diff options
| -rw-r--r-- | .gitattributes | 4 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | LICENSE.txt | 11 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | README.md | 2 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/69871-0.txt | 14335 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/69871-0.zip | bin | 281055 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/69871-h.zip | bin | 1298104 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/69871-h/69871-h.htm | 16869 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/69871-h/images/colophon.jpg | bin | 45938 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/69871-h/images/cover.jpg | bin | 979687 -> 0 bytes |
9 files changed, 17 insertions, 31204 deletions
diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..50c5f4f --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #69871 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/69871) diff --git a/old/69871-0.txt b/old/69871-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 74910de..0000000 --- a/old/69871-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,14335 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of Bradford's history of the Plymouth -settlement, 1608-1650, by William Bradford - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: Bradford's history of the Plymouth settlement, 1608-1650 - Rendered into Modern English by Harold Paget - -Author: William Bradford - -Editor: Harold Paget - -Release Date: January 24, 2023 [eBook #69871] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Steve Mattern, John Campbell and the Online Distributed - Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was - produced from images generously made available by The - Internet Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF THE -PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT, 1608-1650 *** - - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE - - The original manuscript of this history was written between 1630 - and 1655, but was not published and was lost for many years. It - was rediscovered and an edition was published in 1856, and another - edition published in 1901. Both were printed closely following the - mediaeval English of the manuscript. - - This book is a rework of that 1901 edition into modern English by - Harold Paget. His Introduction gives an account of the loss and - eventual return of the manuscript to Massachusetts. - - In this etext italic text is denoted by _underscores_. - - Footnote anchors are denoted by [number], and the footnotes have been - placed at the end of the book. - - Some minor changes to the text are noted at the end of the book. - - - - - BRADFORD’S HISTORY - OF THE - PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT - - - - - BRADFORD’S HISTORY - OF THE - PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT - - 1608-1650 - - Rendered into Modern English by - HAROLD PAGET - - [Illustration: (Publisher colophon)] - - NEW YORK - E. P. DUTTON & COMPANY - 681 FIFTH AVENUE - - - - - Copyright, 1909 - By THE JOHN McBRIDE CO. - - Copyright, 1920 - By E. P. DUTTON & COMPANY - - _All Rights Reserved_ - - - _Printed in the United States of America_ - - - - -Some Dates in the History of England, Holland, Spain, and America, -which bear upon the Contents of this Book - - - Discovery of America 1492 - Henry VIII of England 1509-1547 - Act of Supremacy (Secession of England from Rome) 1534 - Edward VI of England 1547-1553 - Mary I of England 1553-1558 - Philip, son of Charles V of Spain, marries Mary I of England 1554 - Charles V of Spain hands over sovereignty of the Netherlands - to his son Philip 1555 - Charles V of Spain resigns his crowns to his son, Philip II 1556 - Elizabeth of England 1558-1603 - Philip II returns from Netherlands to Spain 1559 - Spanish Oppression of Netherlands reformers 1565 - Netherlands rebel against Spain 1566 - Netherlands form Republic (Union of Utrecht) 1579 - William I of Orange accepts sovereignty of Holland: murdered: - his son Maurice elected Captain-General 1584 - England joins Holland against Spain 1586 - Defeat of Spanish Armada by England 1588 - Philip II of Spain dies: Philip III succeeds 1598 - James I of England 1603-1625 - Pilgrim Fathers fly from England to Holland 1608 - Truce of 12 years between Holland and Spain 1609 - Landing of Pilgrim Fathers in New England 1620 - Philip IV of Spain: truce with Holland expires 1621 - Prince Maurice of Orange dies: his half-brother, Frederick - Henry, succeeds 1625 - Charles I of England 1625-1649 - Charter granted to Massachusetts 1629 - Puritan Emigration to New England increases 1630 - Archbishop Laud attacks English Puritans 1633 - Writs for ship-money issued to English maritime towns 1634 - Marriage of William, son of Prince of Orange, to Mary, - daughter of Charles I of England 1641 - William II of Orange succeeds Frederick Henry 1647 - Treaty between Holland and Spain 1648 - Commonwealth of England 1649-1660 - English Navigation Acts lead to war with Holland 1651 - Blake defeats Van Tromp 1653 - Charles II of England 1660-1687 - The Dutch lose New Amsterdam to England: renamed New York 1664 - James II of England 1685-1689 - William (of Orange) III and Mary II of England 1689-1702 - - - - -CONTENTS - - - BOOK I—1608-1620. Persecution and Flight from - England—Settlement in Holland—Passage to England and Voyage to - America—Landing at Cape Cod and New Plymouth - - CHAPTER PAGE - - I. Suppression of Religious Liberty in England—First Cause of - the Foundation of the New Plymouth Settlement 1 - - II. Flight to Holland (Amsterdam and Leyden): 1607-1608 9 - - III. Settlement at Leyden: 1609-1620 14 - - IV. Reasons which led the Congregation at Leyden to Decide upon - Settlement in America 19 - - V. Decision to make New England the place of Settlement in - preference to Guiana or Virginia—Endeavour to obtain a Patent - from the King of England: 1617-1620 24 - - VI. Agreement between the Congregation at Leyden and the - Merchants and Adventurers in London for the accomplishment of - the Settlement in New England: 1620 35 - - VII. Departure from Leyden—Arrival and Preparations at - Southampton—Letter of Farewell from John Robinson to the whole - party of Pilgrims: July and August, 1620 49 - - VIII. Departure from Southampton, and Delay of both Ships at - Dartmouth and Plymouth: August and September, 1620 57 - - IX. The Mayflower sails from Plymouth—Voyage—Arrival at Cape - Cod: September-November, 1620 62 - - X. The Pilgrims seek a Site for their Settlement, and discover - the Harbour of New Plymouth: November-December, 1620 67 - - - BOOK II—1620-1646. History of the Settlement at New Plymouth - - I. Deed of Government drawn up—Death of half their - number—Squanto—Compact with the Indians—Captain Dermer’s - description of New Plymouth: 1620 75 - - II. The Mayflower returns—Death of John Carver—William - Bradford, Governor—Trade with the Massachusetts—The - First Marriage—Friendship with Massasoyt - confirmed—Hobbamok—Expedition against Corbitant—The First - Harvest—Arrival of Robert Cushman with 35 settlers—Fortune - returns, laden—The Narragansetts’ challenge—Christmas - Day: 1621 84 - - III. Weston abandons the Settlement—Dissensions among the - Adventurers in England—Weston’s plan for a Colony, and arrival - of Sixty Settlers for it—News from Captain Huddleston of - massacre in Virginia—Fort built at New Plymouth—Death of - Squanto—Weston’s Colony in difficulties: 1622 96 - - IV. Rescue of Weston’s Settlement—Weston arrives at New - Plymouth—His reception and ingratitude—Individual planting - of corn substituted for communal—Hardships—John Pierce and - the Patent—Sixty new Settlers—Compact between the Colony and - private Settlers—Captain Robert Gorges, Governor-General of - New England—Weston charged and arrested—Fire at New Plymouth: - Storehouse threatened: 1623 111 - - V. Changes in form of Government—Pinnace wrecked—Private - Settlers make trouble—Winslow returns from England with the - first Cattle—Faction among Adventurers in England—Objections of - the Colony’s opponents—Letters from John Robinson—Opposition to - sending the Leyden people—One acre apportioned for permanent - holding to each Settler—Ship-building and Salt-making—Trouble - with Lyford and Oldham—Pinnace salvaged and rigged: 1624 133 - - VI. Oldham and Lyford expelled—Lyford’s Past—Reply of - Settlement to Adventurers’ Charges—Support from friendly group - of Adventurers—Loss of two ship-loads of cargo—Captain Standish - in England: 1625 158 - - VII. Standish returns from England—Death of John Robinson and - Robert Cushman—Purchase of trading goods at Monhegan—Isaac - Allerton goes to England—Small ship built: 1626 169 - - VIII. Allerton brings back Proposed Composition between - Adventurers in England and the Settlement—Division of land - and live-stock among the Colonists—Hospitality given to - Fells-Sibsie Settlers—Pinnace and Depot at Manomet—Allerton - returns to England—Greetings between Dutch Colony at New - Amsterdam and Plymouth Settlement—Leading Colonists become - responsible for purchase of Adventurers’ shares in England and - buy rights of the Settlements’ trading from the general body of - Colonists for six years: 1627 174 - - IX. Allerton in England negotiates partnership between leading - New Plymouth colonists and some of the previous London - adventurers—Patent for Kennebec River procured—Further Dutch - intercourse—Trade in Wampum begun—Troubles with Morton in - Massachusetts—John Endicott’s arrival—Morton trades guns and - ammunition to the Indians—Morton apprehended—Troubles begin - with Isaac Allerton: 1628 188 - - X. Arrival of the Leyden people—Allerton in England tries - to get the Kennebec Patent enlarged—Morton’s return—Further - trouble with Allerton—The partnership with Ashley—The Penobscot - trading-house—Purchase of a fishing ship suggested—John - Endicott at Salem—The Church at Salem: 1629 201 - - XI. Ashley’s beginnings—Arrival of Hatherley on the Friendship - and Allerton on the White Angel—Hatherley examines the affairs - of the Colony—Failure of Allerton’s fishing voyage on the White - Angel—Ashley apprehended and sent to England—Discharge of - Allerton from his Agency—The first Execution—Day of - Humiliation appointed for Boston, Salem, Charlestown, and - New Plymouth: 1630 216 - - XII. Mr. Winslow in England about the White Angel - and Friendship accounts—The White Angel let out to - Allerton—Allerton’s extravagance as agent—Josias Winslow sent - from England as accountant—Penobscot robbed by the French—Sir - Christopher Gardiner in New England—The Order of the Privy - Council about New England: 1631 227 - - XIII. Sale of the White Angel to Allerton—The White Angel - sold in Spain—Hatherley settles in New England—Rapid increase - of the Colonists’ Prosperity—Divisions in the Church of New - Plymouth—Wreck of William Pierce in the Lyon: 1632 241 - - XIV. Trouble about the accounts of the partnership—Roger - Williams—Establishment of a trading-house on the - Connecticut River—Trouble with the Dutch there—Fever at New - Plymouth—Scourge of Flies: 1633 246 - - XV. Hocking Shot at Kennebec—Lord Say and the Settlement at - Piscataqua—Mr. Alden imprisoned at Boston—The case of Hocking - submitted to a Tribunal of the combined Colonies—Captain Stone - and the Dutch Governor—Stone killed by Indians—Smallpox among - the Indians: 1634 253 - - XVI. Edward Winslow in England—Petition to the Commissioners - for the Colonies in America—Winslow imprisoned—The London - partners withhold the accounts of the partnership—The - French capture the trading-house at Penobscot—Attack on the - French fails—Phenomenal Hurricane—Settlement of people from - Massachusetts on the Connecticut River—Mr. Norton minister at - New Plymouth: 1635 263 - - XVII. Consignments of Fur to England—The plague in - London—Disorganization of the accounts—Dispute between - the London partners—The Pequot Indians get unruly—Oldham - killed—John Raynor minister: 1636 275 - - XVIII. The war with the Pequot Indians—Co-operation between the - Colonies—The Narragansett Indians allies of the English—The - Pequot Fort attacked and taken—The Pequots routed and - subdued—The Narragansett Indians jealous of the Monhiggs under - Uncas—James Sherley discharged from his agency in London: 1637 283 - - XIX. Trial of three Murders—Rise in value of - Livestock—Earthquake: 1638 293 - - XX. Settlement of boundaries between New Plymouth and - Massachusetts—First steps towards winding up the partnership by - a composition: 1639-1640 298 - - XXI. Further steps towards the Composition between the London - and New Plymouth partners—Dispute with Rev. Charles Chauncey - about Baptism—Fall in value of live-stock—Many leading men of - New Plymouth move from town: 1641 305 - - XXII. Conclusion of Composition between London and New Plymouth - partners: 1642 312 - - XXIII. Death of Mr. William Brewster—His Career—Remarkable - longevity of the principal men among the Pilgrims—Confederation - of the United Colonies of New England—War between the - Narragansetts and Monhiggs—Uncas permitted by the English to - execute Miantinomo: 1643 314 - - XXIV. Suggested removal of the Church of New Plymouth to - Nauset—The Narragansetts continue their attack on Uncas and the - Monhiggs—Truce arranged by the English: 1644 326 - - XXV. The Narragansetts renew their attack on Uncas and threaten - the English—Preparation for War by the Colonies—Declaration of - War by the English—Peace arranged and General Treaty signed by - the United Colonies of New England and the Narragansetts and - Byanticks: 1645 330 - - XXVI. Captain Thomas Cromwell settles in Massachusetts—His - death—Edward Winslow’s long stay in England: 1646 338 - - - - -INTRODUCTION - - -During the last four hundred years the peoples of the Western world -have been busily engaged in converting their governments—often -forcibly—to practical Christianity, in regard to their domestic -affairs. - -The new era, upon which we now enter after the Great War, opens -with a crusade for the application of Christianity to international -relationships. - -If the modern student sets up before his mental vision a moving -panorama of the history of Europe through the Middle Ages, the most -striking general feature is undoubtedly the irresistible course of -the growing stream of Freedom, touching and fructifying every section -and institution of human life—the inevitable outcome of the evolution -of Christianity made manifest in things temporal, and breaking -through the ecclesiastical bounds so long set for it, as exclusively -pertaining to things spiritual. - -The gospel of Jesus Christ had hitherto been regarded as a religious -stream pure and simple, from which might be drawn, by priestly hands -alone, refreshment for the spiritual life of man, offered to him -in the sacerdotal cup, in such quantity and with such admixture of -doctrine as seemed fitted to his spiritual needs, by those ordained -to take charge of that department of his existence—the servants of -the Mediæval Church. - -Little by little Christianity discovers itself as no single stream -of sacred water, limited by the shores of a prescribed religious -territory. Here and there in the wider landscape it is gradually -pushing a way out into the unconsecrated ground of the temporal -domain, welling up through the ancient crust of Feudalism—bursting -through it, submerging it, carrying it away, now gently and almost -imperceptibly piecemeal, now in sweeping and irresistible torrents, -passionate against its long subjection and suppression. This activity -recognizes no national or geographical limits—it reveals itself now -here, now there, fertilizing far distant spots of varying soil—some -instantly generous to its live-giving influence, some slow to respond. - -Now watch its effect upon the inhabitants of the territories through -which it newly flows. Some, watching its uprising through the barren -soil, stand amazed—doubtful. See them slowly approach it, and gaze -upon it, awe-struck; they stoop, timorously—and drink; they pause—and -stoop to drink again. Presently their singing eyes declare the secret -they have won from it; a moment or two of forgetful, selfish joy—and -they turn away and hurry to impart the wonderful discovery to their -comrades. So by degrees they come, a straggling, jostling, motley -crowd—some doubting, some fearing, some realizing. - -Now see their priests hurrying, perturbed, to behold the rumoured -wonder. What! The sacred river has burst its banks! Hasten to guard -it from the profane thirst of the multitude, and confine it to its -sacred keeping! - -Impossible! Its upwelling pools and flowing tributaries are already -too many—the priestly keepers now too few to preserve the discovered -waters. For, as they stand watching, troubled and amazed, behold -the streamlets spreading themselves ever further, breaking forth -unbidden, in every direction. - -They consult together. What shall be done? Counsel must be taken of -their superiors, for this is too much for the lesser orders to cope -with. - -And so, as we watch the scene, we listen to the busy plans of princes -of church and state, of Popes and Kings. Some would set about damming -up these new unbiddable by-streams at their places of egress; others -would divert their courses, turning them back into the parent-current. - -Too late! too late! - -Proclaim then, broadcast, that the people shall not drink at these -waters, on pain of damnation. Meanwhile, hasten to secrete them again -by some means—for if the once rare and sacred treasure, jealously -guarded, comes, by superabundance, to be common and general, what -function is left for the votaries consecrated to its preservation? - -But—oh horrible!