company, he was demanded what he could -say in defence. But all the answer he made was that Billington -and some others had informed him of many things, and had made -sundry complaints,—which they now denied. He was asked if that was -sufficient ground for him thus to accuse them and traduce them by -letter, never saying a word to his colleagues of the council. And so -they went on from point to point, and demanded that neither he nor -his confederates should spare them, if they had any proof or witness -of wrong doing on their part. He said he had been misinformed, and -so had wronged them. And this was all the answer they could get; for -none would take his part, and Billington and others whom he named -denied his statements and protested he wronged them, and that, on -the other hand, he would have drawn them to such and such things, -which they had declined to do, though they had sometimes attended -his meetings. Then they taxed him with dissembling about the church, -professing to concur with them in everything; and with the large -confession he made at his admittance, not considering himself a -minister till he had a new calling, etc. Yet now he separated -himself from them, and drew a number away and would administer the -sacraments by his episcopal calling, without ever speaking a word -to them, either as magistrates or as colleagues. In conclusion, he -was fully convicted, and, bursting into tears, confessed: he feared -he was a reprobate; his sins were so great he doubted if God would -pardon them; he was unsavoury salt, etc.; he had so wronged them that -he could never make amends, confessing all that he wrote against -them was false and empty, both in matter and manner—and all this as -completely as words and tears could express. - -After their trial and conviction the court censured them to be -expelled the place; Oldham at once, though his wife and family had -leave to stay all the winter, or longer, till he could make provision -to remove them comfortably. Lyford had leave to stay six months,—with -some eye to remission of the sentence if he behaved himself well in -the meantime, and his repentance proved sound. Lyford acknowledged -his censure was far less than he deserved. - -Afterwards he confessed his sin publicly, with tears, in the church, -more fully than before. I shall here record it, taken down in his -own words. He acknowledged that he had done very evil, and had -slanderously abused them. He had thought that most of the people -would take part with him, and he would carry all with a strong -hand against them; that God might justly lay innocent blood to his -charge, for he knew what harm might have come of his writings, and -blessed God they were intercepted. He had listened to any evil that -was spoken, but shut his eyes and ears against all good; and if God -should make him a vagabond on the earth, as was Cain, it was but -just; for he had sinned in envy and malice against his brethren. -He confessed three things to be the cause of his doings: pride, -vainglory, and self-love—amplifying these generalities with many -other sad expressions in particular. - -They began to conceive well of him again after his repentance, and -admitted him to preach amongst them as before; and Samuel Fuller, a -deacon, and some other tender-hearted men amongst them, were so taken -in by his signs of sorrow and repentance, that they said they would -fall upon their knees to have his sentence repealed. - -But what amazed them all in the end, and will amaze all others who -come to hear of it,—for a rarer precedent can hardly be shown,—was, -that after a month or two notwithstanding all his former convictions, -confessions, and public acknowledgments, both in the face of the -church and the whole company, with so many sad tears and censures of -himself before God and man, he should try again to justify what he -had done. - -For he secretly wrote a second letter to the adventurers in England, -in which he justified all his former writings,—except as regards some -things in which he had disparaged them,—which, as it is briefer than -the former, I will here insert: - - _John Lyford at New Plymouth to the Adventurers in England_: - - Worthy Sirs, - - Though the filth of my own doings may justly be cast in my face, - and with blushing cause my perpetual silence, yet that the truth - may not hereby be injured, yourselves any longer deluded, nor - injurious dealings be continued, with bold out-facings I have - ventured once more to write to you. First I freely confess I dealt - very indiscreetly in some of my particular letters which I wrote - to private friends, concerning the motives in coming here and the - like, which I do not seek to justify, though I was stirred up to - it by seeing the indiscreet courses of others, both here and with - you there, for effecting their designs. But I am heartily sorry for - it, and do to the glory of God and my own shame acknowledge it. The - said letters having been intercepted by the Governor, I am under - sentence of banishment; and but for the respect I have for you, - and some private matters, I should have returned by the pinnace - to England, for here I do not intend to remain, unless I receive - better encouragement from you than from the church (as they call - themselves) here. I expected to undergo some hardships before I - came, so I shall try cheerfully to bear with the conditions of the - place, though they are very poor; and they have changed my wages - ten times already. I suppose my letters,—or at least copies of - them,—came into your hands, as they here report. If so, pray take - notice of this: that I have written nothing but what is certainly - true, and could prove it to any indifferent man. My object was not - to make myself important, but to help several poor souls here, the - care of whom in part belongs to you, and who are destitute of the - means of salvation. The church itself is well provided for, the - members forming the minority of the colony, and monopolizing the - ministry, believing that the Lord has not appointed any ministry - for the conversion of those outside the church, so that some of - the poor souls have with tears complained of this to me, and I was - censured for preaching to all in general; though, in reality, they - have had no ministry here since they came, but such as might be - performed by any of you, whatever pretences they make; but they - equivocate about this, as about many other things. But I exceed the - bounds I set myself; therefore, awaiting further from you, if it - come within the time limited me, I rest, etc. - - Remaining yours ever, - JOHN LYFORD, Exile. - _Aug. 22nd, 1624._ - -They made brief answer to some things in this letter, but referred -chiefly to their former one to this effect: That if God in His -providence had not brought all this to their notice, they might have -been traduced, abused, calumniated, overthrown, and undone; and never -have known by whom or for what. They desired but this just favour; -that the adventurers would be pleased to hear their defence, as well -as his accusations, and weigh them in the balance of justice and -reason, and then censure as they pleased. - -I have been longer on this subject than I desired, but not longer -than was necessary. But I will revert to other things. - -To return to the pinnace left sunk near Damariscove. Some of the -fishing boats’ captains said it was a pity that so fine a vessel -should be lost, and sent them word that if they would bear the -expense, they would show them how to float her, and let them have -their carpenters to mend her. They thanked them, and sent men for the -purpose and beaver to defray the cost. So they got coopers to trim -I know not how many tons of casks, and having made them tight and -fastened them to her at low water, they buoyed her up, and hauled -her ashore with many hands in a convenient place where she could be -worked at; and then set several carpenters to work at her, and others -to saw planks, and at last fitted her, and got her home. But it cost -a great deal of money to recover her, and to buy rigging and sails -for her, both now and when she lost her mast before; so she proved an -expensive vessel to the poor plantation. So they sent her home, and -with her Lyford sent his last letter in great secrecy; but the party -entrusted with it gave it to the Governor. - -The winter passed in their ordinary pursuits, without any special -matter worth noting,—except that many who before stood somewhat aloof -from the church, now seeing Lyford’s unjust dealing and malignity, -came forward and were made members, stating that it was not out of -dislike of anything that they had stood off so long, but a desire to -fit themselves better for such a state; and that they now saw that -the Lord called for their help. - -And so these troubles produced an effect on several here quite -contrary to what their adversaries had hoped; and it was recognized -as a great work of God, to draw men to him by unlikely means, and -such as, in reason, might have been calculated to alienate them. And -thus I shall end this year. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -Oldham and Lyford expelled—Lyford’s Past—Reply of Settlement to -Adventurers’ Charges—Support from friendly group of Adventurers—Loss -of two ship-loads of cargo—Captain Standish in England: 1625. - - -At the spring of the year, about the time of their elections, Oldham -came back again, and, though his sentence forbade his return without -obtaining leave, his effrontery and the ill counsel of others led him -to ignore it, and at the same time to give rein to his unruly passion -beyond all reason and decency, so that some strangers who came with -him were ashamed of his outrage, and rebuked him, but all reproofs -were but as oil to the fire, and enflamed his anger the more. He -called them all good-for-nothings, and a hundred rebels and traitors, -and I know not what. So they locked him up till he was tamer, and -then he was made to pass down a line of guards, each of whom was -ordered to give him a thump on the breech with the butt-end of his -musket. Then he was conveyed to the water-side, where a boat was -ready to take him away, and they bid him go and mend his manners. - -Whilst this was going on Mr. William Pierce and Mr. Winslow came up -from the shore, having arrived from England; but the others were so -busy with Oldham that they never saw them until they thus came upon -them. They told them not to spare either him or Lyford, for both -had behaved villainously. But to make an end of Oldham I will here -briefly relate what befell him in the future. After the removal of -his family, he encountered difficulties and about a year afterwards, -towards winter, he sailed for Virginia; but it pleased God that the -ship was in great danger, and he and the other passengers despaired -of life, many resorting to prayer and the examination of their -consciences and confession of such sins as burdened them. Mr. Oldham -then made a free and ample confession of the wrongs he had done to -the people and the church here saying that, as he had sought their -ruin, so God had now met with him and might destroy him; aye, and he -feared they all fared worse on account of his presence. He prayed God -to forgive him, and made vows that if the Lord spared his life, he -would repent. This I learned by reliable report of some who are still -living at the Bay, and themselves shared the dangers of the shoals -of Cape Cod and heard his very words. It pleased God to spare their -lives, though they lost their voyage; and ever after Oldham behaved -decently to them, acknowledging the hand of God to be with them. He -seemed to respect them honestly, and so far made his peace with them -that after a time he had liberty to come and go at his pleasure. -He went afterwards to Virginia, and there fell very ill; but he -recovered and came back again to his family at the Bay, and lived -there till many people had come over. At length, going trading in a -small vessel among the Indians, and being weakly manned, upon some -quarrel they knocked him on the head with a hatchet, so that he fell -down dead and never spoke again. Two little boys that were related to -him were saved, though injured, and the vessel was recovered from the -Indians by another inhabitant of the Bay of Massachusetts. Oldham’s -death was in fact one cause of the subsequent Pequot war. - -Now as to Mr. Lyford. His time having expired, his sentence was -to be carried out. He was so far from fulfilling their hopes of -amendment, that he had doubled his offence, as shown. But behold -the hand of God upon him, wherein the Psalmist is verified (Psa. -vii, 15): He hath made a pit and digged it, and is fallen into the -pit he made. He thought to bring disgrace upon them but instead he -discloses his own shame to all the world. When he was confronted -with his second letter, his wife was so stirred by his doings that -she could no longer conceal her grief, and opened her mind to one -of the deacons and some of her friends, and later to Mr. Pierce, -on his arrival. She said that she feared some great judgment of -God would fall upon the family, because of her husband; and now -that they were about to remove she feared she would fall into the -Indians’ hands and be defiled by them as he had defiled other women, -recalling God’s threatened judgment upon David (II Sam. xii, 11): -I will raise up evil against thee out of thine own house, and will -take thy wives before thine eyes, and give them unto thy neighbour. -Then she disclosed how he had wronged her, and that he had a bastard -by another woman before they were married. She had had some inkling -of it when he was courting her, and told him what she had heard -rumoured; but he not only stiffly denied it, but to satisfy her took -a solemn oath; so she consented to marry him. Afterwards she found -it was true, and reminded him of his oath; but he prayed her to -pardon him, and pleaded that otherwise he would not have won her. -And yet even after this she could keep no maid-servant but he would -be meddling with them, and sometimes she had taken him in the act. -The woman was a respectable matron, of good behaviour all the while -she was here, and spoke out of the sorrow of her heart, sparingly, -but circumstantially. What seemed to affect her most was his easy -repentances, followed by a speedy return to the old paths. - -This was all borne out by the reports of Mr. Winslow and Mr. Pierce -on their return. Mr. Winslow informed them that they had had the -same trouble with Lyford’s friends in England as with himself and -his friends here,—his adherents crying out that to deal thus with -a minister and a godly man was a great scandal, and threatening to -prosecute them for it. So it was all referred to a further meeting -of most of the adventurers there, who agreed to choose two eminent -men as arbitrators. Lyford’s faction chose Mr. White, a counsellor -at law; the others chose the Rev. Mr. Hooker, the minister. In the -meantime God in His providence had disclosed Lyford’s evil career -in Ireland to some friends of the company, who made it known to Mr. -Winslow, and mentioned two godly witnesses who would testify upon -their oath. The fact was, that when Lyford was in Ireland, he had -wound himself into the esteem of several worthy reformers, who, -burdened with the ceremonies in England, found greater liberty of -conscience there. Amongst them were the two men who gave evidence; -and amongst others there was an honest young man who intended -to marry, and had set his affection on a certain girl who lived -there. But preferring the fear of God to all other things, before -he suffered his affection to run too far he resolved to take Mr. -Lyford’s advice and judgment about the girl,—since he was the -minister of the place,—and so spoke of it to him. He promised to -inform him faithfully, but wished to get to know her better first, -and have some private talk with her. In conclusion he recommended -her highly to the young man as a very fit wife for him. So they -were married. But some time afterwards the woman was much troubled -in mind and afflicted in conscience, and did nothing but weep and -mourn; and it was long before her husband could find out the cause. -But at length she told him,—praying him to forgive her,—that Lyford -had overcome her and defiled her before marriage. The circumstances I -forbear; suffice it, that though he satisfied his lust upon her, he -endeavoured to hinder conception. The young husband then took some -godly friends with him to confront Lyford with this charge. At length -he confessed it with a great deal of seeming repentance and sorrow, -but he was forced to leave Ireland, partly for shame and partly for -fear of further punishment; and so, coming to England, unhappily he -was hit upon as a suitable minister for the colony and sent out to -them. The arbitrators with great gravity declared that his recent -offences there gave them cause enough to deal with him as they had -done; but these disclosures made him unfit ever to bear ministry any -more, what repentance soever he should pretend. - -From here Lyford went to Nantasket, on the Bay of the Massachusetts, -where Oldham lived with some of his friends. Thence he removed to -Naumkeag, since called Salem; but later, whether for hope of greater -profit or what I know not, he forsook the friends who had stuck to -him, and went down to Virginia, where shortly after he died; and so I -leave him to the Lord. His wife afterwards returned to this country; -thus much of this matter. - -Though the storm had blown over, the effects which followed it were -serious; for the company of adventurers broke up in consequence, -and the majority wholly deserted the colony as regards any further -supplies. Furthermore, some of Lyford’s and Oldham’s friends fitted -out a fishing ship on their own account, and arriving ahead of the -ships that came to the plantation, took away their dock and other -necessary preparations that they had made for their fishing at -Cape Ann the year before at great expense and would not restore it -unless they would fight for it. However, the Governor decided to -send some of the settlers to help the fishermen build a new one, -and let them keep it. This fishing ship also brought Lyford’s and -Oldham’s contingent some supplies, but of little value; but they were -unsuccessful in their fishing, and they could make no return for the -supplies sent, so after this year their friends in England never -looked after them again. - -This ship also brought from some of the adventurers their reasons -for having abandoned the colony, and offers of reuniting again upon -certain conditions. They are long and tedious, and most of them have -already been touched upon. - -Their answer was in part as follows: - - In charging us with having dissembled with his majesty and the - adventurers in our original declaration of general agreement with - the French Reformed Church, you do us wrong, for we both hold with - and practice the beliefs of the French and other Reformed Churches - as published in the Harmony of Confessions, according to our means, - in effect and substance. But in attempting to tie us to the French - practices in every detail, you derogate from the liberty we have - in Christ Jesus. The Apostle Paul would have none follow him but - wherein he followed Christ; much less ought any Christian or Church - in the world to do so. The French may err, we may err, and other - Churches may err, and doubtless do in many circumstances. The - honour of infallibility, therefore, belongs only to the word of - God and the pure testament of Christ, to be followed as the only - rule and pattern for direction by all Churches and Christians. It - is great arrogance for any man or Church to think that he or they - have so sounded the word of God to the bottom as to be able to set - down precisely a Church’s practices without error in substance or - circumstance, and in such a way that no one thereafter may digress - or differ from them with impunity. Indeed it is not difficult to - show that the Reformed Churches differ from each other in many - details. - -The rest I omit for brevity’s sake; and so leave these men and their -doings, and return to the rest of the adventurers, who were friends -of the company and stuck to them. I will first insert some of their -letters; for I think it best to render their minds in their own words: - - _Letter to the Colonists at New Plymouth, from the Adventurers in - England who remained friendly to them_: - - To our Loving Friends, etc. - - Though what we feared has happened, and the evil we tried to avert - has overtaken us, still we cannot forget you or our friendship and - fellowship of some years’ standing, and though its expression has - been small, our hearty affection towards you, unknown by face, has - been no less than to our nearest friends or even to ourselves. And - though your friend Mr. Winslow can tell you the state of things - here, lest we should seem to neglect you, to whom by a wonderful - providence of God we are so nearly united, we have thought well to - write and let you know what has happened here and the reasons for - it, and our intentions and desires concerning you for the future. - - The old basis of partnership is entirely dissolved, and we are left - to bethink ourselves what course to take in the future, that your - lives and our money be not lost. - - The causes of these alterations are as follows: First and mainly, - the many losses and crosses at sea and the abuses of seamen have - incurred such heavy expenses for us that we could not continue - without impoverishing ourselves, unless our means had been greater - and our associates had stuck together. Secondly, there has been a - faction against you, which, though influenced to abandon you mainly - for want of money, pretended to charge you with being Brownists, - etc. But how you or we ought to turn all this to account remains - to be considered; for we know the hand of God to be in all these - things, and no doubt He would admonish us hereby to see what is - amiss. - - While we ourselves are ready to take every opportunity to further - so hopeful an enterprise, it must rest with you to put it on its - feet again. And whatever else may be said, let your honesty and - conscience remain approved, and lose no jot of your innocence - amidst your crosses and afflictions; and surely if you behave - yourselves wisely and go on fairly, you will need no other weapon - to wound your adversaries; for when your righteousness is revealed - as the light, they, who have causelessly sought your overthrow, - shall cover their faces with shame. - - We think it only right that everything belonging to the common - stock shall be kept together and increased, rather than dispersed - for any private ends whatever; and that after your necessities are - met, you shall send over such commodities as the country affords, - to pay the debts and clear the engagements here, which amount to - not less than £1400. Let us all endeavour to keep an honest course, - and see what time will bring forth, and what God in His providence - will work for us. We are still convinced that you are the people - who must make the settlement a success when all others fail and - return; and your experience of God’s providence and preservation of - you is such that we hope your hearts will not fail you, though your - friends should forsake you,—which we ourselves will not do whilst - we live and your honesty of purpose remains unchanged. - - We have sent you some cattle, clothes, stockings, shoes, leather, - etc. We have consigned them to Mr. Allerton and Mr. Winslow as - our agents, at whose discretion they are to be sold in exchange - for commodities. Go on, good friends, comfortably; pluck up your - spirits and quit yourselves like men in all your difficulties, - that, notwithstanding all the threats of men, your good work may - continue; for in as much as it is for the glory of God and the good - of our countrymen, it is a better course for a man to run than to - live the life of Methuselah in wasting the plenty of a tilled land - or eating the fruit of a grown tree. - - With hearty salutations to you all, and hearty prayers for you all, - we lovingly take our leaves, this 18th of Dec., 1624. - - Your assured friends to our power, - J. S. W. C. T. F. R. H. etc. - -This letter shows the state of affairs of the colony at this time. -They bought the goods, but at dear rates. The adventurers put 40% on -them for profit and risk outward bound; and for risk on the goods -sent back in payment, homeward bound, they added another 30%,—in all -70 per cent. This seemed unreasonable to some, and too oppressive, -considering the case of the purchasers. The cattle were most -valuable; the other things were neither of the best quality nor at -the best prices. - -They also sent over two fishing ships on their own account. One was -the pinnace, which was wrecked the previous year here, and saved by -the planters, and which, after she reached home, was attached by one -of the company for a private debt, and had now been sent out again -on his account. The other was a large ship, well fitted, with an -experienced captain and crew of fishermen, to make a fishing cruise, -and then to go to Bilbao or Sebastian to sell her fish. The pinnace -was ordered to load with codfish, and to bring home to England the -beaver received for the goods sold to the plantation. This big ship -was well laden with good dry fish, which at market prices would have -yielded £1800. But as there was a rumour of war with France, the -captain feared to carry out his orders, and on getting over, put -first into Plymouth, and afterwards into Portsmouth, and so met with -a heavy loss, being obliged to sell at lower prices. The pinnace met -with no better success. She was laden with a cargo of codfish caught -on the banks, as full as she could float; and besides she had some -800 lbs. of beaver, as well as other furs to a good value, from the -plantation. The captain seeing so much lading, wished to put aboard -the bigger ship, for greater safety; but as Mr. Winslow, their agent -in the business, was bound in a bond of £500 to send it to London -in the small ship, there was some discussion between the captain -and him about it. But he told the captain he must obey his orders -about it, or ignore them at his peril. So the furs went in the small -ship, and he sent bills of lading in both. The captain of the big -ship was so careful, both vessels being so well-laden, that he towed -the small ship at his stern all the way over. So they went joyfully -home together, and had such fine weather that he never cast her off -till they were well within the England channel, almost in sight of -Plymouth. But even there she was unhappily taken by a Turkish man of -war, and carried off to Saller, where the captain and crew were made -slaves, and many of the beaver skins were sold for 4d. a piece. Thus -all their hopes were dashed, and the joyful news they meant to carry -home was turned to heavy tidings. Some thought this was the hand of -God in punishment for their too great exaction of the poor colony; -but God’s judgments are unsearchable, nor dare I make bold with them. -However, it shows us the uncertainty of all human things, and how -foolish it is to take pleasure in them or trust to them. - -In the big ship Captain Standish was sent over from the settlement, -with instructions and letters both to their friends of the company -and to the honourable Council of New England. They requested the -company, since they only meant to let them have goods for sale, -that they might have them upon easier terms, as they would never -be able to bear such high interest or allow so much per cent; and -that they should send goods which were useful and suitable to them. -They wished the company to be informed of the contents of the letter -to the Council of New England. This letter sought the Council’s -favour and help, and asked that the adventurers who had forsaken -them might be brought to order and not keep the colony bound while -they themselves went free; and that they might either stand by their -former agreement, or else reach some fair conclusion by dividend or -composition. But he arrived at a very bad time, for the country was -full of trouble, and the plague very deadly in London, so that no -business could be done. However, he spoke with some of the honoured -Council, who promised all possible help to the colony. Several of -the friendly adventurers were so reduced by their losses last year, -and now by the ship taken by the Turks, and the decreased profits on -their fish, and such multitudes in London were dying weekly of the -plague, that all trade was dead and little money was available; so -that with great difficulty he raised £150 (and spent a good deal of -it in expenses) at 50 per cent, which he expended on trading goods -and such other commodities as he knew they needed. He returned as -passenger on a fishing ship, having made good preparations for the -settlement that was afterwards made with the adventurers. - -In the meantime it pleased the Lord to give the plantation peace and -health and contented minds, and so to bless their labours that they -had sufficient corn, and some to spare for others, besides other -food. After harvest this year, they sent out a boat-load of corn 40 -or 50 leagues to the eastward, up a river called the Kennebec. The -boat they sent was one of the two shallops their carpenter had built -them the year before; for they had nothing bigger. They laid a little -deck over her midships to keep the corn dry, but the men had to make -the best of all weathers without shelter,—and that time of year it -begins to be rough. But God preserved them and gave them success. -They brought home £700 worth of beaver, besides some other furs, -having little or nothing else for trading with but this corn which -they themselves had raised out of the earth. This voyage was made by -Mr. Winslow and some of the old standers, for they had no sailors. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -Standish returns from England—Death of John Robinson and Robert -Cushman—Purchase of trading goods at Monhegan—Isaac Allerton goes to -England—Small ship built: 1626. - - -About the beginning of April they heard of Captain Standish’s -arrival, and sent a boat to fetch him home with the things he had -brought. He was welcome; but the news he brought was sad in many -regards; not only as to the losses which their friends had suffered, -but also the tidings that Mr. John Robinson, their old pastor, -was dead, which saddened them much and not without cause. Their -adversaries had been long plotting to hinder his coming hither; but -the Lord had appointed him a better place. An account of his death is -given in these few lines written to the Governor and Mr. Brewster. - - - _A letter from Roger White at Leyden to Governor Bradford and - William Brewster at New Plymouth_: - - Loving and kind Friends, - - I do not know whether this will ever come to your hands, or - miscarry as my other letters have done. But because of the Lord’s - dealing with us here, I have had a great wish to write to you, - knowing your desire to participate with us both in our joys and - sorrows, as we do with you. This is to give you to understand that - it has pleased the Lord to take out of this vale of tears your and - our loving and faithful pastor, and my dear and reverend brother, - Mr. John Robinson, who was ill for some eight days. He began to - sicken on Saturday morning; yet next day (being the Lord’s day) - he taught us twice. The week after he grew daily weaker, but was - without pain. The physic he took seemed to benefit him, but he grew - weaker every day, though he remained sensible to the last. He fell - sick on Feb. 22nd, and departed this life on March 1st. He suffered - from a continual inward ague, but was free from infection, so - that all his friends came to see him. If either prayers or tears - or care could have saved his life, he had not gone hence. But he - having faithfully finished his course, and performed the work which - the Lord had appointed him here to do, now rests with the Lord in - eternal happiness. Since his going our Church lacks a governor; yet - we still continue by the mercy of God, and hold close together in - peace and quietness; and so hope to do, though we are very weak. - We wish (if such were the will of God) that you and we were again - united, either there or here; but seeing it is the will of the - Lord thus to dispose of things, we must labour with patience to - rest contented, till it please the Lord otherwise to dispose. As - for news, there is not much. In England we have lost our old King - James, who departed this life about a month ago; and here they have - lost the old prince, Grave Maurice; both having departed this life - since my brother Robinson. In England we have a new king, Charles, - of whom there is great hope; here they have put Prince Henry in his - brother’s place. Thus with my love remembered, I take leave and - rest, - - Your assured loving friend, - ROGER WHITE. - _Leyden, April 28th, 1625._ - -Thus these two great princes and the colonists’ old pastor left this -world about the same time: Death makes no difference. - -Captain Standish further brought them notice of the death of their -early friend, Mr. Cushman, whom the Lord took away also this -year, and who had been their right hand with their friends, the -adventurers, and for many years had undertaken all their business -with them to great advantage. He had written to the Governor but a -few months before of the serious illness of Mr. James Sherley, one of -the chief friends of the plantation, who lay at the point of death, -praising his love and helpfulness in everything, and much bemoaning -the loss his death would be to them, for he was the stay and life -of the whole business; also that he proposed to come over this year -and spend the rest of his days with them. But he who thus wrote of -another’s illness, knew not his own death was so near. It shows that -a man’s ways are not in his own power, but in His hands, Who has the -issue of life and death. Man may propose, but God doth dispose. - -Their other friends from Leyden wrote many sad letters to them, -lamenting the heavy loss of their pastor, and though they would -gladly come to them, they saw no probability of it, but concluded -that all their hopes were at an end; and besides, many, being aged, -began to drop away by death. - -They were greatly perplexed—and not without cause. But they took -courage, and the Lord so helped them, Whose work they had in hand, -that now when they seemed at the lowest ebb they began to rise again; -and being stripped as it were of all human helps and props, by His -divine providence they were not only upheld and sustained, but their -example was both honoured and imitated by others; as the sequel will -show if the Lord spare me life and time to unfold it. - -Having now no fishing business or other things to attend to besides -their trading and planting, they set themselves to follow them with -the best industry they could. The settlers finding that their spare -corn was a commodity worth six shillings a bushel, spared no pains -in sowing it. The Governor and those appointed to manage the trade -(for it was still retained for the general benefit, and none were -allowed to trade for themselves) co-operated; so, lacking goods to -trade with, and hearing that a settlement which had been at Monhegan -and belonged to some merchants at Plymouth was to break up, and many -useful goods were to be sold, the Governor and Mr. Winslow took a -boat and some hands and went there. Mr. David Thomson, who lived -at Piscataqua, learning their purpose, took the opportunity to go -with them; but lest their competition for the goods should raise the -prices, they agreed to buy them all and divide them equally between -them. They also bought some goats, which they distributed amongst -the colonists as they thought fit in exchange for corn. Their share -of the goods came to above £400 sterling. That same spring a French -ship had been wrecked at Sagadahoc, containing many Biscay rugs and -other commodities, which had fallen into the hands of these people -and some fishermen at Damariscove Islands who had been taken into -partnership; and these extras increased their share of the purchase -to £500. This they made shift to pay for, chiefly with beaver and -goods they had got the winter before, and what they had obtained -that summer. Mr. Thomson having somewhat exceeded his resources, -asked them to relieve him of some of his purchase; but they declined -to take any but the French goods, and on the understanding that the -merchant who was selling them, and who was a Bristol man, would -take their bill to be paid next year; to which both parties agreed. -By this means they were well furnished with articles for trading, -and were able to take up some of their previous engagement, such -as the money raised by Captain Standish and the balance of former -debts. With these goods and their corn when harvested they traded -profitably, and were able to meet their engagements punctually -and get some clothing for the people, and still had some supplies -in hand. But soon they began to be emulated, and others went and -supplied the Indians with corn, and beat down the price, giving them -twice as much as they had done, and under-traded them with other -articles too. - -This year they sent Mr. Allerton to England, and gave him -instructions to settle with the adventurers upon as good terms as -he could, for which composition Captain Standish had paved the way -the year before. They enjoined him not to conclude absolutely till -they knew the terms and had well considered them, but to arrange -preliminaries as well as he could, and refer the conclusion to them. -They also gave him commission under their hands and seals to raise -some money, provided it did not exceed the sum specified, for which -they engaged themselves, and instructed him how to expend it for the -use of the plantation. - -Finding that they ran great risks in going such long voyages in a -small open boat, especially during the winter, they began to think -how they could get a small pinnace. It was the more necessary since -others were paying the Indians half as much corn again as they had -formerly given, and in such a small boat they could not carry a -quantity sufficient for their purposes. They had no ship-builder -among them, nor did they know how to get one at present; but they had -an ingenious man who was a house carpenter, who had worked under the -ship-builder who died, when he was building their boats. So at their -request he tried his skill, and took one of the biggest of their -shallops, sawed her across the middle, lengthened her about five or -six feet, strengthened her with timbers, built her up, and decked her -and made her a convenient and serviceable vessel, suitable for their -use. They got her finished and fitted with sails and anchors for the -coming year; and she did them service for seven years. - -Thus passed the affairs of this year. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -Allerton brings back Proposed Composition between Adventurers in -England and the Settlement—Division of land and live-stock among the -Colonists—Hospitality given to Fells-Sibsie Settlers—Pinnace and -Depot at Manomet—Allerton returns to England—Greetings between Dutch -Colony at New Amsterdam and Plymouth Settlement—Leading Colonists -become responsible for purchase of Adventurers’ shares in England -and buy rights of the Settlements’ trading from the general body of -Colonists for six years: 1627. - - -At the usual season of the arrival of ships Mr. Allerton returned, -and brought some useful goods with him according to the orders given -him. As commissioned, he had raised £200, which he got at 30 per -cent. They got the goods safely home and in good condition. He told -them, also, how with much ado he had arranged for a settlement with -the adventurers, with the help of several of their faithful friends -there. Of the agreement or bargain he had brought a draft with a list -of their names annexed, drawn by the best counsel of law they could -get, to make it binding. The body of it I insert here. - - To all Christian people, greeting, etc. - - Whereas at a meeting on the 26th of October last, several persons - whose names to the one part of these presents are subscribed in - a schedule hereunto annexed, Adventurers to New Plymouth in New - England in America, agreed, in consideration of the sum of one - thousand and eight hundred pounds sterling to be paid (in manner - and form following) to sell and make sale of all the stocks, - shares, lands, merchandise, and chattels, whatsoever, to the said - adventurers and their fellow adventurers to New Plymouth aforesaid, - in any way accruing or belonging to the generality of the said - adventurers aforesaid; as well as for any sum or sums of money or - merchandise at any time heretofore adventured or disbursed by - them howsoever; for the better setting forth and expression of the - said agreement the parties to these presents subscribing, do for - themselves severally, and as much as in them is, grant, bargain, - alien, sell, and transfer, all the said shares, goods, lands, - merchandise, and chattels, to them belonging as aforesaid to Isaac - Allerton, one of the planters resident at New Plymouth aforesaid, - assigned and sent over as agent for the rest of the planters there, - and to such other planters at New Plymouth aforesaid as the said - Isaac, his heirs or assigns, at his or their arrival, shall by - writing or otherwise think fit to join or partake in the premises, - their heirs and assigns, in as large, ample, and beneficial manner - and form, to all intents and purposes, as the said subscribing - adventurers here could or may do or perform. All which stocks, - shares, lands, etc., to the said adventurers allotted, apportioned, - or in any way belonging, the said adventurers do warrant and defend - unto the said Isaac Allerton, his heirs and assigns, against them, - their heirs and assigns, by these presents. And therefore the said - Isaac Allerton, does, for him, his heirs and assigns, covenant, - promise, and grant to and with the adventurers whose names are - hereunto subscribed, their heirs, etc., well and truly to pay, - or cause to be paid, to the said adventurers, or 5 of them which - were at that meeting aforesaid, nominated and deputed, viz.: - John Pocock, John Beauchamp, Robert Kean, Edward Bass, and James - Sherley, merchants, their heirs, etc., to and for the use of the - generality of them, the sum of £1800 of lawful money of England, - at the place appointed for the receipts of money, on the west - side of the Royal Exchange in London, by £200 yearly, and every - year, on the feast of St. Michael, the first payment to be made - A. D. 1628, ... Also the said Isaac is to endeavour to procure - and obtain from the planters of New Plymouth aforesaid, security, - by several obligations, or writings obligatory, to make payment - of the said sum of £1800 in form aforesaid, according to the true - meaning of these presents. In testimony whereof to this part of - these presents remaining with the said Isaac Allerton, the said - subscribing adventurers have set their names, ... And to the other - part remaining with the said adventurers the said Isaac Allerton - has subscribed his name, the 15th Nov., 1626, in the second year of - his majesty’s reign. - - John White - John Pocock - Robert Kean - Edward Bass - William Hobson - William Pennington - William Quarles - Daniel Poynton - Richard Andrews - Newman Rookes - Henry Browning - Richard Wright - John Ling - Thomas Goffe - Samuel Sharpe - Robert Holland - James Sherley - Thomas Mott - Thomas Fletcher - Timothy Hatherley - Thomas Brewer - John Thorned - Myles Knowles - William Collier - John Revell - Peter Gudburn - Emnu. Alltham - John Beauchamp - Thomas Hudson - Thomas Andrews - Thomas Ward - Fria. Newbald - Thomas Heath - Joseph Tilden - William Perrin - Eliza Knight - Thomas Coventry - Robert Alden - Lawrence Anthony - John Knight - Matthew Thornhill - Thomas Millsop - -This agreement was approved by all the plantation, and consented -to, though they did not know just how to raise the payment, and -meet other engagements, and supply the yearly wants of the colony, -since they were forced to raise money or purchase goods at such -high interest to supply themselves with necessities. However, they -undertook it, and seven or eight of the chief members became jointly -bound for the payment of the £1800, on behalf of the rest, at the -days set. It was a great risk as things stood at present. At the -return of their agent it was absolutely confirmed on both sides, and -the bargain was fairly engrossed on parchment, and many things put -into better form by the advice of the most learned counsel they could -get; and to prevent forfeiture of the whole, for non-payment on any -of the days, it ran thus: to forfeit thirty shillings a week if they -missed the time. - -Now there were some unsuitable people among them from the first who -came from England, and others sent later by some of the adventurers, -concerning whom the Governor and Council had seriously to consider -how to settle things in regard to this new bargain, in respect of -the distribution of things both for the present and future. For the -present, unless peace and unity were preserved, they would be able -to do nothing, but would endanger everything. So they decided to -include all in the partnership—_i. e._ either heads of families or -single young men of ability who were free and able to be helpful to -the commonwealth; for, first, they had need of men for defence and -carrying on business; secondly most of them had borne their part in -former miseries, and ought to be allowed to partake of the greater -prosperity, if the Lord were pleased to give it. - -So they called the company together and conferred with them, and came -to the conclusion that the trade should be managed as before, to -help to pay the debts; and all eligible persons should be enrolled -as purchasers, single freemen to have a single share, and every -father of a family to be allowed to purchase as many shares as there -were members of his family,—that is to say one for himself, one for -his wife, and one for every child that he had living with him. As -for servants, they had none, except what their masters gave them -out of theirs, or their deserts should gain them from the company -afterwards. The shares were allotted accordingly, and everyone was to -pay his proportion towards the purchase and all other debts which the -profits derived from trading did not cover. This gave satisfaction to -all. - -The cattle they had were divided first, in this proportion: a cow -to six persons or shares, and two goats to the same, the stock -being first equalised in value according to age and quality, and -then drawn for by lots. Pigs, though more numerous, were dealt with -similarly. Then they agreed that every person or share should have -twenty acres of land allotted to them, besides the single acres they -owned already. Those appointed to make the allotment were instructed -to begin first on one side of the town, up to a certain distance, -and then on the other side, similarly; and to include only tillable -land,—or at least such of it as was along the water-side, as most -of it was,—and to leave the rest as common land. They were all to -agree as to the fitness of it before the lots were drawn, to avoid -dissatisfaction afterwards. For the same reason they agreed by -mutual consent, before any lots were drawn, that those whose land was -nearest the town should choose a neighbour or two whom they would -allow to plant corn with them for four years; and afterwards they -should be allowed to use as much of theirs for the same period if -they wished. Every plot of twenty acres was to be laid out five acres -in breadth along the water side and four acres in length, excepting -nooks and corners which were to be measured to best advantage. But -no meadows were to be laid out at all; nor were they for many years -after, because of the scarceness of meadow land. If they had been -given out now, it would have hindered later developments; so each -season everyone was shown where to mow, according to the proportion -of cattle he had, and the fodder he required. - -This distribution gave general satisfaction, and settled men’s minds. -They gave the Governor and four or five leading men among them the -houses they lived in; the other houses were valued, and equalised -fairly, and everyone kept his own; so that he who had a better -house made some allowance to him who had a worse, according to the -valuation. - -One thing which occurred at the beginning of the previous winter -I have deferred mentioning till now, so that I might handle it -altogether. A ship with goods and many passengers aboard, bound for -Virginia, lost herself at sea, either through the incompetence of -the captain, or his illness,—for he was so ill with scurvy that he -could only lie at the cabin door and give directions,—and it seemed -he was poorly helped by the mate and the crew; or perhaps the fear -and unruliness of the passengers made them steer a course between the -southwest and the northwest, so that they might make land the sooner. -They had been six weeks at sea, and had no water or beer or wood -left, having burnt up all their empty casks. One of the passengers -had a hogshead of wine or two, which was almost used up, and they -feared they would be starved at sea or wiped out by disease,—and -so they ran this desperate course. But it pleased God