—here is a dignitary of the state, there even a -personage of the church, who will not be led to further the vast -scheme of secluding the waters of these newborn rivulets from the -vulgar gaze or the profane thirst of the laity. There follow sharp -rebukes and rebellious retorts, inquisitions and excommunications; -factions breed, and wrangling takes the place of deliberation. - -Slowly the scene’s central interest changes for us, and we find we -are watching, not the miraculous birth of many waters, but battling -crowds of angry partisans, surging this way and that. Now a little -band of stalwarts, who strive to keep the stream open to their -fellows, is routed and dispersed; now their following increases, -and in due time their supporters are rallied again—sometimes to -a temporary victory, with short lived reward and quick reverse, -sometimes to repeated disaster and defeat. But ever the waters -inevitably remain only half-guarded, and by ones and threes the -people find their way to them, some stealthily, some defiantly, and -drink of them—and are sealed. The little bands of stalwarts grow to -great followings, and their trend is as irresistible as the source -of their inspiration. - -Once again the scene changes. As our eyes wander over it, we see that -it is not now a matter of mere civil warfare in isolated spots; it -is the nations themselves that rage furiously together; the western -world is one great battle-ground for the opposing forces. Treaties -and wars, alliances and royal marriages, all are but the flotsam -and jetsam on the surface of this ever increasing, ever multiplying -river,—sublime in the far-flung grandeur of its streamlets and -tributaries, its still deeps and its raging cataracts—not one -department of the whole landscape of human life, in all its variety, -but reveals its vague new workings or its established deep-set -currents. - -Ah! At last we realize it: this is indeed the river of Freedom, -washing away, bearing away, surely, irresistibly—quietly if it may, -turbulently if it must—the worn-out earth-crust of the moribund -Feudal world, giving place to the bloom and blossom of a new era in -the history of Christ’s Kingdom on Earth and declaring the triumph -for all time of Soul-Freedom for His people. - -It was He Himself, the arch-heretic, Who first broke from the -doctrinal curriculum of the priestly caste of His day, to spread -His gospel of Freedom to life’s wayfarers—saint and sinner alike. -The sword that He brought to break the head of the deadening, -self-sufficient, Pharisaical peace, hung suspended the while over the -world, awaiting the moment to strike. The sword has descended, and -has severed the bonds of the centuries which roll away to give place -to the new dispensation. Ex oriente lux! To-day the East itself is -just awakening to the dawning of the new day. Almost we hear a voice -from heaven, declaiming over the dust of the mediæval world: “Now is -Christ risen from the dead, and is become the first fruits of them -that slept.” - -My object in limning the foregoing sketch has been to present to the -mind of the reader a setting for the ensuing remarks concerning “The -History of the Plymouth Settlement,” as recorded contemporaneously by -Governor Bradford, the first cause of which enterprise was one of the -most important episodes in the widespread movement whose course we -have just been observing,—the episode which, above all others of that -epoch, has produced the weightiest consequences in the history of the -world. - -America was discovered by Columbus in 1492; Spain planted colonies -on its shores in the 16th Century; English trading settlements were -established in Virginia and elsewhere in the latter half of the -same century. It is no mere claim of priority that lends historic -importance to the foundation by the Pilgrim Fathers of the English -colony at New Plymouth. The materialization of their objects was -accomplished by the same means as formed the basis of the earlier -colonies: a trading enterprise supported by merchants in the home -country. - -What, then, gives this particular project a prominence and -significance which so utterly dwarfs its predecessors? It was -the motive of its Founders. And what was that motive? Freedom of -religious thought and practice, in the first place; of civil rights, -in the second. It was the sublime ideal of this little band of -Englishmen which gave to the New Plymouth colony (the nucleus of -the other New England colonies) the honour and glory of setting its -characteristic impress upon the greatest of the new nations of the -world—the United States of America. - -The ideal aimed at we have probably grasped from our preliminary -sketch of the general movement of western civilization out of the -shackles of feudalism towards religious and civil freedom. But -the sacrifice involved in its consummation,—do we realize its -significance? Let us try to think what it means. - -Picture to yourself a group of citizens and their families, of good -standing and of average education. In defiance of established law -and order, and of the accepted, orthodox view of it, this little -body of people pursues an ideal, vital to the peace of their souls, -with a tenacity which implies certain loss of personal freedom -and confiscation of property, with risk of death. Rather than be -compelled to abandon the pursuit of their ideal, these people -voluntarily exile themselves from England, thereby depriving -themselves of loved homes and dear friends and worldly possessions. -After a few years of severe hardships in Holland, their newly adopted -country, the seed they are nurturing is threatened once again. It -must be preserved at all costs. They gather it up and bear it across -the seas—fearful seas—and plant it once more, forming a little -settlement in the savage, distant land of North America. For years -they defend their treasure there against every conceivable attack by -Nature and by man, encouraged solely by the consciousness that the -plant they are tending is God’s Truth—Freedom for each man to honour -and worship God as he sees Him. - -First picture this to yourself as if it were an incident of modern -occurrence, and try to realize what would be its significance. Then -turn your eyes upon our Pilgrims, and watch them through their -persecution in mediæval England; their flight to Holland; their -hard sojourn there; their voyage across the wide seas of those -days, and their settlement at New Plymouth—“in a country devoid of -all civilized inhabitants, given over only to savage and brutish -men, who range up and down, little differing from the wild beasts -themselves.... What, then, could now sustain them but the spirit of -God, and His grace? Ought not the children of their fathers rightly -to say: Our fathers were Englishmen who came over the great ocean, -and were ready to perish in this wilderness; but they cried unto the -Lord, and He heard their voice, and looked on their adversity.... Let -them therefore praise the Lord, because He is good, and His mercies -endure forever. Yea, let them that have been redeemed of the Lord, -show how He hath delivered them from the hand of the oppressor. When -they wandered forth into the desert-wilderness, out of the way, and -found no city to dwell in, both hungry and thirsty, their soul was -overwhelmed in them. Let them confess before the Lord His loving -kindness, and His wonderful works before the sons of men.” - -As we read this pæan of praise, penned by Bradford some ten or twelve -years after their arrival, the reality of a sublime human sacrifice -begins to shape itself in the mind, and our wonder rests upon the -spiritual grandeur of the offering, rather than upon its world-wide -consequences—of which the tale is not yet told. - -It was from such a body of Englishmen, with their burning ideals -and consuming purpose, that a new national ideal emanated, and a -new nation ultimately sprang, since typically identified with their -devotion to Freedom. The eyes of liberal Europe were upon this little -handful of unconscious heroes and saints, taking courage from them, -step by step. The same ideals of Freedom burned so clear and strong -in future generations of these English colonists that they outpaced -the march of the parent nation towards the same goal—and so, the -episode we have just been contemplating resulted in due course in the -birth of the United States of America; in the triumph of democracy -in England over the vain autocracy of a foreign-born king and his -corrupt government; and, above all, in the firm establishment of the -humanitarian ideals for which the English-speaking races have been -the historic champions, and for which the Pilgrims offered their -sacrifice upon the altar of the Sonship of Man. - -In the words of Governor Wolcott, at the ceremony of the gift of -the manuscript of Bradford’s History, by England to America: “They -stablished what they planned. Their feeble plantation became the -birthplace of religious liberty, the cradle of a free Commonwealth. -To them a mighty nation owns its debt. Nay, they have made the -civilized world their debtor. In the varied tapestry which pictures -our national life, the richest spots are those where gleam the golden -threads of conscience, courage, and faith, set in the web by that -little band. May God in his mercy grant that the moral impulse which -founded this nation may never cease to control its destiny; that -no act of any future generation may put in peril the fundamental -principles on which it is based—of equal rights in a free state, -equal privileges in a free church, and equal opportunities in a free -school.” - -For some years many have trembled for the fruits of the Pilgrims’ -sacrifice. It seemed that the press of the children’s hurrying feet -had raised such a dust as to obscure from them their forefather’s -glorious visions and ideals. A striking absence of spiritual -aspiration and a dire trend towards gross materialism seemed, for a -time, all too characteristic of America. But to such as doubted or -feared have come, recently, a wonderful reassurance and a renewed -faith in the eternal efficacy of so sublime an offering. It is the -sons of those men—their spiritual offspring—who have arisen in their -millions,—here in America, there in old England,—to defend the -World’s freedom. The Dean of Westminster voiced England’s feeling, -and that of the world, when in the Memorial Service at Westminster -Abbey for the Officers and Men of the United States Army and Navy -who fell in the War, he gave thanks to God in the following words: - - Their deaths have sealed the unwritten but inviolable Covenant - of our common Brotherhood. Their deaths have laid the enduring - foundations of the world’s hope for future peace. For their - sakes we raise this day our proud thanksgiving in the great - Abbey which enshrines the illustrious dust of the makers of the - English-speaking peoples. Let us render our humble and joyful - praise to Almighty God that in their response to the clarion call - of freedom and of justice the two Commonwealths have not been - divided. - - Nor have our American brothers laid down their lives in vain. - They came in their hundreds of thousand from the other side of - the Atlantic to vindicate the cause of an outraged humanity and a - menaced liberty. The freewill offering of their sacrifice has been - accepted. They have been summoned to some other and higher phase in - the life of heavenly citizenship. - - The mystery of suffering, sorrow and pain awaits its Divine - interpretation hereafter. Not yet can we hope to see through the - mist that veils the future. But the Cross is our pledge of the - fruitfulness of self-sacrifice. - - May America and Great Britain go forward charged with the privilege - of a common stewardship for the liberties of mankind! May the - glorious witness of these brave lives, whom we commemorate to-day, - enrich us, whose course on earth is not yet run, with the inspiring - vision of the sanctity and self-abnegation of true patriotism! The - warfare against the countless forms of violence, injustice, and - falsehood will never cease: may the example of our brothers exalt - and purify our aims! - -A few words as to the vicissitudes of the precious manuscript of this -book. - -As the author tells us, he began to write down this record of the -affairs of the New Plymouth Settlement in the year 1630, ten years -after their arrival, continuing the writing of it from time to time -up to the year 1650, when he compiled the Register of Passengers on -the _Mayflower_, their marriages, the birth of their descendants, and -their deaths. In form, the original manuscript is a parchment-bound -folio, measuring about 11 inches high, 8 inches wide, and 1½ inches -thick. - -Some inscriptions on fly leaves in it, give, tersely, its ownership -up to 1728. “This book was writ by Governor William Bradford, and -given by him to his son Major William Bradford, and by him to his son -Major John Bradford: writ by me, Samuel Bradford, March 20th, 1705.” - -An entry by Thomas Prince, dated June 4th, 1728, intimates that Major -John Bradford turned over the manuscript to him for the New England -Library of Prints and Manuscripts, which he had been collecting since -1703, when he entered Harvard College. Since then it is supposed -that sundry authors have drawn upon its material, and that Governor -Hutchinson had access to it when he wrote the second volume of his -History, published in 1767. - -From this time all traces of its presence in New England disappear, -and it was not until almost a century later that it was discovered -and identified in the Library of the Bishop of London, at Fulham -Palace. It is supposed that the manuscript found its way to England -some time between the years 1768 and 1785, being deposited under the -title of “The Log of the Mayflower,” at Fulham Palace as the Public -Registry for Historical and Ecclesiastical Documents relating to -the Diocese of London, and to the Colonial and other Possessions of -Great Britain beyond the seas—New Plymouth being, ecclesiastically, -attached to the Diocese of London. - -When compiling his “History of the Protestant Episcopal Church in -America,” published in 1844, Samuel Wilberforce, Bishop of Oxford, -and later of Winchester, delved into the archives of Fulham Palace, -and brought under contribution a number of unpublished manuscripts, -from which he gave extracts. In 1855 this work fell into the hands of -John Wingate Thornton, and, through him, came under the eye of Barry, -the author of “The History of Massachusetts,” who recognized that -the passages quoted in Wilberforce’s work must come from none other -than Bradford’s long-lost annals. Charles Deane was consulted and -communicated with Joseph Hunter in England, who visited Fulham Palace -Library, and established incontestably the identity of “The Log of -the Mayflower” with Bradford’s History. It is still unknown exactly -how it found its way to London—but in all probability it was brought -over during the War of Independence. - -From time to time, after its discovery, representations were made -to the custodians of the manuscript that it should be restored to -America, where its value was inestimable, as one of the earliest -records of her National History—in the words of Senator Hoar: “The -only authentic history of what we have a right to consider the most -important political transaction that has ever taken place on the -face of the earth.” Ultimately, the Hon. Thomas F. Bayard, the first -United States Ambassador to England, instigated by Senator Hoar, put -the matter before the Bishop of London—Creighton—at Fulham, with -the result that, after due legal sanction by the Constitutional and -Episcopal Court of London, the manuscript was conveyed by Mr. Bayard -to America, and formally handed over to Governor Roger Wolcott, -on July 12th, 1897, for the State Archives of the Commonwealth of -Massachusetts, subject to the production of a photographic facsimile -being deposited at Fulham, and to the original manuscript being -reasonably accessible for investigation. Its present resting place is -the Massachusetts State Library. - -No words could more vividly depict the feelings in the hearts of -Bradford’s descendants, on