that though -they either only just avoided the shoals of Cape Cod, or else ran -stumbling over them in the night they knew not how, they made right -towards a small blind harbour which lies about in the middle of -Manamoick Bay, to the south of Cape Cod; and about high water they -touched upon a bar of sand that lies across it, but took no harm, -the sea being smooth; so they put out an anchor. But towards the -evening the wind sprang up at sea, and it was so rough that their -cable broke and they were beaten over the bar into the harbour, where -they saved their lives and their cargo, though much was injured by -salt water, for in the storm they had sprung the butt-end of a plank -or two and beat out their oakum; but they were soon over, and ran -onto a dry flat within the harbour, close by the beach. So at low -water they got out their goods and dried those that were wet, and -saved most of their things without any great loss; nor was the ship -so badly damaged but that she might be mended and made serviceable -again. But though they were glad that they had saved their lives, -when they had refreshed themselves a little they began to realize -their condition, and not knowing where they were or what they should -do they lost heart. Shortly after, they saw some Indians coming to -them in canoes, which made them stand upon their guard. But when they -heard some of the Indians speak English to them, they were relieved, -especially when they asked if they were the Governor of Plymouth’s -men, or friends of theirs, and offered to guide them to the English -settlement or carry their letters. - -They feasted these Indians and gave them many presents, and sent -two of their men and a letter with them to the Governor, and begged -him to send a boat to them with some pitch and oakum and spikes and -various other necessaries to mend their ship. They also asked him to -help them with some corn and several other things they wanted, to -enable them to continue their voyage to Virginia. They promised to -pay for anything they received in any goods which they had aboard. -After the Governor had been informed by the messengers of their -condition, he had a boat got ready with the supplies they needed, -and as the other more responsible members of the colony were away -trading, he went himself and took some trading goods, too, to buy -corn from the Indians. It was no season of the year to go outside -the Cape: but knowing where the ship lay, he coasted along the lower -side of the Bay and put into a creek called Namskeket, where it is -not much above two miles overland to the bay where they were; and -he had Indians ready to carry over anything to them. They were very -glad of his arrival, and of the things to mend their ship, and other -necessaries. He also brought them as much corn as they wanted; and -some of their sailors having run away among the Indians, he had -them sent back to the ship, and so left them well provided and very -grateful for the courtesies shown them. - -After the Governor left them, he went into some other harbours near -there, and loaded his boat with corn, which he traded, and then -went home. He had not been home many days before he received word -from them that in a violent storm, owing to the bad mooring of the -ship after she had been mended, she was driven ashore again, and so -beaten that she was wholly unfit to go to sea. So their request was -that they might have leave to come to them and live with them, till -they could convey themselves to Virginia. If they might have means -to transport their goods, they would pay for it and for anything -else with which the plantation could provide them. Considering their -distress all their requests were granted, and all help rendered -them,—their goods transported and they themselves accommodated in -their houses as well as they could. - -The chief among these people were a Mr. Fells and a Mr. Sibsie, who -had a number of servants belonging to them, many of them Irish. -Some others had a servant or two each; but most of the people were -themselves servants and were engaged by the two men mentioned above, -who owned most of the cargo. After they had arrived and were settled, -the masters asked for some land to employ their servants upon, since -it was likely to be the latter end of the year before they could get -passage for Virginia, and they had now the winter before them. If -they had opportunity to take passage before the crop was ripe, they -would sell it standing. So they had ground allotted in convenient -places, and Fells and some of them grew a great deal of corn which -they sold at their departure. This Fells, amongst his other servants, -had a maid-servant who kept his house and did his household affairs; -and, as was intimated by some who were with him, he was suspected -of keeping her as his concubine. Both of them were questioned as -to this, but nothing could be proved and they stood upon their -justification; so they were dismissed with admonition. But afterwards -it appeared she was with child, so he got a small boat and ran away -with her for fear of punishment. First he went to Cape Ann, and -afterwards to the Bay of Massachusetts; but he could get no passage -and was nearly wrecked, so he was forced to come back and submit -himself. So they packed him away and those that belonged to him at -the first opportunity, and dismissed all the rest as soon as they -could, as there were many undesirable people among them, though they -were also some who behaved themselves very well all the time they -stayed. And the plantation benefited by selling them corn and other -provisions in exchange for clothing of which they had a variety, -such as cloth, perpetuanas and other stuffs, besides stockings and -shoes and such like goods, which the planters stood in need of. So -the advantage was mutual, and a couple of barks took them away at the -latter end of the summer. Several of them have since acknowledged -their gratitude from Virginia. - -So that they might lose no opportunity of trading, the settlers -decided to build a small pinnace at Manomet, a place on the sea 20 -miles to the southward of them, towards which ran a creek, so that -they could convey their goods to within four or five miles of it, and -then transport them overland to their vessel, and so avoid rounding -Cape Cod, with its dangerous shoals. By this means they could make -voyages southward in much shorter time and with far less danger. For -the safety of their vessel and goods they built a house and kept some -servants there, who also planted corn and kept swine and were always -ready to go out with the bark when needed. It was a satisfactory and -profitable enterprise. - -With the return of the ships they sent Mr. Allerton to England again, -giving him full power under their hands and seals to conclude the -former bargain with the adventurers, and sent them bonds for the -payment of the money. They also sent what beaver they could spare -to meet some of their engagements and to defray his expenses; but -the high rates of interest left them little margin. He had orders to -procure a patent for a suitable trading-house on the river Kennebec; -for the settlers at Piscataqua and other places to the eastward of -them, and also the fishing ships, competed with them for the trade -of the Indians, and threatened by procuring a grant to exclude them -from thereabouts,—and they found they were so well furnished with -goods for the purpose that they might take all the trade from them. -They thought it essential to prevent this, and at least to preserve -free-trade for themselves in localities which they themselves had -first discovered and developed. - -This year they received letters and messengers from the Dutch colony -sent to them from the Governor there, written both in Dutch and -French. The Dutch had traded to the south of them several years -before they came, but had made no settlement there till four or five -years after their arrival at New Plymouth. Their letters were as -follows—it being their custom to be full of complimental titles. - -I shall render it in English, leaving out the superfluous titles from -the body of the letter. - - _The Dutch colonists at Manhattan to the Settlers at New Plymouth_: - - Noble, worshipful, wise and prudent Lords, the Governor and - Councillors residing at New Plymouth, our very dear friends: - - The Director and Council of New Netherlands wish to your Lordships, - worshipful, wise and prudent, happiness in Christ Jesus Our Lord, - with prosperity and health in soul and body. - - We have often before this wished for an opportunity to congratulate - you on your prosperous and praiseworthy undertakings, and the - Government of your colony there; the more so, since we also - have made a good beginning in the foundation of a colony here, - and because our native country is not far from yours, and our - forefathers many years ago formed friendship and alliance with - your ancestors both for war and trade, confirmed under the hands - of kings and princes. These have not only been confirmed by the - king now reigning, but it has pleased his majesty, upon mature - deliberation, to make a new alliance to take up arms against our - common enemy the Spaniard, who seeks to usurp the lands of other - Christian kings so that he may obtain his pretended monarchy over - all Christendom, and so rule at his pleasure over the consciences - of so many hundred thousand souls; which God forbid! - - It appears that some of our people, who happened to go northward - in their boat, met some Indians, who told them that they were - within half a day’s journey of your plantation, and offered to - take letters to you; so we could not forbear to salute you with - these few lines, bearing our good will and service to you, in all - friendly kindness and neighbourhood. If it should happen that any - goods that come to us from our native country may be serviceable to - you, we shall feel ourselves bound to accommodate you either for - beaver or any other merchandise. Should we have no goods at present - that you want, if you care to sell us any beaver, or otter, or - such, for ready money, and let us hear in writing by this bearer, - whom we have instructed to wait three or four days for your answer, - we will depute some one to deal with you at any place you may - appoint. In the meantime we pray the Lord to take you, our honoured - friends and neighbours, into His holy protection. - - By the appointment of the Governor and Council, etc. - ISAAC DE RASIERES, Secretary. - _From Manhattan, in the Fort of Amsterdam. March 9th, 1627._ - -To this they answered as follows: - - _From the Settlement at New Plymouth to the Dutch Colony at New - Amsterdam_: - - To the honoured, etc. - - The Governor and Council of New Plymouth, wishes, etc. We have - received your letters, expressing your good-will and friendship - towards us, but with over high titles, more than is our right, - or it is fitting for us to receive. But for your good-will and - congratulations of our prosperity in these small beginnings of our - poor colony, we are much obliged to you, and acknowledge them with - many thanks, accepting them as a great honour to us and a sure - proof of your love and good neighbourhood. - - This is also to give your worships to understand, that it is no - small joy to us to hear that his majesty has not only been pleased - to confirm the ancient alliances and other contracts formerly made - by his predecessors of famous memory, but has himself (as you - say) strengthened them with a new bond, the better to resist the - pride of that common enemy, the Spaniard, from whose cruelty the - Lord keep us both, and our native countries. Now though this were - sufficient to unite us together in love and good neighbourhood - in all our dealings, many of us are under further obligations - for the courteous treatment we received in your country, having - lived there for many years in freedom, as many of our friends do - to this day; for which we and our children after us are bound to - be grateful to your nation, and shall never forget it, but shall - heartily desire your good and prosperity as our own, forever. - - Your friendly offer to accommodate us with any merchandise you - may have, either for beaver or otter or other wares, is also very - acceptable, and we doubt not we shall shortly have profitable trade - together. This year we are fully supplied with all necessaries, - clothing, etc., though later we shall hope to deal with you, if - your rates are reasonable. When you send to us again we shall like - to know what price you give for beaver per pound, and otter per - skin; and on what per cent you will deal for other commodities, and - what you can supply us with; also what other goods from us would be - acceptable to you, as tobacco, fish, corn, etc., and what prices - you will give, etc. - - We hope you will pardon us for our imperfect writing in your - language, and take it in good part; through want of practice - we cannot so well express what we understand, nor understand - everything as full we should. We humbly pray the Lord for His - mercy’s sake that He will take both us and you into His gracious - keeping and protection. - - By the Governor and Council of New Plymouth, - Your Worships’ very good friends and neighbours, etc. - _New Plymouth, March 19th._ - -After this there was much correspondence and other intercourse, and -they traded profitably together for several years, till other things -interrupted it, as will appear afterwards. - -Before they sent Mr. Allerton to England this year, the Governor -and some of the principal members seriously considered how best to -discharge the many obligations which lay so heavily upon them, and -also how, if possible, to bring over some of their friends at Leyden, -who wished so much to come to them, and whose company they desired -equally. To effect this, the leading men of the colony resolved upon -a venturesome course, not knowing how to accomplish their objects -otherwise. This was, that they should purchase the trade of the -settlement (now owned jointly by the settlers, as a body, and by the -adventurers) for a certain period, and in that time to undertake to -pay the £1800, and all the rest of the debts of the plantation then -owing, which amounted to about £600 more; the trade of the settlement -to revert to the common ownership at the end of the period. Upon -coming to this resolution they called the settlers together, and made -it clear to them what all their debts amounted to, and upon what -terms they would undertake to pay them in a given time. But their -other objects they were obliged to conceal, only privately consulting -some of their most trusted friends about it. So after some discussion -with the colonists, it was agreed to, and the contract drawn up on -the following condition. - - _Articles of Agreement between the Colony of New Plymouth of the - one part, and William Bradford, Captain Myles Standish, Isaac - Allerton, etc., of the other part; and such others as they shall - think good to take as partners in the trade for beaver and other - furs and commodities, etc. Made July, 1627._ - - 1. First it is agreed and covenanted between the said parties, - that the aforesaid William Bradford, Captain Myles Standish, and - Isaac Allerton, etc., have undertaken and do by these presents - covenant and agree to pay, discharge, and acquit the said colony of - all debts due for the purchase or otherwise, on the date of these - presents. - - 2. The above said parties are to have and freely enjoy the pinnace - lately built, the boat at Manomet, and the shallop called the - bass-boat, with all implements belonging to them in the store of - the said company; with the whole stock of furs, fells, beads, corn, - wampum, hatchets, knives, etc., now in the store, or due to the - same upon account. - - 3. That the above said parties have the whole trade to themselves, - their heirs and assigns, with all the privileges thereof, as the - said colony does now, and may use the same for six full years to - come, to begin the last day of September next ensuing. - - 4. In further consideration of the discharge of the said debts, - each member of the colony promises and covenants yearly to pay or - cause to be paid to the above said parties during the full term - of the above said six years, three bushels of corn or six lbs. of - tobacco, at the choice of the parties. - - 5. The said parties shall during the aforesaid term expend £50 per - annum in hose and shoes to be brought over for the colony’s use, to - be sold to them for corn at six shillings per bushel. - - 6. That the end of the said term of six years, the whole trade - shall revert to the use and benefit of the said colony as before. - - 7. Lastly, if the aforesaid parties, after they have acquainted - their friends in England with these covenants, do thereupon resolve - to perform them, and undertake to discharge the debts of the said - colony, according to the true meaning and intent of these presents, - they are then upon notice given to stand in full force; otherwise - all things to remain as they were formerly, and a true account to - be given to the said colony of the disposition of everything as - usual. - -Mr. Allerton took a copy of this agreement to England, and had orders -to arrange with some of their special friends there to join with -them in this trade upon the above conditions, and also to impart to -them confidentially the other object that induced them to take this -course, that is, to bring over some of their friends from Leyden, -if possible; and to tell them that if any of them would join with -them they would thankfully accept their partnership; and finally, by -letter, gave them some grounds for their hope of accomplishing it -advantageously for all concerned. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -Allerton in England negotiates partnership between leading New -Plymouth colonists and some of the previous London adventurers—Patent -for Kennebec River procured—Further Dutch intercourse—Trade in -Wampum begun—Troubles with Morton in Massachusetts—John Endicott’s -arrival—Morton trades guns and ammunition to the Indians—Morton -apprehended—Troubles begin with Isaac Allerton: 1628. - - -After Mr. Allerton’s arrival in England, he informed the adventurers -of his commission to make the purchase of the trade of the colony for -six years, and upon delivery of the bonds for the yearly payments -it was finally concluded, and a deed engrossed in parchment was -delivered to him under their hands and seals confirming it. He also -arranged with some special friends among them, as instructed, to -participate in the purchase, and to supply them with money at better -rates, etc. Concerning this I insert here a letter from Mr. Sherley -to the Governor throwing light on what followed. - - _James Sherley in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth_: - - Sir, - - I have received yours of May 26th through Mr. Gibbs and Mr. Goffe, - with the barrel of otter skins, for which I got a bill of store, - and sold them for £78-12-0 sterling; and Mr. Allerton has received - the money as will appear by the account. It is true, as you write, - that your obligations are large, not only for the purchase but - for the working stock you will require, which you cannot raise - at 6 or 8 per cent. as here but must pay 30, 40 and even 50 per - cent. Were not your profits considerable, and God’s blessing on - your honest endeavours more than ordinary, you could not long - be masters of your affairs. And this, it seems, your honest and - able agent, Mr. Allerton, has seriously considered. He tells me - that you are willing to permit me and some few others to join - with you as partners in the purchase; I thank you and all the - rest, and gladly accept, and though absent, shall willingly be - at such expense as you and the rest think proper. This year I am - prepared to forego the £50 due and the two years’ increase for the - venture, which comes in all to £80, without making any condition - for the profit,—you with the rest to bear the risk outward and - homeward. I have persuaded Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beauchamp to do - the same, so that you will not have to bear the high rate of the - previous two years. We leave it freely to yourselves to allow us - what you please, and according as God shall bless us. Whatever - course I take, Mr. Beauchamp is willing to do the same; and though - he may have seemed rather harsh before, you will find he is now - new moulded. I also see by your letter that you desire me to be - your agent here. I have ever found you such faithful, honest, and - upright men, that I have resolved to do you all the good that - lies in my power; so if you please to select so inadequate a man - to perform your business, I promise to do the best I can with the - ability the Lord has given me; and wherein I fail, blame yourselves - that you did not make a better choice. As I am not in good health, - and we are all mortal, I have advised Mr. Allerton to associate - Mr. Beauchamp with me as your deputy, which is both necessary and - advisable for you, and will cost you no more, for it is not the - salary that induces me to undertake your business. Thus commending - you and yours and all God’s people to the guidance and protection - of the Almighty, I ever rest, - - Your faithful, loving friend, - JAMES SHERLEY. - _London, Nov. 17th, 1628._ - -With this letter he sent a draft of power of attorney to be sealed -and returned to them, authorizing them to act as their agents. As -some trouble arose about it afterwards, I will insert it. - - To all to whom these presents shall come, greeting; know ye that - we, William Bradford, Governor of New Plymouth, in New England, - in America, Isaac Allerton, Myles Standish, William Brewster, and - Edward Winslow, of New Plymouth aforesaid, merchants, do by these - presents for us and in our names make, substitute, and appoint - James Sherley, goldsmith, and John Beauchamp, salter, citizens - of London, our true and lawful agents, factors, substitutes, and - assigns; as well to take and receive all such goods, wares, - merchandise whatsoever as to our said substitutes or either of - them, or to the city of London, or other place of the Realm of - England, shall be sent, transported, or come from us or any of us; - as also to vend, sell, barter, or exchange the said goods, wares, - and merchandise, so from time to time to be sent to such person or - persons upon credit, or otherwise in such manner as to our said - agents and factors jointly, or to either of them severally, shall - seem proper. And further we make and ordain our said substitutes - and assigns jointly and severally for us, and to our uses, and - accounts, to buy and consign for us and to us to New England - aforesaid, such goods and merchandise to be provided here, and to - be returned hence as by our said assigns, or either of them, shall - be thought fit. And to recover, receive, and demand for us and in - our names all such debts and sums of money, as now are or hereafter - shall be due, incident, accruing, or belonging to us, or any of us, - by any ways or means; and to acquit, discharge, or compound for any - debt or sum of money, which now or hereafter shall be due or owing - by any person or persons to us, or any of us. And generally for us - and in our names to do, perform, and execute every act and thing - which to our said assigns, or either of them, shall seem proper to - do, as fully and effectually, to all intents and purposes, as if we - or any of us were in person present. And whatsoever our said agents - and factors jointly or severally shall do, or cause to be done, in - or about the premises, we will and do, and each of us does ratify, - allow, and confirm, by these presents. In witness whereof we have - hereunto put our hands and seals. - - _Dated November 18th, 1628._ - -This was accordingly confirmed by the above named, and four more of -the principal members, under their hands and seals, and delivered to -them. Mr. Allerton had formerly received authority under their hands -and seals for transacting their business, raising money, etc., and -this deed he still retained while he was employed on these affairs. -Their complete trust in him and their other friends made them remiss -in cancelling such previous deeds, which was a disadvantage to them -later, as will appear in due course. - -Mr. Allerton having settled everything satisfactorily, returned to -the colony in the early spring of the year with their supplies -for trading, the fishermen with whom he came being accustomed to -sail in the winter and get here betimes. He brought a fair stock of -goods for the settlement, not subject to such high interest, and an -account of the beaver sold and of the money expended for goods and -the payment of other debts. He had discharged all engagements, except -to Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beauchamp, and Mr. Andrews; and from them he also -brought an account, which amounted to not above £400, for which he -had given bonds. He had also made the first payment for the purchase, -due this year, viz., £200, and brought them the bond for it, duly -cancelled. So they had now no foreign debts except £400, odd, and the -balance of the yearly purchase money. They had some other debts over -here, but they were without interest, and they were in a position to -discharge them when they were due. To this pass the Lord had brought -things for them. - -Mr. Allerton also brought them notice that their friends referred to -above, with some others who wished to join them in the trading and in -the purchase, intended that a reasonable number of the congregation -at Leyden should be sent over next year without fail, if the Lord -pleased to bless their journey. He also brought them a patent -for Kennebec; but it was so inadequate that they were obliged to -endeavour to renew and enlarge it the next year, and also that which -they had at home, at great expense, as will appear. Hitherto Mr. -Allerton had done them good and faithful service: would that he had -so continued, or that they had now ceased employing him any longer in -England. But of this more afterwards. - -Having procured a patent for Kennebec, they erected a house in the -most convenient place for trade up the river, and stocked it with -goods for that purpose, both for winter and summer; not only with -corn, but with such other commodities as the fishermen had traded to -them, such as coats, shirts, rugs, blankets, biscuits, peas, prunes, -etc. What they could not procure from England they bought from the -fishing ships and so carried on their business as well as they could. - -This year the Dutch visited them again. With kind letters from the -colony they sent a variety of goods, such as sugar, linen, Holland -finer and coarser stuffs, etc. Their secretary de Rasieres came -with them in their bark to Manomet, to the house the settlers had -established there. He brought attendants, and his coming was heralded -by trumpets. He requested them to send a boat to take him on to New -Plymouth, as he could not travel so far overland. So they sent a boat -to Manoanscussett, and brought him to the plantation with most of his -people. After some few days’ entertainment he returned to his bark, -and some of the leading settlers went with him and bought some of his -goods. After this beginning they often sent over to them, and had -intercourse for many years. - -Amongst other commodities they sold the Dutch a good deal of tobacco -in exchange for linen, stuffs, etc.; and tobacco was profitably -traded with them by the New Plymouth colony, till the Virginians -learned of the Dutch settlement. But what become most profitable, -in time, was the beginning they then made in the trade for wampum. -They bought £50 worth of it from the Dutch who told them how much -they sold of it at Fort Orange, and assured them they would find it -so at Kennebec. At first they could not sell it—in fact it was two -years before they cleared this small quantity. Afterwards, when the -Indians further inland began to know of it, for many years they could -scarcely get enough for them. - -This, with their other sources of supply, reduced their trade with -the fishermen, and in the main also with the scattered settlers. -It was strange to see the great change it wrought in a few years -among the Indians themselves. The natives of these parts and in -Massachusetts hitherto had none or very little of this wampum, except -the Sachems and some of the chiefs who wore a little of it for -ornament. It was, however, largely made and used by the Narragansetts -and Pequots, who grew rich and powerful while the Indians here were -poor and beggarly, and had no use for it. Nor did the English of New -Plymouth or any of the other settlements, until told of it by the -Dutch, so much as know what it was, much less that it was a commodity -of such value. But after it grew to be valuable here, the local -Indians took to it too, and learned how to make it, gathering the -shells from the shores. It has remained a current commodity now for -about twenty years, and it may prove a drug in time. In the meantime -it makes the tribes hereabouts rich and powerful and proud, and -provides them with arms and powder and shot, through the depravity of -some unworthy persons, both English, Dutch, and French, and likely to -be the ruin of many. Hitherto the Indians round here had no guns or -other arms but their bows and arrows, nor for many years after; they -scarcely dared handle guns, they were so afraid of them; and the very -sight of one, though out of kilter, was a terror to them. But the -Indians to the East who had dealings with the French got guns from -them, and in time our English fishermen, with equal covetousness, -followed their example. But upon complaint it pleased the king’s -majesty to prohibit it by a strict proclamation, commanding that -no sort of arms or munition should be traded to the Indians by his -subjects. - -Some three or four years before this there came over one, Captain -Wollaston, a man of fine qualities, with three or four others of -some distinction, who brought with them a great many servants, with -provisions and other necessaries to found a settlement. They pitched -upon a place within Massachusetts, which they called, after their -Captain, Mount Wollaston. Among them was one, Mr. Morton, who, it -seems, had some small share with them in the enterprise, either on -his own account or as an agent; but he was little respected amongst -them and even slighted by the servants. Having remained there some -time, and not finding things answer their expectations, Captain -Wollaston took the majority of the servants to Virginia, where he -hired out their services profitably to other employers. So he wrote -up to Mr. Rasdell, one of the chief partners who was acting as their -merchant, to bring another party of them to Virginia for the same -purpose. With the consent of Rasdell he appointed one, Fitcher, as -his deputy, to govern the remnant of the colony till one of them -should return. But Morton, in the others’ absence, having more -craft than honesty—he had been a kind of pettifogger of Furnival’s -Inn—watched his opportunity when rations were scarce with them, -got some drink and other junkets and made them a feast, and after -they were merry began to tell them he would give them good counsel. -“You see,” says he, “that many of your comrades have been taken to -Virginia; and if you stay till this Rasdell returns you too will -be carried off and sold as slaves with the rest. So I would advise -you to oust this Lieutenant Fitcher; and I, having a share in this -settlement, will take you as partners, and you will be free from -service, and we will trade, plant, and live together as equals, and -support and protect one another”—and so on. This advice was easily -received; so they drove out Lieutenant Fitcher and would not allow -him to come amongst them, forcing him to get food and other relief -from his neighbours, till he could get passage to England. They then -fell to utter licentiousness, and led a dissolute and profane life. -Morton became lord of misrule, and maintained, as it were, a school -of Atheism. As soon as they acquired some means by trading with the -Indians, they spent it in drinking wine and strong drinks to great -excess,—as some reported, £10 worth in a morning! They set up a -Maypole, drinking and dancing about it for several days at a time, -inviting the Indian women for their consorts, dancing and frisking -together like so many fairies,—or furies rather,—to say nothing of -worse practices. It was as if they had revived the celebrated feasts -of the Roman goddess Flora, or the beastly practices of the mad -Bacchanalians. Morton, to show his poetry, composed sundry verses and -rhymes, some tending to lasciviousness and others to the detraction -and scandal of some persons, affixing them to his idle, or idol, -Maypole. They changed the name of the place, and instead of calling -it Mount Wollaston, they called it Merry Mount, as if this jollity -would last forever. But it did not continue long, for, shortly after, -Morton was sent back to England, as will appear. In the meantime -that worthy gentleman, Mr. John Endicott, arrived from England, -bringing over a patent under the broad seal, for the government of -Massachusetts. Visiting this neighbourhood, he had the Maypole cut -down, and reprimanded them for their profaneness, admonishing them to -improve their way of living. In consequence, others changed the name -of their place again, and called it Mount Dagon! - - * * * * * - -In order to maintain this riotous prodigality and excess, Morton, -hearing what profit the French and the fishermen had made by -trading guns, powder, and shot to the Indians, began to practise it -hereabouts, teaching them how to use them. Having instructed them, he -employed some of them to hunt and fowl for him, until they became -far more able than the English, owing to their swiftness on foot and -nimbleness of body, being quick-sighted, and knowing the haunts of -all sorts of game. With the result that, when they saw what execution -a gun would do and the advantage of it, they were mad for them and -would pay any price for them, thinking their bows and arrows but -baubles in comparison. - -And here I must bewail the mischief that this wicked man began in -this district, and which, continued by men that should know better, -has now become prevalent, notwithstanding the laws to the contrary. -The result is that the Indians are stocked with all kinds of -arms,—fowling-pieces, muskets, pistols, etc. They even have moulds -to make shots of all sorts,—musket bullets, pistol bullets, swan -and geese shot and smaller sorts. It is well known that they often -have powder and shot when the English lack it and cannot get it, it -having been bought up and sold to those who trade it to the Indians -at a shilling per pound—for they will buy it at any price. This goes -on while their neighbours are being killed by the Indians every day, -or are only living at their mercy. They have even been told how -gun-powder is made, and all the materials that are in it, and that -they are to be had in their own land; and I am confident that if they -could only get saltpeter they would make gun-powder itself. - -Oh, the horror of this villainy! How many Dutch and English have -lately been killed by Indians, thus furnished; and no remedy is -provided,—nay, the evil has increased. The blood of their brothers -has been sold for profit; and in what danger all these colonies -are is too well-known. Oh! that princes and parliaments would take -some timely steps to prevent this mischief and to suppress it, by -exemplary punishment of some of those gain-thirsty murderers,—for -they deserve no better title,—before their colonies in these parts -are wiped out by the barbarous savages, armed with their own weapons -by these traitors to their country. But I have forgotten myself, and -have been too long on this digression; now to return. - -Morton having taught them the use of guns, sold them all he could -spare, and he and his associates determined to send for large -supplies from England, having already sent for over a score by some -of the ships. This being known, several members of the scattered -settlements hereabouts agreed to solicit the settlers at New -Plymouth, who then outnumbered them all, to join with them to prevent -the further growth of this mischief, and to suppress Morton and -his associates. Those who joined in this action, and afterwards -contributed to the expense of sending him to England, were from -Piscataqua, Naumkeag, Winnisimmett, Weesagascusett, Nantasket, -and other places where the English had settled. The New Plymouth -colonists thus addressed by their messengers and letters, and -weighing their reasons and the common danger, were willing to help, -though they themselves had least cause for fear. - -So, to be short, they first decided to write to Morton jointly, -in a friendly and neighbourly way, requesting him to desist, and -sent a messenger with the letter to bring his answer. But he was so -overbearing that he scorned all advice; he asked what it had to do -with them; he would trade guns to the Indians in spite of them all, -with many other scurrilous remarks, full of disdain. So they sent to -him again and bade him be better advised and more temperate in his -terms; that the country would not bear the injury he was doing; it -was against their common safety and against the king’s proclamation. -He answered as haughtily as before, that the king’s proclamation -was no law, and asking what was the penalty! They replied: more -than he could bear,—his majesty’s displeasure. But he persisted, and -insolently said that the king was dead, and his displeasure with him; -that if they came to molest him, let them look to themselves; he -would be prepared for them. - -So they saw there was no way but to take him by force. They resolved -to proceed, and unanimously requested the Governor of New Plymouth -to send Captain Standish and sufficient men to seize Morton. This -was accordingly done; but he defended himself stiffly, closed his -doors, armed his associates, and had dishes of powder and bullets -ready on the table; and if they had not been overarmed with drink, -more harm might have been done. They summoned him to yield, but they -got nothing but scoffs from him. At length fearing they would wreck -the house, some of his crew came out,—intending not to yield, but -to shoot; but they were so drunk that their guns were too heavy for -them. He himself, with a carbine, overcharged and almost half filled -with powder and shot, tried to shoot Captain Standish; but he stepped -up to him and put aside his gun and took him. No harm was done on -either side, except that one of his men was so drunk that he ran his -nose upon the point of a sword that some one held in front of him on -entering the house; but all he lost was a little of his hot blood. -Morton they took to New Plymouth, where he was kept till a ship went -from the Isle of Shoals to England. In this he was dispatched to -the Council of New England, with letters giving information of his -behaviour, entrusted to a representative sent at their common expense -to inform their honours more particularly, and to prosecute him. But -Morton fooled this man after he had left here, and though he went to -England, nothing was done to him,—he was not so much as rebuked, so -far as was heard,—and he returned the following year. Some of the -worst of the party were dispersed, and some of the more decent were -permitted to live in the house till he was heard from. But I have -been too long about so unworthy a person and so bad a cause. - -This year Mr. Allerton brought over a young man as minister to the -colony, whether upon his own initiative or at the instance of some -friends there, I do not know; but he was not sent by the orders of -the church, for they had been so bitten by Mr. Lyford that they -wished to know well whom they were inviting, beforehand. His name was -Mr. Rogers; but they discovered that he was crazed in the brain; so -they were obliged to go to the expense of sending him back again the -next year; besides the cost of bringing him out, which was not small -by Mr. Allerton’s account, for provisions, clothing, bedding, etc. -Mr. Allerton was much blamed for bringing such a man over, for they -had expenses enough already. - -In previous years Mr. Allerton had brought over some small quantities -of goods upon his own account, and sold them for his private benefit, -which was more than any one had hitherto ventured to do. But as he -had done them good service otherwise, and as he sold them among the -people of the colony and their wants were thereby supplied, it was -passed over. But this year he brought over a greater quantity, and -they were intermixed with the goods of the colony, and all packed -together, so that it could not be said which were theirs and which -were his; so if any mischance had happened at sea, he could have laid -the whole loss on them, if he had wished. And it seemed to result -that what was most saleable and could be sold promptly, he claimed -was his! He also began to sell to others outside the settlement, -which, considering their agreement, they disliked. But love thinks -no evil, nor is suspicious; so they took his fair words for excuse, -and decided to send him to England again this year, considering how -well he had done formerly and how well he stood with their friends -there; and particularly as some of their friends from Leyden were to -be sent for, the arrangements for which he could, or might, assist -in. It was also thought that, as the patent for Kennebec must be -extended, as well as the one here, he would best be able to effect -it, having begun it. So they gave him instructions and sent him to -England once more. His instructions were to bring over no goods on -their account, except £50 worth of hose, shoes, and linen, according -to the conditions,—besides some trading goods to a certain value; and -in no case was he to exceed his instructions or run them into further -expense. He was to arrange that their trading goods came over early, -and whatever was sent on their account should be packed by itself, -and marked with their mark; and no other goods were to be mixed with -them. In fact he requested them to give him such instructions as they -thought fit, and he would follow them, to prevent any jealousy or -further trouble. So they thought they had provided satisfactory for -everything. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -Arrival of the Leyden people—Allerton in England tries to get -the Kennebec Patent enlarged—Morton’s return—Further trouble -with Allerton—The partnership with Ashley—The Penobscot -trading-house—Purchase of a fishing ship suggested—John Endicott at -Salem—The Church at Salem: 1629. - - -Mr. Allerton arrived safely in England, and delivered the letters -to their friends there, acquainting them with his instructions. He -found them willing to join in the trading-partnership, and in the -expense of sending over the Leyden people, some of whom had already -left Holland and were prepared to come over, so they were sent off -before Mr. Allerton was ready to leave. They took passage on the -ships that came to Salem, which brought over many godly persons to -begin the settlements and churches of Christ there and in the Bay of -Massachusetts. So their friends here were rewarded for their long -delay with double blessing, in that they not only enjoyed them now, -when so recently all their hopes had seemed to be blasted; but with -them came other godly friends and Christian brethren, to plant a -still larger harvest unto the Lord, for the increase of his churches -and people in these parts. It was to the astonishment of many and -almost to the wonder of the world, that from so small a beginning -such great things should ensue,—as in due time was manifested; and -that there should be a resting place for so many of the Lord’s people -here, when so sharp a scourge had come upon their own nation. But it -was the Lord’s doing, and it ought to be marvellous in our eyes. - -I will here insert some of their friends’ letters, which best express -their own attitude towards these proceedings. - - _Two letters from James Sherley in England to Governor Bradford at - New Plymouth_: - - Sir, - - With this there are many more of our friends from Leyden coming - over to you, whose arrival, though mostly a weak body, is the - fulfillment, in part, of our purpose, so strongly opposed by some - of the former adventurers. But God has His working in these things, - which man cannot frustrate. We have also sent some servants in the - ship Talbot, that sailed lately; but the Leyden contingent come in - the Mayflower. Mr. Beauchamp and myself, with Mr. Andrews and Mr. - Hatherley, have, with your good will, joined your partnership, etc. - - _May 25th, 1629._ - - - Your power of attorney has been received, and the goods have been - sold by your friend and agent, Mr. Allerton, I having been in - Holland nearly three months, at Amsterdam and in other parts of the - Low Countries. I see, also, the agreement you have made with the - main body of the settlers, and think you have done very well, both - for them, for you, and for your friends at Leyden. Mr. Beauchamp, - Mr. Andrews, Mr. Hatherley, and myself so thoroughly approve of - it, that we are willing to join you, and, God directing us, will - assist you the best we possibly can. Indeed, had you not taken - this course, I do not see how you could ever have accomplished the - end originally aimed at. We know it must cause further delay in - realizing profits, for most of those who we sent in May, and those - now sailing, though honest and good people, are not likely to be - helpful at present—indeed, for some time they will be an expense to - you and us. Had you not taken this wise and astute course, the main - body of your colonists would probably have grudged their coming. - Again, as you say well in your letter, the burden being now on the - shoulders of only a few, you will manage it the better, having no - discontent or contradiction, but all lovingly joined together in - affection and counsel, so that God will no doubt bless and prosper - your honest labours and endeavours. So in all respects I consider - you have been marvellously discreet and well-advised, and have - no doubt it will give all parties satisfaction—I mean all who - are reasonable and honest men, and make conscience of fulfilling - their obligations to the uttermost, not with regard to their own - private interests so much as the accomplishment of the good object - for which this enterprise was first started.... Thus desiring the - Lord to bless and prosper you and all yours, and all our honest - endeavours, I rest, - - Your unfeigned and ever loving friend, - JAMES SHERLEY. - _London, March 8th, 1629._ - -I have mentioned here the coming of both these companies from Leyden, -though they actually came at two different times. The former party, -numbering 35 persons, sailed in May, and arrived here about August, -1629; the latter sailed at the beginning of March, and arrived -here the latter end of May, 1630. Their expenses, according to -Mr. Allerton’s accounts, came to above £550 (in addition to their -transportations from Salem and the Bay, where they and their goods -were landed), viz.: their transportation from Holland to England, -and their expenses while there, and their passages out here, with -clothing provided for them. I find in the account for the one party -125 yards of kersey, 127 ells of linen, 66 pairs of shoes, with -many other particulars. The cost of the other party is reckoned by -families, some £50, some £40, some £30,—more or less, according to -numbers, etc. Besides all this expense their friends here had to -provide corn and other provisions for them till they could reap -a crop, which was some time. Those that came in May had to be -maintained upwards of 16 to 18 months; the others proportionately. -All they could do in the meantime was to build houses and prepare -land for planting next season. The expenses of maintaining them -all this time was little less than the former sum. I make special -note of this for various reasons: first, to show a rare example of -brotherly love and Christian care in performing their promises to -their brethren. Secondly, to prove that there was more than the work -of man in these achievements,—thus successfully to have persuaded -such able friends to join them in the enterprise, and to stand by -them so faithfully in the face of such risks, most of them never -having seen their faces to this day; it must needs be, therefore, -the special work of God. Thirdly, that these poor people here in -a wilderness should, notwithstanding, be able in time to repay -all their engagements, and others unjustly put upon them through -unfaithful service, besides other great losses which they sustained, -all of which will be related if the Lord be pleased to give me life -and time. In the meantime I cannot help but wonder at His ways and -works towards His servants, and humbly desire to bless His holy name -for His great mercies hitherto. - -The Leyden people having come over, and several members of the -general body of the settlers seeing how great the expense was likely -to be, began to murmur at it, notwithstanding the burden lay on -other men’s shoulders,—especially at paying the three bushels of -corn a year, according to the agreement. But to satisfy them, it was -promised that if they could do without it they would not demand it of -them. And it never was paid, as will appear. - -Mr. Allerton’s proceedings about the enlarging and confirming of the -patents, both at home and at Kennebec, are best explained in another -letter of Mr. Sherley’s. Though much time and money was expended, he -left it unaccomplished this year, and came without them. - - _James Sherley in England to the New Plymouth Colony_: - - Most worthy and loving Friends, - - Some of your letters I received in July, and some since through - Mr. Pierce; but till our main business, the patent, was granted, - I could not settle my mind or pen to writing. Mr. Allerton was so - turmoiled about it, that I neither would nor could have undertaken - it, if I had been paid a thousand pounds; but the Lord so blessed - his labours that he obtained the love and favour of important men - of repute and position. He got granted from the Earl of Warwick and - Sir Ferdinand Gorges all that Mr. Winslow desired in his letters - to me, and more besides, which I leave him to relate. Then he sued - to the king to confirm their grant, and to make you a corporation, - and so to enable you to make and execute laws as freely as the - government of Massachusetts. This the king graciously granted, - referring it to the Lord Keeper to give order to the solicitor to - draw it up, if there were a precedent for it. So the Lord Keeper - furthered it all he could, and also the solicitor; but as Festus - said to Paul: With no small sum of money obtained I this freedom. - For, by the way, many riddles had to be solved, and many locks must - be opened with the silver, nay, the golden key! Then it came to - the Lord Treasurer, to have his warrant for making you custom-free - for a certain time; but he would not do it, and referred it to the - Council Table. And there Mr. Allerton attended day by day, when - they sat, but could not get his petition read; and as Mr. Pierce - was waiting with all the passengers at Bristol, he was forced to - leave the further prosecution of it to a solicitor. But there is no - fear nor doubt but that it will be granted,—for the chief of them - are friendly; but he should certainly return by the first ship that - comes, for if you had this confirmed, you would be in a position to - govern with the power befitting your rank and the position God has - called you to, and to stop the mouths of the base and scurrilous - individuals who are ready to question and threaten you in every - action. Besides, if you are freed of customs dues for seven years - inward and twenty-one outward, the expense of the patent will be - soon covered; and there is no doubt of ultimately obtaining it. But - such things must work by degrees,—they cannot be hastened; so we - (I write on behalf of all our partners here) beg you to urge Mr. - Allerton to come, and his wife to spare him this one year more, - to finish this important business, which will be so much for your - good, and I hope for that of your posterity for many generations to - come. - -Thus much of this letter; it was dated March 19th, 1629; but the fact -of the matter was (as came out later), it was Mr. Allerton’s object -to have an opportunity to be sent over again for purposes of his own; -and with that idea he requested them to write thus. The extension of -the patent might easily have been finished, omitting the clause about -the customs (which was Mr. Allerton’s and Mr. Sherley’s device), it -having passed the king’s hand. But covetousness never brings anything -home, as the proverb says; and this opportunity being lost, it was -never accomplished, though a great deal of money was vainly and -lavishly expended on it. But of this more in its place. - - * * * * * - -I almost omitted to mention that this year Mr. Allerton gave them -great and just offence by bringing over the unworthy Morton, who had -been sent home only the year before for his misdemeanours. He not -only brought him over, but into the very town (as if to beard them), -and lodged him at his own house, employing him as his secretary -till he was forced to send him away. So he returned to his old nest -in Massachusetts, where it was not long before his misconduct gave -them proper cause to apprehend him, and he was again sent by them a -prisoner to England, where he lay a good time in Exeter Gaol. For, -besides his misdeeds here, he was strongly suspected of the murder -of a man who had ventured money with him, when he first came to -New England. A warrant had been sent from the Lord Chief Justice -to apprehend him, by virtue of which the Governor of Massachusetts -sent him to England; and as punishment for his misdemeanours there, -they demolished his house, so that it might no longer be a roost for -such unclean birds to nestle in. But he got free again, and wrote an -infamous and scurrilous book full of lies and slanders against many -godly men of the country in high position, and of profane calumnies -against their names and persons, and the ways of God. After several -years, when the war was at its height in England, he returned to the -country, and was imprisoned at Boston, for the book and other things, -having grown old in wickedness. - -As for the rest of Mr. Allerton’s instructions, enjoining him not to -exceed the £50 worth of goods before mentioned, nor to bring any but -trading commodities, he ignored them, and brought over many other -kinds of retail goods, selling what he could by the way on his own -account, and delivering them the rest, which he said were theirs. -Of trading goods he brought scarcely any, making excuses that they -had expended so much on the Leyden people, the patent, etc. As -regards exceeding his instructions, he laid the responsibility on Mr. -Sherley, etc. He promised that next year they should have whatever -trading goods they sent for. In this way he put them off, and though -Mr. Sherley had written somewhat bearing out his statements, he was -probably over-ruled by Mr. Allerton to do so. - -The following is a still further extract from his former letter, -bearing on this: - - I see what you write in your letters concerning the paying of our - debts, which I confess are great, and need to be carefully watched. - But let us not fulfill the proverb; to spend a shilling on a purse - and put sixpence in it; nor think by the expenditure of £50 a year - to raise means to pay our debts; you need to be well supplied and - fully provided,—and, chiefly, lovingly to agree. - -This shows that there was a kind of concurrence between Mr. Allerton -and the adventurers in England about these things, and that they had -more regard for his opinion than for the advice sent from here. This -troubled them greatly here, not knowing how to help it, and being -loth to make any breach. Another more private difficulty was that -Mr. Allerton had married the daughter of their reverend elder, Mr. -Brewster, who was beloved and honoured by them, taking great pains in -dispensing and teaching the word of God to them, and whom they were -loth to grieve in any way; so they bore with much for that reason. - -Again, Mr. Allerton procured such letters from Mr. Sherley, with such -applause of his wisdom, care, and faithfulness, that as things stood, -none seemed so fit to send as he. Besides, though private gain, I -feel sure, was one cause of Mr. Allerton’s doings, I think, or at -least charity leads me to hope, that he intended to deal faithfully -with his partners here in the main. But things fell out otherwise and -missed their aim, and the settlement in general suffered considerably -in consequence, as will appear. - -Along the same lines was another plan of Mr. Allerton’s and his -friends, unknown to the other partners here, until it was so far -proceeded with that they felt obliged to sanction it and join with -them, though they did not like it and mistrusted the outcome. It is -explained in another extract from Mr. Sherley’s letter, as follows: - - I wish to acquaint you that we have thought good to become partners - in a separate venture with one Edward Ashley—a man I think some - of you know—but it only concerns the place for which he has a - patent in Mr. Beauchamp’s name. For this purpose we have supplied - him plentifully with provisions, etc. If you wish to join us as - partners in this, we are willing you should. Hearing how anxious - Bristol men were to join the enterprise and supply him, expecting - good profits, we thought it important that we should not to miss - such opportunity. He, on his side, like a shrewd man, thought it - better to join with those who already had a settlement to back him - there, than with strangers. It is not known that you are in the - partnership, but only we four, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Beauchamp, myself, - and Mr. Hatherley, who entered upon it in view of the great loss we - have already sustained in the first plantation there. But as I said - before, if you wish to join with us, we are willing you should. Mr. - Allerton had no power from you to make this new contract, nor was - he willing to do anything without your consent. Mr. William Pierce - joined with us because of landing Ashley and his goods there. He - has a new boat with him, and boards to make another, with four - or five strong fellows, one of whom is a carpenter. In case you - are not willing to join us, fearing the expense and doubting the - success, we beg you to afford him all the help you can, either with - men, goods, or boats, and we will pay you for anything that he has. - We wish you to keep the accounts separate, even if you join us, - because there are partners in this enterprise who are not in the - other; so charge him with men’s wages, boat-hire, or goods; and - anything you receive from him, charge to the colony. - - And now loving friends and partners, if you join in Ashley’s - project, we having found the money to stock this business and the - other, it seems reasonable that you should bear your share of the - stock, if not in money, by security to that amount. I hope in God, - by His blessing and your honest endeavour, it may soon be paid; but - the term of the partnership is not long, so it behoves us all to - make the best use of the time that we possibly can, and let every - one put his shoulder to the burden and it will be lighter. I know - you will consider this carefully, and return a satisfactory answer. - None of us would have risked this, except as a support to your own - enterprise. - - There is no likelihood of doing any good by attempting to buy the - debts for the purchase of the old adventurer’s shares. I know some - would not forego their interest, so let it run its course; it - is arranged they are to be paid yearly, and so I hope they will - be, according to agreement. The Lord grant that our loves and - affections may still be united and knit together; and so we rest - your ever loving friends, - - JAMES SHERLEY. - TIMOTHY HATHERLEY. - _Bristol, March 19th, 1629._ - -This matter of buying the debts of the purchase was part of Mr. -Allerton’s instructions, and in many instances it might have been -done to advantage for ready cash; but Mr. Sherley disliked it. The -Ashley enterprise troubled them much, for though he had ability -enough to manage the business, he was known to be a very profane -young man; and he had for some time lived among the Indians as a -savage, naked like them, adopting their manners and customs, and -in the meantime acquiring their language; so they feared he might -not keep straight, though he promised better things. As soon as he -landed at the place intended, called Penobscot, some four score -leagues from this place, he wrote (and afterwards came) desiring to -be supplied with wampum, corn for the winter, and other things. They -bethought them that these were their chief commodities, and would -be continually needed by him, and it would thus be greatly to the -prejudice of their own trade at Kennebec, if, though they did not -join the partnership, they should still have to supply him; on the -other hand, if they should both refuse to join the partnership and -to supply him, they would greatly offend their friends in England, -and might possibly lose them. Again, Ashley and Mr. Allerton, -laying their crafty wits together, might get supplies elsewhere; -and whether they joined in it or not, they knew Mr. Allerton would -do so, and then he would swim, as it were, between both, to the -prejudice of both,—but especially of themselves. They had reason to -think this scheme was chiefly of his contriving, and Ashley was a fit -tool. So, to prevent worse mischief, they resolved to enter the new -partnership, and gave him supplies of what they could, and kept a -watch on his doings as well as they could. To do so more effectively, -they associated with him, as an equal, as it were, and not merely as -a servant, a steady young man who had come from Leyden; and as he -was discreet, and could be trusted, they were able to give him such -instructions as kept Ashley within bounds. So they replied to their -friends in England that they accepted their offer and joined with -them in Ashley’s enterprise, but told them what their fears were in -regard to him. - -When they had received full account of all the goods sent over to -them that year, they saw they were very short of trading goods, and -that Ashley was far better supplied than themselves. They were even -forced to buy supplies from the fishermen, and such things as cotton, -kersey, and other cloth from Mr. Allerton himself, and so to dispose -of a large part of their beaver at reduced rates over here, instead -of sending it home to help discharge their debts. This vexed them -greatly, but Mr. Allerton assured them that next year they should -have whatever they wrote for. Their engagements for this year were -large indeed,—when they came to know them, which was not till two -years after; and were increased by Mr. Allerton raising large sums -at Bristol at 50 per cent again, which he insisted he was forced to -do, otherwise he could have got no goods transported by the fishing -ships in the spring,—such was their ill-will towards the trade of the -colony. But whether this was any more than an excuse, some of them -doubted; however, the burden lay on their shoulders, and they must -bear it,—as they did many other heavy loads before the end. - -This necessity of paying 50 per cent, and the difficulty of having -their goods transported by the fishing ships early in the year -during the best season for trade, put them upon another project. -Mr. Allerton after the fishing season was over, secured a bargain -in salt, at a good fishing place, and bought it. It came to about -£113, and shortly after he might have got £30 clear profit for it, -without any trouble. But Mr. Winslow and some of the other partners -coming that way from Kennebec in the bark, met Mr. Allerton, and -persuaded him not to sell the salt, but suggested keeping it for -themselves, and hiring a ship in the west country to come fishing for -them on shares, as was the custom. Her salt being here already, and -a dock built where it lay safely housed, instead of bringing salt, -they might load her full of trading goods without paying freight, -and receive them in plenty of time, which would be greatly to their -advantage. On arrival at New Plymouth this plan was discussed, and -approved by all but the Governor, who was against it, as they had -always lost by fishing; but the rest were strongly in favour of it, -believing that they might make good profits by the fishing; and even -if they should only save a little, or actually lose something by it, -the advantage of getting early supplies would be ample return. So he -gave way, and it was referred to their friends in England, to allow -or disallow it. Of this, more in its place. - -Considering what had to be done about the patents and in what state -it had been left, and owing to Mr. Sherley’s earnest wish to have -Mr. Allerton come over to finish it and complete the accounts, etc., -it was decided to send him over again this year,—though it was -with some fear and jealousy. However, he made them fair promises -to perform all their business according to their directions, and -to redeem his former errors. So he was accordingly sent with full -instructions, and with long letters to Mr. Sherley and the rest, -both about Ashley’s business and their own; stating how essential it -was that they be supplied with trading commodities, what they had -suffered through want of them, and of what little use other goods -were in comparison. They fully explained about the fishing ship that -was to be hired and loaded with trading goods, to supply both them -and Ashley, and the advantages to be gained. It was left to their -decision to hire and fit her out, or not; but under no circumstances -to send one unless she were loaded with trading goods. But what -happened will appear in the account of next year’s doings. - -I almost omitted another occurrence at the beginning of this year. -A Mr. Ralph Smith and his wife and family had come over to the Bay -of Massachusetts, and lived at present with some straggling people -at Nantasket. A boat from here putting in there on one occasion, -he earnestly begged them to give him and his family passage to New -Plymouth, with such effects as they could take; he had heard that -it was likely he might procure house-room here for some time, till -he might decide to settle here if permitted, or elsewhere, as God -should dispose; he was weary of being in that uncouth place, and in -such a poor house that it kept neither him nor his effects dry. So, -as he was a grave man and they understood he had been a minister, -they brought him, though they had no orders to do so. He was kindly -entertained here, and housed, and later he had the rest of his goods -and servants sent for and exercised his gifts among them. Afterwards -he was chosen to the ministry and remained there several years. - -It was mentioned before, that several of those who came from Leyden, -sailed in ships that went to Salem, where Mr. Endicott had chief -command. Diseases which had developed among the passengers at sea, -infected those ashore, and many died; some of scurvy, others of an -infectious fever which was amongst them for some time, though our -people, through God’s goodness, escaped it. Whereupon Mr. Endicott -wrote for help, understanding that one of them at New Plymouth had -some skill as a physician, and had cured several of scurvy, and -others of various diseases, by letting blood and other means. So he -sent to the Governor here, requesting him to send him to them. The -Governor complied, and wrote to him, receiving a letter in reply. -This letter, though brief, shows the beginning of their acquaintance; -and as a manifestation of the truth and of the ways of God, I thought -it fitting and profitable to insert it here. - - _Governor John Endicott at Salem to Governor Bradford at New - Plymouth_: - - Right Worthy Sir, - - It is an unusual thing that servants of one master and of the - same household should be strangers! I assure you I do not desire - it,—nay, to speak more plainly, I cannot be so to you. God’s people - are all marked with one and the same mark, and sealed with one and - the same seal, and have in the main, one and the same heart, guided - by one and the same spirit of truth; and where this is, there can - be no discord,—nay, there must needs be sweet harmony. And so I - pray the Lord that we may, as Christian brethren, be united with - you by a heavenly and unfeigned love; bending all our hearts and - forces in furthering a work beyond our strength, with reverence and - fear, and fastening our eyes always on Him Who is able to direct - and prosper all our ways. I am much beholden to you for your kind - love and care in sending Mr. Fuller among us, and rejoice at what - I hear from him of your attitude towards the outward form of God’s - worship. It is, as far as I can gather, no other than is warranted - by the evidence of truth, and the same which I have maintained and - professed ever since the Lord in His mercy revealed Himself unto - me,—though very different from the common report of you that has - been spread about. But God’s children must look for no less here - below; and it is the great mercy of God that He strengthens them - to go through with it. I need not be tedious to you now, for, God - willing, I purpose to see your face shortly. In the meantime I - humbly take my leave of you, committing you to the Lord’s blessed - protection, and rest, - - Your assured loving friend, - JOHN ENDICOTT. - _Naumkeag, May 11th, 1629._ - -A second letter received this year shows the progress of their church -affairs at Salem, which was the second church erected in these parts. -Afterwards the Lord established many more in several places. - - _Charles Gott at Salem to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth:_ - - Sir, - - I make bold to trouble you with a few lines to inform you how it - has pleased God to deal with us since you heard from us; how, - notwithstanding all the opposition here and elsewhere, it has - pleased God to lay a foundation which I hope is agreeable to His - word in every way. It pleased the Lord to move the heart of our - Governor to set apart July 10th as a solemn day of humiliation - for the choice of a pastor and a teacher. The first part of the - day was used for prayer and teaching, the latter part for the - election, which was held in this way. The persons nominated, who - had been ministers in England, were questioned concerning their - calling. They acknowledged there was a twofold calling; the one - an inward calling, when the Lord moved the heart of a man to take - that calling upon him, and fitted him with gifts for it; the second - an outward calling from the people, when a body of believers join - together in covenant, to walk in all the ways of God; every male - member having a free voice in the choice of the officers, etc. Now, - we being satisfied that these two men were so qualified, as the - apostle tells Timothy: A bishop must be blameless, sober, apt to - teach, etc.,—I think I may say, as the eunuch said to Philip: What - should hinder him from being baptised, seeing there was water, and - he believed. So these two servants of God, giving full satisfaction - by their answers and being thus fitted, we saw no reason why we - might not freely vote for their election. Mr. Skelton was chosen - pastor, and Mr. Higginson teacher; and they, accepting the choice, - Mr. Higginson, with three or four of the gravest members of the - church, laid their hands on Mr. Skelton, with prayer. After this - there was imposition of hands on Mr. Higginson. Since then, - Thursday (being as I take it the 6th of August) has been appointed - for another day of humiliation, for the choice of elders and - deacons, and for ordaining them. - - And now, good Sir, I hope that you and the rest of God’s people - with you, who are acquainted with the ways of God, will say that - herein a right foundation was laid, and that these two blessed - servants of the Lord came in at the door, and not at the window. - Thus I have made bold to trouble you with these few lines, desiring - you to remember us.... And so rest, - - At your service in what I may, - CHARLES GOTT. - _Salem, July 30th 1629._ - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -Ashley’s beginnings—Arrival of Hatherley on the Friendship and -Allerton on the White Angel—Hatherley examines the affairs of the -Colony—Failure of Allerton’s fishing voyage on the White Angel—Ashley -apprehended and sent to England—Discharge of Allerton from his -Agency—The first Execution—Day of Humiliation appointed for Boston, -Salem, Charlestown, and New Plymouth: 1630. - - -Ashley, being well supplied, had quickly gathered a good parcel of -beaver, and like a crafty pate he sent it all home, and would not pay -for the goods he had from here, but let them stand charged against -him, and drew still more. Though they knew his object well enough, -they let him go on, and wrote about it to England. However, owing to -the beaver they received there and sold (which appealed to them as -business men) and Mr. Allerton’s high praise of him, they were more -eager to supply him than the colony, and even somewhat disparaged it -in comparison. - -They were also forced to buy him a bark, and equip her with a captain -and men to transport his corn and provisions, of which he used large -quantities; for the Indians of those parts grew no corn, and at -harvest time, when the corn here is ready, the weather is so bad and -the season so dangerous that a shallop is no good for the purpose. - -This spring the settlers looked anxiously for timely supplies in -the fishing ship which they expected, and for which they had been -at the expense of keeping a dock. But no ship came, nor were any -goods heard of. Later they learned that supplies had been sent to -Ashley by a fishing ship, which puzzled them,—the more so that they -had received no letters from Mr. Allerton or Mr. Sherley. However, -they carried on their business as well as they could. At last they -heard of the arrival of Mr. Pierce at the Bay of Massachusetts, with -passengers and goods. They sent a shallop at once, supposing he would -have something for them. But he told them he had nothing, and that -a ship had been sent out fishing, but after eleven weeks beating at -sea she met with such foul weather that she was forced to return -to England, and the season being over she gave up the voyage. Nor -had he heard much about goods in her for the settlers, or that she -belonged to them, though he had heard something of that kind from -Mr. Allerton. But Mr. Allerton had bought another ship, in which -he was coming, which was to fish for bass to the eastward, and was -bringing goods, etc. These reports troubled them and much astonished -them. Mr. Winslow having been eastward brought similar news with more -particulars, and that probably Mr. Allerton would not arrive till -late. At length, having an opportunity, they resolved to send Mr. -Winslow to England with what beaver they had ready, to see how their -business stood, being dubious about it, especially Mr. Allerton’s -behaviour. They wrote letters, and gave him such instructions as -they thought proper—and if he found things unsatisfactory he was to -discharge Mr. Allerton from being agent and from dealing any more for -them in the business, and he was to see how the accounts stood, etc. - -About the middle of summer arrives Mr. Hatherley, one of the -partners, at the Bay of Massachusetts, having come over in the ship -that was sent fishing, called the Friendship. They sent to him at -once, not doubting that now their goods had come, and they would -know how everything stood. They found the news was true, that this -ship had been so long at sea and her provisions had been so largely -consumed or spoiled, that she abandoned the voyage. He himself had -been sent over by the rest of the partners to see how things went -here. He was at Bristol with Mr. Allerton in the ship they had -bought called the White Angel, which was all ready to set sail, when -that night came a messenger to Mr. Allerton from Barnstable, and -told him of the return of the fishing ship Friendship, and what had -happened. He, not knowing what to do, the ship lying there at his -expense ready to set sail, got Mr. Hatherley to go and discharge her -and take order for the goods. To be short, they found Mr. Hatherley -somewhat reserved and troubled, Mr. Allerton not being there, and -not knowing how to dispose of the goods till he came; but he said he -heard he had arrived by the White Angel, to eastward, and expected -to meet him there. He told them there was not much for them in the -Friendship,—only two parcels of Barnstable rugs, and two hogsheads -of methylene in wooden flackets. When these flackets came to be -examined, only six gallons of the two hogsheads remained, the rest -having been drunk up under the name “leakage.” For the rest, the ship -was laden with goods for various gentlemen and others who had come to -settle in Massachusetts, for which they had paid freight by the ton. -This was all the satisfaction they could get at present. They took -this small lot of goods and returned with the news, and a letter as -obscure, as follows: - - - _James Sherley in England to the Colonists at New Plymouth_: - - Gentlemen, Partners, and loving Friends, - - Briefly thus: we have this year fitted out both a fishing ship and - a trading ship. The latter we have bought, and so have disbursed a - great deal of money as will appear by our accounts. This trading - ship, the White Angel, is however to perform two duties: fishing - for bass and trading; and lest, while Mr. Allerton is employed - trading, the fishing might suffer by neglect of the sailors, we - have begged our mutual friend, Mr. Hatherley, to go over with him, - knowing he will be a comfort to Mr. Allerton, and that it will be - a joy to you to see a careful, loving friend, and one who is a - great stay to the business. If it should please God that one should - die,—as God forbid,—the survivor would keep the accounts and the - other matters straight. We have now spent large sums of money, as - they will acquaint you.... When it was only four or five hundred - pounds a piece, we did not trouble much about it, but left it to - you and your agent, who without flattery deserves infinite thanks - both from you and us for his pains.... But now that our ventures - are double, nay treble for some of us, we have decided to send over - our friend Mr. Hatherley, whom we pray you to entertain kindly. The - main object of sending him is to examine the accounts and report - on the condition of the business, about all of which we beg you to - inform him fully. I will not promise, but shall endeavour to obtain - the grant of your patent as desired, and that ere long. Pray do not - take anything unkindly; I have not written out of suspicion of any - unjust dealing. Be you all kindly saluted in the Lord, so I rest, - - Yours in what I may, - JAMES SHERLEY. - _March 25th, 1630._ - -It is not surprising that these things troubled them. First, there -was this fishing ship which had been fitted out, laden with other -goods and scarcely any of theirs, though their main object was -that he should bring them ample supplies, and their special orders -were not to fit out a ship except for this purpose; and now to -have the expenses charged to their account, though clean contrary -to their orders, was a mystery they could not understand,—the -more serious seeing that she had lost both her voyage and her -provisions. Secondly, that another ship should be bought, and sent -out on business never thought of by any here, much less intimated -to their friends in England either by word or letter, was equally -inexplicable. Bass fishing was never favoured by them, and as -soon as ever they heard of this project they foresaw loss. As for -Mr. Allerton’s trading for them, it never entered their thoughts. -Thirdly, that their friends should complain of disbursements, and -yet incur such great risks contrary to all orders, seemed very -strange,—all these important projects being wrapped up in a brief and -obscure letter. But amidst all their doubts they must have patience -till Mr. Allerton and Mr. Hatherley arrived. In the meantime Mr. -Winslow had gone to England, and the rest of them were forced to -follow their employments as best they could. - -At length Mr. Hatherley and Mr. Allerton came, and finding those at -the settlement very depressed about it, Mr. Allerton told them that -the White Angel did not belong to them, and had not been bought on -their account; they need not have anything to do with her unless -they wished. Mr. Hatherley confirmed this, and said that they wanted -him to put in his share but he had refused. However, he questioned -whether they would not charge her to the general account, if there -were a loss,—which he now saw was likely,—seeing that Mr. Allerton -had proposed the undertaking. As for the fishing ship, he told -them they need not be anxious; and he produced her accounts, which -showed that her first fitting out did not much exceed £600. On the -failure of the first voyage, at her return, he had sold goods out of -her in England, and applied the money to the second voyage, which, -together with such goods and implements as Mr. Allerton would need -for fishing, such as salt, nets, spikes, nails, etc., would amount -to nearly £400. As for this second voyage it would show a profit on -the freight of the goods, and the sale of some cattle which would be -paid for partly here and partly by bills in England. So the total -loss, which would not be much above £200, would be all they would -have to bear on this account. Mr. Hatherley also told them he was -sent over as the agent of those in England, and that whatever he -and Mr. Allerton did jointly they would stand by; that they would -not sanction what Mr. Allerton did alone, unless they wished; but -what he (Mr. Hatherley) did alone they would guarantee. So they sold -him and Mr. Allerton all the rest of their stock of goods, and gave -them possession of them; and a statement was drawn up in writing, -and confirmed under both Mr. Allerton’s and Mr. Hatherley’s hands, -to the above effect. Mr. Allerton being best acquainted with the -people, sold all such goods as he had no need of for fishing, as nine -shallop-sails made of good new canvas, and the roads for them, all -new, and several such useful things, for beaver, by Mr. Hatherley’s -permission. Thus they thought they had well provided for themselves. -However those at the colony censured Mr. Allerton for entering upon -this project, doubting its success. Mr. Allerton brought to the town, -after he had sold what he could elsewhere, a great quantity of other -goods, besides trading commodities; as linen, bed-ticks, stockings, -tape, pins, rugs, etc., and said they could have them if they wished. -But they told him they had forbidden him before to bring any such -things on their account, as it would injure their trade and reduce -their returns. But he and Mr. Hatherley said if they would not take -them they would sell them themselves, and take corn for what they -could not sell otherwise. They told them they might, if they had -instructions to do so. These goods came to upwards of £500. - -Mr. Allerton then went off on his bass fishing; and Mr. Hatherley, as -ordered, after examining the affairs of the settlement, about all of -which they informed him fully, asked for a boat to go and visit the -trading-house at Kennebec and Ashley at Penobscot. They accordingly -supplied him with a boat and men for the voyage, and acquainted him -thoroughly with everything. He was fully satisfied, and now saw -plainly that Mr. Allerton played his own game, not only to the great -detriment of the partners at the colony who employed and trusted -him, but to that of the partners in England also, by prejudicing -them against the settlement, assuring them that they would never be -able to recoup themselves for their great expenses if they would not -follow his advice and support his projects. Mr. Hatherley disclosed, -besides, a further scheme in connection with this ship the White -Angel. It appeared that as she was well fitted with good ordnance, -and known to have made a great fight at sea in which she came off -victorious, they had agreed with Mr. Allerton that after she had -brought her cargo of goods here and had loaded with fish, she would -go to Oporto, and there be sold, freight, ordnance, and all. But this -was prevented partly by the advice given by their friends here to Mr. -Allerton and Mr. Hatherley, showing how it might ruin their friends -in England, who were men of property, should it become known,—and in -the interests of the colony they utterly disallowed it, and protested -against it; and partly by their ill success, for they had arrived too -late to do any good with the fishing, and had brought such a drunken -crew that neither Mr. Allerton nor any one else could keep them in -order, as Mr. Hatherley and every one could see to their shame. - -Ashley also was caught in a trap before Mr. Hatherley returned, for -trading powder and shot to the Indians. He was apprehended by those -in authority, who would have confiscated over a thousand weight of -beaver, but that the Governor here showed a bond, under Ashley’s -hand, to the amount of £500, not to trade any arms or ammunition to -the Indians, or otherwise misbehave himself. It was proved, besides, -that he had committed uncleanness with Indian women,—things feared -at the outset. So their goods were freed, but he was sent home in -custody. To make an end of him, after some time of imprisonment in -the Fleet, by means of friends he was set at liberty, and intended -to come over again, but the Lord prevented it; for he had an offer -made to him by some merchants to go to Russia, owing to his skill -in the beaver trade, which he accepted, and on returning home was -drowned at sea. This was his end. - -Mr. Hatherley, fully conversant with the state of affairs, was -satisfied, and able to inform them how things stood between Mr. -Allerton and the colony. In fact he discovered that Mr. Allerton had -got the better of him, too, and had taken possession of the things -for which Mr. Hatherley stood jointly responsible to the partners -here, as concerned the Friendship, besides most of the freight money, -and some of his own private property. About this, however, more will -appear in due course. He returned to England and they sent a good -quantity of beaver with him to the rest of the partners; so both he -and it were very welcome to them. - -Mr. Allerton was busied with his own affairs and returned with his -White Angel, being no longer employed by the settlement. But these -troubles were not ended till many years after, nor fully realized -for a long time, being folded up in obscurity and kept in the clouds -to the great loss and vexation of the colony. In the end, for peace’ -sake they were forced to bear the unjust burden of them almost to -their undoing, as will appear if God give me life to finish this -history. - -They sent letters by Mr. Hatherley to the partners in England, to -show them how they had settled with Mr. Hatherley and Mr. Allerton -for the Friendship’s account, and that they both affirmed that the -White Angel did not belong to them in any way, and that therefore -their account must not be charged with it. They also wrote to Mr. -Winslow, their agent, that he, too, should protest against it in -their names, should any such thing be intended and that they would -never permit it. They also signified that they dismissed Mr. Allerton -wholly from being their agent, or from having anything to do with any -of their business. - -This year John Billington the elder, one of those who came over -first, was arraigned, and both by grand and petty jury found guilty -of wilful murder by plain and notorious evidence, and was accordingly -executed. - -This, the first execution among them, was a great sadness to them. -They took all possible pains in the trial, and consulted Mr. -Winthrop, and the other leading men at the Bay of Massachusetts -recently arrived, who concurred with them that he ought to die, and -the land be purged of blood. He and some of his relatives had often -been punished for misconduct before, being one of the profanest -families among them. They came from London, and I know not by what -influence they were shuffled into the first body of settlers. -The charge against him was that he waylaid a young man, one John -Newcomin, about a former quarrel, and shot him with a gun, whereof he -died. - -Having by good fortune a letter or two that came into my hands -concerning the proceedings of their reverend friends at the Bay of -Massachusetts, who had lately come over, I thought it not amiss to -insert them here, before concluding this year. - - Sir, - - Being at Salem on Sunday, the 25th of July, after the evening - service Mr. Johnson received a letter from the Governor, Mr. John - Winthrop, saying that the hand of God was upon them at Boston - and those at Charlestown, visiting them with sickness and taking - many from amongst them, the righteous suffering with the wicked - in these bodily judgments. He desired the godly here to take into - consideration what was to be done to pacify the Lord’s wrath, etc. - It was concluded that the Lord was to be sought in righteousness; - and to that end, the 6th day (Friday) of this present week, has - been set apart that they may humble themselves before God and - seek Him in His ordinances. On that day such godly persons as are - amongst them, and known to each other, will at the end of the - service publicly make known their godly desire, and practice it, - viz., that they solemnly enter into covenant with the Lord to walk - in His ways. As those who have agreed to keep this day live at - three different places, each settlement having men of ability among - them, they decided to form themselves into three distinct bodies, - not intending to proceed hastily to the choice of officers, or - the admission of others to their society, except a few well-known - to them, promising afterwards to receive by confession of faith - such as appear to be qualified. They earnestly beg the church at - New Plymouth to set apart the same day, for the same purpose, - beseeching the Lord to withdraw the hand of correction from them, - and to establish and direct them in His ways. And though the time - be short we pray you to be instigated to this godly work, as the - cause is so urgent, whereby God will be honoured, and they and we - shall undoubtedly receive sweet comfort. Be you kindly saluted, etc. - - Your brethren in Christ, etc. - _Salem, July 26th, 1630._ - - - _A member of the New Plymouth Settlement, staying at Charlestown, - to a friend at New Plymouth_: - - Sir, - - I have the sad news to impart that many here are sick and many - dead,—the Lord in mercy look upon them. Some here have entered - into church covenant. The first four were the Governor—Mr. John - Winthrop, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dudley, and Mr. Wilson; since then five - more have joined, and others are likely to follow daily. The Lord - increase them both in number and in holiness, for His sake. There - is a gentlemen here, Mr. Coddington, a Boston man, who told me that - Mr. Cotton’s advice at Hampton was that they should take counsel of - those at New Plymouth, and should do nothing to offend them. There - are many honest Christians desirous to see us, some because of the - love they bear us and the good opinion they have of us; others to - see if we are so unworthy as they have heard. We have a name for - holiness, and love towards God and his saints; the Lord make us - more and more worthy of it, and that it may be more than a name, or - else it will do us no good. Be you lovingly saluted, and all the - rest of our friends. The Lord Jesus bless us, and the whole Israel - of God. Amen. - - Your loving brother, etc. - _Charlestown, Aug. 2nd, 1630._ - -Thus out of small beginnings greater things have grown by His hand -Who made all things out of nothing, and gives being to all things -that are; and as one small candle may light a thousand, so the light -enkindled here has shone to many, yea, in a sense, to our whole -nation; let the glorious name of Jehovah have all the praise. - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -Mr. Winslow in England about the White Angel and Friendship -accounts—The White Angel let out to Allerton—Allerton’s extravagance -as agent—Josias Winslow sent from England as accountant—Penobscot -robbed by the French—Sir Christopher Gardiner in New England—The -Order of the Privy Council about New England: 1631. - - -Ashley being taken away by the hand of God, and Mr. Allerton -discharged from his employment, their business began to run smoothly -again, since they were better able to guide it, Penobscot being now -wholly in their control; for though Mr. William Pierce had a share -in it, as things stood he was glad to have his money repaid him and -resign. Mr. Winslow sent them over some supplies from England as soon -as he could, and when he arrived some time later he brought a large -supply of suitable goods with him, by means of which their trading -could be carried on successfully. Neither his representations nor the -letters they wrote succeeded in preventing Mr. Sherley and the rest -from charging both the Friendship and the White Angel to the general -account, which was the cause of continual contention thereafter. - -I will now insert a letter of Mr. Winslow’s on the subject. - - _Edward Winslow in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth_: - - Sir, - - It chanced by God’s providence that I received and brought your - letters per Mr. Allerton from Bristol to London; and I fear what - the outcome will be. Mr. Allerton intended to fit out the ship - again for fishing. Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beauchamp, and Mr. Andrews - disclaim responsibility, protesting that but for us they would - never have risked one penny; Mr. Hatherley takes no decided stand - on either side. As to what you write about him and Mr. Allerton - taking the White Angel upon themselves on behalf of the partners - here, the others insist that they never gave any such orders, nor - will they make it good; if those two like to be responsible for the - account, well and good. What the upshot will be, I do not know. - The Lord so direct and assist us that He may not be dishonoured - by our dissensions. I hear from a friend that I was much blamed - for telling what I heard in the spring about the plans for selling - the ship in Spain; but if I had not told you what I heard so - peremptorily reported,—and which I offered to prove at Bristol,—I - should certainly have been unworthy of my employment. As to the - power of attorney, given so long ago to Mr. Allerton, what we - feared has happened: Mr. Sherley and the others have got it and - will not surrender it, that being the instrument of our agents’ - credit to procure such sums. I expect bitter words, hard thoughts, - and sour looks from several for writing this, as for reporting the - former information. I would I had a more thankful task, but I hope - a good conscience will make it comfortable, etc. - - _Nov. 16th, 1631._ - -Thus far he. - -The deed mentioned above was given under their hand and seal when Mr. -Allerton was first employed by them, and its return was requested -when they first began to suspect him. He told them it was among his -papers, but he would find it and give it them before he went. When -he was ready to go it was demanded again. He said he had not found -it, but it was among his papers which he was taking with him, and he -would send it by the boat coming from the eastward; and then again -it could not be found, but he would look it up at sea. Whether Mr. -Sherley had it before or after this is not certain; but having it, he -would not let it go, and keeps it to this day. So even among friends -men need to be careful whom they trust, and not let things of this -nature lie long unrecalled. - - _James Sherley in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth_: - - Sir, - - I have received your letter through our friends Mr. Allerton - and Mr. Hatherley, who, blessed be God, have arrived safely at - Bristol. Mr. Hatherley has come to London, but Mr. Allerton I - have not yet seen. We thank you, and are very glad you dissuaded - him from the Spanish voyage, and that he did not fulfill his - intentions; for we all utterly disliked the project, as well as the - fishing of the Friendship. We wished him to sell the salt, and were - unwilling to have him undertake so much business, partly because - of previous failure, and partly because we were loth to disburse - so much money. But he assured us this would repay us, and that the - colony would be long in doing so; nay, I remember that he even - doubted if by your trading there you could meet your expenses and - pay us, and for this very reason he induced us to undertake that - business with Ashley, though he was a stranger to us.... - - As to the cost of the fishing ship we are sorry it proves so heavy, - and are willing to take our share of it. What Mr. Hatherley and Mr. - Allerton have proposed no doubt they themselves will make good; we - gave them no authority to make any composition to separate you from - us in this or any other scheme. Furthermore, I think you have no - cause to forsake us, for we involved you in nothing but what your - agent advocated and you in your letters desired. If he exceeded - your authority I hope you will not blame us, much less leave us in - the lurch, now that our money is expended.... But I fear neither - you nor we have been properly dealt with; for, as you write, surely - one half of £4000—nay a quarter—in commodities, despatched in - seasonable time, would have provided you more effectively. Yet, - in spite of all this and much more that I might write, I cannot - but think him honest, and that his intentions were good; but the - wisest may fail. Well, now that it has pleased God to give us hope - of agreeing, doubt not but we shall all endeavour to adjust these - accounts fairly, as soon as we possibly can. I suppose you sent - over Mr. Winslow and we Mr. Hatherley to certify each other how the - state of things stood. We have received some satisfaction upon Mr. - Hatherley’s return, and I hope you will receive the same upon Mr. - Winslow’s return. - - Now to answer your letter more particularly; I shall be very brief. - The charging of the White Angel to your account could not be more - surprising to you than the purchase of her was to us; for you - commissioned[8] that what he did you would stand by; we gave him no - such commission, yet for his credit and your sakes paid the bills - he charged us with.... As to my writing that she was to fulfill - two purposes, fishing and trading, believe me I never so much as - thought of any private trading, nor will I countenance any; for I - was always against it, and used these very words: It will reduce - the profits of the settlement and ruin it. - -The rest of the letter I omit as it is not very pertinent. It was -dated Nov. 19th, 1631. In another letter, dated Nov. 24th, in answer -to the general letter on the same subject, there are these words: - - As to the White Angel about which you write so earnestly, saying we - thrust her upon you contrary to the intentions of the purchaser, - we say you forget yourselves and do us wrong. We will not take - upon us to divine what the thoughts or intentions of the purchaser - were; but what he spoke we heard, and that we will affirm and make - good against anyone, viz., that unless she were bought Ashley could - not be supplied, and if he were not supplied we could not recoup - ourselves for our losses on your account. - -From another of his dated Jan. 2nd, 1631: - - We propose to keep the Friendship and the White Angel, as regards - last year’s voyages, on the general account, hoping that together - they will produce profit rather than loss, and cause less confusion - in our accounts and less disturbance in our intercourse. As for the - White Angel, though we laid out the money and took bills of sale in - our own names, none of us had so much as a thought of separating - from you in any way this year, because we did not wish the world (I - may say Bristol) to see any breach between Mr. Allerton and you, - or between him and us, and so disgrace him in his proceedings. We - have now let him the ship at £30 per month, by charter-party and - secured him in a bond of £1000 to perform the contract and bring - her back to London, if God please. What he takes in her for you - shall be marked with your mark, and bills of lading shall be taken - and sent in Mr. Winslow’s letter, who is this day riding to Bristol - about it. So in this voyage we deal with him as strangers, not as - partners. He has turned in three books of accounts, one for the - company, another for Ashley’s business, and the third for the White - Angel and Friendship. The books, or copies of them, we propose to - send you, for you may discover the errors in them more readily than - we could. It can be reckoned how much money he has had from us, and - you can charge him with all the beaver he had from you. The total - sum, as he has it, is £7103-7-1. Of this he has expended, and given - to Mr. Vines and others, about £543. You will know from your books - whether you had the goods he charges to you. This is all I can say - at present concerning the accounts. He expected to complete them in - a few hours; but he and Straton and Fogg were over a month at them; - but he could not wait till we had examined them for fear of losing - his fishing voyage,—which I fear he has already done.... - - We bless God Who put it into our minds to send to each other; for - had Mr. Allerton gone on in that risky and expensive way one year - more we should not have been able to meet his expenditure; nay, - both he and we must have lain in the ditch and sunk under the - burden.... Had there been an orderly course taken and your business - better managed, by the blessing of God yours would have been the - ablest colony we know of, undertaken by Englishmen.... - -Thus far of these letters of Mr. Sherley’s. - - * * * * * - -A few observations about former letters, and then I will give the -simple truth of the things in controversy between them—at least as -far as good evidence can show. - -1. It seems clear that Ashley’s business and the buying of the ship -and the resultant plans were first contrived by Mr. Allerton. - -2. Though Mr. Allerton may not have intended to wrong the plantation, -his own private ends led him astray; for it became known that in the -first two or three years of his employment as agent, he had made -£400, and put it into a brewery of Mr. Collier’s in London. Again, -Mr. Sherley and he had private dealings; and yet I believe, as he -mentioned above, that Mr. Sherley did not countenance any private -trading which he thought would injure the colony. - -3. Considering all they had done for the settlement, in former risks -and recent disbursements, when Mr. Allerton’s proposals turned out -unsuccessful they thought it fair that the colony should bear them, -and so took advantage of such power as Mr. Allerton formerly had as -their agent, to let these losses devolve upon them. - -4. As for Mr. Allerton, with pity and compassion I may say with the -apostle Timothy (I Tim. vi, 9, 10): “But they that will be rich fall -into temptation and a snare ... and pierce themselves through with -many sorrows ... for the love of money is the root of all evil.” -God give him to see the evil of his ways, that he may find mercy in -repentance for the wrongs he has done. - -As to the two ships, the truth as far as could be learned was this. -The idea of fitting out the fishing ship—the Friendship—came first -from the colony, but was left to them in England to carry out or not, -as they thought best. But when it was fully considered, and the plan -seemed hopeful and profitable, it was suggested: why might they not -do it for themselves to cover their losses, and without letting the -colony share in it. If their supplies reached them in time, that was -sufficient. So they hired her and fitted her out, and freighted her -as full as she could carry with the goods of passengers belonging -to Massachusetts, which rose to a good sum of money, and intended -to send the New Plymouth settlement their goods in the other ship. -Mr. Hatherley confirmed the following upon oath before the Governor -and Deputy Governor of Massachusetts, Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Dudley: -that the Friendship was not intended for the joint partnership, but -for the private account of Mr. James Sherley, Mr. Beauchamp, Mr. -Andrews, Mr. Allerton, and himself. This deposition was taken under -their hands at Boston, Aug. 29th, 1639, as may be seen besides other -testimony. - -As for the White Angel, though she was first bought, or at least the -price arranged, by Mr. Allerton at Bristol, Mr. Sherley need not have -disbursed the money against his will. That she was not intended for -the general partnership appears from various evidence. The bills of -sale were made out in their own names, without any reference to the -colony at all; namely, Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beauchamp, Mr. Andrews, Mr. -Denison, and Mr. Allerton,—Mr. Hatherley would not join them in this. - -Mr. Allerton took oath to the same effect concerning the White Angel -before the Governor and Deputy, on September 7th, 1639, and deposed -that Mr. Hatherley and himself, on behalf of them all, agreed to free -all the rest of the New Plymouth partners from the losses of the -Friendship for £200. - -Concerning Mr. Allerton’s accounts, they were so lengthy and -intricate that they could not understand them, much less correct -them, and it was two or three years before they could unravel them -even imperfectly. I know not why, but he took upon himself to keep -all the accounts, though Mr. Sherley, their agent, was to buy and -sell all their goods, and did so usually; but it was Mr. Allerton -who passed in accounts for all disbursements,—goods bought which he -never saw, the expenses for the Leyden people incurred by others in -his absence, for the patents, etc.,—in connection with all of which -he made it appear that the balance owing to him was over £300, and -demanded payment. However, on examination he was found to be over -£2000 debtor to them, besides I know not how much that could never -be cleared up, interest unaccounted, etc. Then they were obliged -to pass bills for expenses that were intolerable. The fees for the -patent came to above £500—all for nothing; £30 given at a clap, -and £50 spent on a journey, etc. No wonder Mr. Sherley said that -if their business had been better managed they might have been the -richest English colony at that time. He even screwed up his poor old -father-in-law’s account to above £200, when, alas! he, poor man, -never dreamed that what he had received could be near that value, -believing that many of the things brought over had been given by Mr. -Allerton as presents to him and his children. Nor did they come to -nearly that value in fact, the prices being inflated by interest. - -This year Mr. Sherley, too, sent over a cash account, showing what -Mr. Allerton had received from them and disbursed, for which he -referred to his accounts; besides an account of beaver sold, which -Mr. Winslow and others had taken over, and a large supply of goods -which Mr. Winslow had brought back, and all the disbursements for the -Friendship and White Angel, and anything else he could charge the -partners with. In these accounts of Mr. Sherley’s some things were -obscure and some twice charged. They made them debtor to the total -amount of £4770-19-2, besides £1000 still due for the purchase yet -unpaid, and notwithstanding all the beaver and goods that both Ashley -and they had shipped over. - -Into such huge sums had Mr. Allerton run them in two years, for at -the end of 1628 all their debts did not much exceed £400, as will be -remembered; now they amounted to as many thousands! In 1629, when Mr. -Sherley and Mr. Hatherley were at Bristol, they wrote a long letter -in which they gave an account of the debts and the sums that had been -disbursed; but Mr. Allerton begged and entreated them to omit it. -So they blotted out two lines in which the sums were mentioned, and -wrote over them so that not a word could be read, to which they have -since confessed. They were thus kept hoodwinked, until now they found -themselves deeply in debt. - -To mend matters, Mr. Allerton now wholly deserted them; having -brought them into the briars, he leaves them to get out as best they -can. But God crossed him mightily, for having hired the ship from Mr. -Sherley at £30 a month, he set out again with a drunken crew, and -so overloaded her that she could not bear sail, and they were forced -to put into Milford Haven and reload her, which lost them the season -and resulted in a less profitable voyage than the year before. Having -reached this country he sold trading commodities to any that would -buy, to the serious detriment of the colony; but what was worse, -what he could not sell outright he sold on credit, and formed a -disreputable company of traders to cover every hole and corner,—even -up the Kennebec, to take away the trade from the settlement’s house -there, on the patent for which he had wasted so much of their money. -Not content with this, he did all he could to reduce its value to the -colony and ruin them; he took partners, and set up a trading-house -beyond Penobscot, to cut off the trade there too. But the French, -seeing that it would injure them, came down on them before they were -well settled, and ousted them, killing two of their men, and taking -all the goods, to a considerable value, the loss being mostly, if not -all Mr. Allerton’s. The rest of the men were sent into France and -this was the end of that project. Those to whom he sold on credit, -being loose and drunken fellows, for the most part cheated him of -all they got into their hands. Afterwards, when he came to New -Plymouth, the church called him to account for these and other gross -miscarriages. He confessed his fault, and promised better ways, and -that he would wind himself out of the tangle as soon as he could, etc. - -This year Mr. Sherley must needs send them out a new accountant. He -had made mention of such a thing the year before, but they wrote -him that their expenses were so great already that he need not -increase them in this way, and that if they were dealt with fairly -and had their accounts properly sent in from there, they could keep -their accounts here themselves. Nevertheless, he sent them over a -man they could not well refuse, as he was a younger brother of Mr. -Winslow’s,—Mr. Josias Winslow,—whom they had been at considerable -expense to instruct in London before he came. He came over in the -White Angel with Mr. Allerton, and there began his first employment. - -This year their house at Penobscot was robbed by the French, and all -their goods of any value was taken, up to £400 or £500 at least. The -captain in charge of the house, and some of the men with him, had -gone westward with their vessel to fetch a supply of goods which had -been brought over for them. In the meantime came a small French ship -into the harbour, and amongst the company was a false Scot. They -pretended they had just come in from sea, and did not know where they -were; that their vessel was very leaky, and asked if they might haul -her ashore and mend her. They used many French compliments, and in -the end, seeing only three or four servants, and understanding from -this Scotchman that the captain and the rest were away from home, -they began praising their guns and muskets that lay in racks on the -wall, and took them down to look at them, asking if they were loaded. -And when they had hold of them, one of them presents a gun ready -charged at the servants and another a pistol, and bid them quietly -deliver up their goods. Some of the men were carried aboard, and -others had to help carry the goods. When they had taken what they -wanted, they set them at liberty and went their way, with this mock: -to tell their captain when he returned that some of the Isle of Rey -gentlemen had been there. - -This year Sir Christopher Gardiner, a descendent of that Bishop of -Winchester who was so great a persecutor of God’s saints in Queen -Mary’s days, and a great traveller, who had received the honour -of knighthood at Jerusalem, being made knight of the Sepulchre -there, came into these parts under pretence of forsaking the world -and living a godly life. He was not unwilling to perform any mean -employment, or to take any pains for his living; and some time after -he offered to join the churches in several places. He brought over -with him a servant or two and a comely young woman, whom he called -his cousin, but it was suspected that, after the Italian manner, she -was his concubine. Having been living in Massachusetts, for some -misbehaviour which he should have answered for there, he fled from -authority and got among the Indians of these parts. He was pursued, -but they could not get him, though they promised a reward if he were -found. The Indians came to the Governor here and told where he was, -and asked if they might kill him. He told them by no means, but if -they could capture him and bring him here, they would be paid for -their pains. They said he had a gun and a rapier and he would kill -them if they attempted it, and the Massachusetts Indians had said -they might kill him. But the Governor told them they must not kill -him, but watch their opportunity and seize him. So they did; for -coming upon him by the riverside, he got into a canoe to escape -and while he was covering them with his gun to keep them off, the -stream carried the canoe against a rock and tumbled both him and his -gun and rapier into the water. But he got out, and having a little -dagger by his side, they dare not close with him. So they got some -long poles and soon beat the dagger out of his hands, when he was -glad to yield, and they brought him to the Governor. But his arms -and hands were badly swollen and very sore with the blows they had -given him. So he treated him kindly and sent him to a lodging where -his arms were bathed and anointed, and he was quickly well again. The -Governor blamed the Indians for beating him so much, but they said -they only whipped him a little with sticks! In his lodging, those -who made his bed, found a little note-book that had slipt out of -his pocket by accident, in which was a memorandum of the day he was -reconciled to the pope and the church of Rome, and in what university -he took his scapula, and such and such degrees. This was handed over -to the Governor here, who sent the Governor of Massachusetts word of -his capture. He was sent for, and the notes were handed over to the -Governor there, who was very grateful. After Sir Christopher got to -England he showed his malice; but God prevented him. - - _Governor Winthrop at Boston to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth_: - - Sir, - - It has pleased God to bring Sir Christopher Gardiner safely to us, - with his dependents. And though I never intended to take any harsh - measures with him, but to treat him as his position demanded, I - let him know of your kind words about him, and that he will speed - the better for your mediation. It was a special providence of God - to bring those notes of his into our hands. Please instruct all - that are aware of them not to inform anyone, for that may frustrate - the use to be made of them. The Good Lord our God Who has always - ordered things for the good of His poor churches here, direct us - in this aright, and dispose it to a good issue. I am sorry we put - you to so much trouble about this gentleman, especially at this - busy time, but I knew not how to avoid it. I must again beg you to - let me know what expense and trouble any of your people have been - at on his account, that it may be recompensed. So, with the true - affection of a friend, desiring all happiness to you and yours, - and to all my worthy friends with you, whom I love in the Lord, I - commend you to His grace and providence, and rest, - - Your most assured friend - JOHN WINTHROP. - _Boston, May 5th, 1631._ - -Anent this I will take the liberty to show what occurred through -this man’s malice, complying with others. And though I do not doubt -it will be more fully dealt with by honoured friends whom it more -directly concerned and who have more exact knowledge of the matter, -I will give a hint of it here, showing God’s providence in preventing -the injury that might have resulted. The information I received -was in a letter from my much honoured and beloved friend, Mr. John -Winthrop, Governor of Massachusetts. - - _Governor Winthrop at Boston to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth_: - - Sir, - - Upon a petition presented by Sir Christopher Gardiner, Sir - Ferdinand Gorges, Captain Mason, etc., against you and us, the - cause was heard before the lords of the Privy Council, and was - afterwards reported to the King, the success of which makes it - evident to all that the Lord has care of His people here. The - passages are admirable, but too long to write. I heartily wish - for an opportunity to impart them to you: they cover many sheets - of paper. But the conclusion was (against all expectation) an - order for our encouragement, and much blame and disgrace upon the - adversaries. This calls for much thankfulness from us all, which - we purpose, the Lord willing, to express in a day of Thanksgiving - to our merciful God. I do not doubt but that you will consider - whether it is not fitting for you to join in it. As He humbled us - by our recent correction, so He has now lifted us up by an abundant - rejoicing in our deliverance from so desperate a danger; and the - instrument whereby our enemies hoped to ruin us. He has mercifully - turned to our great advantage, as I shall further acquaint you when - opportunity serves. - -The following is the order of the Privy Council: - - _Jan. 19th, 1632._ - _AT THE COURT OF WHITEHALL_ - - _Present_ - - _Sigillum_ LORD PRIVY SEAL LORD COTTINGTON - EARL OF DORSET MR. TREASURER - LORD VISCOUNT FALKLAND MR. VICE CHAMBERLAIN - LORD BISHOP OF LONDON MR. SECRETARY COOKE - MASTER SECRETARY WINDBANK - - Whereas his majesty has lately been informed of great distraction - and much disorder in that plantation in the parts of America - called New England, which if they be true and suffered to run on, - would tend to the great dishonour of this kingdom and the utter - ruin of that plantation. For prevention whereof and for the orderly - settling of the government according to the intention of those - patents which have been granted by his majesty and by his late - royal father King James, it has pleased his majesty that the lords - and others of his most honourable Privy Council should take the - same into consideration. Their lordships in the first place thought - fit to make a committee of this board to examine the information; - which committee, having called several of the principal adventurers - in the plantation, and heard those that are complainants against - them, most of the things informed being denied and remaining to - be proved by parties that must be called from that place, which - would require a long lapse of time; and at present their lordships - finding the adventurers occupied in the dispatch of men, victuals, - and merchandise for that place, all of which would be at a - standstill if the adventurers should be discouraged or suspect that - the state had no good opinion of the plantation; their lordships, - not laying the fault or fancies (if any be) of some individuals - upon the general government of the principal adventurers, which - in due time is to be further enquired into, have thought fit in - the meantime to declare that the appearances were so fair and the - hopes so great, and that the country would prove both so beneficial - to this kingdom and so profitable to the particular adventurers, - that the adventurers had cause to go on cheerfully with their - undertakings, and rest assured that if things were carried on as - was claimed when the patents were granted and as by the patents is - appointed, his Majesty would not only maintain the liberties and - privileges heretofore granted, but supply anything further that - might tend to the good government, prosperity, and comfort of his - people there of that place.... - - WILLIAM TRUMBALL. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -Sale of the White Angel to Allerton—The White Angel sold in -Spain—Hatherley settles in New England—Rapid increase of the -Colonists’ Prosperity—Divisions in the Church of New Plymouth—Wreck -of William Pierce in the Lyon: 1632. - - -Mr. Allerton returned to England, little regarding his bond of £1000 -to perform his contract; for though bound to take the ship to London, -and to pay £30 per month for her hire, he did neither, for he stopped -at Bristol to fit her out again there; and this he did three times. -She had been ten months on the former voyage, but he never paid a -penny for her hire. It would seem he knew well enough how to deal -with Mr. Sherley—he, though he must needs foist her upon the general -account, disposing of her as he pleased. And though Mr. Allerton had -thus broken his contract in every way, Mr. Sherley goes and sells -him both the ship and all her accounts from first to last in a bond -for £2000,—in effect he might as well have given her to him,—and not -only this, but as good as gives him sanctuary, for he allows him one -year to prepare his account and present it to the partners here, and -another year to make payment of what should be due upon the account. -In the meantime he wrote earnestly to them not to hinder him in his -business, or delay him for the sake of the accounts, etc. The result -was that in the interim he collected all the money due for freight -and any other amounts belonging to her or the Friendship, as his -own private debts; and, after all, sold ship, ordnance, fish, and -other lading in Spain, as he had first planned, and what became of -the money he best knows. Meanwhile their hands were tied and they -could, do nothing but look on, till he had transferred everything to -other men’s hands, except a few cattle and a little land and a few -things he had here at New Plymouth, and so ultimately removed all his -belongings, as he had already done himself, from hence. - -Mr. Hatherley came over again this year upon his own business, and -began to make preparations to settle in the country. As appeared -later, he had closed out his share in the business, and remained -a partner in name only, nor did he trouble about their affairs in -any way, except as regards his engagements in connection with the -Friendship. In connection with that, and some dealings between Mr. -Allerton and him, and some debts that Mr. Allerton owed him on -private transactions, he drew up an account of over £2000, and tried -to thrust it upon the partners here on the ground that Mr. Allerton -had been their agent. But they told him they had been fooled long -enough in that way, and showed him that it was no concern of theirs. -As for the debts of the Friendship he must expect to meet them. - -Mr. Pierce did the same, Mr. Allerton having got into his debt also -in their private dealings. However, the partners here easily shook -off these worries! but Mr. Allerton brought much trouble and vexation -upon himself, as he had upon others, for Mr. Denison sued him for the -money he had disbursed for one-sixth share in the White Angel, and -recovered it with damages. - -Though the partners were thus plunged into heavy engagements and -unjust debts, the Lord prospered their trading, and they made large -returns yearly, and would soon have freed themselves if they had -been fairly dealt with otherwise. The settlers, too, began to grow -in prosperity, through the influx of many people to the country, -especially to the Bay of Massachusetts. Thereby corn and cattle -rose to a high price, and many were enriched, and commodities grew -plentiful. But in other regards this benefit turned to their harm, -and this accession of strength to weakness. For as their stocks -increased and became more saleable, there was no longer any holding -them together; they must of necessity obtain bigger holdings, -otherwise they could not keep their cattle; and having oxen they -must have land for ploughing. So in time no one thought he could -live unless he had cattle and a great deal of land to keep them, all -striving to increase their stocks. By this means they were quickly -scattered all over the Bay, and the town in which they had lived -compactly until now was left very thinly peopled, and in a short time -almost desolate. - -If this had been all the ill that resulted, it would have been small -in comparison with the rest; but the church also was disunited, and -those who had lived so long together in Christian and comfortable -fellowship, must now part and suffer many divisions. First, those who -lived on their lots on the other side of the Bay, called Duxbury, -owing to the trouble of bringing their wives and children to public -worship and church-meetings here, growing to a considerable number, -sued to be separated and become a distinct body. So they were allowed -to separate about this time though very unwillingly. To prevent -any further scattering from this place and weakening of it, it was -thought best to give out some good farms in the neighbourhood to -special persons who would promise to live at New Plymouth, likely -to be helpful to the church and commonwealth, and so tie the lands -to New Plymouth as farms for its inhabitants, so that their cattle -and their ploughed land might be kept there by servants, and they -retain their dwellings here. So some special lands were granted at -a place called Green’s Harbour, where no allotments had been made -in the former division, very well-meadowed and suitable for raising -cattle. But alas! this remedy proved worse than the disease; for -within a few years those who had thus got footing there, seceded from -the church, partly deliberately, and partly by wearing out the rest -with importunity and pleas of exigency, so that they either had to -let them go or live in continual contention. Others again, thinking -themselves impoverished, or for want of accommodation, broke away on -one pretence or another, thinking their own imagined necessity or the -example of others sufficient warrant. This I fear will be the ruin of -New England,—at least of the churches of God there,—and will provoke -the Lord’s displeasure against them. - -This year Mr. William Pierce came over and brought goods and -passengers in a ship called the Lyon which belonged chiefly to Mr. -Sherley and the rest of the London partners, those here having -nothing to do with her. Besides some beaver which they had sent home -earlier in the year, they sent in this ship upwards of £800 worth, -and some otter skins. They sent, also, copies of Mr. Allerton’s -accounts, requesting them to examine them and rectify such things as -they should find amiss in them, as they were better acquainted with -the goods bought and the disbursements made there, than they could -be here. With these they sent a book of exceptions to his accounts, -where they could specify them, and did not doubt but they in England -might add to them. They showed them how much Mr. Allerton was debtor -to the general account, and as they had now put the ship White Angel -wholly in his control and had tied their hands here, they requested -them to call him to account. But it pleased God that the ship taking -these papers, on her way to Virginia before going home, was wrecked -on the coast not far from Virginia and their cargo was lost. This was -the first loss they had sustained of that kind. But Mr. Pierce and -the men saved their lives, and also the letters, and got to Virginia -and so safely home. Copies of the accounts were therefore sent over -again to England. - -The following is part of Mr. Pierce’s letter from Virginia. It was -dated Dec. 25th, 1632, and came to their hands on April 7th, before -they had heard anything from England: - - _William Pierce in Virginia to the New Plymouth Colony_: - - Dear Friends, - - The news of this fatal stroke that the Lord has brought upon me - and you will probably come to your ears before this comes to your - hands, and therefore I need not enlarge on particulars, etc. Almost - all my worldly belongings have been take away,—and yours also in a - great measure, by this and your various former losses. It is time - to look about us, before the wrath of the Lord break forth in utter - destruction. The good Lord give us all grace to search our hearts - and try our ways, and turn unto the Lord and humble ourselves under - His mighty hand and seek atonement.... Dear friends, know that - all your beaver and books of account are swallowed up in the sea; - your letters remain with me and shall be delivered if God bring me - home. But what more should I say? By this we have lost our worldly - goods—yet a happy loss if our souls are the gainers. There is more - in the Lord Jehovah than ever we had in this world. O that our - foolish hearts could be weaned from things here below, which are - vanity and vexation of spirit; and yet we fools catch after shadows - that fly away and are gone in a moment!... Thus with my continual - remembrance of you in my poor desires to the Throne of Grace, - beseeching God to renew His love and favour towards you all, in and - through the Lord Jesus Christ, both in spiritual and temporal good - things, as may be most to the glory and praise of His name and your - everlasting good, so I rest, - - Your afflicted brother in Christ, - WILLIAM PIERCE. - _Virginia, Dec. 25th, 1632._ - - - - -CHAPTER XIV - -Trouble about the accounts of the Partnership—Roger -Williams—Establishment of a trading-house on the Connecticut -River—Trouble with the Dutch there—Fever at New Plymouth—Scourge of -Flies: 1633. - - -This year Mr. Edward Winslow was chosen governor. By the first return -of ships they received letters from Mr. Sherley about Mr. Allerton’s -further ill-success, and the loss by Mr. Pierce, with many sad -comments. But there was little hope of getting anything out of Mr. -Allerton or of their accounts being either eased or rectified by -them over there. They saw plainly that the burden of it all would be -thrown upon their backs. The special passages of his letters I will -insert here, for though I am weary of this tedious and uncomfortable -subject, yet for the truth’s sake I am compelled to fully ventilate -matters which have resulted in so much trouble and so many hard -censures on both sides. I do not wish to be partial to either side, -but to disclose the truth as nearly as I can, in their own words, and -so leave it to the unbiased judgment of any who shall come to read -them. - - _James Sherley in London to the Colony at New Plymouth_: - - Loving Friends, - - My last was sent in the Mary and John by Mr. William Collier. I - then certified you of the great and unseasonable loss you and we - had, in the wreck of Mr. Pierce and his ship the Lyon; but the - Lord’s holy name be blessed, Who gives and takes as it pleases - Him; His will be done, Amen. I then related to you that fearful - accident, or rather judgment, the Lord pleased to lay on London - bridge by fire, and therein gave you an idea of my great loss; the - Lord I hope will give me patience to bear it, and faith to trust in - Him and not in the slippery and uncertain things of this world. - - I hope Mr. Allerton is nearly with you by this time; but he had - many disasters here before he got away. The last was a heavy one; - his ship, while getting out of the harbour at Bristol in stormy - weather, was driven so far ashore that it cost him over £100 to get - her afloat again. His condition was so lamentable that I could not - but afford him some help, as did some who were strangers to him; - besides, your goods were in her, and if he had not been assisted he - must have given up his voyage, and loss could not have been avoided - on all sides. When he first bought her I think he would have made - a saving match if he had then sunk her and never set sail in her! - I hope he sees the Lord’s hand against him, and will leave off - these voyages. I think we did well in parting with her; she would - have been but a clog to the account, time and again, and though we - shall not get much by way of satisfaction, we shall lose no more. - And now, as I have written before, pray wind up all the accounts - with him there; here he has nothing but many debts which he owes - in various quarters. Besides, not a man here will spend a day, nay - scarcely an hour, on the accounts but myself, and that business - will require more time and help than I can afford. I need not say - any more; I hope you will do what will be best and will be just - with him, to which add mercy and consider his intentions, though he - failed in many particulars, which now cannot be helped.... - - To-morrow or next day at furthest we are to pay £300, and Mr. - Beauchamp is out of the town, so I must do it. O! the grief and - trouble that mad Mr. Allerton has brought upon you and us! I cannot - forget it, and to think of it draws many a sigh from my heart and - tears from my eyes. And now the Lord has visited me with another - great loss, but I can bear it with more patience than those which I - have foolishly pulled upon myself.... - -And in another letter there is this passage: - - By Mr. Allerton’s fair propositions and large promises I have - overrun myself; indeed grief hinders me from writing, and tears - will not suffer me to see; therefore as you love those who ever - loved you, and the colony, think of us. Oh, what shall I say of - that man who has abused your trust and wronged our loves! But to - lament now is too late, nor can I complain of your backwardness, - for I know it lies as heavy on your hearts as it does on our - purses. Had the Lord sent Mr. Pierce safely home, it had eased both - you and us of some of those debts. The Lord I hope will give us - patience to bear these crosses and that great God Whose care and - providence is everywhere, and especially over those who desire - truly to fear and serve Him, direct, guide, prosper, and bless you - so that you may have the power, as you have the will, to take off - this heavy burden which now lies upon me for your sakes,—and, as I - hope, for your ultimate good and that of many thousands more. For - had not you and we joined together, New England might have been - scarcely known, and would not, I feel sure, be inhabited by such - honest English people as it now is. The Lord increase and bless - them.... So with my continual prayers for you all, I rest - - Your assured loving friend, - JAMES SHERLEY. - _June 24th, 1633._ - -Though Mr. Sherley became more alive to his own condition by these -losses, and complained the more sadly and unreservedly of Mr. -Allerton, no steps were taken to help them here—not so much as to -examine and rectify the accounts, by which probably some hundred -of pounds might have been deducted. But probably they saw that the -more there was taken off the account the less would come to them in -England. - -But to come to other things. Mr. Roger Williams, a godly and zealous -man, with many rare qualities but a very unstable judgment, who -settled first in Massachusetts, but owing to some discontent left -there, came here about this time, where he was made welcome according -to their poor ability. He exercised his gifts among them, and after -some time was admitted as a member of the church; and his teaching -was highly approved, and for its benefit I still bless God, and am -thankful to him even for his sharpest admonitions and reproofs, -so far as they agreed with the truth. This year he began to hold -some strange opinions, and from opinion proceeded to practise. This -caused some controversy between the church and him, and in the end -some discontent on his part, so that he left them somewhat abruptly. -Afterwards he applied for his dismissal, to transfer himself to the -church at Salem, which was granted, with some caution to them about -him. But he soon fell into more trouble there, to the disturbance of -church and government: I need not give particulars, for they are too -well known to all; though for a time the church here received some -hard censure through him, and at the hands of those who afterwards -smarted themselves. But he is rather to be pitied and prayed for; so -I shall leave the matter, and desire the Lord to show him his errors -and return him to the way of truth, and give him a settled judgment -and constancy therein; for I hope he belongs to the Lord and that He -will show him mercy. - -Having already had intercourse with the Dutch, as will be remembered, -they, seeing the New Plymouth people settled here in such a barren -quarter, told them of a river which they called Fresh River, now -known by the name of Connecticut River, which they had often -recommended to them as a fine place for both agriculture and trade, -and wished them to make use of it. But their hands then being full, -they let it pass. Afterwards, a tribe of Indians who came there were -driven out by the Pequots, who usurped their territory; and the -banished tribe often begged them to go there, and said they could do -plenty of trade, especially if they would keep a house there. So, -having a good stock of goods, and being obliged to look out how they -could better themselves and help to meet their heavy engagements, -they began to explore in that direction and to trade with the -natives. They found it a fine place, though at first they did little -trade; but the Indians put it down to the season of the year and the -fear they were in of their enemies. So they tried several times, not -unprofitably; but they saw that the surest way would be to keep a -house there to receive the trade when it came down from inland. The -Indians not seeing them very active in establishing themselves, -solicited the Massachusetts colony similarly—for their object was to -be restored to their country again. But those in the Bay who had but -lately arrived were not fitted for it. However, some of the chief of -them proposed to join with the partners here to trade jointly with -them up the Connecticut River, which they were willing to agree to, -with the idea that they should share equally in the building and the -stock. A time of meeting was appointed in Massachusetts, and some of -the principal men here were appointed to deal with them, and went -accordingly. But the Massachusetts people entertained many fears, -of danger, and loss, and the like, which were seen to be the main -causes of their disinclination, though they alleged that they were -not provided with trading goods, etc. So the New Plymouth people -offered at present to put in sufficient for both, provided they would -become responsible for the half, and meantime prepare for next year. -They confessed that more could not be expected, but thanked them -and told them they did not care to do it. So they said they hoped -it would be no offence to the Massachusetts colony if they went on -without them. They said there was no reason against it; and so this -partnership fell through. So the New Plymouth colonists in due time -made a beginning there, and were the first English to discover the -place and build it, though they were little better than forced out of -it afterwards, as will appear. - -The Dutch now began to repent, and hearing of their preparations, -endeavoured to prevent them, and getting in a little before them -established a small fort with two pieces of ordnance, threatening -to stop their passage. But having prepared a small frame of a house -and having a big new bark, they stowed the frame in her hold, -together with boards to cover and finish it, and nails and all other -necessaries. This was intended as a defence against the Indians, -who were much offended that they had brought back and restored the -right Sachem of the place, called Natawanute; so they encountered a -double danger in this attempt, both from the Dutch and the Indians. -When they came up the river the Dutchmen demanded what they intended -and whither they would go; they answered up the river to trade,—their -orders being to go and settle above them. They bid them stop or they -would shoot, and stood by, their ordnance ready loaded. They replied -that they had orders from the Governor of New Plymouth to go up -the river to such a place, and, shoot or not, they must obey their -orders and proceed; and that they would not harm them, but they must -go on. So they passed on, and though the Dutch threatened them they -did not shoot. Coming to the place appointed, they clapped up their -house quickly, landed their provisions and left the men, sending -the bark home. Afterwards they palisaded their house and fortified -themselves better. The Dutch sent home word to Manhattan, asking what -they should do, and in process of time they sent a troop of about -seventy armed men, in warlike formation, with colours displayed, to -attack them; but seeing them strongly established, and that it would -cost blood, they came to parley, and returned in peace. They did the -Dutch no wrong, for they took not a foot of any of the land they had -bought, but went to a place above them, and bought the tract of land -which belonged to their friends the Indians whom they took with them, -and with whom the Dutch had nothing to do. So this was their entrance -there; and they deserved to continue to hold it, and not, later, to -have been thrust out by friends, as in a way they were, as will be -seen. But of these matters, more in another place. - -It pleased the Lord this year to visit them with an infectious fever -of which many fell very ill, and upwards of twenty persons died, men, -women and children, and several of their oldest friends who had lived -in Holland. Amongst them were Thomas Blossom, Richard Masterson with -some others: and in the end, after he had helped others much, Samuel -Fuller, their physician, who had been a great help and comfort to -them, not only in his profession, but also as a deacon of the church, -a godly man, always ready to serve his fellows. He was much missed -after his death, and he and the rest of their brethren who died were -much lamented by them. This brought much sadness and mourning among -them, and caused them to humble themselves and seek the Lord; and -towards winter it pleased the Lord that the sickness ceased. This -disease also swept away many of the Indians from the adjoining parts. -The Spring before, especially the month of May, there had been a -quantity of a great sort of fly, as large as wasps or bumble bees, -which came out of holes in the ground, filling all the woods, and -eating the verdure. They made such a constant yelling noise that the -woods rang with them, till they were ready to deafen the hearers. -They have not been heard or seen before or since by the English. - -The Indians told them the sickness would follow, and so it did, in -June, July, and August, during the greatest heat of the summer. - -It pleased the Lord to enable them this year to send home a great -quantity of beaver, besides paying all their expenses and debts here -in the country, which was a great encouragement to their friends -in England. Of beaver they sent 3366 lbs., and much of it was coat -beaver, which yielded twenty shillings per lb., and some of it more; -and 346 otter skins which also sold at a good price—fourteen and -fifteen shillings per lb. Thus much of the affairs of this year. - - - - -CHAPTER XV - -Hocking Shot at Kennebec—Lord Say and the Settlement at -Piscataqua—Mr. Alden imprisoned at Boston—The case of Hocking -submitted to a Tribunal of the combined Colonies—Captain Stone -and the Dutch Governor—Stone killed by Indians—Smallpox among the -Indians: 1634. - - -This year Mr. Thomas Prince was chosen Governor. - -Mr. Sherley’s letters were very brief in answer to theirs this year. -I will not copy any extracts from them, but will mention the subjects -of one or two of them. First, he hopes they will not take offence at -anything he wrote previously, professing his affection for them as -before, etc. Secondly, as to Mr. Allerton’s accounts, he is convinced -the colony must suffer, and that to no small figure; that they have -cause enough to complain, but it is now too late; that Allerton had -failed them all, and himself, in his aims, and that he feared God in -consequence would fail him, and it would not be strange if he fell -into worse ways, etc. Thirdly, he blesses God and is thankful to -Him for the good return made this year. This is the effect of his -letters, other things being of a more private nature. - -I now enter upon one of the saddest things that befell them since -they came; and before I begin, it will be necessary to quote that -part of their patent which gave them rights at Kennebec. - - The said Council has further given, granted, bargained, sold, - enfeoffed, allotted, assigned, and made over, and by these presents - do clearly and absolutely give, grant, bargain, sell, alien, - enfeoff, allot, assign, and confirm unto the said William Bradford, - his heirs, associates, and assigns, all that tract of land or part - of New England in America aforesaid, which lies within or between, - and extends itself from the utmost limits of Cobiseconte, which - adjoins the river of Kennebec, towards the Western ocean, and a - place called the Falls of Nequamkeck in America aforesaid; and the - space of fifteen English miles on each side of the said river, - commonly called Kennebec river, and all the said river called - Kennebec that lies within the said limits and bounds, eastward, - westward, northward, and southward, last above mentioned; and - all lands, grounds, soils, rivers, waters, fishing, etc. And by - virtue of the authority to us derived by his said late majesty’s - letters patent, to take, apprehend, seize, and make prize of all - such persons, their ships and goods, as shall attempt to inhabit - or trade with the savage people of that country within the several - precincts and limits of his or their several plantations, etc. - -Now it happened that one Hocking, belonging to the settlement at -Piscataqua, went with a bark and some commodities to trade on the -Kennebec, and must needs transgress their limits, and even go up the -river above their house towards the Falls, and intercept the trade -that should have come to them. The man in charge of the place forbade -him, and begged him not to do them the injury of infringing their -rights which had cost them so dear. He replied he would go up and -trade there in spite of them, and remain there as long as he pleased. -The answer was that in that case he would be forced to remove him -or apprehend him. Whereupon Hocking bid him do his worst, and went -up and anchored there. So the captain took a boat and some men, and -followed him, and again urged him to depart. But all in vain; he -could get nothing from him but ill words. So, as it was just the -season for trade to come down, and if he allowed him to remain there -and take it from them, all their previous expense would be wasted, he -consulted with his men, who being willing, he decided to sever the -boat from her anchorage, and let her drift down the river with the -stream, but commanded his men not to shoot on any account unless he -commanded them. He spoke to Hocking again, but all in vain; then he -sent a couple of men in a canoe to cut his cable, which one of them -did. Thereupon Hocking took up a gun which he had put ready, and as -the bark drifted down past the canoe he shot the man in the head and -killed him instantly. One of his comrades who loved him well, could -not restrain himself, and making aim with his musket shot Hocking -dead on the spot. This is a true account of what happened. The rest -of the men took the vessel home, with these sad tidings. Now Lord -Say and Lord Brook, with some other eminent men, had an interest in -this settlement, so the people wrote home to them in such terms as to -exasperate them as much as possible, leaving out all the extenuating -circumstances, and making it appear that Hocking had been killed -without provocation, suppressing the fact that he had killed a man -first. So their Lordships were much offended, till they were fully -informed of the details. - -The news of this spread quickly, with the worst light put upon -it, and reached their neighbours in Massachusetts. Their own bark -came home to New Plymouth, bringing a true report of it, and all -were deeply and naturally affected by it. Not long after, they had -occasion to send their vessel to the Bay of Massachusetts; but the -colony there was so incensed at the occurrence that they imprisoned -Mr. Alden who was aboard, and had been at Kennebec, but had taken no -part in the affair, having only gone up to take supplies. They freed -the boat, but kept Mr. Alden for some time. This was thought strange -here, and they sent Captain Standish, with letters, to give them full -information, and to procure Mr. Alden’s release. I will give a letter -or two which refer to these things. - - _Two letters from Thomas Dudley at Newtown to William Bradford at - New Plymouth_: - - Good Sir, - - I have received your letter through Captain Standish, and am - unfeignedly glad of God’s mercy towards you in the steady recovery - of your health. Concerning the matter you write of, I thought - I would send a word or two in answer to yourself, leaving your - Governor’s letter to be answered by our court, to which with - myself it is directed. I presume, until I hear further, that your - patent may warrant your resistance of any Englishmen trading - at Kennebec, and that the blood of Hocking and the man he slew - will be required, elsewhere, at his hands. But with yourself and - others I grieve for their deaths. I think, also, that your general - letters will satisfy our courts, and make them cease from meddling - further in the matter. Upon that same letter I have liberated Mr. - Alden, with his sureties; but that I may not seem to neglect the - opinion of our court, I have bound Captain Standish to appear - on June 3rd at our next court, to make affidavit for the copy - of the patent and to testify to the circumstances of Hocking’s - provocations, both of which will tend to prove your innocence. If - any offence has been taken at what we have done, let it be better - considered, I pray you; and I hope the more you think of it, the - less blame you will impute to us. At least you ought to be just - in distinguishing between those whose opinions concur with your - own, and others—though I can truly say I have spoken with no one - on the subject, even those who blame you most, who had not always - heretofore declared their good-will towards your colony. Referring - you further to the report you have from Captain Standish and Mr. - Alden, I leave you for the present with God’s blessing, wishing - you perfect recovery of your health and long continuance of it. I - desire to be lovingly remembered to Mr. Prince—your Governor, Mr. - Winslow, and Mr. Brewster, whom I would see if I could. The Lord - keep you all. Amen. - - Your very loving friend in our Lord Jesus, - THOMAS DUDLEY. - _Newtown, May 22nd, 1634._ - - - Sir, - - I am deeply sorry for the news that Captain Standish and others of - your colony, and my beloved friends, are bringing with them to New - Plymouth, in which I suffer with you, because of the difference of - my opinion from that of others who are godly and wise amongst us - here, reverence for whose judgments causes me to suspect my own - ignorance. But I cannot alter it until I am convinced otherwise. - I did not intend to show your letter to me, but to do my best to - reconcile the differences as best I could; but Captain Standish - demanding an answer to it publicly in court, I was forced to - produce it, which made the breach the wider, as he will tell you. - I proposed to the court that they should answer the letter from - Mr. Prince, your Governor; but the court ruled that it required - no answer, since it was itself an answer to a former letter of - ours. Pray inform Mr. Prince of this, and others whom it concerns, - so that they may not impute neglect or ill manners to me on this - score. The recent letters I have received from England cause me - to fear[9] that some trials are likely to fall upon us shortly, - and this unhappy dispute between you and us, and between you - and Piscataqua, will hasten them, if God with an extraordinary - hand does not help us. To reconcile this for the present will be - very difficult; but time cools distempers, and a common danger - approaching us both will necessitate our uniting again. I pray you - therefore, Sir, set your wisdom and patience to work, and exhort - others to do the same, that things may not proceed from bad to - worse, making our divisions like the bars of a palace; but that - a way of peace may be kept open, where the God of peace may have - entrance at His own time. If you are wronged, it is to your honour - to bear it patiently; but I go too far in needlessly putting you - in mind of such things. God has done great things for you, and I - desire His blessings may be multiplied upon you more and more. - I will commit no more to writing, but commending myself to your - prayers, I rest - - Your truly loving friend in our Lord Jesus, - THOMAS DUDLEY. - _June 4th, 1634._ - -This shows what troubles arose, and how hard they were to allay; -for though they were heartily sorry for what had happened, they -considered they had been unjustly injured and provoked, and that -their neighbours, who had no jurisdiction over them, exceeded -their bounds thus to imprison a member of their settlement and -bring the question before their Court. But being assured of their -Christian love, and convinced that it was done out of godly zeal, -that religion might not suffer nor sin be in any way concealed or -countenanced,—especially the guilt of blood, of which all should be -very conscientious,—they endeavoured to appease them as best they -could, first by giving them the truth of it all; secondly by their -willingness to refer the case to any indifferent judgment here, and -to answer it elsewhere when they should be called upon to do so; -and further, by asking Mr. Winthrop and other respected magistrates -there, for their advice and direction. This mollified them and -brought things to a comfortable end at last. - -The advice given them by Mr. Winthrop and others was, that from -their court at New Plymouth they should write to the neighbouring -settlements, especially to that at Piscataqua and theirs in -Massachusetts, appointing a meeting at some suitable place, to -deliberate on the subject, full powers being delegated to those -attending the meeting from the various colonies, but nothing to be -done which should infringe the liberties of any of them. The law of -God being, that for conscience’ sake the priests should be consulted -with, it was thought desirable that the ministers of every colony -should be present to give their advice on points of conscience. -Though this suggestion seemed dangerous to some, they were so well -assured of the justice of their cause and the equity of their -friends, that they agreed to it, and appointed a time, of which -notice was given a month beforehand, viz.: to Massachusetts, Salem, -Piscataqua, and others, requesting them to produce any evidence they -could in the case. The place of meeting was Boston. But when the day -came, there only appeared some of the magistrates and ministers of -Massachusetts and of New Plymouth. As none had come from Piscataqua -or other places, Mr. Winthrop and the others said they could do no -more than they had done, and the blame must rest with them. So they -opened up a fair discussion of the subject, and after all evidence -had been fully sifted, the opinion of each of the magistrates and -ministers was demanded, with the result that though all wished the -trouble had never occurred, they could not but lay the blame and -guilt on Hocking’s own head. Whereupon such grave and godly counsels -and exhortations were given as they thought fitting, both for the -present and future, which were received with love and gratitude, with -promises to endeavour to profit by them. And so it ended, and their -love and concord renewed. Further, Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Dudley wrote -very effectually on their behalf to Lord Say and others interested, -which with their own letters, and Mr. Winslow’s further declarations -when in England, satisfied them fully. - -They sent Mr. Winslow to England this year, partly for this object, -and partly to notify the partners in England that the period of their -contract for the company’s trade here having expired, they instructed -him to close the accounts with them, and to find out how much they -still remained debtors to the account, and what further course would -be best to pursue. The outcome of it all will appear in next year’s -narrative. They sent over with him a substantial cargo which was very -acceptable to them: in beaver 3738 lbs. mostly coat beaver which -sold at twenty shillings per lb.; and 234 otter skins at fourteen -shillings per skin. So altogether it arose to a large sum of money. - -Early this year they sent a boat to trade with the Dutch colony, -where they met with a Captain Stone who had lived in Christophers, -one of the West Indian Islands, and had now been some time in -Virginia, and had come up from there. He kept company with the Dutch -Governor, and in some drunken fit got his leave to seize their boat, -just as they were ready to leave and had finished trading, having -£500 worth of goods aboard. There was not the least provocation or -ground for such an act, but having made the Governor so drunk that -he could scarcely utter an intelligible word, he urged him to do it, -and got the answer “as you please.” So he got aboard, most of their -men being ashore, and with some of his own men made the rest weigh -anchor, set sail, and carry her away towards Virginia. But several -of the Dutch sailors ashore, who had often been at New Plymouth and -kindly entertained there, said to each other: “Shall we allow our -friends to be wronged in this way, and have their goods carried away -before our faces whilst our Governor is drunk?” They vowed they would -not permit it, and got a vessel or two, and chased him and brought -him back again, and delivered them their boat and goods. - -Afterwards Stone came to Massachusetts, and they commenced an -action against him for it; but by the mediation of friends it was -allowed to lapse. Later, Stone came with some other gentlemen to New -Plymouth, and was friendly entertained by them with the rest; but -revenge boiled in his breast, and some thought that on one occasion -he intended to stab the Governor, and put his hand to his dagger for -that purpose; but by God’s providence and the vigilance of those -at hand, it was prevented. Afterwards, returning to Virginia in a -pinnace with a Captain Norton and some others, for some unknown -reason they must needs go up the Connecticut River. What they did, I -know not; but the Indians came aboard and knocked Stone on the head -as he lay in his cabin; this was his end. They also killed all the -others, but Captain Norton defended himself for a long time against -them all in the cook-room, till, by accident, the gun-powder which -he had put ready in some open vessel before him, took fire and it so -burnt and blinded him that he could no longer make resistance, and -was killed by them, though they much commended his valour. - -I must now relate a strange occurrence. There was a tribe of Indians -living on the upper parts of the Connecticut River, a long way from -the colony’s trading-house there, who were enemies of the Indians -that lived in the neighbourhood, who stood in some fear of them, for -they were a warlike tribe. About a thousand of them had enclosed -themselves in a fort, which they had strongly palisaded. Three or -four Dutchmen went up in the beginning of winter to live with them, -to get their trade and prevent them from bringing it down to the -English, or from getting friendly with them. But their enterprise -failed, for it pleased God to afflict these Indians with such a -deadly sickness, that out of 1,000, over 950 of them died, and many -of them lay rotting above ground for want of burial, and the Dutchmen -almost starved before they could get away, kept there by the ice -and snow. But about February, with much difficulty they reached the -trading-house of the New Plymouth people, by whom they were kindly -treated, for they were almost exhausted with hunger and cold. After -being refreshed by them for several days, they got to their own -place, and the Dutch were very grateful for this kindness. - -This spring, too, the Indians who lived around their trading-house -fell sick of small pox, and died most miserably. A more terrible -disease cannot attack them; they fear it worse than the plague, for -usually it spreads amongst them broadcast. For want of bedding and -linen and other comforts, they fall into a lamentable condition. As -they lie on their hard mats, the pox breaks and matters and runs, -their skin sticking to the mats they lie on, so that when they turn -a whole side will flay off at once, and they will be all one gore -of blood, dreadful to behold; and then, what with cold and other -hardships, they die like rotten sheep. The condition of these natives -was indeed lamentable. They were swept so generally by the disease -that in the end they were unable to help one another, or to make a -fire or fetch a little water to drink, or to bury their dead. They -would keep up as long as they could, and when there was no other -means to make a fire, they would burn the wooden dishes they ate -their food in, and their very bows and arrows. Some would crawl out -on all fours to get a little water, and sometimes die by the way, -not being able to get home again. But the people of the English -trading-house, though they were at first afraid of the infection, -seeing their woful condition and hearing their pitiful cries, had -compassion on them, and daily fetched them wood and water and made -them fires, and got them food whilst they lived, and buried them when -they died. Very few of the Indians escaped, notwithstanding that they -did what they could for them at great risk to themselves. The chief -Sachem himself died, and almost all his friends and relatives; but by -the marvellous goodness and providence of God not one of the English -was so much as ill, or in the least degree tainted with the disease, -though they did these services for them daily for many weeks. The -mercy they showed them in this way was greatly appreciated by all -the Indians who knew or heard of it, and earned their gratitude; and -their masters at New Plymouth highly commended and rewarded them for -it. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI - -Edward Winslow in England—Petition to the Commissioners for -the Colonies in America—Winslow imprisoned—The London partners -withhold the accounts of the partnership—The French capture the -trading-house at Penobscot—Attack on the French fails—Phenomenal -Hurricane—Settlement of people from Massachusetts on the Connecticut -River—Mr. Norton minister at New Plymouth: 1635. - - -Mr. Winslow was welcomed by them in England, the more so owing to -the large consignment of fur he brought with him, which came safely -to hand and was well sold. He was given to understand that all the -accounts would be cleared up before his return, and all former -differences settled, and that the account of the White Angel would -not be charged to them. Being called upon to answer some complaints -made against the country at the Council, more particularly concerning -their neighbours at the Bay than themselves, which he did to good -effect, at the same time furthering the interests of the colonies -as a whole, as regards the encroachments of the French and other -strangers, with a view to preventing them for the future, he took -the opportunity of presenting this petition to their Honours, the -Commissioners for the Colonies. - - _To the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners for the Colonies - in America_: - - The humble petition of Edward Winslow on behalf of the Colonies in - New England: - - Humbly shows your Lordships, that whereas your petitioners - have settled in New England under his majesty’s most gracious - protection, now the French and Dutch endeavour to divide the - land between them; for which purpose the French on the east side - entered and seized upon some of our houses and carried away the - goods, killed two men in another place, and took the rest prisoners - with their goods; and the Dutch on the west also made entry along - the Connecticut river, within the limits of his Majesty’s letters - patent, where they have raised a fort and threaten to expel your - petitioners who are also established on the same river, maintaining - possession for his Majesty to their great expense, and the risk of - both their lives and goods. - - In tender consideration whereof your petitioners humbly pray that - your Lordships will either procure their peace with those foreign - states, or else give special warrant to your petitioners and the - English Colonies, to defend themselves against all foreign enemies. - And your petitioners shall pray, etc. - -This petition was well received by most of them, and Mr. Winslow was -heard several times by them, and appointed to attend for an answer -from their Lordships, having shown how this might be done without -any expense or trouble to the state, simply giving the leading men -there authority to undertake it at their own cost and in such a -way as would avoid public disturbance. But this interfered with -both Sir Ferdinand Gorges’ and Captain Mason’s plans, with whom the -Archbishop of Canterbury was in league; for Sir Ferdinand Gorges, by -the Archbishop’s favour, was to have been sent over to the country -as Governor-General, and was about to conclude this project. The -Archbishop’s intention was to send over officials with him, furnished -with episcopal power, to disturb the peace of the churches here, -overthrow their proceedings, and stop their further growth. But it -fell out by God’s providence, that though in the end they prevented -this petition from taking any further effect, his plot with Sir -Ferdinand came to nothing. - -So when Mr. Winslow went before the Board to have his petition -granted, he found that the Archbishop had checked it. However, hoping -to obtain it nevertheless, he went to the Board again; but he found -that the Archbishop, Sir Ferdinand, and Captain Mason had procured -Morton, the man referred to previously, to present complaints. Mr. -Winslow answered them to the satisfaction of the Board, who checked -Morton and rebuked him sharply, and also blamed Sir Ferdinand Gorges -and Mason for countenancing him. But the Archbishop had a further -object, and began to cross-question Mr. Winslow about many things. He -accused him of preaching in the church publicly,—with which Morton -had charged him, affirming that he had seen and heard him do it; to -which Mr. Winslow answered that sometimes, for want of a minister, -he had endeavoured to assist in the edification of his brethren. -The Archbishop then questioned him about marriage; to which he -replied that as a magistrate he had occasionally married some of the -people, pointing out to their Lordships that marriage was a civil -institution, and that he nowhere found in the word of God that it -belonged to the ministry, and furthermore for a long time they had no -minister; besides, it was now no new idea, for he himself had been -married in Holland by the magistrates in their Stadt-house. To be -short, in the end the Archbishop, by his vehement importunity, got -the Board at last to consent to his commitment; so he was imprisoned -in the Fleet, and lay there about seventeen weeks before he could -get released. This was the end of the petition; but the scheme of -the others was frustrated too, which was no small blessing to the -people over here. The expense to this colony was heavy, though it was -undertaken as much, or more, in the interests of others. Indeed, Mr. -Winslow was chiefly urged to the business by them, and the colony -knew nothing of it till they heard of his imprisonment, though it had -to bear the whole expense. - -As to their own business, whatever Mr. Sherley’s intention was -before, he now declared plainly that he would neither take the White -Angel from the general account, nor present any further account till -he had received more goods; that though a fair supply had been sent -over this time, they were mostly without notes of the prices, and -not as properly invoiced as formerly. This Mr. Winslow said he could -not help, because of his imprisonment. However, Mr. Sherley, Mr. -Beauchamp, and Mr. Andrews sent over a letter of attorney under their -hands and seals to recover what they could from Mr. Allerton on the -White Angel’s account, but they sent neither the bonds nor contracts, -nor such other evidence as they had, to enable those at New Plymouth -to act upon it. I will here insert a few passages from Mr. Sherley’s -letters about these things. - - _James Sherley in London to the Colony at New Plymouth_: - - I have received your letter of July 22nd, 1634, through our trusty - and loving friend, Mr. Winslow, and your large parcel of beaver and - otter skins. Blessed be our God, both he and it arrived safely. - We have sold it in two parcels; the skins at fourteen shillings - per lb., and some at sixteen; the coat at twenty shillings per - lb. I have not sent the accounts over this year; I refer you to - Mr. Winslow for the reason; but be assured that none of you shall - suffer through not having them, if God spare me life. You say - the six years have expired during which the people put the trade - of the colony into your and our hands, for the discharge of the - heavy debts which Mr. Allerton needlessly and unadvisedly ran - us into; but it was promised that it should continue till our - disbursements and engagements were met. You think this has been - done already; we know otherwise.... I doubt not we shall lovingly - agree, notwithstanding all that has been written on both sides - about the White Angel. We have now sent you a letter of attorney, - giving you power in our names (and to shadow it the more we say - for our uses) to obtain what is possible from Mr. Allerton towards - meeting the great expense of the White Angel. He certainly gave a - bond, though at present I cannot find it; but he has often affirmed - with great protestations that neither you nor we should lose a - penny by him, and I hope you will find he has enough to meet it, so - that we shall have no more trouble about it. Notwithstanding his - unkind treatment of you, in the midst of justice remember mercy, - and do not all you might do.... Let us get out of debt, and then - let us survey the matter reasonably.... Mr. Winslow has undergone - an unjust imprisonment but I am convinced it will result to your - general advantage. I leave it to him to tell all particulars.... - - Your loving friend, - JAMES SHERLEY. - _London, Sept. 7th, 1635._ - -This year they sustained another great loss from the French. Monsieur -d’Aulney, coming into the harbour of Penobscot, having invited -several of the chief men belonging to the house aboard his vessel, -got them to pilot him in; and after getting the rest into his power, -he took possession of the house in the name of the King of France. -By threats and otherwise he made Mr. Willett, their agent there, -approve of the sale of the goods to him, of which he fixed the prices -himself, making an inventory, though with many omissions. But he -made no payment for them, saying that in due course he would do so -if they came for it. As for the house and fortifications, he would -not allow anything for them, claiming that it was not built on their -own land. So, turning them out, with many compliments and fine words, -he let them have their shallop and some provisions to bring them -home. When they got home and related the occurrence they were much -disturbed about it, for the French had robbed this house once before, -at a loss to them of above £500, and now to lose house and all vexed -them greatly. So they decided to consult with their friends at the -Bay, who now had many ships there, and if they approved of it, they -intended to hire a fighting ship and try to beat out the French and -regain their property. Their plan was approved of, if they themselves -would bear the expense. So they hired a fine ship of over 300 tons, -well fitted with ordnance, and agreed with the captain, one Girling, -that he and his crew should deliver them the house after they had -overcome the French and give them peaceable possession of it, with -all such trading commodities as should be found there, giving the -French fair quarter if they would yield. In consideration of which -services he was to have 700 lbs. of beaver, to be delivered to him -there when he had completed his bargain; but if he did not accomplish -it, he was to lose his labour and have nothing. With him they sent -their own bark, and about twenty men under Captain Standish, to -help him if necessary, and to put things in order if the house were -regained; and then to pay Girling the beaver, which was aboard their -own bark. So they piloted him there, and brought him safely into the -harbour. But he was so rash and heady he would take no advice, nor -give Captain Standish time to summon them to surrender, as his orders -were. If he had done so, and they had parleyed, seeing their force, -the French would probably have yielded. He did not even have patience -to place his ship where she could do execution, but began to shoot at -a distance like a madman, and did them no harm at all. At last, when -he saw his own folly, he was advised by Captain Standish and brought -her well up, and placed a few shots to some purpose. But now, when -he was in a position to do some good, his powder was used up, so he -was obliged to draw off again. He consulted with the Captain how he -could get further supplies of gun-powder, for he had not enough to -carry him home; so he told him he would go to the next settlement -and endeavour to procure him some, and did so. But Captain Standish -gathered, from intelligence he received that he intended to seize the -bark and take the beaver, so he sent him the powder and brought the -bark home. Girling never attacked the place again, and went on his -way; which ended the business. - -Upon the ill success of their plans, the Governor and his assistants -here notified their friends at the Bay, and pointed out that the -French were now likely to fortify themselves more strongly, and -become undesirable neighbours to the English. In reply they wrote to -them as follows. - - _From the Colony of Massachusetts to that of New Plymouth_: - - Worthy Sirs, - - After reading your letters and considering the importance of their - contents, the court has jointly expressed their willingness to - assist you with men and ammunition, to accomplish your ends with - the French. But as none of you here have authority to conclude - anything with us, nothing can be done for the present. We desire - you, therefore, with all convenient speed to send some one of - trust, with instructions from yourselves to make such an agreement - with us as may be useful to you and fair to us. So in haste we - commit you to God, and remain, - - Your assured loving friends, - - JOHN HAYNES, Governor - RICHARD BELLINGHAM, Deputy Governor - JOHN WINTHROP - THOMAS DUDLEY - JOHN HUMPHREY - WILLIAM CODDINGTON - WILLIAM PINCHON - ATHERTON HOUGH - INCREASE NOWELL - RICHARD DUMER - SIMON BRADSTREET - - _Newtown, Oct. 9th, 1635_. - -Upon receipt of this they at once deputed two of their people to -treat with them, giving them full power to conclude an agreement -according to the instructions they gave them, which were to this -purpose: that if the Massachusetts Colony would afford such -assistance as, together with their own, was likely to effect the -desired end, and also bear a considerable part of the expense, they -would go on; if not, having lost so much already, they must desist -and wait such further opportunity to help themselves as God should -give. But the conference resulted in nothing, for when it came to -an issue the others would go to no expense. They sent the following -letter, and referred them to their messengers. - - _Richard Bellingham, Deputy Governor of Massachusetts, to the - Governor of New Plymouth_: - - Sir, - - Having seriously considered the great importance of your business - with the French, we gave our answer to those whom you deputed - to confer with us about the voyage to Penobscot. We showed - our willingness to help, by procuring you sufficient men and - ammunition. But as for money, we have no authority at all to - promise, and should we do so it might be only to disappoint you. We - also think it would be proper to seek the help of the other Eastern - colonies; but that we leave to your own discretion. For the rest - we refer you to your deputies, who can report further details. We - salute you, and wish you all success in the Lord. - - Your faithful and loving friend, - RICHARD BELLINGHAM, Deputy, - In the name of the rest of the Committee. - _Boston, Oct. 16th, 1635._ - -Not only was this the end of their suggested co-operation, but some -of the merchants of Massachusetts shortly after started trading with -the French, and furnished them both with provisions and ammunition, -and have continued to do so to this day. So it is the English -themselves who have been the chief supporters of the French; and -the colony at Pemaquid, which is near them, not only supplies them, -but constantly gives them intelligence of what is passing among the -English—especially among some of them. So it is no wonder that they -still encroach more and more upon the English, and supply the Indians -with guns and ammunition to the great danger of the English settlers, -whose homes are scattered and unfortified. For the English are mainly -occupied with farming, but the French are well fortified and live -upon trade. If these things are not looked to and remedied in time, -it may easily be conjectured what will result. - -This year, on the 14th or 15th of August, a Saturday, there was such -a fearful storm of wind and rain as none living hereabouts either -English or Indians, ever saw. It was like those hurricanes and -typhoons that writers mention in the Indies. It began in the morning, -a little before day, and did not come on by degrees, but with amazing -violence at the start. It blew down several houses and unroofed -others; many vessels were lost at sea, and many more were in extreme -danger. To the southward the sea rose twenty feet, and many of the -Indians had to climb trees for safety. It took off the boarded roof -of a house which belonged to the settlement at Manomet and floated it -to another place, leaving the posts standing in the ground; and if it -had continued much longer without the wind shifting it would probably -have flooded some of the inhabited parts of the country. It blew -down many hundred thousands of trees, tearing up the stronger by the -roots, and breaking the higher pine-trees off in the middle; and tall -young oaks and walnut trees of a good size were bent like withes,—a -strange and fearful sight. It began in the southeast, and veered -different ways. It lasted, though not at its worst, for five or six -hours. The marks of it will remain this 100 years in these parts, -where it was most violent. There was a great eclipse of the moon the -second night after. - -Some of their neighbours at the Bay, hearing of the fame of the -Connecticut River had a hankering after it, as mentioned before. -Understanding that the Indians had been swept away by the recent -mortality, fear of whom was the chief obstacle to them before, they -now began to explore it with great eagerness. The New Plymouth -people there had most trouble with the Dorchester settlers about -it; for they set their minds on the place which the New Plymouth -colony had not only purchased from the Indians, but where they had -actually built, and the Dorchester people seemed determined if they -could not remove them altogether, at any rate to leave them only an -insignificant plot of land round the house, sufficient for a single -family. This attempt not only to intrude themselves into the rights -and possessions of others, but in effect to oust them, was thought to -be most unjustifiable. Many were the letters that passed between them -about it. - -I will first insert a few lines written from their own agent from -there. - - _Jonathan Brewster at Matianuck to the Governor of New Plymouth_: - - Sir, - - The Massachusetts men are coming almost daily, some by water - and some by land, as yet undecided where to settle, though some - evidently have a great liking for the place we are in, which was - bought last. Many of them are looking for what this river will - not afford, except at the place where we are, namely, a site for - a great town, with commodious dwellings for many, not far apart. - What they will do I cannot yet inform you. I shall do what I can - to withstand them. I hope they will hear reason; that we were here - first and entered the district with much difficulty and danger, - both in regard to the Dutch and the Indians, and bought the land at - great expense, and have since held possession at no small trouble, - and kept the Dutch from encroaching further, though but for us - they would have possessed it all and kept out all others.... I - hope these and similar arguments will stop them. It was your will - that we should use them and their messengers kindly, and so we - have done, and do daily, to our great expense. The first party of - them would have almost starved had it not been for this house, - and I was forced to supply twelve men for nine days. Those who - came last I entertained as best we could, helping them with canoes - and guides. They got me to go with them to the Dutch, to see if I - could arrange that some of them should have quiet settling near - them; but they peremptorily refused them. I also gave their goods - house-room according to their earnest request, and Mr. Pinchon’s - letter on their behalf, which I thought well to send you, enclosed. - What trouble and cost will be further incurred I know not, for they - are coming daily, and I expect those back again from below, where - they have gone to view the country. All this should surely, in the - judgment of all wise and understanding men, give us just claim to - hold and keep our own. - - Thus with my duty remembered, I rest, - Yours to be commanded, - JONATHAN BREWSTER. - _Matianuck, July 6th, 1635._ - -After a thorough view of the place, they began to pitch upon the land -near the house belonging to the New Plymouth people, which occasioned -much expostulation between them and much agitating correspondence. - -But lest I should be tedious, I will forbear the details and come to -the conclusion. To make any forcible resistance was far from their -minds,—they had enough of that at Kennebec,—and to live in continual -contention with their friends would be uncomfortable. So for peace’ -sake, though they considered they suffered injury, they thought it -better to let them have it, getting as good terms as possible; so -they fell to treaty. First, since there had been such long disputes -about it, they insisted they must first acknowledge that they had -no right to it, or else they would not treat with them about it -at all. This being granted the conclusion reached was as follows: -that the people of New Plymouth should retain their house and have -the 16th part of all that they bought from the Indians; and the -others should have all the rest of the land, leaving such a portion -for the settlers of Newtown as the New Plymouth colony reserved -for them. This 16th part was to be taken in two places,—one in the -neighbourhood of the house, the other near the Newtown settlement. -Further, they were to pay to the New Plymouth colony the proper -proportion of what had been disbursed to the Indians when purchased. -In this way the controversy was ended; but the injustice was not so -soon forgotten. The Newtown people dealt more fairly, only wishing to -have what could be conveniently spared. - -Amongst the other business that Mr. Winslow had to do in England, he -had orders from the church to bring over some able and fit person -as their minister. Accordingly he had procured a godly and worthy -man, a Mr. Glover; but it pleased God that when he was ready for -the voyage, he fell sick of fever and died. Afterwards, when Mr. -Winslow was ready to sail, he became acquainted with a Mr. Norton, -who was willing to come over, but would not engage himself to settle -permanently at New Plymouth, until he had an opportunity of judging -of it; so he arranged that if, later, he preferred to be elsewhere, -he would repay the money expended for him, which came to about £70, -and be at liberty to move. He stayed about a year with them, and was -much liked by them; but he was invited to Ipswich, where there were -many rich and able men, and several of his acquaintances, so he went -to them and is their minister. About half the expense was repaid, the -rest he was allowed to keep for his services amongst them. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII - -Consignments of Fur to England—The plague in London—Disorganization -of the accounts—Dispute between the London partners—The Pequot -Indians get unruly—Oldham killed—John Rayner minister: 1636. - - -Mr. Edward Winslow was elected Governor this year. - -The previous year, seeing from Mr. Winslow’s later letters that no -accounts would be sent, they had resolved to keep the beaver and send -no more till they had them, or some further agreement had been come -to. At least they decided to wait till Mr. Winslow came back, and -they could arrive at what was best. When he came, though he brought -no accounts, he persuaded them to send the beaver, and was confident -that upon receipt of it and his letters they would have the accounts -next year; and though they thought his ground for hope was weak, -they yielded to his importunity, and sent it by a ship at the latter -end of the year, which took 1150 lbs. of beaver and 200 otter skins, -besides many small furs, such as 55 mink, two black fox skins, etc. - -This year, in the Spring, came a Dutchman, who had intended to trade -at the Dutch fort, but they would not permit him. So, having a large -stock of trading goods, he came here and offered them for sale. They -bought a good quantity that were very suitable, such as Dutch roll, -kettles, etc., amounting to the value of £500, for payment of which -they gave bills on Mr. Sherley in England, having already sent the -parcel of beaver mentioned above. By another ship this year they -again sent a further considerable quantity, which would reach him and -be sold before any of these bills came due. The quantity of beaver -then sent was 1809 lbs., and 10 otter skins; and shortly after, the -same year, then sent by another ship, of which one Langrume was -captain, 719 lbs. of beaver, and 199 otter skins, concerning which -Mr. Sherley writes as follows. - - - _James Sherley in London to the New Plymouth Colony_: - - I have received your letters with eight hogshead of beaver, by - Edward Wilkinson, captain of the Falcon. Blessed be God for - its safe arrival. I have also seen and accepted three bills of - exchange.... But I must acquaint you that the Lord’s hand is heavy - upon this kingdom in many parts, but chiefly in this city, with - His judgment of the plague. Last week’s bill was 1200 deaths, and - I fear this will be more, and it is much feared that it will be a - winter sickness. It is incredible the number of people who have - gone into the country in consequence—many more than went out during - the last plague. So there is no trading here; carriers from most - places are forbidden to enter; and money, though long due, cannot - be obtained. Mr. Hall owes us more than would pay these bills, but - he, his wife, and all, are in the country, 60 miles from London. I - wrote to him, he came up, but could not pay us. I am sure that if I - were to offer to sell the beaver at eight shillings per lb. I could - not get the money. But when the Lord shall please to cease His - hand, I hope we shall have better and quicker markets; so it shall - lie by in the meantime. Before I accepted the bills, I acquainted - Mr. Beauchamp and Mr. Andrews about them, that no money could be - got, and that it would be a great discredit to you to refuse the - bills,—none having ever been dishonoured,—and a shame to us, with - 1800 lbs. of beaver lying by, and more already owing than the bills - came to, etc. But it was useless; neither of them would lift a - finger to help. I offered to put up my third part, but they said - they neither could nor would, etc. However, your bills shall be - met; but I did not think they would have deserted either you or me - at this time.... You will expect me to write more fully and answer - your letters, but I am not a day each week at home in town. I take - my books and all to Clapham; for here it is the most miserable time - that I think has been known in many ages. I have known three great - plagues, but none like this. And that which should be a means to - pacify the Lord, and help us, is denied us, for preaching is put - down in many places,—not a sermon in Westminster on the Sabbath, - nor in many towns about us; the Lord in mercy look upon us. Early - in the year there was a great drought, and no rain for many weeks, - so that everything was burnt up,—hay at £5 a load; and now there is - nothing but rain, so that much summer corn and late hay is spoilt. - Thus the Lord sends judgment after judgment, and yet we cannot - see, or humble ourselves, and therefore may justly fear heavier - judgments, unless we speedily repent and turn unto Him, which the - Lord give us grace to do if it be His blessed will. Thus desiring - you to remember us in your prayers, I ever rest - - Your loving friend, - JAMES SHERLEY. - _Sept. 14th, 1636._ - -This was all the answer they had from Mr. Sherley, which made Mr. -Winslow’s hopes fail him. So they decided to send no more beaver -till they came to some settlement. But now there came letters from -Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beauchamp, full of complaints, surprised that -nothing had been sent over to meet the amounts due them, and that -it appeared by the account sent in 1631 that they were each of them -out about £1100 apiece, and all this time they had not received one -penny towards it; and now Mr. Sherley was trying to get more money -from them, and was offended because they refused him. They blamed -them here very much that all was sent to Mr. Sherley and nothing to -them. The partners here wondered at this, for they supposed that much -of their money had been paid in, and that each of them had received -a proportionate quantity yearly, out of the large returns sent home. -They had sent home since the account was received in 1631,—which -included all and more than all their debts, with that year’s -supplies,—goods to the following amount: - - Nov. 18th, 1631. By Mr. Pierce 400 lbs. of beaver; otter 20 skins - July 13th, 1632. “ “ Griffin 1348 “ “ “ 147 “ - 1633. “ “ Graves 3366 “ “ “ 346 “ - 1634. “ “ Andrews 3738 “ “ “ 234 “ - 1635. “ “ Babb 1150 “ “ “ 200 “ - June 24th, 1636. “ “ Wilkinson 1809 “ “ “ 10 “ - 1636. “ “ Langrume 719 “ “ “ 199 “ - ----- ---- - 12530 “ “ “ 1156 “ - -All these quantities were safely received and well sold, as appeared -by letters. The coat beaver usually sold at twenty shillings per -lb., and sometimes at twenty-four shillings; otter skins at fifteen -shillings, and sometimes sixteen shillings each,—I do not remember -any under fourteen shillings. It may be that the last year’s shipment -fetched less; but there were some small furs not reckoned in this -account, and some black beaver at high rates, to make up any such -deficit. It was calculated that the above parcels of beaver came to -little less than £10,000 sterling, and the otter skins would pay all -the expenses, and, with other furs, make up besides whatever might -be short of the former sum. When the former account was passed, all -their debts, those of the White Angel and Friendship included, came -to but £4770. They estimated that all the supplies sent them since, -and bills paid for them, could not exceed £2000; so that their debts -should have been paid with interest. - -It may be objected; how came it that they did not know the exact -amount of their receipts, as they did of their returns, but had -to estimate them? Two things were the cause of it; the first and -principal was, that the new accountant, who was pressed upon them -from England, wholly failed them, and could never render them any -accounts. He trusted to his memory and loose papers, and let things -run into such confusion, that neither he nor anyone else could -bring things to rights. Whenever he was called upon to perfect his -accounts, he desired to have so long, or such a time of leisure, -and he would finish them. In the interim he fell very ill, and in -conclusion he could make no account at all. His books, after a brief -good beginning, were left altogether imperfect, and of his papers, -some were lost and others so confused that he knew not what to make -of them himself when they came to be examined. This was not unknown -to Mr. Sherley; and the colony came to smart for it to some purpose, -both in England and here, though it was not their fault. They reckon -they have lost in consequence some hundred of pounds for goods sold -on credit, which were ultimately a dead loss for want of clear -accounts to call for payment. Another reason of the mischief was, -that after Mr. Winslow was sent into England to demand accounts and -to take exception to the White Angel, no prices were sent with their -goods, and no proper invoice of them; everything was confused, and -they were obliged to guess at the prices. - -They wrote back to Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beauchamp, and told them they -wondered they could say that they had sent nothing home since the -last accounts; they had sent a great deal, and it might rather be -wondered how they could send so much, beside all the expenses here -and what the French had captured, and what had been lost at sea when -Mr. Pierce’s ship was wrecked off the coast of Virginia. What they -had sent was sent to them all, to them as well as Mr. Sherley, and -if they had not looked after it, it was their own faults; they must -refer them to Mr. Sherley who had received it from whom they should -demand it. They also wrote to Mr. Sherley to the same purpose, and -what the others’ complaints were. - -This year, two shallops going to Connecticut with goods from -Massachusetts, belonging to those who had gone there to settle, were -wrecked in an easterly storm, coming into the harbour at night. The -boatmen were drowned, and the goods were driven all along the shore, -and strewn up and down at high-water mark. But the Governor had them -collected and an inventory made of them, and they were washed and -dried. So most of the goods were saved and restored to the owners. -Afterwards another boat from the same place, and bound for the same -destination, was wrecked at Manoanscusett, and the goods that came -ashore were preserved for them. Such misfortunes the Connecticut -settlers from Massachusetts met with in their beginnings, and some -thought them a correction from God for their intrusion there, to the -injury of others. But I dare not be so bold with God’s judgments as -to say that it was so. - -In the year 1634, the Pequots, a warlike tribe that had conquered -many of its neighbours and was puffed up with numerous victories, -were at variance with the Narragansetts, a great neighboring tribe. -These Narragansetts held correspondence and were on terms of -friendship with the English of Massachusetts. The Pequots, being -conscious of the guilt of the death of Captain Stone, whom they knew -to be an Englishman, and of those who were with him, and having -fallen out with the Dutch, lest they should have too many enemies at -once, wished to make friends with the English of Massachusetts, and -sent messengers and gifts to them, as is shown by some letters from -the Governor there, as follows. - - - _Governor Winthrop of Massachusetts to the New Plymouth Colony_: - - Dear and worthy Sir, - - To let you know something about our affairs. The Pequots have sent - to us desiring our friendship, and offering much wampum and beaver, - etc. The first messengers were dismissed without answer; with the - next we had several days’ conference, and taking the advice of some - of our ministers, and seeking the Lord in it, we concluded a peace - and friendship with them, on these conditions: that they should - deliver to us the men who were guilty of Stone’s death.... If we - desired to settle in Connecticut they should give up their right to - us, and we should trade with them as friends,—the chief thing aimed - at. To this they readily agreed; and begged that we should mediate - a peace between them and the Narragansetts, for which purpose they - were willing that we should give the Narragansetts part of the - present they would bestow on us,—for they stood so much on their - honour that they would not be seen to give anything of themselves. - As for Captain Stone, they told us there were but two left who had - a hand in his death and that they killed him in a just quarrel, for - he surprised two of their men, and bound them, and forced them to - show him the way up the river. He went ashore with two others, nine - Indians secretly watching him; and when they were asleep that night - they killed him and the others, to free their own men; and some of - them going afterwards to the pinnace, it was suddenly blown up. We - are now preparing to send a pinnace to them. - -In another of his he writes thus: - - Our pinnace has lately returned from the Pequots; they did little - trade, and found them a very false tribe, so they mean to have no - more to do with them. I have many other things to write you. - - Yours ever assured. - JOHN WINTHROP. - _Boston, 12th of the first month, 1634._ - -After these occurrences, and as I take it, this year, John Oldham, -so often mentioned before, now an inhabitant of Massachusetts, went -trading with a small vessel, weakly manned, into the south parts, and -upon a quarrel between him and the Indians was killed by them, as -was before noted, at an Island called by the Indians, Munisses, but -since by the English, Block Island. This, with the death of Stone, -and the trifling of the Pequots with the English of Massachusetts, -incited the latter to send out a party to take revenge and require -satisfaction for these wrongs; but it was done so superficially, and -without acquainting those of Connecticut and their other neighbours -with the project, that little good came of it. Indeed, to their -neighbours it did more harm than good, for some of the murderers -of Oldham fled to the Pequots, and though the English went to the -Pequots and had some parley with them, they only deluded them, and -the English returned without doing anything effective. After the -English had returned, the Pequots watched their opportunity to kill -some of the English as they passed in boats, or went out fowling; and -next spring even attacked them in their homes, as will appear. I only -touch upon these things, because I have no doubt they will be more -fully covered by those who have more exact knowledge of them, and -whom they more properly concern. - -This year Mr. Smith resigned his ministry, partly by his own wish, -thinking it too heavy a burden, and partly at the persuasion of -others. So the church looked out for some one else, having often -been disappointed in their hopes before. But it pleased the Lord to -send them an able and godly man, Mr. John Rayner, meek and humble in -spirit, sound in the truth, and every way unreprovable in his life -and conversation. After some time of trial they chose him as their -minister, the fruits of whose labours they enjoyed many years with -much comfort, in peace and good agreement. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII - -The war with the Pequot Indians—Co-operation between the Colonies—The -Narragansett Indians allies of the English—The Pequot Fort attacked -and taken—The Pequots routed and subdued—The Narragansett Indians -jealous of the Monhiggs under Uncas—James Sherley discharged from his -agency in London: 1637. - - -In the early part of this year the Pequots openly attacked the -English in Connecticut, along the lower parts of the river, and -killed many of them as they were at work in the fields, both men -and women, to the great terror of the rest; then they went off in -great pride and triumph, with many high threats. They also attacked -a fort at the river’s mouth, though strong and well defended; and -though they did not succeed there, it struck those within with fear -and astonishment to see their bold attempts in the face of danger. -This made them stand upon their guard everywhere, and prepare for -resistance, and they earnestly solicited their friends and neighbours -in Massachusetts to send them speedy aid, for they looked for more -forcible onslaughts. So Mr. Vane, who was then Governor, wrote from -their General Court to those here, asking them to join with them -in this war, which they were cordially willing to do, but took the -opportunity to write to them about some previous events, as well as -the present trouble, and pertinent to it. The succeeding Governor’s -answer I will here insert. - - - _Governor John Winthrop at Boston to the New Plymouth Colony_: - - Sir, - - The Lord having so disposed that your letters to our late Governor - have fallen to my lot to answer, I could wish I had more freedom - of time and thought so that I might do it more to your and my own - satisfaction. But what is wanting now can be supplied later. As for - the matters which you and your Council submit to our consideration, - we did not think it advisable to make them so public as by bringing - them to the cognizance of our General Court. But having been - considered by our Council, this answer we think fit to return to - you. - - 1. Whereas you signify your willingness to join us in this war - against the Pequots, though you cannot bind yourselves without the - consent of your General Court, we acknowledge your good feeling - towards us, which we never had cause to doubt, and await your full - resolution in due course. - - 2. Whereas you consider this war concerns us, and not you, except - incidentally, we partly agree with you; but we suppose that in case - of peril you will not act upon that consideration any more than we - should do in like case. We suppose you look upon the Pequots and - all other Indians as a common enemy, who though he may vent the - first outburst of his rage upon some one section of the English, - nevertheless, if he succeed, will thereupon pursue his advantage - to the undoing of the whole nation. Therefore, in soliciting your - help, we do so with respect to your own safety as well as ours. - - 3. Whereas you desire that we should bind ourselves to help you on - all similar occasions, we are convinced you cannot doubt it; but - as we now deal with you as an independent colony, recognizing that - we cannot involve you in this campaign against your consent, so - we desire the same freedom of decision if at any time you make a - similar call upon us; and whereas it is objected that we refused - to aid you against the French, we consider the cases are not quite - equivalent, though we cannot wholly excuse our failing you on that - occasion. - - 4. Whereas you object that we began the war without consulting - you, and have since managed it contrary to your advice; the truth - is that our first intentions being only against Block Island and - the enterprise seeming of small difficulty, we did not so much as - consider taking advice or looking for aid. When we had decided to - include the Pequots, we sent to you at once, or very shortly after, - and by the time your answer was received it seemed unadvisable for - us to change our plans. - - 5. As for our people trading at Kennebec, we assure you it has not - been with our permission; and what we have provided to meet such - cases at our last court, Mr. Winslow can inform you. - - 6. Whereas you object to our trading and corresponding with your - enemies the French, we answer you are misinformed. Except for some - letters which have passed between our late Governor and them, of - which we were cognizant, we have neither traded nor encouraged - our people to trade with them; and only one or two vessels taking - letters had permission from our Governor to go there.[10] - - Several other objections have been made to us privately by our - worthy friend, to which he has received some answer; but as most of - them concern particular discourtesies or injuries from individuals - here, we cannot say more than this: that if the offenders are - exposed in the right way, we shall be ready to do justice as the - cases require. In the meantime we desire you to rest assured, that - such things are done without our knowledge, and are not a little - grievous to us. - - Now as to joining us in this war, which only concerns us to the - same extent as it does yourselves, viz., the relief of our friends - and Christian brethren who are now first in danger. Though you may - think us able to carry it through without you,—and if the Lord - please to be with us, so we may,—nevertheless three things we offer - for your consideration, which we think will have some weight with - you. - - First, if we should sink under this burden, your opportunity of - seasonable help would be lost in three respects; you could then - only reinforce us or secure yourselves there at three times the - risk and expense of the present undertaking; the suffering we - should have borne, if through your neglect, would much reduce the - acceptableness of your help afterwards; those amongst you who are - now full of courage and zeal, would be dispirited and less able to - support so great a burden. - - Secondly, it is very important to hasten the conclusion of this - war before the end of this summer, otherwise the news of it will - discourage both your and our friends from coming over to us next - year, besides the further risk and loss it would expose us to, as - yourselves may judge. - - Thirdly, if the Lord please to bless our endeavours, so that we - end the war, or succeed in it without you, it may breed such ill - thoughts in our people towards yours, that it will be thereafter - difficult to entertain such opinion of your good-will towards us as - is fitting in neighbours and brethren. What ill consequences might - result on both sides, wise men may well fear, and would rather - prevent than hope to redress. With hearty salutations to yourself - and all your council and our other good friends with you I rest, - - Yours most assured in the Lord, - JOHN WINTHROP. - _Boston, the 20th of the third month, 1637._ - -In the meantime the Pequots, especially the winter before, had sought -to make peace with the Narragansetts, and used very pernicious -arguments to persuade them: the English were strangers, and were -beginning to overspread their country, and would deprive them of it -in time if they were allowed thus to increase; if the Narragansetts -were to assist the English to subdue them, the Pequots, they would -only make way for their own overthrow, for then the English would -soon subjugate them; but if they would listen to their advice, they -need not fear the strength of the English, for they would not make -open war upon them, but fire their houses, kill their cattle, and -lie in ambush for them as they went about the country—all of which -they could do with but little danger to themselves. By these means -they easily saw the English could not long hold out, but would either -be starved or forced to leave the country. They urged these and -similar arguments so strongly, that the Narragansetts were wavering, -and half-minded to make peace with them and join them against the -English. But when they reconsidered what wrongs they had suffered -from the Pequots, and what an opportunity they now had, with the help -of the English, to repay them, revenge was so sweet to them that it -prevailed over everything else. So they resolved to join the English -against them; and they did so. - -The court here agreed to send fifty men at their own expense, and -with all possible speed got them armed, with sufficient leaders, and -a bark to carry their provisions and supply all their needs. But when -they were ready to march, with a contingent from the Bay, they had -word that the enemy were as good as vanquished, and there would be no -need of them. - -I shall not take upon myself to describe in detail what had occurred, -because I expect it will be done fully by those who best know -the circumstances; I will only touch upon them in general. From -Connecticut, where they were most alive to the present danger and -all that it threatened, they raised a party of men, and another -party met them from the Bay at a place where the Narragansetts were -to join them. The Narragansetts were anxious to be gone, before the -English were well rested and refreshed, especially some of them that -had arrived last, for they wanted to come upon the enemy suddenly -and undiscovered. A bark belonging to New Plymouth had just put in -there, having come from Connecticut, and urged them to profit by the -Indians’ keenness, and to show themselves as eager as they were, -for it would encourage them, and promptness would result to their -great advantage. So they proceeded at once, and arranged their march -so that they reached the fort of the enemy, in which most of their -chief men were, before day. They approached it in utter silence, -and both the English and Indians surrounded it, so that they should -not escape. They then made the attack with great courage, speedily -forcing an entrance to the fort, and shooting amongst them. Those -that entered first met with fierce resistance, the enemy shooting -and grappling with them. Others of the attacking party ran to their -houses and set them on fire, the mats catching quickly, and, all -standing close together, the wind soon fanned them into a blaze,—in -fact more were burnt to death than killed otherwise. It burnt their -bowstrings and made their weapons useless, and those that escaped the -fire were slain by the sword,—some hewn to pieces, others run through -with their rapiers, so that they were quickly dispatched and very few -escaped. It is believed that there were about 400 killed. It was a -fearful sight to see them frying in the fire, with streams of blood -quenching it; the smell was horrible, but the victory seemed a sweet -sacrifice, and they gave praise to God Who had wrought so wonderfully -for them, thus to enclose their enemy, and give them so speedy a -victory over such a proud and insulting foe. The Narragansett Indians -all this while stood round, but kept aloof from danger, and left the -whole execution to the English, except to stop any who broke away; -but they mocked their enemies in their defeat and misery, calling -out to them when they saw them dancing in the flames a word which in -the language of the vanquished Indians signified, O brave Pequots! -and which was used by them in their prayers, and in their songs of -triumph after victory. - -After this attack had been thus fortunately concluded they marched to -the waterside, where they met with some of their vessels, by which -they were refreshed with food and other necessaries. But during their -march the remnant of the Pequots, who had escaped, collected in a -body, intending to take advantage of them at a neck of land they -had to cross; but when they saw the English prepared for them, they -kept aloof, so they neither did any harm nor received any. After -refreshing themselves and taking further counsel, they resolved to -follow up their victory and make war upon the rest; but most of the -Narragansett Indians forsook them, and those that they kept with them -for guides they found very unwilling, either from envy, or because -they saw the English would profit more by the victory than they were -willing they should, or perhaps deprive them of the advantage of -having the Pequots become tributary to them. - -For the rest of these events, and the further campaign against the -Pequots, I will relate them as given in a letter from Mr. Winthrop to -the Governor here. - - _Governor John Winthrop at Boston to the Governor of New Plymouth_: - - Worthy Sir, - - I received your loving letter, and am anxious to express my - affection for you, but lack of time forbids. My desire is to - acquaint you with the Lord’s mercies towards us, in prevailing - against His and our enemies, that you may rejoice and praise His - name with us. About 80 of our men coasted along towards the Dutch - plantation, sometimes by water but mostly by land, and met here - and there with some Pequots, whom they slew or took prisoners. - They captured two sachems and beheaded them, and not hearing of - Sassacus, the chief sachem, they gave a prisoner his life to go and - find him. He went and brought them word where he was; but Sassacus - suspecting him to be a spy, fled, after he had gone, with some - twenty more, to the Mohawks, so our men missed him. However, they - divided themselves, and ranged up and down as the providence of God - directed them, for their Indian allies had all gone, except three - or four, who did not know how to guide them, or else would not. - - On the 13th of the month they chanced upon a large band of the - tribe, 80 men and 200 women and children, in a small Indian town - close by a hideous swamp, which they all slipped into before our - men could get to them. Our captains had not yet come up; but there - were Mr. Ludlow and Captain Mason with some ten of their men, and - Captain Patrick with some twenty or more of his, the noise of whose - shooting attracted Captain Trask with fifty more. Then order was - given to surround the swamp, which was about a mile round; but - Lieutenant Davenport and some twelve more, not hearing the command, - rushed into the swamp among the Indians. It was so thick with - shrubwood, and so boggy, that some of them stuck fast, and were - wounded by many shots. Lieutenant Davenport was dangerously wounded - near the armhole, and another man was shot in the head, and they - were so weak that they were in great danger of being captured by - the Indians. But Sergeant Riggs and Jeffrey, and two or three more, - rescued them, and killed several Indians with their swords. After - they had been brought out, the Indians desired parley. Through - Thomas Stanton, our interpreter, terms were offered: that if they - would come out and yield they should have their lives, except such - as had had their hands in English blood. Whereupon the sachem of - the place came out, and an old man or two, and their wives and - children, and after that some other women and children; and they - parleyed for two hours till it was night. Then Thomas Stanton was - sent to them again to call them out; but they said they would sell - their lives there, and forthwith shot at him so fiercely that if he - had not cried out and been rescued at once they would have killed - him. - - Then our men cleared the swamp with their swords, till the Indians - were cooped up in so narrow a compass that they could kill them - more easily through the thickets. So they stood all night about - twelve feet apart from each other, the Indians coming close up - to our men and shooting their arrows so that they pierced their - hatbrims, their sleeves, their stockings, and other parts of their - clothes; but so miraculously did the Lord preserve them that not - one of them was wounded except the three who had so rashly entered - the swamp. Just before day it grew very dark, and some of the - Indians who were still alive got through between our men, though - they stood not more than twelve or fourteen feet apart; but they - were soon discovered, and some were pursued and killed. Upon - searching the swamp next morning they found nine slain, and some - they pulled up whom the Indians had buried in the mire; so they - think that of all the band not twenty escaped. Afterwards they - found some who had died of their wounds while in flight. - - The prisoners were divided, some being sent to the people of the - Connecticut River, and the rest to us. Of these we are sending - the male children to Bermuda[11] with Mr. William Pierce, and the - women and female children are distributed through the towns. In - all, there have now been killed and taken prisoners about 700. - The rest are scattered, and the Indians in all quarters are so - terrified that they are afraid to give them sanctuary. Two of the - sachems of Long Island came to Mr. Stoughton and offered themselves - as tributaries, under their protection; and two of the Neepnett - sachems have been here to seek our friendship. Among the prisoners - we have the wife and children of Mononotto, the former a modest - looking woman of good behaviour. It was by her mediation that the - two English girls were spared from death and used kindly; so I - have taken charge of her. One of her first requests was that the - English should not abuse her body, and that her children might not - be taken from her. Those that had been wounded were soon brought - back by John Galop, who came with his shallop in a happy hour, to - bring them food and take the wounded to the pinnace where our chief - surgeon was, with Mr. Wilson, about eight leagues off. Our people - are all in good health, the Lord be praised, and although they had - marched in their arms all day and had been in the fight all night, - they professed they were so fresh that they could readily have - started off on another such expedition. - - This is the substance of what I received, though I am forced to - omit several considerable circumstances. So, being much pressed - for time,—the ships sailing in four days, taking Lord Lee and Mr. - Vane,—I will break off, and with hearty salutations, I rest - - Yours assured, - JOHN WINTHROP. - - P. S.—The captain reports we have killed 13 Sachems; but Sassacus - and Mononotto are still living. - - _28th of the fifth month, 1637._ - -That I may make an end of the matter, this Sassacus, the Pequot’s -chief sachem, having fled to the Mohawks, they cut off his head, -and executed some other of their leaders, whether to satisfy the -English or the Narragansetts,—who as I have since heard hired them -to do it,—or for their own advantage, I do not know; but thus the -war ended. The rest of the Pequots were utterly routed. Some of them -submitted themselves to the Narragansetts and lived under them; but -others betook themselves to the Monhiggs, under their sachem, Uncas, -with the approbation of the English of Connecticut, under whose -protection Uncas lived, he and his men having been faithful to them -in the war, and having done them very good service. But it so vexed -the Narragansetts, that they had not the whole sway over them, that -they never ceased plotting and contriving how to subjugate them; and -when they found they could not attain their ends, owing to English -protection, they tried to raise a general conspiracy against the -English, as will appear later. - -They received letters again from Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beauchamp in -England, saying that Mr. Sherley neither had paid nor would pay them -any money, nor give them any account. They were very vexed, blaming -them still that they had sent everything to Mr. Sherley and none to -themselves. Now, though they might have justly referred them to their -former answer, and insisted upon it, and some wise advisers urged -them to do so, nevertheless, as they believed they were really out -substantial sums of money, especially Mr. Andrews, they resolved to -send them what beaver they had on their hands; but they delayed doing -so till next year. Mr. Sherley’s letters were to this purpose: that -as the other partners had abandoned him in the payment of former -bills, so now he told them he would abandon them in this; and, -believe it, they should find it true. And he was as good as his word, -for they could never get a penny from him, nor bring him to account, -though Mr. Beauchamp sued him in Chancery. But they all turned their -complaints against the New Plymouth partners, where there was least -cause; indeed they had suffered most unjustly. They discharged Mr. -Sherley from his agency, and forbade him to buy or send over any more -goods for them, and urged him to come to an end with their affairs. - - - - -CHAPTER XIX - -Trial of three Murderers—Rise in value of Livestock—Earthquake: 1638. - - -This year Mr. Thomas Prince was chosen Governor. - -Amongst other enormities that occurred this year three men were tried -and executed for robbery and murder. Their names were Arthur Peach, -Thomas Jackson, and Richard Stinnings. There was a fourth, Daniel -Crose, who was also found guilty, but he escaped and could not be -found. Arthur Peach was the ringleader. He was a strong and desperate -young man, and had been one of the soldiers in the Pequot war, and -had done as good service as any there, always being one of the first -in any attack. Being now out of means and loth to work, and taking -to idle ways and company, he intended to go to the Dutch colony, -and had lured the other three, who were servants and apprentices, -to go with him. But there was also another cause for his going away -secretly in this manner; he had not only run into debt, but he had -seduced a girl, a maid-servant in the town, and fear of punishment -made him wish to get away, though this was not known till after his -death. The other three ran away from their masters in the night, -and could not be heard of, for they did not go by the ordinary -route, but shaped such a course as they thought would evade pursuit. -Finding themselves somewhere between the Bay of Massachusetts and -the Narragansetts’ country, and wishing to rest, they made a fire a -little off the road by the wayside, and took tobacco. At length there -came a Narragansett Indian by, who had been trading at the Bay, and -had some cloth and beads with him. They had met him the day before, -and now he was returning. Peach called him to come and drink tobacco -with them, and he came and sat down. He had told the others he would -kill the Indian and take his goods. The others were afraid; but Peach -said, Hang the rogue, he has killed many of us. So they let him do -as he would, and when he saw his opportunity he took his rapier and -ran the man through the body once or twice, and took from him five -fathoms of wampum and three coats of cloth; and then they went their -way, leaving him for dead. But the Indian managed to scramble up -when they had gone, and made shift to get home. By this means they -were discovered, and the Indians caught them; for, wanting a canoe -to take them over the water, and not thinking their act was known, -by the sachem’s command they were taken to Aquidnett Island, and -were there accused of the deed, and examined and committed upon it -by the English. The Indians sent for Mr. Williams, and made grievous -complaint; and the friends and relatives of the injured native were -ready to rise in arms and incite the rest to do the same, believing -they would now find the Pequot’s words were true: that the English -would turn upon them. But Mr. Williams pacified them, and told them -they should see justice done upon the offenders, and went to the -wounded man and took Mr. James, the physician, with him. The man told -him who did it, and how it was done. The physician found his wounds -mortal, and that he could not live, as he testified upon oath before -the jury in open court. He died shortly after. The Governor at the -Bay was acquainted with it, but referred it to New Plymouth, because -the act was committed in this jurisdiction; but he urged that by all -means justice should be done, or it would cause a war. Nevertheless, -some of the more ignorant colonists objected that an Englishman -should be put to death for an Indian. So at last the murderers -were brought home from the Island, and after being tried, and the -evidence produced, they all in the end freely confessed to all the -Indian had accused them of, and that they had done it in the manner -described. So they were condemned by the jury, and executed. Some of -the Narragansett Indians and the murdered man’s friends, were present -when it was done, which gave them and all the country satisfaction. -But it was a matter of much sadness to them here, as it was the -second execution since they came,—both being for wilful murder. - -This year they received more letters from England, full of renewed -complaints, on the one hand that Mr. Beauchamp and Mr. Andrews could -get no money or accounting from Mr. Sherley, on the other that the -latter should be importuned by them, retorting that he would account -with those here and not with them, etc. So, as had been decided -before, viz., that if nothing came of their last letters, they would -then send them what fur they could, thinking that when some good -part had been paid to them, Mr. Sherley and they would more easily -agree about the remainder,—they now sent to Mr. Andrews and Mr. -Beauchamp through Mr. Joseph Young in the Mary and Anne 1325 lbs. of -beaver divided between them. Mr. Beauchamp returned an account of his -share, showing that he made £400 sterling out of it, freight and all -expenses paid. But Mr. Andrews, though he had the larger and better -half, did not make so much out of his through his own indiscretion, -and yet charged the loss, which was about £40, to them here. They -sent them more by bills and other payments, which was received and -acknowledged by them, and divided between them, such as for cattle -of Mr. Allerton’s which were sold, and the price of a bark which -belonged to the stock and was sold, amounting to £434 sterling. The -total value was thus £1234 sterling, except what Mr. Andrews had lost -on his beaver, and which was made good otherwise. But this did not -stay their clamours, as will appear hereafter. - -It pleased God about this time to bless the country with such an -influx of people that it was much enriched, and cattle of all kinds -stood at high prices for many years. Cows were sold at £20, some at -£25 apiece, sometimes even at £28. A cow-calf usually fetched £10; a -milch-goat £3, and sometimes £4; and she-kids thirty shillings and -often £2 apiece. By this means the original settlers who had stock -began to increase in wealth. Corn also commanded a high price, viz., -six shillings a bushel. So other trading began to be neglected, and -the old partners, having forbidden Mr. Sherley to send them any more -goods, abandoned their trade at Kennebec, and, as things stood, -decided to follow it no longer. But a few of them were loth that it -should all be lost by closing it entirely, so they joined with some -others and agreed to give the colony about one-sixth of the profits -from it; and with the first fruits of this the colony built a house -for a prison. The trade at Kennebec has since been continued to the -great benefit of the place; for, as some well foresaw, such high -prices for corn and cattle could not long continue, and the revenue -got by trade would be much missed. - -This year, about the 1st or 2nd of June, there was a fearful -earthquake. Here it was heard before it was felt. It began with a -rumbling noise, or low murmur, like remote thunder; it came from the -northward and passed southward. As the noise approached, the earth -began to shake, and at length with such violence that platters, -dishes, and other things standing on shelves came clattering down, -and people were afraid for the houses themselves. It happened that -at the time several of the chief citizens of the town were holding -a meeting in a house, conferring with some of their friends who -were about to move from the place—as if the Lord would hereby show -His displeasure at their thus shaking apart and removing from one -another. It was very terrible for a while, and as the men sat talking -in the house, some women and others were just out of doors, and the -earth shook with such violence that they could not stand without -catching hold of the posts and palings near by. But the violence did -not last long. About half an hour after, or less, came another noise -and shaking, but not so severe as before, and not lasting long. Some -ships along the coast were shaken by it; but it was not only felt -near the sea, for the Indians noticed it inland. So powerful is the -mighty hand of the Lord as to make both the earth and the sea to -shake, and the mountains to tremble before Him when He pleases; and -who can stay His hand? - -It was observed that the summers for several years after this -earthquake were not so hot and seasonable for the ripening of corn -and other fruits as formerly, but were colder and more moist and -subject to early and untimely frosts, so that often much Indian corn -failed. Whether this was the cause, I leave it to naturalists to -judge. - - - - -CHAPTER XX - -Settlement of boundaries between New Plymouth and Massachusetts—First -steps towards winding up the partnership by a composition: 1639 and -1640. - - -I will combine these two years, because there occurred but little of -interest outside of the ordinary affairs of the colony. New Plymouth -had several times granted land for various townships, and, amongst -the rest, to the inhabitants of Scituate, some of them coming from -here. A large tract of land there had also been given to their four -London partners, Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beauchamp, Mr. Andrews, and Mr. -Hatherley. At Mr. Hatherley’s request, the locality was fixed upon -for himself and them, for the other three had given him power to -choose for them. This tract of land extended up to the border-line of -their neighbours of Massachusetts, who some years later established -a town called Hingam on the land next to it. This now led to great -disputes between these two townships, about their boundaries, and -some meadow lands that lay between them. The inhabitants of Hingam -began to allot some of these meadows to their people, measuring and -staking them out for that purpose. The people of Scituate pulled up -their stakes and threw them away. So it developed into a controversy -between the two governments. Many letters passed between them about -it, and it hung in suspense for about two years. The Court of -Massachusetts appointed men to fix their boundary line according -to their patent, and the way they went to work made it include all -Scituate itself, and I know not how much more. On the other hand, -according to the boundary lines of the patent of New Plymouth, theirs -would take in Hingam, and much more within the bounds they had set. - -In the end both Courts agreed to choose two commissioners on each -side, and give them absolute power to settle the boundaries between -them, and what they decided was to stand irrevocably. They had one -meeting at Hingam, but could not agree; for their commissioners -stood stiffly on a certain clause in their grant: that their limits -should extend from Charles River, or any branch or part thereof, and -3 miles further to the southward; or, from the most southern part -of the Massachusetts Bay, and 3 miles further south. But they chose -to adhere to the former limit, for they had found a small river, -or brook rather, which a long way inland trended far southward and -entered some part of what was taken to be Charles River; and from -the most southerly part of this, and 3 miles further southward, -they wished to run a line eastwards to the sea, about 20 miles, -which would take in a part of New Plymouth itself. Now though the -patent and colony of New Plymouth was much the older, the patent for -the extension upon which Scituate stood was granted after theirs -of Massachusetts; so the latter took first place as regards this -extension. - -The New Plymouth answer to the deputies of Massachusetts was, they -owned that their claims for Scituate could not be based in any way -upon their original grant; but, on the other hand, neither could the -others prove this stream to be a part of Charles River, for they did -not know which Charles River was, except so far as the people here, -who came first, gave the name to the river upon which Charlestown -was afterwards built, believing it to be that which Captain Smith so -named. Now those who first named it had best reason to know it, and -to explain which it was. But they only termed it Charles River as -far as it was navigated by them,—that is, as far as a boat could go. -But that all the small brooks that should flow into it, far inland, -and were all differently named by the natives, should now be made out -to be the Charles River, or parts of it, they saw no reason to allow. -They gave an instance of the Humber in old England, which had the -Trent, Ouse, and many other rivers of lesser note running into it; -and again many smaller brooks fell into the Trent and Ouse; but all -had their own names. Again, it was contended that no mention was made -of an east line in their patent; they were to begin at the sea and go -west by a line, etc. - -At this meeting, however, no conclusion was reached; but things -were discussed and well prepared for an issue. Next year the same -commissioners were appointed, and met at Scituate, and concluded the -matter as follows. - - _The agreement as to the boundaries between New Plymouth and - Massachusetts_: - - Whereas there were two commissioners appointed by the two - jurisdictions; the one of Massachusetts Government, appointing - John Endicott, gent., and Israel Stoughton, gent.; the other of - New Plymouth Government, appointing William Bradford, Governor, - and Edward Winslow, gent.; for the setting out and determining - the boundaries of the lands between the said jurisdictions, - whereby this present age and posterity to come may live peaceably - and quietly. And for as much as the said commissioners on both - sides have full power so to do, as appears by the record of both - jurisdictions, we the said commissioners above named, do hereby - with one consent and agreement conclude, determine, and by these - presents declare, that all the marshes at Cohasset that lie on - the one side of the river next to Hingam shall belong to the - jurisdiction of Massachusetts, and all the marshes that lie in - the other side of the river next to Scituate shall belong to the - jurisdiction of New Plymouth, except sixty acres of marsh land at - the mouth of the river on the Scituate side next to the sea, which - we do hereby agree, conclude and determine, shall belong to the - jurisdiction of Massachusetts. And further we do hereby agree, - determine, and conclude, that the boundaries between the said - jurisdictions are as follows, viz.: from the mouth of the brook - that runs into Cohasset marshes, which we call by the name of Bound - Brook, with a straight and direct line to the middle of a great - pond that lies on the right hand of the upper path or common way - that leads between Weymouth and New Plymouth, close to the path - as we go along, which was formerly, and we desire may still be, - called Accord Pond, lying about five or six miles from Weymouth, - southerly; and from thence with a straight line to the southernmost - part of Charles River, and three miles southerly into the country, - as expressed in the patent granted by his majesty to the Company - of the Massachusetts Colony. Provided always, and nevertheless - concluded and determined by mutual agreement between the said - commissioners, that if it fall out that the said line from Accord - Pond to the southernmost part of Charles River and three miles - southerly, restrict or hinder any part of any settlement begun by - the Governor of New Plymouth, or hereafter to be begun within ten - years after the date of these presents, that then notwithstanding - the said line, where it shall so obtrude as aforesaid, so much land - as shall make up the quantity of eight square miles, to belong to - every settlement so begun, or to be begun as aforesaid; which we - agree, determine, and conclude, to appertain and belong to the - said Governor of New Plymouth. And whereas the said line from the - said brook which runs into Cohasset salt marshes, called by us - Bound Brook, and the pond called Accord Pond, lie near the lands - belonging to the townships of Scituate and Hingham, we do therefore - hereby determine and conclude, that if any divisions already made - and accorded by either of the said townships do cross the said - line, that then it shall stand and be in force according to the - former intents and purposes of the said towns granting them—the - marshes formerly agreed upon excepted; and that no town in either - jurisdiction shall hereafter exceed, but contain themselves within - the said lines expressed. - - In witness whereof we, the commissioners of both jurisdictions, do - by these presents indented set our hands and seals, the ninth day - of the fourth month in the 16th year of our sovereign lord, King - Charles, and in the year of Our Lord, 1640. - - WILLIAM BRADFORD, Governor JOHN ENDICOTT - EDWARD WINSLOW ISRAEL STOUGHTON - -The extended New Plymouth patent having been taken out in the name -of William Bradford, as in trust, ran in these terms: “To him, his -heirs, associates, and assigns.” But the number of freemen having -now greatly increased, and several townships being established and -settled in several quarters such as New Plymouth, Duxbury, Scituate, -Taunton, Sandwich, Yarmouth, Barnstable, Marshfield, and not long -after Seekonk,—afterwards called at the wish of the inhabitants -Rehoboth,—and Nauset, it was desired by the Court that William -Bradford should make surrender of the same into their hands. This he -willingly did. - -In these two years they had several letters from England, asking them -to send some one over to end the business of the accounts with Mr. -Sherley, who now professed he could not make them up without help -from them, especially from Mr. Winslow. They had serious thoughts of -it, and the majority of the partners here believed it best to send; -but they had formerly written such bitter and threatening letters -that Mr. Winslow was neither willing to go himself, nor that any -other of the partners should do so; for he was convinced that if -any of them went they would be arrested, and an action for such a -sum laid upon them that they would be unable to procure bail, and -would consequently be imprisoned, and that then the partners there -could force them to do whatever they wished. Or else they might be -brought into trouble by the archbishop’s means, as things then were -over there. But though they were much inclined to send, and Captain -Standish was willing to go, they decided, since they could not agree -about it and it was of such importance, and the consequences might -prove dangerous, to ask Mr. John Winthrop’s advice. It seemed the -more suitable because Mr. Andrews had in many letters acquainted -him with the differences between them, and appointed him his assign -to receive his part of the debt; and though they declined to pay -anything as a debt till the controversy was ended, they had deposited -£110 in money in his hands, for Mr. Andrews, to be paid to him in -part as soon as he should come to any agreement with the rest. But -Mr. Winthrop was of Mr. Winslow’s mind, and dissuaded them from -sending; so they abandoned the idea, and returned this answer. That -the times were dangerous in England as things stood with them, for -they knew how Mr. Winslow had suffered formerly, and for a little -thing had been clapped into the Fleet, and how long it had been -before he could get out, to his and their great loss; and things were -not better but worse in that respect. However, that their honesty -might be made manifest to all, they made them this offer: to refer -the case to some gentlemen and merchants at the Bay of Massachusetts, -such as they should choose, and were well-known to them, as they -had many friends and acquaintances there better known to them than -to the partners here; and let them be informed of the case by both -sides, and receive all the evidence that could be produced, in -writing or otherwise. The partners here would then bind themselves to -stand by their decision and make good their award, though it should -cost them all they had in the world. But this did not please them; -they were offended at it. So it came to nothing; and afterwards Mr. -Sherley wrote, that if Mr. Winslow would meet him in France, the Low -Countries, or Scotland, let him name the place, and he would come to -him there. But owing to the troubles that now began to arise in our -own nation, and other reasons, this did not come to any effect. - -What made them especially desirous to bring things to an end was, -partly to stop the aspersions cast upon them about it,—though they -believed that they had suffered the greatest wrong and had most cause -for complaint; and partly because they feared a fall in the price -of cattle, in which the greatest part of their means was invested. -This was no vain fear; for it fell indeed before they had reached a -conclusion, and so suddenly, that the price of a cow which a month -before had been at £20, now fell to £5; and a goat that went at -£3 or fifty shillings, would now yield but eight shillings or ten -shillings at the most. Everyone had feared a fall in cattle, but -it was thought it would be by degrees, and not straight from the -highest pitch to the lowest. It was a great loss to many, and some -were ruined. Another reason why they so much wished to close their -accounts was that many of them were growing aged,—and indeed it was -a rare thing that so many partners should all live together so many -years. And they saw many changes were likely to occur, so they were -loth to leave these entanglements upon their children and posterity, -who might be driven to move their homes as they had done; indeed they -themselves might have to do so before they died. However, things had -still to be left open; but next year they ripened somewhat, though -they were then less able to pay for the reasons mentioned above. - - - - -CHAPTER XXI - -Further steps towards the Composition between the London and -New Plymouth partners—Dispute with Rev. Charles Chauncey about -Baptism—Fall in value of live-stock—Many leading men of New Plymouth -move from the town: 1641. - - -Mr. Sherley being weary of this controversy and desirous to end -it, wrote to Mr. John Atwood and Mr. William Collier, two of the -inhabitants of this place, and special acquaintances of his, and -desired them to be intermediaries, and advise the partners here as to -some way of reaching a composition by mutual agreement. He also wrote -to the partners similarly, in part as follows: - - _James Sherley in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth_: - - Sir, - - I have written so much concerning the closing of our accounts that - I confess I do not know what more to write. If you desire an end, - as you seem to do, there are, I think, only two ways: either we can - perfect all accounts, from the first to the last, on both sides; - or we must do it by compounding, and this way, first or last, we - shall have to come to. If we fight about it at law, we shall both - only cleave the air, and the lawyers will be the chief gainers. - Then let us set to the work one way or another and make an end, - so that I may not continue to suffer both in my reputation and my - business. Nor are you free in this respect. The gospel suffers - by your delay, and causes its followers to be ill spoken of.... - Do not be afraid to make a fair and reasonable offer; believe me - I shall not take advantage of you; or else let Mr. Winslow come - over, and let him have full power to compound with me. Otherwise, - let the accounts be fully made up so that we may close according - to the figures. Now, blessed be God, times are so much changed - here that I hope to see many of you return to your native country - again, and have such freedom and liberty as the word of God - prescribes. Our bishops were never so near a downfall as now. God - has miraculously confounded them, and brought down all their popish - and Machiavellian plots and projects upon their own heads.... I - pray you take it seriously into consideration; let each give way a - little that we may meet.... Be you and all yours kindly saluted. So - I ever rest, - - Your loving friend, - JAMES SHERLEY. - _Clapham, May 18th, 1641._ - -Being urged by this letter, and also by Mr. Atwood’s and Mr. -Collier’s mediation, to bring things to an end, and by none more -earnestly than by their own desires, the New Plymouth Partners took -this course. They appointed these two men to meet them on a certain -day, and summoned other friends on both sides, and Mr. Freeman, -brother-in-law of Mr. Beauchamp. Having drawn up an inventory of all -remaining stock whatsoever, such as housing, boats, the bark, and -all implements belonging to them, used during the period of trading; -together with the surplus of all commodities, such as beads, knives, -hatchets, cloth, or anything else, both valueless and saleable; with -all debts, both bad and collectable; and having spent several days -upon it with the help of all books and papers, either in their hands -or those of Josias Winslow, their accountant, they found the total -sum on valuation amounted to £1400. They then all of them took a -voluntary and solemn oath, in the presence of one another and of all -their friends above mentioned now present, that this was all that -any of them knew of or could remember; and Josias Winslow did the -same on his part. But the truth is the valuation was too low; for, -as an instance, in reckoning some cattle taken from Mr. Allerton, -a cow which had cost £25 was so valued in this account; but she -subsequently realized only £4-15-0. Also, being conscientious about -their oaths, they included all that they knew of which was owing to -the stock, but they did not make such a diligent search concerning -what the stock might owe them, so that many scattered debts fell upon -them afterwards, which they had not charged in. - -However, this done, they drew up certain articles of agreement -between Mr. Atwood, on Mr. Sherley’s behalf, and themselves. - - _Articles of Agreement made and concluded on October 15th, 1641_: - - Whereas there was a partnership for a period of years agreed upon - between James Sherley, John Beauchamp, and Richard Andrews, of - London, merchants, and William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas - Prince, Myles Standish, William Brewster, John Alden, John Howland, - and Isaac Allerton, in a trade of beaver skins and other furs from - New England; and the term of the said partnership having expired, - various consignments of goods having been sent to New England by - the said James Sherley, John Beauchamp, Richard Andrews, and many - large returns made from New England by the said William Bradford, - Edward