the return to American soil of this -precious relic by the free gift of England, than those of Senator -Hoar, which I now quote: - -“I do not think many Americans will gaze upon it without a little -trembling of the lips and a little gathering of mist in the eyes, as -they think of the story of suffering, of sorrow, of peril, of exile, -of death, and of lofty triumph, which that book tells,—which the -hand of the great leader and founder of America has traced on those -pages. There is nothing like it in human annals since the story of -Bethlehem. These English men and English women going out from their -homes in beautiful Lincoln and York, wife separated from husband and -mother from child in that hurried embarkation for Holland, pursued -to the beach by English horsemen; the thirteen years of exile; the -life at Amsterdam ‘in alley foul and lane obscure’; the dwelling at -Leyden; the embarkation at Delfthaven; the farewell of Robinson; the -terrible voyage across the Atlantic; the compact in the harbour; -the landing on the rock; the dreadful first winter; the death roll -of more than half the number; the days of suffering and of famine; -the wakeful night, listening for the yell of the wild beast and the -war-whoop of the savage; the building of the State on those sure -foundations which no wave nor tempest has ever shaken; the breaking -of the new light; the dawning of the new day; the beginning of the -new life; the enjoyment of peace with liberty,—of all these things -this is the original record by the hand of our beloved father and -founder.” - -After its discovery and identification, an edition was published -in the year 1856, under the editorship of Charles Deane, by the -Massachusetts Historical Society, based on a transcript made from -the original document in London. A photographic facsimile of the -manuscript was issued in 1896, in both London and Boston; and upon -receipt of the original by the Commonwealth of Massachusetts in 1897, -a resolution was passed providing for the printing and publication -of a carefully collated edition, together with a report of the -proceedings connected with its return from England to America. This -edition was duly issued in 1901, and it is from that as a basis that -I have prepared the present modernization. My purpose is obvious. To -many, the reading of the mediæval English of the original, to which -all preceding editions have adhered, would be so laborious as to -preclude them from becoming acquainted with it. I have endeavoured -to preserve, as far as possible, the atmosphere of the time, while -accurately rendering the thought in current language. - - * * * * * - -As for the writer himself, William Bradford, who, on the death of -John Carver, the first Governor of the colony, a few months after -their arrival, succeeded him in the Governorship, and remained the -guiding genius of its destinies for over thirty years—his character, -despite his utter self-repression throughout his writings, can be -clearly read between the lines; his marvelous breadth of charity -and tolerance; his strong, simple piety; his plain, unselfconscious -goodness—all the grandest characteristics of the best traditions of -puritanism seem concentrated in him. - -But little is known of his life in England. He was born at the -village of Austerfield, near Scrooby, in Nottinghamshire, and the -baptismal entry in the registers of the church is dated March 19th, -1590. His family was of yeoman stock. The first Mrs. Bradford -(Dorothy May) was drowned in the harbour soon after the arrival of -the _Mayflower_, by falling overboard. The second wife was a Mrs. -Alice Southworth, a widow, to whom, it is supposed Bradford had been -attached before his and her first marriage. He wrote his proposal -of marriage to her in England, and she came out to him, with two -Southworth children. William Bradford died, May 9th, 1657, at 69 -years of age. - -His dealings in the external affairs of the colony were largely with -that class of hypocritical charlatan which successfully turns to -perverse account the generous religious impulses of those with whom -they hold intercourse. Yet his firm hold on faith, hope, and charity -never failed him; he always ascribed to them, until clear proof of -dishonour was revealed, the best of motives; taking account of the -possibility of misunderstanding; or, in the last resort, making -allowance for human weakness in the face of temptation, and forgiving -unto seventy times seven. His was the spirit given to Newton, who as -he watched a murderer being led to the gallows, exclaimed: “There -goes John Newton, but for the Grace of God”; or to Cromwell, in his -typical exhortation,—“I beseech you, in the name of Christ, think it -possible you may be mistaken.” - -The reverse side of the picture shows us, indeed, the horrible -hypocrisy of the pseudo-puritans of the Weston-Sherley type, who -whenever ill-fortune overtook them called upon the name of the Lord -in true Pharisaic fashion,—as if to bribe by flattery a frivolous -Providence,—playing upon the finest qualities of forbearance and -disinterestedness of such men as Bradford and his colleagues, to -get advantage of them and rob them usuriously. Such parasites on -the true growth of puritanism brought it into disrepute with the -undiscriminating of those times,—nor have the results of their -evil work (in very truth, the Sin against the Holy Ghost!) yet -disappeared; for we find it in the supercilious and suspicious -attitude of the orthodox towards dissent in any form, to this day. - -The strong grasp of the intellectual and practical side of his and -the other Pilgrims’ ideals of religious liberty,—for which, no doubt, -they owed a deep debt to that splendid apostolic figure, their old -pastor at Leyden, John Robinson,—is evidenced by the clear exposition -of their claims, in the answer they gave to charges against them of -dissembling in their declaration of conformity to the practices of -the French Reformed Churches, and of undue license in differing from -those professed forms of worship: - -“In attempting to tie us to the French practices in every detail, -you derogate from the liberty we have in Christ Jesus. The Apostle -Paul would have none follow him but wherein he followed Christ; much -less ought any Christian or Church in the world do so. The French -may err, we may err, and other Churches may err, and doubtless do in -many circumstances. That honour of infallibility belongs, therefore, -only to the word of God and pure testament of Christ, to be followed -as the only rule and pattern for direction by all Churches and -Christians. It is great arrogance for any man or Church to think -that he or they have so sounded the word of God to the bottom as to -be able to set down precisely a Church’s practices without error in -substance or circumstance, and in such a way that no one thereafter -may digress or differ from them with impunity.” - -On the other hand, it is interesting to mark Bradford’s disparagement -of Utopian schemes of communal, or socialistic, forms of government. -Here is his conservative argument, based on the experience of the -first few years of their colonization: - -“The failure of this experiment of communal service, which was tried -for several years, and by good and honest men, proves the emptiness -of the theory of Plato and other ancients, applauded by some of later -times,—that the taking away of private property, and the possession -of it in community by a commonwealth, would make a state happy and -flourishing; as if they were wiser than God. For in this instance, -community of property (so far as it went) was found to breed much -confusion and discontent, and retard much employment which would have -been to the general benefit and comfort.... If (it was thought) all -were to share alike, and all were to do alike, then all were on an -equality throughout, and one was as good as another; and so, if it -did not actually abolish those very relations which God himself has -set among men, it did at least greatly diminish the mutual respect -that is so important should be preserved amongst them. Let none argue -that this is due to human failing rather than to this communistic -plan of life in itself. I answer, seeing that all men have this -failing in them, that God in His wisdom saw that another plan of life -was fitter for them.” - -Thus in civil as in religious matters, Bradford’s sure instinct -led him always to follow the guidance of a wise and benevolent -Providence, working for the rational and natural evolution -of mankind, which humanity could expedite only by a plain, -unsophisticated reliance upon truth and goodness, as incarnate in the -divine character and life of Christ. - - * * * * * - -If we of to-day, whether American or British, fail to appreciate -the almost unearthly value of Bradford’s History, it is because we -ourselves are still too close to the opening of that era in modern -civilization,—yet in its early stages of development,—with which -it is concerned. I believe that, among the world’s archives of -contemporary chronicles of the human race, future generations will -attribute to his annals a value far higher than that which we at -present ascribe to any similar historic record except the Gospels -themselves. - -Certainly it is fitting in the present communion of interests of the -Anglo-Saxon peoples, that we should refresh ourselves at the glorious -founts of freedom which constitute their common heritage. - - HAROLD PAGET. - Silver Mine, Conn. 1920. - - - - - BRADFORD’S HISTORY - OF THE - PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT - - - - - BRADFORD’S HISTORY - of the PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT - - - BOOK I - - 1608-1620 - - PERSECUTION AND FLIGHT FROM ENGLAND—SETTLEMENT IN HOLLAND - (AT AMSTERDAM AND LEYDEN)—CROSSING TO ENGLAND AND VOYAGE TO - AMERICA—LANDING AT CAPE COD AND NEW PLYMOUTH. - - - - -CHAPTER I - -Suppression of Religious Liberty in England—First Cause of the -Foundation of the New Plymouth Settlement. - - -First I will unfold the causes that led to the foundation of the -New Plymouth Settlement, and the motives of those concerned in it. -In order that I may give an accurate account of the project, I must -begin at the very root and rise of it; and this I shall endeavour to -do in a plain style and with singular regard to the truth,—at least -as near as my slender judgment can attain to it. - -As is well known, ever since the breaking out of the light of the -gospel in England, which was the first country to be thus enlightened -after the gross darkness of popery had overspread the Christian -world, Satan has maintained various wars against the Saints, from -time to time, in different ways,—sometimes by bloody death and cruel -torment, at other times by imprisonment, banishment, and other -wrongs,—as if loth that his kingdom should be overcome, the truth -prevail, and the Church of God revert to their ancient purity, and -recover their primitive order, liberty, and beauty. But when he could -not stifle by these means the main truths of the gospel, which began -to take rooting in many places, watered by the blood of martyrs and -blessed from heaven with a gracious increase, he reverted to his -ancient stratagems, used of old against the first Christians. For -when, in those days, the bloody and barbarous persecutions of the -heathen Emperors could not stop and subvert the course of the gospel, -which speedily overspread the then best known parts of the world, -he began to sow errors, heresies, and discord amongst the clergy -themselves, working upon the pride and ambition and other frailties -to which all mortals, and even the Saints themselves in some measure, -are subject. Woful effects followed; not only were there bitter -contentions, heartburnings, and schisms, but Satan took advantage of -them to foist in a number of vile ceremonies, with many vain canons -and decrees, which have been snares to many poor and peaceable souls -to this day. - -So, in the early days, Christians suffered as much from internal -dissension as from persecution by the heathen and their Emperors, -true and orthodox Christians being oppressed by the Arians and -their heretical accomplices. Socrates bears witness to this in his -second book. His words are these: “Indeed, the violence was no less -than that practised of old towards the Christians when they were -compelled to sacrifice to idols; for many endured various kinds of -torment—often racking and dismemberment of their joints, confiscation -of their goods, or banishment from their native soil.” - -Satan has seemed to follow a like method in these later times, ever -since the truth began to spring and spread after the great defection -of that man of sin, the Papal Antichrist. Passing by the infinite -examples throughout the world as well as in our country, when that -old serpent found that he could not prevail by fiery flames and the -other cruel torments which he had put in use everywhere in the days -of Queen Mary and before, he then went more closely to work, not -merely to oppress but to ruin and destroy the kingdom of Christ by -more secret and subtle means, and by kindling flames of contention -and sowing seeds of strife and bitter enmity amongst the reformed -clergy and laity themselves. - -Mr. Fox records, that besides those worthy martyrs and confessors who -were burned and otherwise tormented in Queen Mary’s days, as many -as 800 students and others fled out of England, and formed separate -congregations at Wesel, Frankfort, Basel, Emden, Marburg, Strasburg, -Geneva, etc. - -Amongst these bodies of protestant reformers—especially amongst -those at Frankfort,—arose a bitter war of contention and persecution -about the ceremonies and the service book and other such popish -and anti-Christian stuff, the plague of England to this day. Such -practises are like the high places in Israel, which the prophets -cried out against; and the better part of the reformers sought to -root them out and utterly abandon them, according to the purity of -the gospel; while the other part, under veiled pretences, sought as -stiffly to maintain and defend them, for their own advancement. This -appears in the account of these contentions published in 1575—a book -that deserves to be better known. - -The one party of reformers endeavoured to establish the right worship -of God and the discipline of Christ in the Church according to the -simplicity of the gospel and without the mixture of men’s inventions, -and to be ruled by the laws of God’s word dispensed by such officers -as Pastors, Teachers, Elders, etc., according to the Scriptures. - -The other party,—the episcopal,—under many pretences, endeavoured to -maintain the episcopal dignity after the popish manner,—with all its -courts, canons, and ceremonies; its livings, revenues, subordinate -officers, and other means of upholding their anti-Christian -greatness, and of enabling them with lordly and tyrannous power to -persecute the poor servants of God. The fight was so bitter, that -neither the honour of God, the persecution to which both parties were -subjected, nor the mediation of Mr. Calvin and other worthies, could -prevail with the episcopal party. They proceeded by all means to -disturb the peace of this poor persecuted church of dissenters, even -so far as to accuse (very unjustly and ungodly, yet prelate-like) -some of its chief members with rebellion and high-treason against the -Emperor, and other such crimes. - -And this contention did not die with Queen Mary, nor was it left -beyond the seas. At her death the episcopal party of the Protestants -returned to England under gracious Queen Elizabeth, many of them -being preferred to bishoprics and other promotions, according to -their aims and desires, with the result that their inveterate hatred -towards the holy discipline of Christ in his church, represented -by the dissenting part, has continued to this day; furthermore, -for fear it should ultimately prevail, all kinds of devices were -used to keep it out, incensing the Queen and State against it as a -danger to the commonwealth; arguing that it was most needful that -the fundamental points of religion should be preached in these -ignorant and superstitious times, and that in order to win the weak -and ignorant it was necessary to retain various harmless ceremonies; -and that though reforms were desirable, this was not the time for -them. Many such excuses were put forward to silence the more godly, -and to induce them to yield to one ceremony after another, and one -corruption after another. By these wiles some were beguiled and -others corrupted, till at length they began to persecute all the -zealous reformers in the land, unless they would submit to their -ceremonies and become slaves to them and their popish trash, which -has no ground in the word of God, but is a relic of that man of -sin. And the more the light of the gospel grew, the more they urged -subjection to these corruptions,—so that, notwithstanding all their -former pretences, those whose eyes God had not justly blinded easily -saw their purpose. In order the more to cast contempt upon the -sincere servants of God, they opprobriously gave them the name of -“Puritans,” which it is said the novations assumed out of pride. It -is lamentable to see the effects which have followed. Religion has -been disgraced, the godly grieved, afflicted, persecuted, and many -exiled, while others have lost their lives in prisons and other ways; -on the other hand, sin has been countenanced, ignorance, profanity, -and atheism have increased, and the papists have been encouraged to -hope again for a day. - -This made that holy man, Mr. Perkins, cry out in his exhortation to -repentance, upon Zeph. ii. “Religion,” said he, “has been amongst -us these thirty-five years; but the more it is disseminated, the -more it is condemned by many. Thus, not profanity or wickedness, -but Religion itself is a byword, a mocking stock, and a matter of -reproach; so that in England at this day the man or woman who begins -to profess religion and to serve God, must resolve within himself to -sustain mocks and injuries as though he lived among the enemies of -religion.” Common experience has confirmed this and made it only too -apparent.