Winslow, etc.; a dispute arising about the expense incurred - for two ships, the one called the White Angel of Bristol, and the - other the Friendship of Barnstable, and a projected voyage in her, - etc.; which said ships and their voyages the said William Bradford, - etc., consider do not concern the accounts of the partnership; - and whereas the accounts of the said partnership are found to be - confused, and cannot be clearly present, through default of Josias - Winslow the bookkeeper, and whereas the said W. B., etc., have - received all their goods for the said trade from the aforesaid - James Sherley, and have made most of their returns to him, by - consent of the said John Beauchamp and Richard Andrews; and - whereas, also, the said James Sherley has given power and authority - to Mr. John Atwood, with the advice and consent of William Collier - of Duxbury, on his behalf, to put an absolute end to the said - partnership, with all and every accounts, reckonings, dues, claims, - demands, whatsoever, to the said James Sherley, John Beauchamp, and - Richard Andrews, from the said W. B., etc., for and concerning the - said beaver trade, and also the charge of the said two ships, and - their voyages made or projected, whether just or unjust, from the - world’s beginning to this present, as also for the payment of a - purchase of £1800 made by Isaac Allerton, on behalf of the said W. - B., etc., and of the joint stock, shares, lands, and adventurers, - whatsoever, in New England aforesaid, as appears by a deed bearing - the date Nov. 6th, 1627; and also for and from such sum and sums of - money or goods as are received by William Bradford, Thomas Prince, - and Myles Standish, for the recovery of dues, by accounts between - them, the said James Sherley, John Beauchamp, Richard Andrews, and - Isaac Allerton, for the ship called the White Angel. Now the said - John Atwood, with advice of the said William Collier, having had - much communication and spent several days in discussion of the said - disputes and accounts with the said W. B., etc.; and the said W. - B., etc., having also with the said bookkeeper spent much time in - collecting and listing the remainder of the stock of partnership - for the said trade, and whatsoever has been received, or is due by - the said attorneyship before expressed, and all manner of goods, - debts, and dues, thereunto belonging, which in all amount to the - sum of £1400 or thereabout; and for better satisfaction of the said - James Sherley, John Beauchamp, and Richard Andrews, the said W. B. - and all the rest of the above said partners, together with Josias - Winslow the bookkeeper, have taken a voluntary oath that the said - sum of £1400 or thereabout, includes whatever they know, to the - utmost of their remembrance. - - In consideration of which, and to the end that a full, absolute, - and final end may now be made, and all suits in law may be avoided, - and love and peace continued, it is therefore agreed and concluded - between the said John Atwood, with the advice and consent of the - said William Collier, on behalf of the said James Sherley, to and - with the said W. B., etc., in manner and form following: viz., - that the said John Atwood shall procure a sufficient release and - discharge under the hands and seals of the said James Sherley, - John Beauchamp, and Richard Andrews, to be delivered fair and - unconcealed to the said William Bradford, etc., at or before the - last day of August, next ensuing the date hereof, whereby the said - William Bradford, etc., their heirs, executors, and administrators - and each of them shall be fully and absolutely acquitted and - discharged of all actions, suits, reckonings, accounts, claims, - and demands whatsoever, concerning the general stock of beaver - trade, payment of the said £1800 for the purchase and all demands - reckonings, accounts just or unjust, concerning the two ships, - White Angel and Friendship aforesaid, together with whatsoever has - been received by the said William Bradford, of the goods or estate - of Isaac Allerton, for satisfaction of the accounts of the said - ship White Angel by virtue of a letter of attorney to him, Thomas - Prince, and Myles Standish, directed from the said James Sherley, - John Beauchamp, and Richard Andrews, for that purpose as aforesaid. - - It is also agreed and concluded between the said parties to these - presents, that the said W. B., E. W., etc., shall now be bound in - £2400 for payment of £1200 in full satisfaction of all demands as - aforesaid; to be paid in manner and form following; that is to say, - £400 within two months next after the receipt of the aforesaid - releases and discharges, £110 whereof is already in the hands of - John Winthrop, senior, of Boston, Esquire, by the means of Richard - Andrews aforesaid, and 80 lbs. of beaver now deposited in the - hands of the said John Atwood, to be both in part payment of the - said £400 and the other £800 to be paid £200 per annum, to such - assigns as shall be appointed, inhabiting either New Plymouth or - Massachusetts, in such goods and commodities, and at such rates, as - the country shall afford at the time of delivery and payment; and - in the meantime the said bond of £2400 to be deposited in the hands - of the said John Atwood. And it is agreed upon, by and between - the said parties to these presents, that if the said John Atwood - shall not or cannot procure such said releases and discharges as - aforesaid from the said James Sherley, John Beauchamp, and Richard - Andrews, at or before the last day of August next ensuing the - date hereof, that then the said John Atwood shall, at the said - date precisely, redeliver, or cause to be delivered, unto the - said W. B., E. W., etc., their said bond of £2400 and the said 80 - lbs. of beaver, or the due value thereof, without any fraud or - further delay; and for performance of all and each of the covenants - and agreements herein contained and expressed, which on the one - part and behalf of the said James Sherley are to be observed and - performed, shall become bound in the sum of £2400 to them, the said - William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prince, Myles Standish, - William Brewster, John Alden, and John Howland. And it is lastly - agreed upon between the said parties, that these presents shall be - left in trust, to be kept for both parties, in the hands of Mr. - John Rayner, teacher of New Plymouth. In witness whereof, all the - said parties have hereunto severally set their hands, the day and - year first above written. - - JOHN ATWOOD, WILLIAM BRADFORD, EDWARD - WINSLOW, etc. - - In the presence of Edmund Freeman, William Thomas, William Paddy, - Nathaniel Souther. - -Next year this long and tedious business came to an issue, as will -appear, though not to a final end with all the parties; but so much -for the present. - -I had forgotten to insert that the church here had in 1638 invited -and sent for Mr. Charles Chauncey, a reverend, godly, and very -learned man, who stayed till the latter part of 1645,—intending, -after a trial, to choose him pastor, for the more convenient -performance of the ministry, with Mr. John Rayner the teacher. But -there occurred some differences about baptism, he holding that it -ought only to be done by dipping and putting the whole body under -water, and that sprinkling was unlawful. The church conceded that -immersion, or dipping, was lawful, but not so convenient in this -cold country. But they could not allow that sprinkling, which nearly -all the churches of Christ use to this day, was unlawful and merely -a human invention. They were willing to yield to him as far as they -could, and to allow him to practice according to his convictions, -and granted that when he came to administer the ordinance, he might -perform it in that way for any who so desired, provided he allowed -Mr. Rayner, when requested, to baptize by sprinkling. But he said he -could not yield to this. So the church procured some other ministers -to discuss the point with him publicly, such as Mr. Ralph Partridge -of Duxbury. But he was not satisfied; so the church sent to several -other churches to ask their help and advice in the matter, and with -his will and consent sent them his arguments,—such as to the church -of Boston in Massachusetts, to be communicated to other churches -there; and to the churches of Connecticut and New Haven, and many -others. They received very able answers from them and other learned -ministers, who all concluded against him. Their answers are too long -to give here. But Mr. Chauncey was not satisfied. They considered -that everything that was proper had been done, so Mr. Chauncey, who -had been almost three years here, removed to Scituate, where he is -still a minister of the church. - -About this time, cattle and other things having fallen greatly in -value, people began to be less affluent. Many had already gone to -Duxbury, Marshfield, and other places, and amongst them many of the -leading men, such as Mr. Winslow, Captain Standish, Mr. Alden. Others -dropped away daily, with the result that the place became far less -flourishing. - - - - -CHAPTER XXII - -Conclusion of Composition between London and New Plymouth partners: -1642. - - -I now come to the conclusion of the long and tedious business between -the partners here and those in England. - - _James Sherley in England to the partners of New Plymouth_: - - Loving Friends,—Mr. Bradford, Mr. Winslow, Mr. Prince, Captain - Standish, Mr. Brewster, Mr. Alden, and Mr. Howland, - - Give me leave to include you all in one letter concerning the - final end and conclusion of this tiresome and tedious business, - which I think I may truly say is uncomfortable and unprofitable - for all.... It has pleased God now to show us a way to cease all - suits and disputes, and to conclude in peace and love as we began. - I am content to make good what Mr. Atwood and you have agreed upon, - and for that end have sent him an absolute and general release to - you all, and if it lacks anything to make it complete, write it - yourselves and it shall be done, provided that you all, either - jointly or severally, seal a similar discharge to me. For that - purpose I have drawn up a copy and sent it to Mr. Atwood with the - one I have sealed for you. Mr. Andrews has sealed an acquittance - also, and sent it to Mr. Winthrop, with such directions as he - thought fit, and, as I hear, has transferred his debt, which he - makes £544, to the gentlemen of the Bay. Mr. Weld, Mr. Peters, and - Mr. Hibbins have taken a great deal of pains with Mr. Andrews, Mr. - Beauchamp, and myself, to bring us to agree, and we have had many - meetings and spent much time upon it. Mr. Andrews wished you to - have one third of the £1200, and the Bay two thirds; but to do that - we three partners here must have agreed to it, which would be a - difficult matter now. However, Mr. Weld, Mr. Peters, Mr. Hibbins, - and I have agreed, and they are giving you their bond to settle - with Mr. Beauchamp and procure his general release, and thus free - you from all the trouble and expense that he might put you to. - Now our agreement is, that you must pay to the gentlemen of the - Bay £900, they to bear all expenses which may in any way arise - concerning the free and absolute clearing of you from us three; - and you to have the other £300.... - - Upon receiving my release from you I will send you your bonds for - the purchase money. I would have sent them now, but first I want - Mr. Beauchamp to release you as well as I, because they bind you - to him as well as to me, though I know that if a man is bound to - twelve men, when one releases him it is the same as if all did so; - so my discharge is to that extent sufficient. So do not doubt but - you shall have them, and your power of attorney, and anything else - that is fit.... - - Your loving and kind friend in what I may or can, - JAMES SHERLEY. - _June 14th, 1642._ - -Mr. Andrews’ discharge was similar to Mr. Sherley’s. He was by -agreement to have £500 of the money, which he gave to those at the -Bay, who brought his discharge and received the money, viz.; one -third of the £500 paid down, and the rest in four equal payments, -to be paid yearly, for which they gave their bonds. £44 more was -demanded, in addition; but they believed they could arrange it with -Mr. Andrews, so it was not included in the bond. - -But Mr. Beauchamp would give way in nothing, and demanded £400 of -the partners here, sending a release to a friend to be delivered to -them on receipt of the money. But his release was not perfect, having -left out some of the partners’ names, with some other defects; and -besides, the other partners there gave them to understand he had not -nearly so much due to him. So no end was made with him till four -years after. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIII - -Death of Mr. William Brewster—His Career—Remarkable longevity of the -principal men among the Pilgrims—Confederation of the United Colonies -of New England—War between the Narragansetts and Monhiggs—Uncas -permitted by the English to execute Miantinomo: 1643. - - -I must open this year with an event which brought great sadness and -mourning to them all. About the 18th of April died their reverend -elder, my dear and loving friend, Mr. William Brewster, a man who had -done and suffered much for the Lord Jesus and the gospel’s sake, and -had borne his part in weal or woe with this poor persecuted church -for over thirty-five years in England, Holland, and this wilderness, -and had done the Lord and them faithful service in his calling. -Notwithstanding the many troubles and sorrows he passed through, the -Lord upheld him to a great age; he was nearly fourscore years, if not -quite, when he died. He had this blessing added by the Lord to all -the rest; he died in his bed in peace, in the midst of his friends, -who mourned and wept over him, and gave him what help and comfort -they could; and he, too, comforted them whilst he could. His illness -was not long, and until the last day he did not keep his bed. His -speech continued until about the last half day, and then failed him; -and at about 9 or 10 o’clock that evening he died, without any pangs -at all. A few hours before, he drew his breath short, and some few -minutes from the end he drew it long, as a man fallen into a sound -sleep,—without any gaspings,—and so, sweetly departed this life into -a better. - -I would ask, was he the worse for any of his former sufferings? What -do I say? Worse? Nay; he was surely the better, for now they were -added to his honour. “It is a manifest token,” says the Apostle (II -Thes. i, 5, 6, 7), “of the righteous judgment of God that ye may -be counted worthy of the Kingdom of God, for which ye also suffer; -seeing it is a righteous thing with God to recompense tribulation to -them that trouble you: and to you who are troubled, rest with us, -when the Lord Jesus shall be revealed from Heaven, with His mighty -angels.” And I Pet. iv, 14: “If you be reproached for the name of -Christ, happy are ye, for the spirit of glory and of God resteth upon -you.” What though he lacked the riches and pleasures of the world in -this life, and pompous monuments at his funeral? Yet “the memorial -of the just shall be blessed, when the name of the wicked shall -rot,”—with their marble monuments (Prov. x, 7). - -I should say something of his life, if to say a little were not -worse than to be silent. But I cannot wholly forbear, though perhaps -more may be written at some later time. After he had attained some -learning, viz., the knowledge of the Latin tongue and some insight -into Greek, and had spent some little time at Cambridge,—then being -first seasoned with the seeds of grace and virtue,—he went to court, -and served that religious and godly gentleman, Mr. Davison, for -several years, when he was Secretary of State. His master found -him so discreet and faithful, that he trusted him more than all -the others who were round him, and employed him in all matters of -greatest trust and secrecy. He esteemed him rather as a son than -a servant; and knowing his wisdom and godliness he would converse -with him in private more as a friend and familiar than as a master. -He accompanied him when he was sent as ambassador by the Queen into -the Low Countries, in the Earl of Leicester’s time,—besides other -important affairs of state, to receive possession of the cautionary -towns, in token of which the keys of Flushing were delivered to him -in her majesty’s name. Mr. Davison held them some time, handing them -over to Mr. Brewster, who kept them under his pillow the first night. -On his departure, the Netherlands honoured Mr. Davison with a gold -chain; he gave it into the keeping of Mr. Brewster, and when they -arrived in England commanded him to wear it as they rode through the -country, until they arrived at court. He remained with him through -his troubles, when later, he was dismissed in connection with the -death of the Queen of Scots, and for some good time after, doing him -much faithful service. - -Afterwards Mr. Brewster went and lived in the country, much respected -by his friends and the gentlemen of the neighbourhood, especially -the godly and religious. He did much good there, in promoting and -furthering religion, not only by his practice and example and the -encouragement of others, but by procuring good preachers for the -places thereabouts, and persuading others to help and assist in such -work, generally taking most of the expense on himself,—sometimes -beyond his means. Thus he continued for many years, doing the best -he could, and walking according to the light he saw, till the Lord -revealed Himself further to him. In the end, the tyranny of the -bishops against godly preachers and people, in silencing the former -and persecuting the latter, caused him and many more to look further -into things, and to realize the unlawfulness of their episcopal -callings, and to feel the burden of their many anti-Christian -corruptions, which both he and they endeavoured to throw off; in -which they succeeded, as the beginning of this treatise shows. - -After they had joined themselves together in communion, as was -mentioned earlier, he was a special help and support to them. On -the Lord’s day they generally met at his house, which was a manor -of the bishop’s, and he entertained them with great kindness when -they came, providing for them at heavy expense to himself. He was -the leader of those who were captured at Boston in Lincolnshire, -suffering the greatest loss, and was one of the seven who were kept -longest in prison and afterwards bound over to the assizes. After -he came to Holland he suffered much hardship, having spent most -of his means, with a large family to support, and being from his -breeding and previous mode of life not so fit for such laborious -employment as others were. But he always bore his troubles with -much cheerfulness and content. Towards the latter part of those -twelve years spent in Holland, his circumstances improved, and he -lived well and plentifully; for through his knowledge of Latin he -was able to teach many foreign students English. By his method they -acquired it quickly and with great fluency, for he drew up rules to -learn it by, after the manner of teaching Latin; and many gentlemen, -both Danes and Germans, came to him, some of them being sons of -distinguished men. By the help of some friends he also had means to -set up a printing press, and thus had employment enough, and owing -to many books being forbidden to be printed in England, they might -have had more work than they could do. But on moving to this country -all these things were laid aside again, and a new way of living must -be framed, in which he was in no way unwilling to take his part and -bear his burden with the rest, living often for many months without -corn or bread, with nothing but fish to eat, and often not even that. -He drank nothing but water for many years, indeed until five or six -years before his death; and yet by the blessing of God he lived in -health to a very old age. He laboured in the fields as long as he -was able; yet when the church had no other minister he taught twice -every Sabbath, and that both powerfully and profitably, to the great -edification and comfort of his hearers, many being brought to God by -his ministry. He did more in this way in a single year, than many who -have their hundreds a year do in all their lives. - -As for his personal qualities, he was favoured above many; he was -wise and discreet and well-spoken, having a grave and deliberate -utterance, with a very cheerful spirit. He was very sociable and -pleasant among his friends, of an humble and modest mind and a -peaceable disposition, undervaluing himself and his own abilities, -and sometimes overvaluing others. He was innocent in his life and -conversation, which gained him the love of those without, as well -as those within; nevertheless he would tell them plainly of their -faults, both public and privately, but in such a way that it was -usually well taken. He was tender-hearted and compassionate with -those in misery, especially when they were of good birth and rank -and had fallen into want and poverty, either for religion’s sake or -through the oppression of others; he would always say that of all -men such deserved to be most pitied. None displeased him more than -those who would haughtily and proudly exalt themselves, having risen -from nothing, and having little else to commend them than a few fine -clothes, or more means than others. When preaching, he deeply moved -and stirred the affections, and he was very plain and direct in what -he taught, being thereby the more profitable to his hearers. He had a -singularly good gift of prayer, both public and private, in ripping -up the heart and conscience before God, in the humble confession -of sin, and begging the mercies of God in Christ for the pardon of -it. He always thought it better for ministers to pray oftener, and -divide their prayers, than to be long and tedious—except on special -occasions, such as days of humiliation and the like; because he -believed that heart and spirit, especially in the weak, could with -difficulty continue so long to stand bent, as it were, towards -God,—as is meet in prayer,—without flagging and failing. In the -government of the church, which was proper to his office as elder, he -was careful to preserve good order, and purity both in doctrine and -communion, and to suppress any error or contention that might begin -to arise; and accordingly God gave success to his endeavours in this, -all his days, and he was given to see the fruit of his labours. But I -must break off, though I have only touched the heads of a few things. - -I cannot but take occasion here to wonder at the marvellous -providence of God, that, notwithstanding the many changes these -people went through, and the many enemies they had, and the -difficulties they met with, so many of them should live to very -old age. It was not only their reverend elder—for one swallow -makes no summer, as they say—but many more of them, some dying -about and before this time, and some still living, who reached -sixty or sixty-five years of age, others seventy and over, and -some nearly eighty, as he was. It must needs be accounted for by -more than natural reasons, for it is found in experience that -change of air, hunger, unwholesome food, much drinking of water, -sorrows and troubles, etc., are all enemies to health, causing many -diseases, loss of natural vigour and shortness of life. Yet all -those unfavourable conditions were their lot. They went from England -to Holland, where they found both worse air and diet than where -they came from; thence, enduring a long imprisonment, as it were, -aboard ship, they came to New England; and their way of living here -has already been shown, and what crosses, troubles, fears, wants, -and sorrows, they were liable to. In a sense they may say with the -Apostle (II Cor. xi, 26, 27) that they were “in journeyings often, -in perils of water, in perils of robbers, in perils by their own -nation, in perils by the heathen, in perils in the wilderness, in -perils on the sea, in perils among false brethren; in weariness and -painfulness, in watchings often, in hunger and thirst, in fastings -often, in cold and nakedness.” What was it then that upheld them? It -was God’s visitation that preserved their spirits—(Job x, 12): “Thou -hast granted me life and favour, and thy visitation hath preserved -my spirits.” He that upheld the Apostle upheld them: they were -“persecuted, but not forsaken; cast down, but not destroyed;”—(II -Cor. iv, 9)—“as unknown, and yet well known; as dying, and behold we -live; as chastened, and not killed” (II Cor. vi, 9). God, it seems, -would have all men behold and observe such mercies and works of His -providence as towards His people, that they in like cases might be -encouraged to depend upon God in their trials, and also bless His -name when they see His goodness towards others. Man lives not by -bread alone. It is not by good and dainty fare, by peace and rest -and heart’s ease, in enjoying the contentment and good things of -this world only, that health is preserved and life prolonged. God in -such examples would have the world see and behold that He can do it -without them; and if the world will shut its eyes and take no notice -of it, yet He would have his people see and consider it. Daniel was -better off with pulse, than others with the king’s dainties. Jacob, -though he went from his own nation to another people, and passed -through famine, fear, and many afflictions, yet lived till old age, -and died sweetly, and rested in the Lord, as numberless other of -God’s servants have done, and still shall do through God’s goodness, -notwithstanding all the malice of their enemies: “When the branch of -the wicked shall be cut off before his day”—(Job xv, 32)—“and bloody -and deceitful men shall not live out half their days.” (Psa. lv, 23.) - - * * * * * - -Owing to the plotting of the Narragansetts, ever since the Pequot -war, the Indians had formed a general conspiracy against the English -in all parts, as was partly discovered the year before, and now -confirmed by various discoveries and the free confessions of several -Indians from different places. They therefore sought means to prevent -the trouble and secure themselves, which ultimately resulted in the -formation of closer union and confederation defined by articles from -which the following extracts are taken. - - _Articles of Confederation between the Colonies under the - Governments of Massachusetts, New Plymouth, Connecticut, New Haven, - and those in combination therewith._ - - Whereas we all came into these parts of America with one and - the same end and aim, namely to advance the kingdom of Our Lord - Jesus Christ and to enjoy the liberties of the gospel in purity - and peace; and whereas in our settling, by a wise providence of - God, we find ourselves further dispersed along the sea-coasts - and rivers than was at first intended, so that we cannot, as - desired, conveniently live under one government and jurisdiction; - and whereas we live surrounded by people of several tribes and - strange languages, who may hereafter prove injurious to us and our - posterity, ... we therefore conceive it our bounden duty without - delay to enter into an immediate consociation among ourselves - for mutual help and strength in our future concerns, so that in - national and religious affairs, as in other respects, we may be - and continue one, according to the tenor and true meaning of the - ensuing articles. - - I. Wherefore it is fully agreed and concluded by and between - the parties or jurisdictions above named, and they jointly and - severally by these presents do conclude and agree, that they all - be, and henceforth be called by the name of, the United Colonies of - New England. - - 2. The said United Colonies, for themselves and their posterity - jointly and severally, hereby enter into a firm and perpetual - league of friendship and amity, for offence and defence, mutual - advice and succour, upon all just occasions, both for preserving - and propagating the truth of the Gospel, and for their own mutual - safety and welfare. - - 3. It is further agreed that the colonies which at present are, - or hereafter shall be begun, within the limits of Massachusetts - shall be forever under Massachusetts, and shall have separate - jurisdiction among themselves in all cases as a complete body; and - that New Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven shall each of them - similarly have separate jurisdiction and government within their - limits.... - - 4. It is by these confederates agreed that the expense of all - just wars, whether offensive or defensive, upon what party or - member of this confederation soever they fall, shall, both in men, - provisions, and all other disbursements be borne by all the parties - of this confederation, in different proportions, according to their - different abilities, ... according to the different numbers which - from time to time shall be found in each jurisdiction upon a true - and just count, ... and that according to the different expenses - of each jurisdiction and colony, the whole advantage of the war—if - it please God to bless their endeavours—whether in lands, goods, - or persons, shall be proportionately divided amongst the said - confederates. - - 5. It is further agreed that if these jurisdictions, or any - colony under or in combination with them, be invaded by any enemy - whatsoever, upon notice and request of any three magistrates of - the jurisdiction so invaded, the rest of the confederates without - any further meeting or expostulation shall forthwith send aid to - the confederate in danger, but in different proportions; viz., - Massachusetts a hundred men sufficiently armed and provided, and - each of the rest 45 so armed and provided,—or any lesser number if - less be required, according to this proportion; ... but none of - the jurisdictions to exceed these numbers till by a meeting of the - commissioners for this confederation further aid appear necessary; - and this proportion to continue till upon knowledge of greater - numbers in each jurisdiction, which shall be brought before the - next meeting, some other proportion be ordered.... - - 6. It is also agreed that for the management of all affairs - concerning the whole confederation, two commissioners shall be - chosen by and out of each of these four jurisdictions; namely, two - for Massachusetts, two for New Plymouth, two for Connecticut, and - two for New Haven, being all in church fellowship with us, who - shall bring full power from their General Courts, respectively - to hear, examine, weigh, and determine all affairs of war or - peace, leagues, aids, expenses, etc., ... not intermeddling - with the government of any of the jurisdictions, which by the - third article is reserved entirely to themselves. But if these - eight commissioners when they meet shall not all agree, any six - of the eight agreeing shall have power to settle and determine - the business in question. But if six do not agree, then such - propositions, with their reasons, so far as they have been debated, - shall be referred to the four General Courts, viz.: Massachusetts, - New Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven; and if at all the said - General Courts the business so referred be concluded, then it - shall be prosecuted by the confederates and all their members. It - is further agreed that these eight commissioners shall meet once - every year, besides special meetings, to consider and conclude all - affairs belonging to this confederation, which meeting shall always - be on the first Thursday in September; and that the next meeting - after the date of these presents, which shall be accounted the - second meeting, shall be at Boston in Massachusetts, the third at - Hartford, the fourth at New Haven, the fifth at New Plymouth, and - so on, successively,—if in the meantime some central place be not - agreed upon as more convenient for all the jurisdictions. - - 7. It is further agreed that at each meeting of these eight - commissioners, whether ordinary or extraordinary, six of them - agreeing may choose a president from among themselves, whose duty - shall be to direct the proceedings of that particular meeting; but - he shall be invested with no such power or respect as might hinder - the propounding or progress of any business, or in any way turn the - scales, otherwise than in the preceding article is agreed. - - 8. It is also agreed that the commissioners for this confederation - hereafter at their meetings, whether ordinary or extraordinary, as - they may have commission or opportunity, shall endeavour to frame - agreements in cases of a civil nature, in which all the colonies - are interested, for the preservation of peace among themselves, and - preventing as much as possible all causes of war or dispute with - others.... - - 9. And since the justest wars may have dangerous consequences, - especially for the smaller settlements in these United Colonies, it - is agreed that neither Massachusetts, New Plymouth, Connecticut, - nor New Haven, nor any member of any of them, shall at any - time hereafter begin, undertake, or engage themselves, or this - confederation or any part thereof, in any way whatsoever (sudden - exigencies excepted), without the consent and agreement of six of - the forementioned eight commissioners.... - - 10. That on special occasions, when meetings are summoned by three - magistrates of any jurisdiction, if any of the commissioners do not - come, due notice having been given or sent, it is agreed that four - of the commissioners shall have power to direct a war which cannot - be delayed, and to send for due proportions of men out of each - jurisdiction; but not less than six shall determine the justice of - the war, or allow the demands or bills of expenses, or cause any - levies to be made for it. - - 11. It is further agreed, that if any of the confederates shall - hereafter break any of these articles of agreement, or in any way - injure any one of the other jurisdictions, such breach of agreement - or injury shall be duly considered by the commissioners for the - other jurisdictions; that both peace and this present confederation - may be entirely preserved without violation. - - 12. Lastly, this perpetual confederation and its several articles, - being read and seriously considered both by the General Court - of Massachusetts and by the commissioners for New Plymouth, - Connecticut, and New Haven, is fully allowed and confirmed by three - of the afore-named confederates, viz., Massachusetts, Connecticut, - and New Haven; the commissioners for New Plymouth having no - commission to conclude, request time to advise with their General - Court.... - - * * * * * - - At a meeting of the commissioners for the confederation held at - Boston on the 7th of September, it appearing that the General - Court of New Plymouth, and the several townships thereof, have - read, considered, and approved these articles of confederation, - as appears by commission from their General Court bearing date - the 29th of August, 1643, to Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. William - Collier, to ratify and confirm the same on their behalfs; we - therefore the commissioners for Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New - Haven, do also, for our several governments subscribe to them. - - JOHN WINTHROP, Gov. of Mass. GEORGE FENWICK - THOMAS DUDLEY EDWARD HOPKINS - THEOPH. EATON THOMAS GREGSON - -At their first meeting held at Boston on the above mentioned -date, amongst other things they had the following matter of great -importance to consider. The Narragansetts, after subduing the -Pequots, thought they were going to rule over all the Indians -round them; but the English, especially those of Connecticut, were -friendly with Uncas, sachem of the Monhigg tribe, which lived near -them, as the Narragansetts did near those of Massachusetts. Uncas -had been faithful to them in the Pequot war, and they had agreed to -support him in his just liberties, and were willing that such of the -surviving Pequots as had submitted to him, should remain with him and -live quietly under his protection. This greatly increased his power -and importance, and the Narragansetts could not endure to see it. -So Miantinomo, their chief sachem, an ambitious man, tried secretly -and by treachery according to the Indian way, to make away with him, -hiring some one to kill him. They tried to poison him; that not -succeeding, they planned to knock him on the head in the night in -his house, or to shoot him,—and such like devices. But none of these -plots taking effect, Miantinomo made open war upon Uncas, though it -was contrary to his agreements with the English and the Monhiggs. -He suddenly came upon him with 900 or 1000 men, without proclaiming -war. Uncas at that time had not half so many; but it pleased God to -give him the victory, and he slew many of the Narragansetts, and -wounded many more; but most important of all, he took Miantinomo -prisoner. But as he was a great man, and the Narragansetts a powerful -people who would be sure to seek revenge, he did nothing until he -had taken the advice of the English; so by the help and direction of -those of Connecticut, he kept him prisoner until this meeting of the -confederation. The commissioners weighed the cause between Uncas and -Miantinomo, and the evidence being duly considered, the commissioners -saw that Uncas would not be safe while Miantinomo lived. So they -concluded that he might justly put such a false and blood-thirsty -enemy to death; but in his own jurisdiction, not on English ground. -They advised that in his execution all mercy and toleration should -be shown, contrary to the practise of the Indians who use tortures -and all kinds of cruelty. Furthermore, as Uncas had hitherto shown -himself a friend to the English, and had consulted them in this, if -the Narragansett Indians, or others, unjustly attacked Uncas for this -execution, the commissioners promised that the English would assist -and protect him as far as they could against violence, upon notice -and request. - -Uncas followed this advice, and accordingly executed Miantinomo, in -a fair manner, with due respect for the honour of his position. But -what followed on the Narragansetts’ part will appear later. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIV - -Suggested removal of the Church of New Plymouth to Nauset—The -Narragansetts continue their attack on Uncas and the Monhiggs—Truce -arranged by the English: 1644. - - -Mr. Edward Winslow was chosen governor this year. - -Many having left here, owing to the district being so limited and -barren, and their finding better accommodation elsewhere,—and several -others looking for opportunity to go, the church began seriously -to consider whether it were not better to remove jointly to some -other place, than to be thus weakened, and, as it were, insensibly -dissolved. Much consultation took place, and opinions varied. Some -were for staying together here, arguing that people could live here -if only they were content, and that it was not so much for necessity -that they removed, as for enriching themselves. Others were resolute -upon removal, and signified that here they could not stay, and that -if the church did not remove they must. This swayed many to agree to -removal, rather than that there should be a total dissolution, if -a place could be found suitable to accommodate the whole body more -conveniently and comfortably, and with room for development should -others join them for their greater strength and better subsistence. -With these provisos the majority consented to removal to a place -called Nauset, which had been superficially viewed, and the good-will -of the owners obtained. They began too late to see the error of -their previous policy, for they found they had already given away -the best and most convenient places to others, and now were in want -of such situations themselves; for Nauset was about 50 miles from -here, on the outskirts of the country, and remote from all society. -Furthermore, on closer examination, they found it would prove so -limited, that it would not suffice to accommodate the whole body, -much less be capable of any expansion. So in a short time they would -be worse off there than they were now. This made them change their -resolution; but such as were resolved upon removal took advantage of -the agreement made, and went on notwithstanding; nor could the rest -hinder them, since they had already made some beginning. Thus was -this poor church left like an ancient mother, grown old, and forsaken -of her children,—though not in their affections, yet as regards their -bodily presence and personal helpfulness. Her ancient members being -most of them worn away by death, and those of later times being, like -children, transferred to other families, she, like a widow, was left -only to trust in God. Thus she who had made many rich, herself became -poor. - -Soon another broil was begun by the Narragansetts. Though they had -unjustly made war upon Uncas, as before described, the winter before -this they earnestly urged the Governor of Massachusetts to permit -them to make war again in revenge for the death of their sagamore, -claiming that Uncas had first received and accepted ransom for -Miantinomo, and then put him to death. But the Governor refused -the presents they brought, and told them it was they themselves -who had done wrong and broken the conditions of peace; neither he -nor any of the English would allow them to make any further war -upon Uncas, and that if they did so the English must assist him and -oppose them; but if when the commissioners met, the matter having -had a fair hearing, it could be proved that he had received this -ransom, they would make Uncas return it. Notwithstanding this, at -the spring of the year they gathered in great power, and fell upon -Uncas, killing many of his men and wounding more, besides receiving -some loss themselves. Uncas then called for aid from the English. -They told him what the Narragansetts objected; he denied it. They -told him it must come to trial, and if he was innocent, should the -Narragansetts refuse to desist, they would assist him. So at this -meeting they sent both to Uncas and the Narragansetts, and required -their sagamores to come, or send deputies to the commissioners, who -had now met at Hartford, promising a fair and impartial hearing of -all their grievances, and that all wrongs should be redressed. They -also promised that they should come and return without any danger or -molestation. Upon which the Narragansetts sent one sagamore and some -other deputies, with full power to do what was thought right. Uncas -came in person, accompanied by some of his chiefs. After discussion, -the commissioners made the following declaration to the Narragansett -deputies: - - 1. That they did not find any proof of a ransom being agreed upon. - - 2. It did not appear that any wampum had been paid as a ransom, or - any part of a ransom for Miantinomo’s life. - - 3. That, had they in any way proved their charge against Uncas, the - commissioners would have required him to make due satisfaction. - - 4. That if hereafter they could produce satisfactory proof, the - English would consider it, and proceed accordingly. - - 5. The commissioners required that neither they nor their allies, - the Nyanticks, should make war or injurious assault upon Uncas or - any of his tribe, until they could show proof of the ransom being - given,—unless he should first attack them. - - 6. That if they attacked Uncas, the English had undertaken to - assist him. - -Hereupon the Narragansett sachem, consulting with the other deputies, -undertook on behalf of the Narragansetts and Nyanticks that no -hostile acts should be committed upon Uncas or any of his tribe -till after the next planting of corn; and that thereafter, before -they made war they would give 30 days’ notice to the Governor of -Massachusetts or Connecticut. The commissioners, approving of -this offer, required Uncas, as he expected the continuance of the -favour of the English, to observe the same terms of peace with the -Narragansetts and their people. - -The foregoing conclusions were then subscribed by the commissioners -for the several jurisdictions, on the 19th of Sept., 1644: Edward -Hopkins, President; Simon Bradstreet, William Hathorne, Edward -Winslow, John Brown, George Fenwick, Theoph. Eaton, Thomas Gregson. - -The Narragansett deputies further promised that if, contrary to this -agreement, any of the Nyantick Pequots made any attack upon Uncas -or any of his people, they would deliver them to the English for -punishment, and that they would not attempt to incite the Mohawks -against Uncas during this truce. Their names were subscribed with -their marks: Weetowish; Pampiamett; Chinnough; Pummunis. - - - - -CHAPTER XXV - -The Narragansetts renew their attacks on Uncas and threaten the -English—Preparation for War by the Colonies—Declaration of War by -the English—Peace arranged and General Treaty signed by the United -Colonies of New England and the Narragansetts and Nyanticks: 1645. - - -This year the commissioners were summoned to meet at Boston before -their ordinary time, partly in regard to some differences between -the French and the Government of Massachusetts, about their aiding -Governor La Tour against Monsieur d’Aulney; and partly about the -Indians, who had broken the agreements of peace concluded last year. -This meeting was held at Boston on July 28th. - -Besides some underhand attacks made on both sides, the Narragansetts -gathered a great power and fell upon Uncas and killed many of his -men and wounded many more, far exceeding him in number, and having -got a large number of arms. They did this without the knowledge and -consent of the English, contrary to the former agreement, and were -determined to continue the war, notwithstanding anything the English -said or did. So, encouraged by their recent victory, and by a promise -of assistance from the Mohawks—a strong, warlike, and desperate -tribe,—they had already devoured Uncas and his people in their hopes, -and would surely have done so in fact if the English had not quickly -gone to his aid. But the English of Connecticut sent him 40 men, as a -garrison for him, till the commissioners could meet and take further -steps. - -Having thus met, they forthwith sent three messengers, Sergeant -John Davis, Benedict Arnold, and Francis Smith, with full and ample -instructions both to the Narragansetts and Uncas, requiring them -either to come in person or send qualified deputies; and if they -refused or delayed, to warn them that the English were determined to -oppose these hostile invasions, and that they had sent their men to -defend Uncas, and to know of the Narragansetts whether they would -stand by the former peace. - -The messengers returned from the Narragansetts, not only with -slights, but with a threatening answer. They also brought a letter -from Mr. Roger Williams, assuring them that war would shortly break -out, and the whole country would be aflame; and that the sachems -of the Narragansetts had concluded a neutrality with the English -of Providence and Aquidnett Island. Whereupon the commissioners, -considering the great danger and provocations offered, and the -necessity we should be put to of making war on the Narragansetts, -and being cautious to have the way clear in a matter of such wide -public concern to all the colonies, thought fit to advise with such -of the magistrates and elders of Massachusetts as were at hand, and -also with some of the chief military commanders there; who being -assembled, it was then agreed: - - 1. That our engagement bound us to aid and defend Uncas. - - 2. That this aid could not be confined to defence of him and his - fort or habitation, but must be extended to the security of his - liberty and property. - - 3. That this aid must be speedy, lest he should be swallowed up in - the meantime. - - 4. The justice of the war being clear to ourselves and the rest - then present, it was thought meet that the case should be stated, - and the reasons and grounds of the war declared and published. - - 5. That a day of humiliation should be appointed, which was the - fifth day of the week following. - - 6. It was also agreed by the commissioners that the total - number of men to be raised throughout the colonies should be - 300—Massachusetts 190, New Plymouth 40, Connecticut 40, New Haven - 30; and that considering Uncas was in instant danger, 40 men - should forthwith be sent from Massachusetts for his relief—for - the 40 previously sent from Connecticut, had orders to stay only - one month, and their time having expired, they returned; and the - Narragansetts hearing of it, took the advantage and came suddenly - upon him and gave him another blow, to his further loss, and were - ready to do so again; but the 40 men from Massachusetts having - arrived, they drew off. - -The declaration of war which they published I shall not transcribe, -as it is very long and is already in print. I will only note the -insolent reception of it by the Narragansetts, and the answers to -the three messengers sent from the commissioners to deliver it. They -received them with scorn and contempt, and told them they resolved -to have no peace without the head of Uncas; that it mattered not -who began the war, they were determined to continue it; that if -the English did not withdraw their garrison from Uncas, they would -procure the Mohawks against them. Ultimately they threatened