[1] - -But to come to the subject of this narrative. When by the zeal of -some godly preachers, and God’s blessing on their labours, many -in the North of England and other parts become enlightened by the -word of God and had their ignorance and sins discovered to them, -and began by His grace to reform their lives and pay heed to their -ways, the work of God was no sooner manifest in them than they were -scorned by the profane multitude, and their ministers were compelled -to subscribe or be silent, and the poor people were persecuted with -apparators and pursuants and the commissary courts. Nevertheless, -they bore it all for several years in patience, until by the increase -of their troubles they began to see further into things by the light -of the word of God. They realized not only that these base ceremonies -were unlawful, but also that the tyrannous power of the prelates -ought not to be submitted to, since it was contrary to the freedom of -the gospel and would burden men’s consciences and thus profane the -worship of God. - -On this subject a famous author thus writes in his Dutch -commentaries: “At the coming of King James into England, the new King -found established there the reformed religion of Edward VI., but -retaining the spiritual office of the bishops,—differing in this from -the reformed churches in Scotland, France, the Netherlands, Emden, -Geneva, etc., whose reformation is shaped much nearer to the first -Christian churches of the Apostles’ times.” - -Those reformers who saw the evil of these things, and whose hearts -the Lord had touched with heavenly zeal for his truth, shook off this -yoke of anti-Christian bondage and as the Lord’s free people joined -themselves together by covenant as a church, in the fellowship of -the gospel to walk in all His ways, made known, or to be made known -to them, according to their best endeavours, whatever it should cost -them, the Lord assisting them. And that it cost them something, the -ensuing history will declare. - -These people became two distinct bodies or churches and congregated -separately; for they came from various towns and villages about the -borders of Nottinghamshire, Lincolnshire, and Yorkshire. One of -these churches was led by Mr. John Smith, a man of able gifts, and -a good preacher, who was afterwards made pastor; but later, falling -into some errors in the Low Countries, most of its adherents buried -themselves,—and their names! To the other church, which is the -subject of this discourse, belonged besides other worthy men, Mr. -Richard Clifton, a grave and reverend preacher, who by his pains and -diligence had done much good, and under God had been the means of -the conversion of many; also that famous and worthy man, Mr. John -Robinson, who was afterwards their pastor for many years, till the -Lord took him away; also Mr. William Brewster, a reverend man, who -was afterwards chosen an Elder of the church, and lived with them -till old age. But after the events referred to above, they were not -long permitted to remain in peace. They were hunted and persecuted on -every side, until their former afflictions were but as fleabitings in -comparison. Some were clapped into prison; others had their houses -watched night and day, and escaped with difficulty; and most were -obliged to fly, and leave their homes and means of livelihood. Yet -these and many other even severer trials which afterwards befell -them, being only what they expected, they were able to bear by the -assistance of God’s grace and spirit. However, being thus molested, -and seeing that there was no hope of their remaining there, they -resolved by consent to go into the Low Countries, where they heard -there was freedom of religion for all; and it was said that many -from London and other parts of the country, who had been exiled -and persecuted for the same cause, had gone to live at Amsterdam -and elsewhere in the Netherlands. So after about a year, having -kept their meeting for the worship of God every Sabbath in one -place or another, notwithstanding the diligence and malice of their -adversaries, seeing that they could no longer continue under such -circumstances, they resolved to get over to Holland as soon as they -could—which was in the years 1607 and 1608. But of this, more will be -told in the next chapter. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -Flight to Holland (Amsterdam and Leyden): 1607-1608 - - -For these reformers to be thus constrained to leave their native -soil, their lands and livings, and all their friends, was a great -sacrifice, and was wondered at by many. But to go into a country -unknown to them, where they must learn a new language, and get their -livings they knew not how, seemed an almost desperate adventure, -and a misery worse than death. Further, they were unacquainted with -trade, which was the chief industry of their adopted country, having -been used only to a plain country life and the innocent pursuit of -farming. But these things did not dismay them, though they sometimes -troubled them; for their desires were set on the ways of God, to -enjoy His ordinances; they rested on His providence, and knew Whom -they had believed. - -But this was not all; for though it was made intolerable for them to -stay, they were not allowed to go; the ports were shut against them, -so that they had to seek secret means of conveyance, to bribe the -captains of ships, and give extraordinary rates for their passages. -Often they were betrayed, their goods intercepted, and thereby were -put to great trouble and expense. I will give an instance or two of -these experiences. - -A large number of them had decided to take passage from Boston -in Lincolnshire, and for that purpose had hired a ship wholly to -themselves, and made agreement with the captain to be ready at a -convenient place on a certain day to take them and their belongings. -After long waiting and great expense—he had not kept day with -them—he came at last and took them aboard at night. But when he -had secured them and their goods he betrayed them, having arranged -beforehand with the searchers and other officers to do so. They -then put them in open boats, and there rifled and ransacked them, -searching them to their shirts for money,—and even the women, further -than became modesty,—and took them back to the town and made a -spectacle of them to the multitude that came flocking on all sides -to see them. Being thus rifled and stripped of their money, books, -and other property, they were brought before the magistrates, and -messengers were sent to inform the Lords of the Council about them. -The magistrates treated them courteously, and showed them what -favour they could; but dare not free them until order came from -the council-table. The result was, however, that after a month’s -imprisonment, the majority were dismissed, and sent back to the -places whence they came; but seven of the leaders were kept in -prison, and bound over to the Assizes. - -Next spring there was another attempt made by some of the same -people, with others, to get over from a different place. They heard -of a Dutchman at Hull who had a ship of his own belonging to Zealand, -and they made an agreement with him, and acquainted him with their -plight, hoping to find him more reliable than the English captain -had been; and he bade them have no fear. He was to take them aboard -between Grimsby and Hull, where there was a large common a good way -from any town. The women and children, with all their effects, were -sent to the place at the time arranged in a small bark which they -had hired; and the men were to meet them by land. But it so happened -that they all arrived a day before the ship came, and the sea being -rough, and the women very sick, the sailors put into a creek hard -by, where they grounded at low water. The next morning the ship -came, but they were stuck fast and could not stir till about noon. -In the meantime, the captain of the ship, seeing how things were, -sent his boat to get the men aboard whom he saw were ready walking -about the shore. But after the first boatful was got aboard and she -was ready to go for more, the captain espied a large body of horse -and foot, armed with bills and guns and other weapons,—for the -country side had turned out to capture them. The Dutchman, seeing -this, swore his country’s oath, “sacramente,” and having a fair wind, -weighed anchor, hoist sail, and away! The poor men already aboard -were in great distress for their wives and children, left thus to be -captured, and destitute of help,—and for themselves, too, without -any clothes but what they had on their backs, and scarcely a penny -about them, all their possessions being aboard the bark, now seized. -It drew tears from their eyes, and they would have given anything -to be ashore again. But all in vain, there was no remedy; they must -thus sadly part. Afterwards they endured a fearful storm at sea, and -it was fourteen days or more before they reached port, in seven of -which they saw neither sun, moon, nor stars, being driven near the -coast of Norway. The sailors themselves often despaired, and once -with shrieks and cries gave over all, as if the ship had foundered -and they were sinking without hope of recovery. But when man’s hope -and help wholly failed, there appeared the Lord’s power and mercy -to save them; for the ship rose again, and gave the crew courage to -manage her. If modesty permitted, I might declare with what fervent -prayers the voyagers cried to the Lord in their great distress,—even -remaining fairly collected when the water ran into their mouths and -ears; and when the sailors called out, “We sink, we sink,” they cried -(if not with miraculous, yet with sublime faith): “Yet Lord, Thou -canst save; yet Lord, Thou canst save!” Upon which, the ship not only -righted herself, but shortly afterwards the violence of the storm -began to abate, and the Lord filled their afflicted minds with such -comfort as but few can understand, and in the end brought them to -their desired haven, where the people came flocking, astonished at -their deliverance, the storm having been so long and violent. - -But to return to the rest where we left them. The other men, who were -in greatest danger, made shift to escape before the troops could -surprise them, only sufficient staying to assist the women. But it -was pitiful to see these poor women in their distress. What weeping -and crying on every side: some for their husbands carried away in the -ship; others not knowing what would become of them and their little -ones; others again melted in tears, seeing their poor little ones -hanging about them, crying for fear and quaking with cold! Being thus -apprehended, they were hurried from one place to another, till in -the end the officers knew not what to do with them; for to imprison -so many innocent women and children only because they wished to go -with their husbands, seemed unreasonable and would cause an outcry; -and to send them home again was as difficult, for they alleged, as -was the truth, that they had no homes to go to,—for they had sold or -otherwise disposed of their houses and livings. To be short, after -they had been thus turmoiled a good while, and conveyed from one -constable to another, they were glad to be rid of them on any terms; -for all were wearied and tired of them. Though in the meantime, they, -poor souls, endured misery enough. So in the end, necessity forced a -way for them. - - * * * * * - -But not to be tedious, I will pass by other troubles which they -endured in their wanderings and travels, both on land and sea. -I must not omit, however, to mention the fruit of it all. For by -these public afflictions, their cause became famous, and led many to -inquire into it; and their Christian behaviour left a deep impression -on the minds of many. Some few shrank from these first conflicts, and -no wonder; but many more came forward with fresh courage and animated -the rest. In the end, notwithstanding the storms of opposition, -they all got over, some from one place, some from another, and met -together again with no small rejoicing. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -Settlement at Leyden: 1609-1620 - - -Having reached the Netherlands, they saw many fine fortified cities, -strongly walled, and guarded with troops of armed men; and they heard -a strange and uncouth language, and beheld the different manners and -customs of the people, with their strange fashions and attire—all -so far differing from their own plain country villages wherein they -were bred and had lived so long, that it seemed they had come into -a new world. But these were not the things they gave much attention -to. They had other work in hand, and another kind of war to wage. For -though they saw fair and beautiful cities, flowing with abundance of -all sorts of wealth and riches, it was not long before they saw the -grim and grisly face of poverty coming upon them like an armed man, -with whom they must buckle and encounter, and from whom they could -not fly; but they were armed with faith and patience against him and -all his encounters; and though they were sometimes foiled, yet, by -God’s assistance, they prevailed and got the victory. - -When Mr. Robinson, Mr. Brewster, and the other principal members -had arrived,—they were among the last, having stayed to help the -weakest over,—such things were deliberated as were necessary for -their settling and for the best ordering of the church affairs. When -they had lived at Amsterdam about a year, Mr. Robinson, their pastor, -together with the most discerning of the others, seeing that Mr. -John Smith and his followers had already fallen out with the church -which was there previously, and that nothing could avail to end the -quarrel, and also that the flames of contention were likely to break -out in the parent church itself (as afterwards, alas, came to pass); -they thought it best to move, before they were in any way involved, -though they knew it would be to their worldly disadvantage, both at -present and probably in the future,—as indeed it proved to be. - -For these and other reasons, then, they removed to Leyden, a fair and -beautiful city, of a sweet situation, made famous by its university, -in which recently there had been so many learned men. However, -lacking seafaring trades, which Amsterdam enjoys, it was not so -favourable in providing means of livelihood. But being settled here, -they fell to such trades and employments as they best could, valuing -peace and their spiritual comfort above any other riches whatever; -and at length they came to raise a competent and comfortable living, -though only by dint of hard and continual labour. - -Thus, after numerous difficulties, they continued many years in -good circumstances, enjoying together much sweet and delightful -intercourse and spiritual comfort in the ways of God, under the able -ministry and prudent government of Mr. Robinson, and Mr. William -Brewster, who before had been his assistant in place of an Elder, -to which position he was now called and chosen by the church. So -they grew in knowledge and other gifts and graces of the spirit of -God, and lived together in peace and love and holiness; and many -came to them from different parts of England, so that there grew -up a great congregation. And if any differences arose or offences -broke out,—as cannot but be even amongst the best of men,—they -were always so met with and nipped in the head betimes, that love, -peace, and communion continued; or, in some instances, the church -was purged of those who were incurable and incorrigible, when, after -much patience used, no other means would serve. Indeed, such