that -they would lay the English cattle in heaps as high as their houses, -and that no Englishman should stir outside his door so much as -to relieve himself, but he should be killed. When the messengers -demanded guides to pass on through their country to deliver the -message of the commissioners to Uncas, they refused them, and -in scorn offered them an old Pequot woman. Nay, the messengers -personally were in danger; for while the interpreter was speaking -with them about the answer he should take back, some natives came and -stood behind him with hatchets, according to their murderous manner; -but one of his comrades gave him warning, and so all three broke off -and came away. These and similar affronts so terrified the Indians -they had with them, that they ran away, and left them to get home as -best they could. - -So the confederation hastened the preparations, according to the -agreement, and sent to New Plymouth to despatch their 40 men with -all speed, to be stationed at Seekonk, lest it should be in danger -before the rest were ready. They were all well armed with snaphance -guns, under command of Captain Standish. Those from other places were -also led by able commanders, such as Captain Mason for Connecticut, -etc. Major Gibbons was made General, with such commissions and -instructions as were proper. - -Everything being ready,—some of the soldiers already started and the -rest ready to march,—the commissioners thought it right before any -hostile act was committed, to return a present which had previously -been sent to the Governor of Massachusetts from the Narragansett -sachems, and though not accepted by him, had been laid by to be -accepted or refused according to their behaviour. So it was sent back -by two messengers and an interpreter, who were further instructed -to inform the Narragansetts that the men the English had already -sent to Uncas and other parts, had express orders, so far, only to -stand upon his or their defence, and not to attempt any invasion -of the Narragansetts’ country; and that even yet, if they made due -reparation for what had past, and gave good security for the future, -they should find that the English were as desirous of peace and -as tender of Narragansett blood as ever. If therefore Pessecuss, -Jenemo, with the other sachems, would without further delay come -with them to Boston, the commissioners promised and assured them -free liberty to come and return without molestation. But deputies -would not now serve, nor would the preparations on hand be stayed or -the directions recalled till the aforementioned sagamores came, and -further consultation had taken place. If, on the other hand, they -would have nothing but war, the English were ready, and would proceed -accordingly. - -Pessecuss, Mixano, and Weetowish, three principal sachems of the -Narragansett Indians, and Awasequin, deputy for the Nyantics, with a -large train of men, a few days after, came to Boston. - -To omit all other circumstances, and the discussion which took place -between them and the commissioners, they came to the following -conclusion. - - 1. It is agreed between the commissioners of the United Colonies - and the Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores, that the latter - shall pay or cause to be paid at Boston, to the Massachusetts - commissioners, the full sum of 2000 fathom of good white wampum, - or a third part of black wampum, in four payments; namely, 500 - fathom within 20 days, 500 fathom within four months, 500 fathom - at or before next corn planting time, and 500 fathom within two - years from the date of these presents; which 2000 fathom the - commissioners accept as satisfaction for former expenses defrayed. - - 2. The aforesaid sagamores and deputy, on behalf of the - Narragansett and Nyantick Indians, hereby promise and covenant - that upon demand and proof they will restore to Uncas, the Monhigg - sagamore, all captives both men, women, and children; all canoes, - which they or any of their men have taken, or as many Narragansett - canoes, in good condition, in place of them; and will give full - satisfaction for all such corn as they or any of their men have - destroyed of his or his men’s, since last planting time; and the - English commissioners hereby promise that Uncas shall do likewise. - - 3. Whereas there are various disputes and grievances between the - Narragansett and Nyantick Indians, and Uncas and his men, which - in the absence of Uncas cannot now be determined, it is hereby - agreed that the Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores, either - come themselves, or send their deputies, to the meeting of the - commissioners for the Colonies, either at New Haven in September, - 1646,—or sooner, upon due notice, if the said commissioners meet - sooner,—fully instructed to make due proof of their injuries, - and to submit to the judgment of the commissioners in giving or - receiving satisfaction; and the said commissioners, not doubting - but Uncas will either come himself or send his deputies, promise to - give full hearing to both parties impartially, according to their - allegations and proofs. - - 4. The said Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores and deputies do - hereby promise and covenant to maintain a firm and perpetual - peace, both with all the English United Colonies and their - successors, and with Uncas the Monhigg sachem and his men; with - Ossamequine, Pumham, Sokanoke, Cutshamakin, Shoanan, Passaconaway, - and all other sagamores and their tribes who are in friendship - with or subject to any of the English; hereby engaging themselves, - that they will not at any time hereafter, disturb the peace of - the country by any attacks, hostile attempts, invasions, or other - injuries to any of the United Colonies or their successors, or - to the aforesaid Indians, either in their persons, buildings, - cattle, or goods, directly or indirectly; nor will they combine - with any other enemy against them; and if they know of any Indians - or others who are conspiring or intend harm to the said English, - or any Indians subject to or in friendship with them, they will - without delay acquaint and give notice thereof to the English - commissioners, or some of them. Or if any questions or disputes - shall at any time hereafter arise between them and Uncas, or any - Indians mentioned above, they will, according to former engagements - which they hereby confirm and ratify, first acquaint the English, - and request their judgment and advice therein, and will not attempt - or begin any war or hostile invasion, till they have liberty and - permission from the Commissioners of the United Colonies so to do. - - 5. The said Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores and deputies do - hereby promise that they will forthwith deliver and restore all - such Indian fugitives or captives as have at any time fled from the - English, and are now living among them, or give due satisfaction - for them to the commissioners for Massachusetts; and further, - that they will without delay pay or cause to be paid, a yearly - tribute, a month before harvest, every year after this, at Boston, - to the English Colonies, for all such Pequots as live among them, - according to the former treaty and agreement made at Hartford, - 1638, namely one fathom of white wampum for every Pequot man, and - half a fathom for each Pequot youth, and one hand length for each - male child; and if Weequashcooke refuse to pay this tribute for - any Pequots with him, the Narragansett sagamores promise to assist - the English against him. And they further undertake that they will - resign and yield up the whole Pequot country, and every part of it, - to the English Colonies, as due to them by conquest. - - 6. The said Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores and deputy do - hereby promise and covenant that within 14 days, they will bring - and deliver to the Massachusetts commissioners on behalf of - the Colonies, four of their children, viz., the eldest son of - Pessecuss, the son of Tassaquanawite, the brother of Pessecuss, the - son of Awashawe, and the son of Ewangso, a Nyantick, to be kept - as hostages or pledges by the English, till the aforementioned - 2000 fathom of wampum has been paid at the times appointed, and - the differences between themselves and Uncas have been heard and - settled, and until these articles have been underwritten at Boston - by Jenemo and Wipetock. And further, they hereby promise and - covenant, that if at any time hereafter any of the said children - shall escape or be taken away from the English, before the promises - be fully accomplished, they will either bring back and deliver - to the Massachusetts commissioners the same children, or if they - cannot be found, such and so many other children as shall be chosen - by the commissioners for the United Colonies, or their assigns, - within twenty days after demand; and in the meantime, until the - said four children be delivered as hostages, the Narragansett and - Nyantick sagamores and deputy do freely and of their own accord - leave with the Massachusetts commissioners, as pledges for present - security, four Indians, viz., Weetowish, Pummunish, Jawashoe, - Waughwamino, who also freely consent and offer themselves to stay - as pledges, till the aforesaid children are delivered. - - 7. The commissioners for the United Colonies do hereby promise and - agree that the four Indians now left as pledges shall be provided - for at the expense of the United Colonies, and that the four - children to be delivered as hostages shall be kept and maintained - at the same expense; that they will require Uncas and his men, - with all other Indian sagamores before named, to forbear all acts - of hostility against the Narragansett and Nyantick Indians for the - future, and further, all the promises being duly observed and kept - by the Narragansetts and Nyanticks and their tribes, they will - at the end of the two years restore the said children delivered - as hostages, and maintain a firm peace with the Narragansett and - Nyantick Indians and their successors. - - 8. It is fully agreed by and between the said parties, that if any - hostile attempts be made while this treaty is in hand, or before - notice of this agreement can be given, such attempts and the - consequences thereof shall on neither part be counted a violation - of this treaty, nor a breach of the peace here made and concluded. - - 9. The Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores and deputy hereby agree - and covenant to and with the commissioners of the United Colonies, - that henceforth they will neither give, grant, sell, nor in any - way alienate, any part of their country, nor any parcel of land - therein, to any of the English or others, without consent and - permission of the commissioners. - - 10. Lastly they promise that if any Pequot or other Indians be - found among them who have in time of peace murdered any of the - English, they shall be delivered to just punishment. - - In witness whereof the parties above named have interchangeably - subscribed these presents, the day and year above written. - - JOHN WINTHROP, President PESSECUSS his mark - HERBERT PELHAM MEEKESANO his mark - THOMAS PRINCE WEETOWISH his mark - JOHN BROWN AWASEQUIN his mark - GEORGE FENWICK ABDAS his mark - EDWARD HOPKINS PUMMUNISH his mark - THEOPH. EATON CUTSHAMAKIN his mark - STEPHEN GOODYEAR - -In drawing up this treaty and agreement between the commissioners of -the United Colonies and the sagamores and deputy of the Narragansett -and Nyantick Indians, Benedict Arnold was interpreter, upon his oath; -Sergeant Callicote, and his man, an Indian, were present; and Josias -and Cutshamakin, two Indians acquainted with the English language, -assisted,—making the whole treaty and every article clear to the -sagamores and deputy present. Thus was the war pending at this time -prevented. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVI - -Captain Thomas Cromwell settles in Massachusetts—His death—Edward -Winslow’s long stay in England: 1646. - - -About the middle of May this year, three men of war entered the -harbour. The Captain’s name was Thomas Cromwell, and he had captured -several prizes from the Spaniards in the West Indies. He had a -commission from the Earl of Warwick. Aboard his vessel were about 80 -strong young fellows, but very unruly, who, when they came ashore, so -distempered themselves with drink that they became like madmen; and -though some of them were punished and imprisoned, they could hardly -be restrained; but in the end they became more moderate and orderly. -They remained here about a month or six weeks, then going on to -Massachusetts; in the meantime scattering a great deal of money among -the people,—and even more sin than money, I fear, notwithstanding all -the care taken to prevent it. - -While they were here a sad accident occurred. One desperate fellow -amongst them started wrangling with some of his comrades. Captain -Cromwell commanded him to be quiet and cease his quarreling; but he -would not, and reviled him with bad language, and in the end half -drew his rapier intending to run at him; but the captain closed with -him and snatched the rapier from him and gave him a box on the ear; -even then he would not give over, but continued to assault him. -Whereupon the Captain gave him a blow with the hilt of the rapier, -just as it was in the scabbard. It chanced to hit his head, and the -small end of the bar of the rapier-hilt piercing his skull, he died -a few days after. But the captain was exonerated by court martial, -for it appeared that the fellow was so quarrelsome that he had -several times been chained under hatches to prevent him from hurting -his comrades, to which they testified. - -This Captain Cromwell made another voyage to the West Indies from -the Bay of Massachusetts, well manned and provisioned. He was out -three years and took many prizes, and returned rich to Massachusetts. -The same summer he had a fall from his horse; he fell on his rapier -hilt, and bruised himself so badly that he died shortly after. It was -remarked by some that this might show the hand of God, and that as -one of his men had died of the blow he gave him with the rapier hilt, -so his own death was caused by similar means. - -This year Mr. Edward Winslow went to England. Some discontented -persons in Massachusetts had endeavoured to disturb the peace, -and to undermine if not upset their government, by uttering many -slanders about them, and even intended to prosecute them in England -by petitioning and complaining to Parliament. Samuel Gorton and -his people also made complaints against them. So they chose Mr. -Winslow, as their agent, to defend them, and gave him commission -and instructions to that end. He managed things so well for them -that he cleared them of all blame and dishonour, and disgraced their -opponents. But owing to the great upheavals in the government there, -he was detained longer than was expected, and later he met with other -employments there, so that he has now been absent for four years, -which has been much to the loss of this government. - - - The names of those who came over first in the Mayflower, in the - year 1620 and were by the blessing of God the first beginners and - founders of the Settlements and Colonies of New England, with their - families: written down A. D. 1650. - -JOHN CARVER; Katherine, his wife; DESIRE MINTER; two men-servants, -JOHN HOWLAND and ROGER WILDER; a boy, WILLIAM LATHAM; a maid-servant; -a child who was put under his charge, called JASPER MORE. - - Mr. and Mrs. Carver, Wilder, and Jasper More all died here during - the first general sickness. Desire Minter returned to England; - Latham stayed twenty years and then returned; the maid-servant - married here, and died a year or two after. Howland married - Elizabeth Tillie. Both are living. They had ten children. - -WILLIAM BREWSTER; Mary, his wife; two sons, Love and Wrestling; a boy -in his charge called Richard More, and another of his brothers. - - The rest of his children were left behind, and came over - afterwards. Mr. Brewster lived here 23 or 24 years, being about - 80 when he died. His wife died some time before. Wrestling died - unmarried. Love had four children, and died in 1650. The eldest - son, who came after, had nine children, and is still living; and - the daughters, who came with him, married, and are dead. The - brother of Richard More died the first winter. Richard married and - has four or five children. - -EDWARD WINSLOW; Elizabeth, his wife; two men-servants, GEORGE SOWLE -and ELIAS STORY; a little girl in his charge, ELLEN, sister of -Richard More. - - Mr. Winslow’s wife died the first winter. He married later the - widow of Mr. White, and has two children living. Story and Ellen - More died soon after the ship’s arrival. George Sowle is living and - has eight children. - -WILLIAM BRADFORD; Dorothy, his wife. - - Their only child, a son, was left behind, and came over after. Mrs. - Bradford died soon after their arrival. Mr. Bradford married again, - and had four children. - -ISAAC ALLERTON; Mary, his wife; three children, Bartholomew, -Remember, and Mary; a servant boy, JOHN HOOK. - - Mrs. Allerton, and the boy, Hook, died in the first general - sickness. Bartholomew married in England. His daughter, Remember, - married at Salem and has three or four children living. Mary - married here and has four children. Mr. Allerton married, secondly, - a daughter of William Brewster, and had one son; he married a third - time, and left this place long ago. - -SAMUEL FULLER; a servant, WILLIAM BUTTON. - - His wife and a child were left behind, and came over afterwards. - Two more children were born here, and are living. Button died at - sea. Mr. Fuller died 15 years ago. - -JOHN CRACKSTON, his son, John. - - John Crackston died in the first sickness. His son died 5 or 6 - years after; he lost himself in the woods in winter, and his feet - were frozen, which brought on fever. - -MYLES STANDISH; Rose his wife. - - Mrs. Standish died in the first sickness. Captain Standish married - again, and has four sons living. - -CHRISTOPHER MARTIN; his wife, two servants, SOLOMON PROWER and JOHN -LANGMORE. - - All these died in the first sickness, soon after their arrival. - -WILLIAM MULLINS; his wife; two children, Joseph and Priscilla; a -servant, ROBERT CARTER. - - All but Priscilla died in the first sickness. She married John - Alden; both are living. They have eleven children. - -WILLIAM WHITE; Susanna, his wife; one son, Resolved; and one born -aboard ship called Peregrine; two servants, WILLIAM HOLBECK and -EDWARD THOMSON. - - Mr. White and his two servants died soon after their landing. His - widow married Mr. Winslow. His two sons are living. - -STEPHEN HOPKINS; Elizabeth, his wife; two children by a former wife, -Giles and Constanta; and two by this wife, Damaris and Oceanus—the -latter born on the voyage; two servants, EDWARD DOTY and EDWARD -LISTER. - - Mr. and Mrs. Hopkins lived here over twenty years, and had one - son and four daughters born here. Doty is living, and has seven - children by a second wife. Lister went to Virginia and died there. - -RICHARD WARREN. - - His wife and four daughters were left behind and came afterwards, - and two more were born here. Mr. Warren lived some four or five - years here. - -JOHN BILLINGTON; Ellen, his wife; two sons, John and Francis. -Billington was executed after he had been here ten years. His eldest -son died before him; his second is married. - -EDWARD TILLIE; Anne, his wife; two children (their cousins), HENRY -SAMSON and HUMILITY COOPER. - - Mr. and Mrs. Edward Tillie died soon after their arrival. Humility - Cooper returned to England and died there. Henry Samson is living - and has seven children. - -JOHN TILLIE; his wife; their daughter, Elizabeth. - - Mr. and Mrs. John Tillie died soon after their arrival. Elizabeth - married John Howland (see above). - -FRANCIS COOK; his son, John. - - Mrs. Cook and other children came over afterwards. Three more - children were born here. His son, John, is married. Mr. Cook is a - very old man, and has seen his children’s children have children. - -THOMAS ROGERS; Joseph, his son. - - Mr. Rogers died in the first sickness. His son, Joseph, is - living and has six children. The rest of his children came over - afterwards, and are married, and have many children. - -THOMAS TINKER; his wife; their son. - - All died in the first sickness. - -JOHN RIGDALE; Alice, his wife. - - Both died in the first sickness. - -JAMES CHILTON; his wife; their daughter, Mary. - - Another daughter, who was married, came after. Mr. and Mrs. Chilton - died in the first sickness. Mary Chilton married, and has nine - children. - -EDWARD FULLER; his wife; their son, Samuel. - - Mr. and Mrs. Fuller died soon after they came ashore. Samuel Fuller - is living, and has four children, or more. - -JOHN TURNER; two sons. - - All died in the first sickness. His daughter came some years after - to Salem, and is married. - -FRANCIS EATON; Sarah, his wife; their baby, Samuel. - - Mrs. Eaton died in the general sickness. Mr. Eaton married a second - and third time, having three children by his third wife. Samuel is - married and has a child. - -MOSES FLETCHER; JOHN GOODMAN; THOMAS WILLIAMS; DIGERIE PRIEST; EDMUND -MARGESON; RICHARD BRITTERIDGE; RICHARD CLARK; RICHARD GARDNER; PETER -BROWN; GILBERT WINSLOW. - - The first seven died in the general sickness. Digerie Priest’s wife - and children came afterwards, she being Mrs. Allerton’s sister. - Gardner became a sailor, and died in England, or at sea. Peter - Brown married twice, leaving four children; he died about sixteen - years since. Gilbert Winslow, after several years here returned to - England and died there. - -JOHN ALDEN. - - Mr. Alden was hired at Southampton as a cooper. Being a likely - young man, he was desirable as a settler; but it was left to his - own choice to stay here or return to England; he stayed, and - married Priscilla Mullins (see above). - -JOHN ALLERTON; THOMAS ENGLISH; WILLIAM TREVOR; and one, ELY. The -first two were hired as sailors, the one to stay here with the -shallop, the other to go back and help over those left behind; but -both died here before the Mayflower returned. The last two were hired -to stay here a year; both returned when their time was out. - - -Of these 100 or so of persons who came over first, more than half -died in the first general sickness. Of those that remained, some were -too old to have children. Nevertheless in those thirty years there -have sprung up from that stock over 160 persons now living in this -year 1650; and of the old stock itself nearly thirty persons still -survive. Let the Lord have the praise, Who is the High Preserver of -men. - - - - -INDEX - - - Abdas, 337. - - Accord Pond, 301. - - Adventurers, preliminaries with, 35 et seq.; - Dissolve partnership, 162, 174. - (_See also_ Weston, Sherley, Beauchamp, Andrews, Allerton, etc.) - - Albany, _see_ Fort Orange. - - Alden, John, arrest of, 255; - Mentioned, 307, 311, 312; - Family, 343. - - Alden, Robert, 176. - - Allerton, Isaac, letter to Carver and Cushman, 41; - Assistant to Governor, 85; - In England, 172, 182, 188, 201, 204, 211, 217; - Discharged, 224, 227; - Accounts confused, 231 et seq.; - White Angel let out to, 234; - Sold to, 241; - In debt to partners, 242 et seq., 253, 266, 295, 306; - Family, 341. - - Allerton, John, 343. - - Alltham, Emanuel, 176. - - Amsterdam, 14, 44, 45, 47. - - Andrews, Captain, 277. - - Andrews, Richard, 175, 189, 208, 227, 232, 266, 277, 302; - Beaver sent to, 295; - Land at Scituate, 298; - Settlement with, 307. - - Andrews, Thomas, 176. - - Anne, The, 119, 121, 151. - - Anthony, Lawrence, 176. - - Aquidnett Island, 294, 331. - - Argoll, Captain, 31, 32. - - Arminians, 17, 18. - - Arnold, Benedict, 331, 337. - - Ashley, Edward, 208, et seq.; - Sends beaver home, 216, 221; - Arrested, 222; - His death, 223; - Mentioned, 227, 231, 234. - - Atwood, John, Sherley’s agent, 305 et seq., 312. - - Awasequin, 334, 337. - - Awashawe, 335. - - - Babb, Captain, 277. - - Baker, Captain, 143. - - Baptism, 310. - - Barnstable, 302. - - Bass, Edward, 175. - - Beauchamp, John, one of original adventurers, 98, 100, 175, 176; - in new partnership, 189; - Co-agent for New Plymouth partners, 189; - Penobscot Patent in his name, 208; - Quarrels with Sherley, 277; - Beaver sent to, 295; - Settlement with, 306 et seq. - - Bellingham, Richard, 267, 269, 270. - - Billirike (Billerica), settlers from, 46. - - Billington, John, loses himself, 86; - Executed, 224; - Family, 342. - - Blackwell, Sir Francis, 31 et seq. - - Block Island, 281, 284. - - Blossom, Thomas, 252. - - Boston, in Lincolshire, 9. - - Boston, Mass., Joint Council of Colonies at, 258; - Commission of United Colonies at, 322. - (_See also_ Endicott, Winthrop, etc.). - - Bound Brook, 301. - - Bradford, William, letter to Carver and Cushman, 41, 42; - Illness, 77; - First chosen Governor, 85; - Patent at Kennebec in his name, 253; - Surrenders New Plymouth Patent, 302; - Family, 340. - - Bradstreet, Simon, 269, 329. - - Brewer, Thomas, 40, 176. - - Brewster, Jonathan, 272. - - Brewster, William, Elder of the Church, 8; - Goes to Holland, 14; - Correspondence with Sandys and Worstenholme, 27 et seq.; - To go to America, 35; - Services to the sick, 77; - Letters from Adventurers, 102 et seq.; - Mentioned, 108, 145, 189, 307; - From Robinson, 140; - Death of, 314; - Career, 315 et seq.; - Family, 340. - - Bristol, England, 218, 227, 230, 234. - - Britteridge, Richard, 343. - - Brook, Lord, 255. - - Brown, John, 329, 334. - - Brown, Peter, 343. - - Browning, Henry, 176. - - Button, William, dies, 63, 341. - - - Callicote, Sergeant, 337. - - Calvin, John, 4. - - Canterbury, Archbishop of, _see_ Laud, Archbishop. - - Capawack, Isle of, 82, 88, 104. - - Cape Ann, patent for, 136, 142; - Salt-pans at, 144; - Dispute over dock at, 162. - - Cape Cod, arrival at, 64, 67, 92; - Exploring the Bay of, 69; - Ships wrecked at, 82, 159, 178. - - Carter, Robert, 341. - - Carver, John, agent to England, 26, 27; - Letter from Robinson, 39; - From Leyden, 41; - From Cushman, 46; - From Robinson, 53; - From Weston, 90, 98, 99; - First Governor, 76; - Dies, 85; - Family, 340. - - Cattle, first at New Plymouth, 135; - Prices of, 296, 310. - - Charity, The, 135. - - Charles I’s Colonial Commission, 239, 263. - - Charles River, 299. - - Charlestown, 299. - - Charlton, 81. - - Chatham, _see_ Manamoick. - - Chauncey, Charles, invited to New Plymouth, 309. - - Chilton, James, and family, 343. - - Chinnough, 329. - - Christmas at New Plymouth, 74, 94, 95. - - Clark, Mr., pilot, 45. - - Clark, Richard, 343. - - Clifton, Rev. Richard, 8. - - Cobiseconte, 254. - - Coddington, Wm., 225, 269. - - Cohasset, 300, 301. - - Collier, William, 176, 231, 246; - Sherley’s agent, 305 et seq. - - Colonies of New England, Confederation of, 321. - - Commissioners for the Colonies, 239; - Winslow’s petition to, 263. - - Confederation of New England Colonies, 321. - - Connecticut River and Territory, 240, 260 et seq., 271, 279, 283 et - seq., 329. - - Cook, Francis, and family, 342. - - Cooke, Mr. Secretary, 239. - - Cooper, Humility, 342. - - Coppin, Robert, 72. - - Corbitant, 87 et seq. - - Cottington, Lord, 239. - - Cotton, John, 225. - - Coventry, Thomas, 176. - - Crabe, Rev. Mr., 47. - - Crackston, John, and family, 341. - - Cromwell, Capt. Thomas, 338, 339. - - Crose, Daniel, 293. - - Cushman, Robert, agent to England, 26, 27, 36; - Letters to Leyden, 31, 42 et seq.; - Letter from Leyden, 41; - To John Carver, 46; - To Southworth, 59; - Comes in the Fortune, 89; - Letters from, 104, 122, 136; - Mentioned, 39, 50-52, 98; - His death, 170. - - Cutshamakin, 335, 337. - - - Damariscove Islands, 97, 133, 156, 172. - - Dartmouth, England, 57, 59. - - d’Aulney, Monsieur, takes Penobscot, 267, 330. - - Davenport, Lieutenant, 289. - - Davison, William, Secretary of State, 315 et seq. - - Davis, Sergeant John, 331. - - De Rasieres, Isaac, 184, 192. - - Delfthaven, 49. - - Dennison, William, 233. - - Dermer, Captain, 80 et seq. - - Dorchester, 271. - - Dorset, Earl of, 239. - - Doty, Edward, 341. - - Dudley, Thomas, 225, 232, 256, et seq., 259, 269, 324. - - Dumer, Richard, 269. - - Dutch Colony, The, 139, 183 et seq., 196, 249, 261, 275 et seq. - (_See also_ Holland.) - - Dutch Captain at Hull, 10. - - Duxbury, 243, 310. - - - Earthquake, 296. - - Eastham, _see_ Nauset. - - Eaton, Francis, and family, 343. - - Eaton, Theoph., 324, 329, 337. - - Elizabeth, Queen, 4. - - Ely, sailor on Mayflower, 343. - - Endicott, John, arrival, 195 et seq.; - Letters to Governor Bradford, 213-4, 300, 301. - - English, Thomas, sailor on Mayflower, 343. - - Episcopius, 18. - - Ewangso, an Indian, 335. - - - Falcon, The, 276. - - Falkland, Viscount, 239. - - Farrer, Sir George, 42. - - Fells, Mr., 181. - - Fenwick, George, 324, 329, 337. - - Fitcher, Lieutenant, 194. - - Fletcher, Moses, 343. - - Fletcher, Thomas, 176. - - Florida, 24. - - Fort Orange (Albany), 192. - - Fortune, The, 91, 98. - - Freeman, Edmund, 306, 309. - - Friendship, The, 217, 223 et seq., 278, 308. - - Fuller, Edward, and family, 343. - - Fuller, Samuel, (son of Edward) 343. - - Fuller, Dr. Samuel, letter to Carver and Cushman, 41; - Letters from Cushman, 42 et seq.; - Mentioned, 63, 154, 213; - His death, 252; - Family, 341. - - - Galop, John, 290. - - Gardiner, Sir Christopher, 236 et seq. - - Gardner, Richard, 343. - - Gibbons, Major, 333. - - Gibbs, Mr., mate of Sparrow, 188. - - Girling, Captain, 267. - - Glover, Rev. Mr., 273. - - Goffe, Thomas, 176, 188. - - Goodman, John, 343. - - Goodyear, Stephen, 337. - - Gorges, Sir Ferdinand, 80, 127, 204, 239, 264. - - Gorges, Captain Robert, Governor-General, 126; - Arrests Weston, 127 et seq.; - Returns to England, 131. - - Gorton, Samuel, 339. - - Gosnold, Captain, 64. - - Gott, Charles, 214, 215. - - Graves, Captain, 277. - - Greene, William, 101, 102. - - Green’s Harbour, 243. - - Gregson, Thomas, 324, 329. - - Greville, Sir Fulke, 30. - - Griffin, Captain, 277. - - Grimsby, 10. - - Gudburn, Peter, 176. - - Guiana, 24, 37. - - - Hall, Mr., 276. - - Hanson, Captain, 130. - - Hartford, 323. - - Hatherley, Timothy, 176, 202, 208; - At New Plymouth, 217 et seq.; - Mentioned, 227, 229 et seq.; - Settles in New England, 242, 298. - - Hathorne, Wm., 329. - - Haynes, John, Governor of Mass., 269. - - Heath, Thomas, 176. - - Henry, Prince of Orange, 169. - - Hibbins, William, 312. - - Higginson, Francis, 214, 215. - - Hingham, 299 et seq. - - Hobbamok, 87 et seq., 96 et seq. - - Hobson, William, 175. - - Hocking, killed at Kennebec, 254 et seq. - - Holbeck, William, 341. - - Holland, Removal to, 9; - Settling in, 14 et seq.; - Brewster with Davison in, 316. - (_See also_ Amsterdam _and_ Leyden.) - - Holland, Robert, Letter from (R. H.), 163-165, 175. - - Hook, John, 341. - - Hooker, Rev. Thomas, 161. - - Hopkins, Edward, 324, 329, 337. - - Hopkins, Stephen, 86; - Family, 341. - - Houghe, Atherton, 269. - - Howland, John, falls overboard, 63; - Partner, 307; - Family, 340. - - Huddleston, Captain John, 106, 107. - - Hudson, Thomas, 176. - - Hudson Bay, 139. - - Hudson River, 64. - - Hull, 10. - - Humphrey, John, 269. - - Hunt, Captain Thomas, 80. - - Hurricane in New England, 270, 271. - - - Indians, their cruelty, 22; - First seen, 67; - First attack, 70 et seq.; - Mentioned, 79, 96, 111. - (_See also_ Mohawks, Monhiggs, Narragansetts, Neepnetts, Nyanticks, - Pequots, etc.) - - Irish colonists, 181. - - Isle of Shoals, 198. - - - Jackson, Thomas, 293. - - James, Cape, 64. - - James, Mr., a doctor, 294. - - James I., 7, 170, 240. - - James, The, 137. - - Jawashoe, 336. - - Jeffrey, Sergeant, 289. - - Jenemo, 333, 336. - - Johnson, Rev. Francis, 32. - - Johnson, Mr., of Massachusetts, 224, 225. - - Johnstone, Alderman, 31. - - Jones, Captain, 108. - - Josias, 337. - - - Kean, Robert, 175. - - Kennebec, First trade up the river, 167; - Patent for, 182, 200, 204, 233, 253; - Trading-house built at, 191; - Hatherley visits, 221; - Hocking killed at, 254 et seq.; - Massachusetts people trading at, 284; - Trading partnership rearranged, 296. - - King, William, 60. - - Knight, Eliza, 176. - - Knight, John, 176. - - Knowles, Myles, 176. - - - Langmore, John, 341. - - Langrume, Captain, 276, 277. - - Latham, William, 340. - - La Tour, Governor, 330. - - Laud, Archbishop, 264, 265. - - Lee, Lord, 291. - - Levett, Christopher, 126. - - Leyden, removal to, 9; - Life at, 14 et seq.; - Departure from, 49 et seq.; - Opposition to coming of rest of congregation, 101, 104, 135, 152, - 169; - Plans for their coming, 185, 199; - Sent over to New Plymouth, 201 et seq., 212. - - Lincoln, Countess of, 33. - - Lincolnshire, 7, 9. - - Ling, John, 176. - - Lister, Edward, 341, 342. - - London, Bishop of, 239. - - London, the plague in, 167, 276. - - London Bridge on fire, 246. - - Long Island Indians, 290. - - Low Countries (_see_ Holland). - - Ludlow, Mr., 289. - - Lyford, John, arrival at New Plymouth, his plottings, sentence, and - his end, 144 et seq. - - Lyon, The, 244. - - - Maggner, Captain, 31. - - Malabar, Cape, 64. - - Manamoick (Chatham), 81, 109, 179. - - Manoanscussett, 192. - - Manomet (Sandwich), 87; - Pinnace built at, 182; - Mentioned, 192, 271. - - Margeson, Edmund, 343. - - Marriage, the first, 85; - By magistrates, 265. - - Marshfield, 310. - - Martin, Christopher, 46 et seq., 59, 341. - - Martyr, Peter, 117. - - Mary, Queen of England, 4, 236. - - Mary, Queen of Scots, 316. - - Mary and Anne, The, 295. - - Mason, Captain, 239, 264, 265. - - Mason, Captain John, 289, 333. - - Massachusetts, Captain Dermer mentions, 81; - Weston’s colony, 105 et seq.; - Gorges’ settlement, 126 et seq.; - Morton, 193 et seq.; - the Church, 224; - Gardiner, 236; - Roger Williams, 248; - Trouble about settling on the Connecticut, 249 et seq., 271 et seq.; - Alden arrested, 255 et seq.; - New Plymouth seeks help against the French, 267 et seq.; - Trade with Pequots, 280; - Boundaries between Massachusetts and New Plymouth, 298 et seq.; - Trouble with Narragansetts, 321 et seq.; - Confederation of United Colonies, 321; - Treaty with same, 334. - - Massasoyt visits New Plymouth, 79; - Treaty, 79, 86; - Intercourse, 94, 96, 97; - Illness, 112. - - Masterson, Richard, 252. - - Maurice, Prince of Orange, 170. - - Mayflower, The, 45, 50, 57, 62, 202; - List of passengers in, 340 et seq. - - Maypole at Merry Mount, 195. - - Meekesano, 337. - - Merchant Adventurers, _see_ Adventurers. - - Merrimac River, 114. - - Merry Mount, 195. - - Miantinomo, 324, 325, 328. - - Milford Haven, 235. - - Millsop, Thomas, 176. - - Minter, Desire, 340. - - Mixano, 334. - - Mohawks, 289; - Kill Sassacus, 291; - Mentioned, 330. - - Monhegan, 104, 131, 171. - - Monhiggs, attacked by Narragansetts, 291 (_see also_ Uncas). - - Mononotto, 290. - - More, Ellen, Jasper, and Richard, 340. - - Morrell, Rev. William, 131. - - Morton, George, 40. - - Morton, Thomas, in Massachusetts, 194 et seq.; - Arrested, 198; - Allerton brings him to New Plymouth, 205, 206; - Imprisoned in Boston, 206; - Gives evidence against Winslow, 265. - - Mott, Thomas, 175. - - Mount Wollaston, 194 et seq. - - Mullins, William, 52; - and family, 341. - - Munisses Island, 281. - - - Namasket, 81. - - Namassakett, 87. - - Namskeket Creek, 180. - - Nantasket, 162, 197. - - Nanton, Sir Robert, 25. - - Narragansetts, 86; - Send challenge to settlers, 93 et seq., 107; - Wampum used by, 193; - Allies of the English against the Pequots, 280, 283 et seq.; - Plot against the English, 320 et seq.; - Treaty with, 334, 337. - - Nash, Mr., 41. - - Natawanute, 251. - - Naumkeag, _see_ Salem. - - Nauset (Eastham), 81, 87, 302. - - Neepnetts, The, 290. - - Nequamkeck, Falls of, 254. - - Newbald, Fria., 176. - - Newcomin, John, 224. - - New England, First patent for, etc., 37, 75, 80; - Second patent, 119; - Fishing rights of the Council of, 120; - Captain Gorges, Governor-General, 126; - Help of Council sought, 166, 167; - Confederation of Colonies of, 321. - - Newfoundland, 80. - - New Haven, 310, 322 et seq., 334. - - New Plymouth, discovery of the site, 67 et seq.; - Dermer’s description of (Patuxet), 81; - Boundary question settled, 298 et seq., 327; - Leading men move from, 310; - Suggested removal of the Church, 326 et seq. - - Newtown, 273. - - Norton, Captain, 260. - - Norton, Rev. John, 274. - - Nottinghamshire, 7. - - Novatians, 5. - - Nowell, Increase, 269. - - Nyanticks, The, allies of Narragansetts, 328, 329; - Treaty with the English, 334-337. - - - Oldham, John, in league with Lyford, 145 et seq.; - Sentenced and expelled, 154; - Returns, 158; - Confession, 159; - Killed, 159, 281. - - Oporto, 222. - - Orania (Orange), Fort, 192. - - Ossamequine, 335. - - - Paddy, William, 309. - - Pampiamett, 329. - - Paragon, The, 118 et seq. - - Partridge, Ralph, discusses baptism with Chauncey, 310. - - Passaconaway, 335. - - Patrick, Captain, 289. - - Patuxet (New Plymouth), 81. - - Peach, Arthur, 293. - - Pelham, Herbert, 337. - - Pemaquid, 270. - - Pemberton, John, 147. - - Pennington, William, 175. - - Penobscot, mentioned by Dermer, 81; - Trading-house at, 209, 221, 227; - Robbed by the French, 236, 267 et seq. - - Pequots, The, Wampum used by, 193; - In Connecticut, 249; - Seek friendship of Massachusetts, 280; - War with the English, 283 et seq.; - Under protection of Uncas, 324. - - Perkins, Mr., 5. - - Perrin, William, 176. - - Pessecuss, 333, 335, 337. - - Peters, Hugh, 312. - - Pickering, Edward, 39, 40, 99 et seq. - - Pierce, John, 52, 101, 105, 118; - Trouble with, about Patent, 118, 119. - - Pierce, Captain William, the Paragon in storm, 120; - the Anne, 121; - the Charity, 135; - Partner with Ashley, 208, 227, 242; - the Lyon, 244; - wrecked off Virginia, 245; - Beaver sent by, 277; - Takes Indians to West Indies, 290. - - Pinchon, William, 269. - - Piscataqua, 114, 131, 171, 182, 197; - Hocking’s death enrages settlement at, 254; - Lord Say and Lord Brook interested in, 255. - - Plague, The, _see_ London. - - Plymouth (England), ships put in at, 57; - Mayflower sails from, 62. - - Pocock, John, 175. - - Point Care, 64. - - Pokanokets, 81. - - Poliander, John, 18. - - Portsmouth, 120, 166. - - Pory, John, 108, 109. - - Powows, 82. - - Poynton, Daniel, 175. - - Priest, Digerie, 343. - - Prince, Thomas, chosen governor, 253, 293; - Mentioned, 257, 307, 308, 337. - - Providence, 331. - - Prower, Solomon, 341. - - Pumham, 335. - - Pummunish, 329, 336, 337. - - Puritans, origin of term, 5. - - - Quarles, William, 175. - - - Rasdell, Mr., 194. - - Rasieres, _see_ De Rasieres. - - Rayner, Rev. John, 282, 309. - - Rehoboth, 302. - - Revell, John, 176. - - Reynolds, Captain, 45; - The Speedwell, 57; - Mentioned, 104. - - Rigdale, John, and family, 342. - - Riggs, Sergeant, 289. - - Robinson, Rev. John, 14; - Goes to Holland, 22, 27; - Disputes with Arminius, 28; - Correspondence with Sandys, 40; - with Worstenholme, 43; - with John Carver, 39, 53; - Letter to Pilgrims, 54; - to Bradford, 139; - to Brewster, 140; - Death of, 169 et seq. - - Rogers, Thomas, and family, 342. - - Rookes, Newman, 175. - - - Sagadahoc, wreck at, 172. - - Salem (Naumkeag), 162, 197, 201; - The church at, 213, 224; - Roger Williams at, 248. - - Salt-making, 136, 143 et seq. - - Saly (Saller), 166. - - Samoset, 79. - - Samson, Henry, 342. - - Sanders, John, 110. - - Sandwich, 302 (_see also_ Manomet). - - Sandys, Sir Edwin, 27 et seq., 30, 31. - - Sassacus, 289, 291. - - Satucket, 81. - - Say, Lord, 255, 259. - - Scituate, 298-302, 310. - - Seekonk, 302, 333. - - Sharpe, Samuel, 175. - - Sherley, James, one of the original adventurers, a letter from, 135, - 136; - the principal adventurer in the new partnership, 175, 188 et seq., - 202, 218, 219, 228 et seq., 246 et seq.; - Withholds accounts, 266 et seq.; - Discharged as agent, 292; - Settlement with, 305 et seq. - - Shoanan, 335. - - Sibsie, Mr., 181. - - Skelton, Samuel, 214, 215. - - Smallpox among the Indians, 261. - - Smith, Francis, 331. - - Smith, John, 64; - His map, 299. - - Smith, Rev., John, 7, 14. - - Smith, Rev. Ralph, 212, 282. - - Smith, Sir Thomas, 31. - - Sokanoke, 335. - - Southampton, arrival at and departure from, 50, 56. - - Souther, Nathaniel, 309. - - Southworth, Edward, letter from Cushman, 59. - - Sowams, 80. - - Sowle, George, 340. - - Sparrow, The, 102. - - Speedwell, The, 49, 57. - - Squanto, 79 et seq.; - Death of, 109, 110. - - Standish, Myles, commands landing party, 67; - nurses the sick, 77; - Expeditions under, 109, 112, 198, 255, 268, 333; - Lyford’s aspersions on, 152; - In England, 166; - Mentioned, 186, 189; - Moves from New Plymouth, 311; - Family, 341. - - Stanton, Thomas, 289. - - Staresmore, Sabin (S. B.), 30. - - Stinnings, Richard, 293. - - Stone, Captain, 259 et seq., 280. - - Story, Elias, 340. - - Stoughton, Israel, 290, 300. - - - Talbot, The, 202. - - Tarantines, 88. - - Tassaquanawite, 335. - - Taunton, 302. - - Thomson, David, at Piscataqua, 131, 171, 172. - - Thomson, Edward, 341. - - Thorned, John, 176. - - Thornhill, Matthew, 176. - - Tilden, Joseph, 176. - - Tillie, Edward, and family, 342. - - Tinker, Thomas, and family, 342. - - Trask, Captain, 289. - - Trevor, William, 104, 343. - - Trumball, William, 240. - - Tucker’s Terror, 64. - - Turner, John, 45; - and family, 343. - - - Uncas, 291, 324, 327 et seq., 330, 334 et seq. - - United Colonies of New England, articles of agreement between, 321 et - seq. - - - Vane, Sir Harry, 283, 291. - - Vines, Richard, 231. - - Virginia, idea of settling in, 24 et seq., 59; - Council of Virginia Company, 25, 26, 30, 33, 75; - Soil compared with New England, 81; - Massacre in, 107; - Settlers bound for, stay at New Plymouth, 178 et seq.; - William Pierce wrecked off, 245. - - - Walloons, 17. - - Wampum, first trade in, 193. - - Ward, Thomas, 176. - - Warren, Richard, and family, 342. - - Warwick, Earl of, 204, 338. - - Waughwamino, 336. - - Weequashcooke, 335. - - Weesagascussett, 197. - - Weetowish, 329, 336, 337. - - Weld, Thomas, 312. - - West, Captain Francis, 120, 126. - - Weston, Andrew, 102. - - Weston, Thomas, the chief of the original London Adventurers, 33, 36 - et seq.; - Letters to John Carver, 90, 98, 99; - Letters to Governor Bradford, 100 et seq.; - New Plymouth receives his colonists, 105; - Settlement in Massachusetts, 105, 109 et seq.; - Comes over disguised, 114; - Generous treatment at New Plymouth, 114; - Tried and arrested by Captain Gorges, 126 et seq.; - His death, 131. - - Westminster, 276. - - Weymouth, 300, 301. - - White, Mr., 161. - - White, John, 175. - - White, Rev. Roger, letter from, 169. - - White, William, and family, 341. - - White Angel, The, purchase of, 218 et seq.; - let out to Allerton, 234; - sold to Allerton, 241; - settlement for, 307. - - Wilder, Roger, 340. - - Wilkinson, Captain Edward, 276, 277. - - Willett, Thomas, 267. - - Williams, Rev. Roger, 248 et seq., 294, 331. - - Williams, Thomas, 343. - - Wilson, Dr., 290. - - Wilson, John, 225. - - Wincot, Jacob, 33. - - Windbank, Master Secretary, 239. - - Winnisimmet, 197. - - Winslow, Edward, letter to Carver and Cushman, 41; - Visits Massasoyt, 86; - Buys supplies from ships, 107; - Brings first cattle from England, 134; - His charges against Lyford in England, 158, 160 et seq.; - Trades up the Kennebec, 168; - In England investigating affairs, 227 et seq.; - Governor, 246, 275, 326; - His petition, 263 et seq.; - Imprisoned, 265; - Moves from New Plymouth, 311; - Remains in England four years, 339; - His family, 340. - - Winslow, Gilbert, 343. - - Winslow, Josias, Accountant, 236, 278, 306, 307. - - Winthrop, Governor John, Letters about Gardiner, 238, 239; - About Pequots, 280, 283, 288, 289; - Mentioned, 224, 258, 259, 269, 302, 324, 337. - - Wipetock, 336. - - Wollaston, Captain, 194 et seq. - - Worstenholme, Sir John, 28, 30, 31. - - Wright, Richard, 176. - - - Yarmouth, 302. - - Yeardley, Sir George, 31. - - Yorkshire, 7. - - Young, Joseph, 294. - - - Zealand, 10. - - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] NOTE (written by the author at a later date than the passage -to which it refers).—Little did I think that the downfall of the -Bishops, with their courts, canons, and ceremonies had been so near, -when first I began these scribbled writings,—which was about the -year 1630, and continued as leisure permitted,—or that I should have -lived to see and hear it. But it is the Lord’s doing, and ought to -be marvellous in our eyes.... Do you not now see the fruits of your -labours, O all ye servants of the Lord that have suffered for his -truth, and have been faithful witnesses of it, and ye little handful -amongst the rest, the least among the thousands of Israel? You have -not only had a seed-time, but many of you have seen the joyful -harvest. Should you not rejoice, then, yea, and again rejoice, and -say Hallelujah, Salvation, and Glory, and Honour, and Power be to the -Lord our God, for true and righteous are His judgments (Rev. xix., -1, 2).... The tyrannous bishops are ejected, their courts dissolved, -their canons forceless, their service cashiered, their ceremonies -useless and despised; their plots for Popery are prevented, all their -supersititions discarded and returned to Rome, whence they came, and -the monuments of idolatry rooted out of the land. Their proud and -profane supporters and cruel defenders (the bloody papists and wicked -atheists and their malignant consorts) are marvellously overthrown. -And are not these great things? Who can deny it? - -But who has done it? Who, even He that sitteth on the white horse, -Who is called faithful and true, and judgeth and fightest righteously -(Rev. xix., 11), Whose garments are dipped in blood, and His name was -called the Word of God, for He shall rule with a rod of iron; for it -is He that treadeth the winepress of the fierceness and wrath of God -Almighty. And He hath upon His garment, and upon His thigh, a name -written: The King of Kings, and Lord of Lords. - - Anno Domini, 1646. Hallelujah. - -[2] O sacred bond,—whilst inviolably preserved! How sweet and -precious were its fruits! But when this fidelity decayed, then their -ruin approached. Oh that these ancient members had not died (if -it had been the will of God); or that this holy care and constant -faithfulness had still remained with those that survived. But, alas, -that still serpent hath slyly wound himself to untwist these sacred -bonds and ties. I was happy in my first times to see and enjoy the -blessed fruits of that sweet communion; but it is now a part of my -misery in old age to feel its decay, and with grief of heart to -lament it. For the warning and admonition of others, and my own -humiliation, I here make note of it. - -(This note was inserted by the author in his manuscript at a later -date.) - -[3] “This decree, or law, about marriage, was published by the States -of the Low Countries, A. D. 1590: That those of any religion, after -lawful and open publication, coming before the magistrates, in the -Town or State-House, were to be orderly by them married, one to -another,” (Petet’s Hist., fol. 1029). And this practise was continued -by the Colony, and has been followed by all the famous churches of -Christ in these parts to this time,—A. D. 1646. - -[4] But he did not leave his own men a bite of bread! - -[5] He means Mr. John Robinson. - -[6] This was John Oldham, and his like. - -[7] Mr. Weston’s men. - -[8] His commission was abused; he never had any authority for such -undertakings, as they well knew, nor had the adventurers in England -any authority to pay this money,—nor would they have paid a penny of -it if they had not had some other object in view. - -[9] There was cause enough for these fears, which were concerned -with the underhand work of some enemies to the churches here, which -resulted in the issue by the King of a new “Commission for Regulating -Colonies,” signed April 28th, 1634. - -[10] By this means they furnished them with supplies, and have -continued to do so. - -[11] But they were taken to the West Indies. - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE - - Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been - corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within - the text and consultation of external sources. - - Some hyphens in words have been silently removed, some added, - when a predominant preference was found in the original book. - - Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text, - and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained. - - Pg xi: ‘Uncas and hreaten’ replaced by ‘Uncas and threaten’. - Pg xv: ‘some definantly’ replaced by ‘some defiantly’. - Pg xxvi: ‘pastor at Leydon’ replaced by ‘pastor at Leyden’. - Pg 2: ‘in some meaure’ replaced by ‘in some measure’. - Pg 59: ‘Our pinace will not’ replaced by ‘Our pinnace will not’. - Pg 149: ‘as the hedghog in’ replaced by ‘as the hedgehog in’. - Pg 155: ‘had disparged them’ replaced by ‘had disparaged them’. - Pg 165: ‘load with corfish’ replaced by ‘load with codfish’. - Pg 166: ‘cargo of corfish’ replaced by ‘cargo of codfish’. - Pg 176: ‘it was absoluely’ replaced by ‘it was absolutely’. - Pg 182: ‘perpetuanes and other’ replaced by ‘perpetuanas and other’. - Pg 188: ‘agent, Mr. Allertion’ replaced by ‘agent, Mr. Allerton’. - Pg 189: ‘of New Pymouth’ replaced by ‘of New Plymouth’. - Pg 209: ‘None of us woud’ replaced by ‘None of us would’. - Pg 254: ‘fifteen Engish miles’ replaced by ‘fifteen English miles’. - Pg 267: ‘Monsieur d’Aulnay’ replaced by ‘Monsieur d’Aulney’. - Pg 352: ‘Masachusetts, 105’ replaced by ‘Massachusetts, 105’. - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF THE -PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT, 1608-1650 *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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