was -the love and respect that this worthy man, Mr. John Robinson, had -to his flock, and his flock to him, that it might be said of them, -as it once was of the famous Emperor Marcus Aurelius and the people -of Rome, that it was hard to judge whether he was more delighted in -having such a people or they in having such a pastor. His love was -great towards them, and his care was always bent to their best good -both for soul and body; for, besides his singular ability in divine -things (wherein he excelled), he was also very able in directing -their civil affairs and foreseeing dangers and troubles; so he was -very helpful to their material well-being, and was in every way a -common father to them. None offended him more than those who kept -apart from the rest, and neglected the common good; or those who -were rigid in matters of outward order and would inveigh against the -evil of others, and yet were remiss themselves and not too careful -to maintain virtuous conversation. The congregation, too, ever had a -reverent regard for him and held him in precious estimation, as his -worth and wisdom deserved; and highly as they esteemed him whilst -he lived and laboured amongst them, it was even more so after his -death, when they came to feel the want of his help, and saw by woful -experience what a treasure they had lost. But to return. I know not -but it may be spoken to the honour of God, and without prejudice to -any, that such was the true piety, the humble zeal, and fervent love, -of this people, whilst they thus lived together, towards God and His -ways, and the single-heartedness and sincere affection of one towards -another, that they came as near the primitive pattern of the first -churches as any other church of these later times has done. - -It is not my purpose to treat of what befell them whilst they lived -in the Low Countries,—which would require a large treatise of -itself,—but to show the beginnings of the New Plymouth Settlement. -But since some of their adversaries, upon their departure from -Leyden of their own free will, uttered slanders against them, as if -the country had been weary of them and had driven them out, as the -heathen historians asserted of Moses and the Israelites when they -went out of Egypt, I will mention a particular or two to show the -contrary, and the good acceptation they had in the place where they -lived. - -First, though many of them were poor, there were none so poor but -that if they were known to be of that congregation, the Dutch (either -bakers or others) would trust them to any reasonable extent when they -lacked money to buy what they needed. They found by experience how -careful they were to keep their word, and saw how diligent they were -in their callings, that they would even compete for their custom, and -employ them in preference to others. - -Again, about the time of their departure, or a little before, the -magistrates of the city, gave this commendable testimony of them -in the public place of justice in reproof to the Walloons, who -were of the French church there. “These English,” said they, “have -lived among us these twelve years, and yet we never had any suit or -accusation against any of them; but your strifes and quarrels are -continual.” - -At this time occurred the great trouble with the Arminians, who -molested the whole state, and this city in particular, where the -chief university was situated. So there were daily hot disputes in -the schools thereabouts, and the students and other learned people -were divided in their opinions between two professors of divinity, -the one daily teaching in favour of the Arminian faction, and the -other against it. Things grew to such a pass, that few of the -followers of the one professor would hear the other teach. But Mr. -Robinson, though he preached thrice a week himself and wrote several -books, besides his many other duties, went constantly to hear their -readings, the one as well as the other; so he became well-grounded -in their controversy and saw the force of all their arguments, and -knew the shifts of the opponent, and being himself very able, none -was fitter to buckle with them than himself,—as appeared by various -disputes. In fact, he began to be a terror to the Arminians, so that -Episcopius, the Arminian professor, put forth his best strength and -advanced various Theses which he asserted he would defend against all -comers in public dispute. - -Now Poliander, the other professor, and the chief preachers of the -city, requested Mr. Robinson to take up his challenge, but he was -loth to do so, being a stranger. However the others importuned -him, and told him that such was the ability and nimbleness of the -opponent, that the truth would suffer if he did not help them. So he -acquiesced and prepared himself accordingly; and when the day came, -the Lord so helped him to defend the truth and foil his adversary, -that he put him to an apparent nonplus in public audience. And he -did the same thing two or three times upon similar occasions. This, -while it made many praise God that the truth had so famous a victory, -procured him much honour and respect from those learned men and -others who loved the truth. So far from being weary of him and his -people, or desiring their absence, had it not been for fear of giving -offence to the government of England, they would have conferred -upon him some public honour. Indeed, when there was talk of their -departure to America, several men of prominence in the country tried -to induce them to become naturalized, and even made them large offers -to do so. Though I might mention many other similar examples to show -the untruth of this slander, these suffice, for it was believed by -few and was raised in malice. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -Reasons which led the Congregation at Leyden to decide upon -Settlement in America. - - -After they had lived here for some eleven or twelve years,—the period -of the famous truce between the Low Countries and Spain,—several of -them having died, and many others being now old, the grave mistress, -Experience, having taught them much, their prudent governors began to -apprehend present dangers and to scan the future and think of timely -remedy. After much thought and discourse on the subject, they began -at length to incline to the idea of removal to some other place; -not out of any new-fangledness or other such giddy humour, which -often influences people to their detriment and danger, but for many -important reasons, the chief of which I will here briefly touch upon. - -First, they saw by experience that the hardships of the country -were such that comparatively few others would join them, and fewer -still would bide it out and remain with them. Many who came and many -more who desired to come, could not endure the continual labour -and hard fare and other inconveniences which they themselves were -satisfied with. But though these weaker brethren loved the members -of the congregation, personally approved their cause, and honoured -their sufferings, they left them, weeping, as it were;—as Orpah did -her mother-in-law, Naomi; or as those Romans did Cato at Utica, who -desired to be excused and borne with, though they could not all be -Catos. For, though many desired to enjoy the ordinances of God -in their purity, and the liberty of the gospel, yet, alas, they -preferred to submit to bondage, with danger to their conscience, -rather than endure these privations. Some even preferred prisons in -England to this liberty in Holland, with such hardships. But it was -thought that if there could be found a better and easier place of -living, it would attract many and remove this discouragement. Their -pastor would often say, that if many of those who both wrote and -preached against them were living where they might have liberty and -comfortable conditions, they would then practice the same religion as -they themselves did. - -Secondly, they saw that though the people generally bore these -difficulties very cheerfully, and with resolute courage, being in -the best strength of their years; yet old age began to steal on -many of them, and their great and continual labours, with other -crosses and sorrows, hastened it before their time; so that it was -not only probable, but certain, that in a few more years they would -be in danger of scattering by the necessities pressing upon them. -Therefore, according to the divine proverb (Prov. xxii, 3), that a -wise man seeth the plague when it cometh, and hideth himself; they, -like skillful and hardened soldiers, were wary of being surrounded by -their enemies, so that they could neither fight not flee, and thought -it wiser to dislodge betimes to some place of better advantage and -less danger, if any such could be found. - -Thirdly, as necessity was a task-master over them, so they themselves -were forced to be, not only over their servants, but in a sort over -their dearest children; which not a little wounded the hearts of -many a loving father and mother, and produced many sad and sorrowful -effects. Many of their children, who were of the best disposition -and who had learned to bear the yoke in their youth and were willing -to bear part of their parents’ burden, were often so oppressed with -their labours, that though their minds were free and willing, their -bodies bowed under the weight and became decrepit in early youth,—the -vigour of nature being consumed in the very bud, as it were. But -still more lamentable, and of all sorrows most heavy to be borne, -was that many of the children, influenced by these conditions, and -the great licentiousness of the young people of the country, and the -many temptations of the city, were led by evil example into dangerous -courses, getting the reins off their necks and leaving their parents. -Some became soldiers, others embarked upon voyages by sea and others -upon worse courses tending to dissoluteness and the danger of their -souls, to the great grief of the parents and the dishonour of God. So -they saw their posterity would be in danger to degenerate and become -corrupt. - -Last and not least, they cherished a great hope and inward zeal of -laying good foundations, or at least of making some way towards it, -for the propagation and advance of the gospel of the kingdom of -Christ in the remote parts of the world, even though they should be -but stepping stones to others in the performance of so great a work. - -These, and some other similar reasons, moved them to resolve upon -their removal, which they afterwards prosecuted in the face of great -difficulties, as will appear. - -The place they fixed their thoughts upon was somewhere in those vast -and unpeopled countries of America, which were fruitful and fit for -habitation, though devoid of all civilized inhabitants and given over -to savages, who range up and down, differing little from the wild -beasts themselves. This proposition when made public, found many -different opinions, and raised many fears and doubts. The hopeful -ones tried to encourage the rest to undertake it; others more timid, -objected to it, alleging much that was neither unreasonable nor -improbable. They argued that it was so big an undertaking that it -was open to inconceivable perils and dangers. Besides the casualties -of the seas, they asserted that the length of the voyage was such -that the women, and other weak persons worn out with age and travail, -could never survive it. Even if they should, they contended that the -miseries which they would be exposed to in such a country, would -be too hard to endure. They would be liable to famine, nakedness, -and want. The change of air, diet, and water would infect them -with sickness and disease. Again, all those who surmounted these -difficulties, would remain in continual danger from the savages, who -are cruel, barbarous, and treacherous, furious in their rage, and -merciless when they get the upper hand,—not content to kill, they -delight in tormenting people in the most bloody manner possible; -flaying some alive with the shells of fishes, cutting off the members -and joints of others piecemeal, broiling them on the coals, and -eating collops of their flesh in their sight whilst they live,—with -other cruelties too horrible to be related. - -And the very hearing of these things could not but move the very -bowels of men to grate within them and make the weak to quake and -tremble. It was further objected that it would require greater -sums of money to prepare for such a voyage, and to fit them with -necessaries, than their diminished estates would amount to. Many -precedents of ill success and lamentable miseries befallen others -in similar undertakings were alleged,—besides their own experience -in their removal to Holland, and how hard it was for them to live -there, though it was a neighboring country and a civilized and rich -commonwealth. - -It was replied that all great and honourable actions are accompanied -with great difficulties, and must be both met and overcome with -answerable courage. It was granted the dangers were great, but not -desperate; the difficulties were many, but not invincible. For, many -of the things feared might never befall; others by provident care and -the use of good means might in a great measure be prevented; and all -of them, through the help of God, by fortitude and patience, might -either be borne or overcome. True it was that such attempts were not -to be undertaken without good ground and reason, rashly or lightly; -or, as many had done, for curiosity or hope of gain. But their -condition was not ordinary; their ends were good and honourable; -their calling, lawful and urgent; therefore they might expect the -blessing of God on their proceedings. Yea, though they should lose -their lives in this action, yet might they have the comfort of -knowing that their endeavour was worthy. - -They were now living as exiles in poor circumstances; and as great -miseries might befall them here as there, for the twelve years’ -truce was now over, and there was nothing but beating of drums -and preparation for war. The Spaniard might prove as cruel as the -savage of America, and the famine and pestilence as sore in Holland -as across the seas. After many other things had been alleged on -both sides, it was fully decided by the majority to undertake the -enterprise, and to prosecute it by the best means they could. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -Decision to make New England the place of Settlement, in preference -to Guiana or Virginia—Endeavour to obtain a Patent from the King of -England: 1617-1620 - - -After humble prayers to God for His protection and assistance, and -a general conference, they consulted what particular place to pitch -upon. Some had thought of Guiana; some of those fertile places in hot -climates; others were for some parts of Virginia, where the English -had already made entrance. Those for Guiana alleged that the country -was rich, fruitful, and blessed with a perpetual spring, where -vigorous nature brought forth all things in abundance and plenty, -without need of much labour, and that the Spaniards, having much more -than they could possess, had not yet settled there, or anywhere very -near. - -To this it was objected that though the country was fruitful and -pleasant, and might yield riches and easy maintenance to the -possessors, other things considered, it would not be so fit for them. -First, such hot countries are subject to horrible diseases and many -noisome pests, which other more temperate places are free from, and -they would not agree so well with our English bodies. Again, if they -lived there and did well, the jealous Spaniards would never leave -them in peace, but would dispossess them as they did the French in -Florida,—and the sooner because they would have no protection, and -their own strength would be insufficient to resist so potent an enemy -and so near a neighbour. - -On the other hand, against Virginia it was objected that if they -lived among the English who had settled there, or so near them as -to be under their government, they would be in as great danger of -persecution for their religion as if they lived in England,—and it -might be, worse; while, if they lived too far off, they would have -neither help nor defence from them. - - * * * * * - -At length the conclusion was reached that they should live as a -separate body, by themselves, under the general government of -Virginia; and that through their friends they should sue his majesty -to be pleased to allow them freedom of religion. That this might be -granted they were led to hope by some prominent persons of rank and -influence, who had become their friends. - - * * * * * - -Whereupon, two members of the congregation were sent to England -at the expense of the rest, to arrange the matter. They found the -Virginia company anxious to have them, and willing to grant them a -patent, with as ample privileges as they themselves had or could -grant and to give them the best assistance they could. Some of the -principal officers of the Virginia Company did not doubt that they -could obtain the King’s grant of liberty of religion, confirmed -under his broad seal. But it proved a harder piece of work than -they expected; and, though many means were used to accomplish it, -it proved impossible. Many of high standing used their influence to -obtain it,—though one of the King’s chief secretaries, Sir Robert -Nanton, was against them,—and others urged the Archbishop to give -way to it; but it proved all in vain. They succeeded, however, in -sounding his majesty’s mind, and found that he would connive at them, -and not molest them, provided they behaved peaceably. But to allow or -tolerate their claim to religious freedom by his public authority, -under his seal, was found to be impossible. This was all the leading -officials of the Virginia Company or any of their best friends could -do; though they persuaded the Congregation at Leyden to proceed with -the undertaking, believing that they would not be troubled. With this -answer the messengers returned. - -This damped their enthusiasm, and caused some distraction. Many -feared that if they should unsettle themselves and count upon these -hopes, it might prove dangerous and be a sandy foundation. Indeed -it was thought they might better have taken this understanding for -granted, without making suit at all, than to have it thus rejected. -But some of the chief members thought otherwise, and that they might -well proceed, and that the King would not molest them, even though, -for other reasons, he would not confirm it by any public act. And it -was further contended that if there was no security in the promise -thus intimated, there would be no great certainty in its further -confirmation; for if, afterwards, there should be a desire to wrong -them, though they had a seal as broad as the house floor, it would -not serve their turn, for means would be found to reverse it. With -this probability of success they urged that they should trust to -God’s providence for the outcome, as they had done in other things. - -Upon this resolution other messengers were despatched to close with -the Virginia Company as well as they could and to procure a patent -with as good and ample conditions as possible; also to arrange with -such merchants and other friends as had manifested interest, to -participate in the accomplishment of this voyage. For these ends they -were instructed upon what lines to proceed,—otherwise to conclude -nothing without further orders. - -Here it will be necessary to insert a letter or two bearing on these -proceedings. - - _Sir Edwin Sandys in London to John Robinson and William Brewster - at Leyden_: - - After my hearty salutations.... The agents of your congregation, - Robert Cushman and John Carver, have been in communication with - some of the more important members of his majesty’s counsel for - Virginia; and by presentation of the seven articles subscribed - with your names have given them such satisfaction as has decided - them to further your wishes as well as possible, for your own and - the public good. Several particulars we will leave to the faithful - report of your agents, who have carried themselves here with a - discretion that is as creditable to themselves as to those they - represent. Having requested time to confer with those who are - interested in this undertaking, about several particulars, it has - been very willingly assented to and so they now return to you. If, - therefore, it may so please God to direct you that on your parts - there occur no just impediments, I trust by the same direction it - shall appear, that on our part all reasonable assistance will be - given. And so I leave you, with your undertaking (which I hope is - indeed the work of God), to the gracious protection and blessing of - the Highest. - - Your very loving friend, - EDWIN SANDYS. - _London, Nov. 12th, 1617._ - - - _John Robinson and William Brewster at Leyden to Sir Edwin Sandys - in London_: - - Right Worshipful, - - Our humble duties, with grateful acknowledgment of your singular - love, especially shown in your earnest endeavour for our good - in this weighty business about Virginia. We have set down our - request in writing, subscribed as you wished by the majority of - the congregation and have sent it to the Council of the Virginia - Company by our agent, John Carver, a deacon of our Church, whom a - gentleman of our congregation accompanies. - - We need not urge you to any more tender care of us, since, under - God, above all persons and things in the world, we rely upon you, - expecting the care of your love, the counsel of your wisdom, and - the countenance of your authority. Notwithstanding, for your - encouragement in the work we will mention these inducements to our - enterprise: - - 1. We verily believe and trust that the Lord is with us, unto Whom - and Whose service we have given ourselves in many trials; and - that He will graciously prosper our endeavours according to the - simplicity of our hearts therein. - - 2. We are well weaned from the delicate milk of our mother - country, and inured to the difficulties of a strange and hard land, - which by patience we have largely overcome. - - 3. The people are for the most part as industrious and frugal, we - think we may safely say, as any company of people in the world. - - 4. We are knit together as a body in a most strict and sacred bond - and covenant of the Lord, of the violation whereof we make great - conscience, and by virtue whereof we hold ourselves straitly tied - to all care of each other’s good. - - 5. Lastly, we are not like some, whom small things discourage, - or small discontents cause to wish themselves at home again. We - know what we can expect both in England and in Holland, and that - we shall not improve our material well-being by our departure; - whereas, should we be forced to return, we could not hope to regain - our present position, either here or elsewhere during our lives, - which are now drawing towards their periods.[2] - - These motives we have been bold to put to you, and, as you think - well, to any other of our friends of the Council. We will not be - further troublesome, but with our humble duties to your Worship, - and to any other of our well-willers of the Council, we take our - leaves, committing you to the guidance of the Almighty. - - Yours much bounden in all duty, - JOHN ROBINSON. - WILLIAM BREWSTER. - _Leyden, Dec. 15th, 1617._ - -For further light on these proceedings, here follow some other -letters and notes. - - _Mr. John Robinson and Mr. William Brewster at Leyden to Sir John - Worstenholme in London_: - - Right Worshipful, - - With due acknowledgment of our gratitude for your singular care - and pains in the business of Virginia, we have sent enclosed, - as is required, a further explanation of our judgments in the - three points specified by some of his majesty’s Honourable Privy - Council; and though we are grieved that such unjust insinuations - are made against us, we are glad of the opportunity of clearing - ourselves before such honourable personages. The declarations we - have enclosed. The one is more brief and general, which we think - fitter to be presented; the other is somewhat more comprehensive, - expressing some small accidental differences, which if you think - well you can send instead of the former. Our prayer to God is, that - your Worship may see the fruit of your endeavours, which on our - parts we shall not fail to further. And so praying you, as soon as - convenient, to give us knowledge of the success of the business - with his majesty’s Privy Council, and accordingly what your further - pleasure is, so we rest, - - Your worshipful in all duty, - JOHN ROBINSON. - WILLIAM BREWSTER. - _Leyden, Jan. 27th, 1617._ - -The first brief declaration was this: - - As regards the Ecclesiastical ministry, namely of pastors for - teaching, elders for ruling, and deacons for distributing the - churches’ contribution, as also for the two sacraments,—baptism - and the Lord’s supper,—we agree wholly and in all points with the - French Reformed Churches, according to their public Confession of - Faith. - - The Oath of Supremacy we shall willingly take, if it be required of - us, and if it be not sufficient that we take the Oath of Allegiance. - - JOHN ROBINSON. - WILLIAM BREWSTER. - -The second and ampler declaration was this: - - As regards the Ecclesiastical ministry, etc., as in the former - declaration, we agree in all things with the French Reformed - Churches, according to their public Confession of Faith; though - some small differences may be found in our practices,—not at - all in the substance of the things, but only in some accidental - circumstances. - - 1. Their ministers pray with their heads covered; ours uncovered. - - 2. We choose none for governing elders but such as are able to - teach; which ability they do not require. - - 3. Their elders and deacons are annual, or at most for two or three - years; ours perpetual. - - 4. Our elders deliver admonitions and excommunications for public - scandals, publicly, before the congregation; theirs more privately, - in their consistories. - - 5. We administer baptism only to infants of whom one parent, at - least, is of some church, which some of their churches do not - observe; though in this our practice accords with their public - confession, and with the judgments of the most learned amongst them. - - Other differences worth mentioning, we know of none. Then about the - Oath of Supremacy, as in the former declaration. - - Subscribed, - JOHN ROBINSON. - WILLIAM BREWSTER. - - - _Part of a letter from the messenger in England, who delivered the - foregoing, to Mr. John Robinson and Mr. William Brewster at Leyden_: - - Your letter to Sir John Worstenholme I delivered into his own hands - almost as soon as I received it, and stayed with him whilst he - opened and read it. There were two papers enclosed, which he read - to himself, and also the letter; and while reading it he asked me: - “Who will make them?” (viz., the ministers). I answered that the - power of making ministers rested with the church; that they were - ordained by the imposition of hands, by its fittest members; that - it must rest either with the church or with the pope, and the pope - is antichrist. “Ho!” said Sir John, “what the pope holds good,—as - the Trinity,—we do well to assent to; but we will not enter into - dispute now.” As for your letters, he said he would not show them, - lest he should spoil all. He had expected that you would be of the - Archbishop’s mind in regard to the appointment of ministers; but - it seems you differed. I could have wished to know the contents - of your two enclosures, at which he stuck so much,—especially the - larger. - - I asked his Worship what good news he had for me to write - to-morrow. He told me very good news, for both the King’s majesty - and the bishops had consented. He said he would go to the - Chancellor, Sir Fulk Greville, this day, and next week I should - know more. I met Sir Edwin Sandys on Wednesday night; he wished me - to be at the Virginia Court next Wednesday, where I purpose to be. - I hope next week to have something certain to communicate. I commit - you to the Lord. - - Yours, - S. B. - _London, Feb. 14th, 1617._ - -These things being lengthily discussed, and messengers passing to and -fro about them, they were long delayed by many rubs. At the return of -the messengers to England they found things far otherwise than they -expected. The Virginia Council was now so disturbed with quarrels -among themselves, that no business could well go forward. This will -appear in one of the messenger’s letters which follows: - - _Robert Cushman in England to the Congregation at Leyden_: - - I intended long since to have written to you, but could not effect - it; but I doubt not that Mr. B. has written to Mr. Robinson. The - main hindrance to the Virginia business is the dissensions in the - Council of Virginia. The cause of the trouble is, that, recently, - Sir Thomas Smith, weary of his many offices, wished the Company of - Virginia to relieve him of being its treasurer and governor,—he - having 60 votes, Sir John Worstenholme 16 votes, and Alderman - Johnstone 24. But Sir Thomas Smith, finding his honours diminished, - was very angry, and raised a faction to contest the election, and - sought to tax Sir Edwin Sandys, the new Governor, with many things - which would both disgrace him and deprive him of his office as - Governor. In these contentions they still stick, and what will - result we are not yet certain. Most likely Sir Edwin will win, and - if he does, things will go well in Virginia; if otherwise, they - will go ill. We hope in some two or three Court-days things will be - settled. Meanwhile, I intend to go down to Kent, and come up again - about 14 days or three weeks hence unless these contentions or the - ill tidings from Virginia (of which I will now speak) should wholly - discourage us. - - Captain Argoll came home from Virginia this week. Upon receiving - notice of the intentions of the Council, he left before Sir George - Yeardley had arrived there; so there is no small dissatisfaction. - But his tidings are ill. He says Mr. Blackwell’s ship did not reach - there till March, owing to northwest winds, which carried them to - the southward beyond their course. The captain of the ship and - some six of the sailors dying, it seems they could not find the - bay till after long beating about. Mr. Blackwell is dead, and Mr. - Maggner, the Captain; in fact Captain Argoll says 130 persons on - that ship died out of a total of 180. There were so many that they - were packed together like herrings. They were ill with the flux, - and they lacked fresh water; so here it is rather wondered at that - as many are alive, than that so many are dead. The merchants here - say it was Mr. Blackwell’s fault for packing so many in the ship. - There was much grumbling at the time, and Mr. Blackwell was blamed - for his disposition of them and his insults to them. They say the - streets of Gravesend rang with their quarreling, crying out at each - other: “Thou hast brought me to this;” and, “I may thank thee for - this!” Heavy news it is, and I wonder how far it will discourage - our project. No one here is much discouraged; they seem only to - wish to learn by other men’s misfortunes. As we desire to serve one - another in love, so take heed of being enthralled by any imperious - persons,—especially if they seem to have an eye to their own - advantage. It often troubles me to think that in this business all - of us must learn, and none can teach; but better so, than to depend - upon such teachers as Mr. Blackwell was. He once laid a similar - trap for Mr. Johnson and his people at Emden,—which was their ruin. - But though in that instance he managed to pluck his neck out of - the collar, at last his foot is caught. No letters have arrived - yet, as the ship Captain Argoll came in is still on the west coast; - all that we hear is his report; it seems he came away secretly. - The ship that Mr. Blackwell went in will be here shortly. What Mr. - Robinson once said has come true: that we should hear no good of - them. - - Mr. B. is not well; whether he will return to you or go north, I - do not know. For myself I hope to see an end of this business ere - I come, though I am sorry to be away from you. If things had gone - straight forward, I should have been with you within these 14 days. - I pray God direct us, and give us the spirit which is fitting for - such a business. Thus having summarily pointed at things which Mr. - Brewster I think has more largely written of to Mr. Robinson, I - leave you to the Lord’s protection. - - Yours in all readiness, etc., - ROBERT CUSHMAN. - _London, May 8th, 1619._ - -A word or two, by way of digression, about this Mr. Blackwell. He -was an Elder of the church at Amsterdam,—a man well known to most -of them. He declined from the truth with Mr. Johnson and the rest, -and went with them when they parted from the congregation in that -woful manner, which brought such great dishonour to God, scandal -to the truth, and ruin to themselves in this world. But, I hope, -notwithstanding, through the mercies of the Lord, their souls are now -at rest with Him in the heavens, and that they have reached the haven -of happiness; though some of their bodies were thus buried in the -terrible seas, and others sank under the burden of bitter afflictions. - -He, with some others, had prepared to go by way of London to -Virginia. Being a private meeting—I take it a fast—in London, and -being discovered, many of them were arrested, Mr. Blackwell being -one; but he so glozed with the bishops, and either dissembled or -flatly denied the truth which he had formerly maintained, and very -unworthily betrayed another godly man who had escaped, so that he -might slip his own neck out of the collar, that he won the bishop’s -favour (but lost the Lord’s) and was not only acquitted, but in open -court the Archbishop praised him highly, and gave him his solemn -blessing to proceed on his voyage. But if such events follow the -Archbishop’s blessing, happy are they that miss it; it is much better -to keep a good conscience and have the Lord’s blessing, whether in -life or death. - -But to return to the concerns of the congregation at Leyden. At -last, after all these occurrences, and their long waiting, they had -a patent granted them and confirmed under the Virginia Company’s -seal. But these divisions had alienated many of their less constant -supporters, and they were thus disappointed of much of their hoped -for and proffered means. By the advice of some friends the patent -was not taken out in the name of any of their own members, but in -the name of Mr. J. Wincot (a religious gentleman then in the service -of the Countess of Lincoln), who intended to go with them. But God -so disposed things that he never went, nor did they ever make use of -this patent, which had cost them so much labour and expense, as will -appear. The patent being sent over for those at Leyden to consider, -and also the propositions of such merchants and friends as would go -with them or participate in the adventure,—and especially those (Mr. -Thomas Weston, etc.), on whom they chiefly depended for shipping -and stores,—they were requested to prepare with all speed. And this -matter of the patent is a true emblem of the uncertain things of this -world, which, when men have toiled to acquire them vanish into smoke! - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -Agreement between the Congregation at Leyden and the Merchants and -Adventurers in London for the accomplishment of the Settlement in New -England: 1620. - - -Upon the receipt of these papers through one of their messengers, -they had a solemn meeting and a day of humiliation to seek the Lord’s -direction; and their pastor took this text, I Sam. xxiii., 3, 4: “And -David’s men said unto him, see, we be afraid here in Judah; how much -more if we come to Keilah against the host of the Philistines? Then -David asked counsel of the Lord again.” From this text he taught -things very aptly and befitting the present occasion,—strengthening -them against their fears and perplexities, and encouraging them in -their resolutions. - -Afterwards they decided what number and which of the members should -prepare to go first; for not all that were willing to go could settle -their affairs in so short a time; nor if all could have been ready, -would there have been means of transport for them. Those that stayed, -being the greater number, required the pastor, Mr. Robinson, to stay -with them; and for other reasons he could not well go, and so it was -the more easily conceded. The others then desired the elder, Mr. -Brewster, to go with them, which was agreed to. It was also decided -by mutual consent that those who went should be a separate church, -distinct from those who stayed, since, with such a dangerous voyage -before them, and removal to such a distance, it might happen that -they should never meet again, as a body, in this world. But there -was this proviso: that when any of the members at Leyden came over -to join the others, or when any of the others returned, they should -be received as members without any further testimonial. It was also -promised by the rest to those that went first, that if the Lord gave -them life and opportunity, they would come to them as soon as they -could. - -About this time, while they were troubled at the proceedings of -the Virginia Company, and the ill-news about Mr. Blackwell and his -fellow-colonists, and were busily enquiring about the hiring or -buying of shipping for their voyage, some Dutchmen made them offers -about going with them. Also, Mr. Thomas Weston, a merchant of London, -came to Leyden about the same time, being well acquainted with some -of them, having assisted them in their former proceedings,—and -after much conference with Mr. Robinson and other chief members, -he persuaded them to go on, and not to join with the Dutch, or to -depend too much on the Virginia Company; for if that failed them, he -and some of his merchant-friends would supplement their means and -set them forth. He advised them to prepare and fear neither want of -shipping nor of money; what they needed should be provided. And, not -so much for himself as for the satisfaction of his friends, they -were to draw up articles of agreement, and make a proposition such -as would be likely to incline his friends to the venture. Upon which -an agreement was drawn up, and was shown to and approved by him, and -was afterwards sent to England by their messenger, Mr. John Carver, -who, together with Robert Cushman, were to receive the money and make -provision both for shipping and other things for the voyage. They -were charged not to exceed their commission but to proceed according -to the agreement. Others at Leyden were chosen to proceed with -similar arrangements which were to be made there. Those that were to -go, prepared with all speed, and sold their estates, putting their -money into the common stock, which was in charge of those appointed -to make the general provisions. - -About this time they heard both from Mr. Weston and others, that -sundry honourable lords had obtained a large grant from the King, of -the more northerly parts of the country, arising out of the Virginia -Company’s patent, but wholly separated from its government, and to be -called by another name, viz., New England. To these parts, Mr. Weston -and the chief members began to feel that it was best for them to -go,—amongst other reasons, chiefly because of the profit to be made -from the fishing there. - -But in all business the executive part is most difficult,—especially -where the concurrence of many agents is necessary. And so it was -found to be in this undertaking: some of those in England, who were -to have gone, changed their minds and would not go; other merchants -and friends, who had offered to invest their money in the project, -withdrew, making many excuses. Some wished them to go to Guiana; -others again would risk nothing if they did not go to Virginia; -some again—indeed those they had most relied on—utterly disapproved -of Virginia, and would do nothing if they went there. In the midst -of these distractions, those at Leyden, who had disposed of their -property and expended their money, were in great straits and feared -disastrous results; but at length the majority inclined to the New -England Settlement. - -But now another difficulty arose. Mr. Weston and some of his friends -(either for their own advantage, or, as they pretended, to make -further inducements for others to join them) insisted on altering -some of the conditions that had been agreed upon at Leyden. To these -alterations the two agents sent from Leyden (or at least one of them -who is most to be blamed for it) consented, fearing that otherwise it -would all be thrown up. They presumed to agree with the new terms, -in some particulars overstepping their authority and commission, and -without giving due notice. Indeed, the fact that it was concealed -for fear of any further delay, afterwards caused much trouble and -contention. - -I will here insert a copy of these new conditions, as follows. - - _July 1st, 1620._ - - 1. The adventurers and planters agree that every person who goes, - of sixteen years and upwards, be rated at £10; £10 to be reckoned - as a single share. - - 2. That he who goes in person, and furnishes himself with £10, - either in money, or provisions, be accounted as having £20 in - stock; and in the division shall receive a double share. - - 3. The persons transported, and the adventurers, shall continue - their joint stock and partnership together for seven years (unless - some unexpected impediment cause the whole company to agree - otherwise), during which time all profits and benefits go by trade, - traffic, trucking, working, fishing, or any other means, by any - persons or person, shall remain in the common stock until the - division. - - 4. That on their arrival there, they shall chose out such number - of fit persons as may man their ships and boats at sea; employing - the rest in their several faculties upon the land, such as - building houses, tilling and planting the ground, and making such - commodities as shall be most useful for the colony. - - 5. That at the end of the seven years, the capital and profits, - viz., the houses, lands, goods and chattels, shall be equally - divided among the adventurers and planters; which done, every man - shall be free of any debt to any other of them, arising from this - adventure. - - 6. Whosoever shall come to the colony hereafter, or shall - contribute to the stock, shall at the end of the seven years be - allowed proportionately to the time of his doing so. - - 7. He who shall take his wife and children, or servants, shall - be allowed for every person now aged sixteen years and upwards, - a single share in the division; or if he provide them with - necessaries, a double share; or if they be between ten and sixteen, - two of them to be reckoned as one person, both in transportation - and division. - - 8. That such children as now go, and are under the age of ten - years, have no other share in the division, but fifty acres of - unmanured land. - - 9. That such persons as die before the seven years be expired, - their executors to have their part or share at the division, - proportionately to the time of their life in the colony. - - 10. That all such persons as are of this colony, are to have their - food, drink, clothing, and all provisions, out of the common stock - and goods of the said colony. - -The principal difference between this and the former agreement, -consisted of these two points: that the houses and improved lands, -especially gardens and home-lots, should remain undivided, and should -belong wholly to the planters at the seven years’ end; secondly, that -they should have two days a week for their own private employment, -for the greater comfort of themselves and their families. But as -letters are considered the best part of history by some wise men, I -will show their grievances on the score by their own letters. - - _Mr. John Robinson at Leyden to Mr. John Carver in England_: - - My dear Friend and Brother. - - Whom, with yours, I always remember in my best affection, and whose - welfare I shall never cease to commend to God, by my best and most - earnest prayers. - - You thoroughly understand by our general letters the state of - things here, which indeed is very pitiful; especially the want - of shipping, and not seeing means of providing it; though, in - addition, there is great want of money for other needful things. - Mr. Pickering, you know before this, will not defray a penny here; - though Robert Cushman reckoned upon I know not how many hundred - pounds from him, and I know not whom else. But it seems strange - that we should be asked to take the risk of his and his partners’ - enterprise,—and yet Mr. Weston writes to him that he has drawn upon - him for £100 more. There is some mystery in this, as indeed there - seems to be in the whole affair. Besides this, those who were to - pay in such of their money as is yet in arrears, refuse to do it - till they see shipping provided, or steps taken for its provision. - Indeed, I think there is not a man here who would pay anything, - if he had his money in his purse again. We depended on Mr. Weston - alone, and upon such means as he would procure; and when we had - in hand another project with the Dutchmen, we broke it off at his - instance and upon the conditions propounded by him shortly after. - He had our interests sincerely at heart, I know; but he has not - fulfilled his pledges thus far. That he ought first to have put in - his money is the opinion of many; but that I can well excuse, he - being a merchant, and having uses for it in the meantime to his - benefit; whereas, others, if it had been in their hands, would have - expended it. But that he should not have had shipping ready before - this, or at least definite provision for it, duly made known to us, - cannot in my conscience be excused. I have heard that when he has - been urged about the business, he has put it off and referred it to - others; or would go to George Morton and enquire news of him about - things, as if he himself had scarcely been even an accessory to it. - Whether some of his friends have failed him, and so he is not able - to go through with things; or whether he fears it will be ready - too soon and so increase the charge of shipping; or whether he - thought by holding back to put us in straits, thinking that thereby - Mr. Brewer and Mr. Pickering would be induced to do more; or what - other mystery is in it, we know not. But certain we are that the - arrangements made do not accord with the requirements. Mr. Weston - makes himself merry with our endeavours to buy a ship; but we have - done nothing about this without good reason, nor about anything - else that I know of, except two. The one is that we employed Robert - Cushman, who though a good man and of special ability in his way - is known to be most unfit to deal for others, because of his - singularity and too great indifference to the circumstances,—for, - as a matter of fact, we have had nothing from him but terms and - suggestions. The other is that we have relied too much by implicit - faith as it were, upon generalities, without having the details of - ways and means for so important an affair settled between us. For - shipping, Mr. Weston it seems is set upon hiring, which I hope he - may soon accomplish. Of Mr. Brewer you know what to expect. I do - not think Mr. Pickering will take part except to buy, as specified - in former letters. - - About the conditions, you have our reasons for what is agreed - upon. And let this specially be borne in mind; that the greatest - part of the colony is likely to be employed constantly not upon - cultivating their own particular land, and building houses, but - upon fishing, trading, etc. So, though the land and houses would be - but a trifling advantage to the adventurers, the ultimate division - of them would be a great discouragement to the settlers who would - tend them with singular care, to make them comfortable, with - borrowed hours from their sleep. The same consideration of common - employment, constantly, by the majority, is good reason not to deny - to the planters the two days a week for private use. Consider how - unfitting you would find it that you and your likes should serve - a new apprenticeship of seven years, and not a day’s freedom from - task. - - Send me word what others are going; who that are possessed of - useful faculties; how many; and particulars of everything. I know - you do not lack a mind. I am sorry you have not been in London all - this while. Time will suffer me to write no more; fare you and - yours well, always in the Lord, in Whom I rest. - - Yours to use, - JOHN ROBINSON. - _June 14th, 1620._ - - - _Several of them at Leyden to John Carver and Robert Cushman in - England_: - - To their loving friends John Carver and Robert Cushman: - - Good Brethren, - - We received several letters at the coming of Mr. Nash and our - pilot, which was a great encouragement to us. Indeed, had you - not sent him, many would have been ready to lose heart, and give - up—partly because of the new conditions which have been accepted - by you, which all are against; and partly for lack of our own - ability to accomplish any of the important matters which you have - commissioned us to do here. As to the former, of which Robert - Cushman requests reasons for our dislike and promises to alter - them accordingly, saying that otherwise we must think he has no - brains,—we desire him to exercise them therein, referring him to - our pastor’s former reasons. But our desire is that you will not - bind yourselves and us to any such unreasonable stipulations, viz., - that the merchants shall have half the houses and lands at the - dividend; and that the settlers shall be deprived of the two days - a week for their own work, as agreed upon,—otherwise we cannot - conceive why any of us should take servants for our own help and - comfort, since we could demand no service of them. This alteration - we have gathered only by word from Mr. Nash, and not from any - letters of yours; so we hope you have not proceeded far in so - great a departure from the terms without our concurrence. However, - requiring you not to exceed the bounds of your commission, which - was to proceed upon the conditions agreed upon and expressed in - writing, we leave it,—not without wondering that you yourselves, as - you write, knowing how small a thing disturbs our consultations, - and hew few understand the business aright, should trouble us with - such matters as these. - - Salute Mr. Weston from us, in whom we hope we are not deceived. - Pray make known our present condition to him, and, if you think - good, show him our letters. At least tell him that, under God, we - rely much upon him and put our confidence in him; and that as you - well know, if he had not joined with us, we should not have entered - upon the enterprise, presuming that if he had not seen means to - accomplish it, he would not have begun it. So we hope that he will - so far help us that our expectations in him be not disappointed. - Thus beseeching the Almighty, Who is all-sufficient to raise us - out of this depth of difficulties, and to assist us herein, and to - supply means by His providence and fatherly care for us, His poor - children and servants, that we may with comfort behold the hand - of our God for good towards us in this our enterprise, which we - undertake in His name and fear; we take leave and remain, - - Your perplexed, yet hopeful brethren, - SAMUEL FULLER WILLIAM BRADFORD - EDWARD WINSLOW ISAAC ALLERTON - _June 10th, 1620_. - - - _Robert Cushman in England to the foregoing at Leyden_: - - Brethren, - - I understand by letters that have come to me, that many of you - greatly dislike my proceedings. Sorry I am to hear it, yet content - to bear it, not doubting that partly by writing, and principally - by word when we come together, I can satisfy any reasonable man. - I have been persuaded by some, especially the bearer of this, to - come and make things clear to you; but as things now stand I cannot - be absent one day, without hazarding the whole voyage; nor do I - conceive that any great good would come of it. Take then, brethren, - this as a step to give you content. First, as to your dislike of - the alteration of one clause in the conditions: if you see it - aright, no blame can lie on me at all. The articles first brought - over by John Carver were never seen by any of the adventurers here - except Mr. Weston himself, when he had well considered it. £500 - was withdrawn by Sir George Farrer and his brother because of it, - and all the rest would have withdrawn (Mr. Weston excepted), if we - had not altered the clause. Now when we at Leyden concluded upon - certain points, as we did, we reckoned without our host, which was - not my fault. Besides, I showed you by letter the equity of the new - condition as against our inconveniences, which might be set against - all the inconveniences cited by Mr. Robinson, and showed that - without the alteration of that clause, we could neither have means - to get there, nor supplies for our subsistence when we arrived. - Yet, notwithstanding all those reasons, which were not mine, but - other men’s wiser than myself, without answer to any one of them, - many complaints are directed against me, of lording it over my - brethren, and making conditions fitter for thieves and bondslaves - than honest men. And at last came a paper of reasons against that - clause in the conditions, which since they were delivered to me - open, my answer shall be open to you all. - - 1. First, it is said that if there had been no division of houses - and lands, it would have been better for the poor:— - - True,—and that shows the inequality of the original conditions: - we should more respect him that ventures both his money and his - person, than him that ventures his person only. - - 2. Consider, further, that we are not giving alms, but furnishing - a storehouse. No one will be poorer than his neighbour for seven - years; and, from the nature of the enterprise, if any of us be - rich, none of us can be poor. At any rate we must not in such an - undertaking start out with the cry,—Poor, poor; mercy, mercy! - Charity has its life in disasters, not in ventures. - - 3. This will hinder the building of good houses, which is contrary - to sound politics:— - - So we would have it. Our purpose is, for the present, to build - such houses as, if need be, we may with little grief set fire to - and run away by the light. Our riches shall not be in pomp, but in - strength. If God sends us riches, we will employ them to provide - more men, ships, ammunition, etc. You will see it argued amongst - the best politicians, that a commonwealth is readier to ebb than to - flow when once fine houses and gay clothes appear. - - 4. The government can prevent excess in building:— - - But if it be generally resolved on beforehand to build modest - houses, the Governor’s labour is spared. - - 5. All men are not of one condition:— - - If by “condition” you mean “wealth” you are mistaken; if you mean - by “condition,” “qualities,” then I say that he who is not content - that his neighbour shall have as good a house, fare, means, etc., - as himself, is not of good quality. Such secluded persons as have - an eye only to themselves, are fitter to come where catching is, - than closing; and are fitter to live alone, than in any society, - either civil or religious. - - 6. It will be of little value, scarcely worth £5:— - - True; it may not be worth half £5. If then so small a thing will - content them, why strive we thus about it, and give them occasion - to suspect us to be worldly and covetous? I will not say what I - have heard since these complaints first reached us here. - - 7. Our friends that venture with us do not look to their own - profit, as did the old adventurers:— - - Then they are better than we, who for a little matter of profit are - ready to draw back. Look to it, brethren, you that make profit your - main end; repent of this, or go not, lest you be like Jonas to - Tarshis. Though some of them have no eye for profit, others have; - and why not they as much as we? Such ventures are undertaken by all - sorts of men, and we must try to content them all if we can. - - 8. It will break up the community, as may be shown by many reasons:— - - That is only a statement; and I say again, it will best foster - community, as may be shown by many reasons. - - 9. Great profit is likely to be made by trucking, fishing, etc.:— - - As it is better for them, so for us; for half is ours, besides - getting our living from it. And if profit comes largely in that - way, we shall labour less on the land, and our houses and lands - will be of less value. - - 10. Our risk is greater than theirs:— - - True, but do they force us to it? Do they urge or egg us? Has not - the motion and resolution always been in ourselves? Do they, any - more than in seeing us resolute if we had means, help us to means - upon equal terms and conditions? If we do not wish to go, they are - content to keep their money. Thus I have pointed out a way to loose - those knots, which I hope you will consider seriously, and let me - have no more stir about them. - - Now, further, I hear a noise about slavish conditions being made; - but surely this is all that I have altered, and I have sent you - the reasons. If you mean about the two days a week for personal - occupations, you are misled. You can have three days a week, as far - as I care, if you wish; and when speaking to the adventurers about - times of working, they said they hoped we were men of discretion - and conscience, and fit to be trusted with that. But indeed the - grounds of our proceedings at Leyden were mistaken. - - As for those of Amsterdam, I thought they would as soon have gone - to Rome as with us; for our liberty is to them as rat’s-bane, - and their rigour as bad to us as the Spanish inquisition. If any - action of mine discourage them, let them withdraw. I will undertake - they shall have their money back at once, paid here. Or if the - congregation think me the Jonas, let them dismiss me before we go; - I shall be content to stay with good will, having but the clothes - on my back. Let us then have quietness, and no more of these - clamours; little did I expect these things which are now come to - pass. - - Yours, - ROBERT CUSHMAN. - -Whether this letter of his ever came to their hands at Leyden, I know -not; I rather think it was intercepted by Mr. Carver and kept by -him, for fear it should give offence. But the letter which follows -was received. - - _Robert Cushman in England in reply to the joint letter from - Leyden_: - - I received your letter yesterday through John Turner, with another - the same day from Amsterdam through Mr. W., savouring of the place - whence it came. And indeed, the many discouragements I find here, - together with the demurs there, made me say I would give up my - accounts to John Carver, and at his coming acquaint him fully - with all, and so leave it entirely with only the poor clothes - on my back. But gathering myself up, on further consideration I - resolved to make one trial more, and to acquaint Mr. Weston with - the unstable condition of things. He has been very discontented - with us of late, and has even said that but for his promise he - would have nothing more to do with the business; but considering - how far we have gone already and how it stood with our credit, - he pulled himself together, and coming to me two hours after, he - told me he would not yet abandon it. So we decided to hire a ship, - and have taken the option of one till Monday. It is small, but - except one that was too large for our purpose, we could not get a - larger; but it is a fine ship. Since our friends over there are - so close-fisted, we hope to secure her without troubling them any - further; and if the ship is too small, it is only fitting that - those who stumble at straws so early in the day, shall rest them - there awhile, lest worse blocks come in the way ere seven years be - ended. If you had faced this business so thoroughly a month ago, - and had written as you do now, we could have concluded things with - less difficulty. But it is as it is. I hope our friends there, if - they are quit of the ship-hire, will be induced to venture the - more. All that I now require is that salt and nets may be bought - there,—all the rest we will provide here; and if even that be - impossible, let them give you credit for a month or two, and we - will take steps to pay it all. Let Mr. Reynolds remain there, and - bring the ship to Southampton. We have hired another pilot here, a - Mr. Clark, who went last year to Virginia with a ship of cattle. - - You shall hear more exactly by John Turner, who I think will leave - here on Tuesday night. I had thought to come with him to answer - the complaints; but if I had more mind to go and dispute with them - than I have care of this important project, I should be like those - who live by clamour and jangling. But neither my mind nor my body - is at liberty to do much, for I am fettered with business, and had - rather study to be quiet than to make answer to their exceptions. - Meanwhile entreat our friends not to be too busy in questioning my - actions before they know them. If I do things that I cannot give - reasons for, it seems you have sent a fool about your business; - in that case you had best return the reproof to yourselves, and - send another, and let me return to my combes. The Lord, Who judges - justly without respect of persons, see into the equity of my cause - and give us quiet, peaceable, and patient minds in all these - turmoils, and sanctify us unto all crosses whatsoever. And so I - take my leave of you all, in all love and affection. - - I hope we shall get all ready here in fourteen days. - - Your poor brother, - ROBERT CUSHMAN. - _June 11th, 1620._ - -There arose, also, a difference between the three that received -the money and made the provisions in England; for besides the -two formerly mentioned, sent from Leyden,—John Carver and Robert -Cushman,—there was one chosen in England to join them in making -provisions for the voyage. His name was Mr. Martin; he came from -Billirike in Essex, whence several others came to join them, as well -as from London and other places. It was thought right by those in -Holland that these strangers who were to go with them should appoint -some one, not so much from any great need of their help, as to avoid -all suspicion or jealousy. Indeed their care not to give offence, -both in this and other things, afterwards greatly inconvenienced -them, as will appear. However, it showed their equal and honest -minds. The provisions were made for the most part at Southampton, -contrary to Mr. Weston’s and Robert Cushman’s advice (which generally -concurred in these things). Reference to these matters is made in the -following letter from Robert Cushman to Mr. Carver, and more will -appear afterwards. - - _Robert Cushman in London to John Carver at Southampton_: - - Loving Friend, - - I have received some letters from you, full of affection and - complaints; but what it is you want me to do I know not. You cry - out, Negligence, negligence, negligence: I marvel why so negligent - a man as myself was employed to undertake the business. Yet you - know that as far as my power permits, nothing shall be one hour - behind, I warrant you. You call upon Mr. Weston to help us with - more money than his share in the adventure; while he protests that, - but for his promise, he would not have done anything further. He - says we take a heady course; and he is offended that our provisions - are being made so far off, and that he was not made acquainted with - our quantity of things. He says that working thus, in three places, - so far distant, we shall, with going hither and thither, wrangling - and expostulating, let the summer slip by before we start. And to - tell the truth, there is already a flat schism among us. We are - readier to dispute than to undertake a voyage. I have received from - Leyden, since you went, three or four letters directed to you; - though as they only concern me I will not trouble you with them. - - I have always feared the event of the Amsterdamers striking in with - us. I trow you must excommunicate me, or else go without their - company, or we shall not lack quarrelling; but let that pass. We - have reckoned, it seems, without our host; and counting upon 150 - persons, we cannot raise above £1200 odd, besides some cloth, - stockings, and shoes, which are not counted; so we shall come short - at least three or four hundred pounds. I would have reduced the - beer and other provisions; and now we could get, both in Amsterdam - and Kent, beer enough; but we cannot accept it without prejudice. - - You fear we have begun to build and shall not be able to make - an end. Our plans for provisioning not having been made in - consultation, we may justly fear the results. There was contention - amongst us three at the first. You wrote to Mr. Martin to prevent - the making of the provisions in Kent; which he did nevertheless, - and decided how much he would have of everything, irrespective of - us. However, your money which you must have there, we will provide - you with instantly. £500 you say will serve; as for the rest, which - will be required here and in Holland, we may go scratch for it. As - for Mr. Crabe, the minister, of whom you write, he has promised to - go with us; but I shall not be sure till I see him shipped, for - he is contentious on many points; still, I hope he will not fail. - Think the best of all, and bear with patience what is wanting, and - the Lord guide us all. - - Your loving friend, - ROBERT CUSHMAN. - _London, June 10th, 1620._ - -I have been more discursive on these subjects,—and shall crave leave -to be so concerning some similar occurrences which will follow; -though in other things I shall try to be more concise. My object is -that their children may see with what difficulties their fathers -had to wrestle in accomplishing the first beginnings; and how God -ultimately brought them through, notwithstanding all their weakness -and infirmities; also that some use may be made of them later, by -others, in similar important projects. Herewith I will end this -chapter. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -Departure from Leyden—Arrival and Preparations at Southampton—Letter -of Farewell from John Robinson to the whole party of Pilgrims: July -and August, 1620. - - -At length after much discussion everything was got ready. A small -ship was bought and fitted out in Holland, intended to help transport -them, and then to remain in the country for fishing and such other -pursuits as might benefit the colony. Another ship was hired at -London, of about 180 tons. When they were ready to depart, they had -a day of solemn humiliation, their pastor taking his text from Ezra -viii., 21: “And there at the river, by Ahava, I proclaimed a fast -that we might humble ourselves before our God, and seek of Him a -right way for us and for our children, and for all our substance.” -Upon this discourse he spent a good part of the day very profitably. -The rest of the time was spent in pouring out prayers to the Lord -with great fervency and abundance of tears. - -The time having come when they must depart, they were accompanied -by most of their brethren out of the city to a town several miles -off, called Delfthaven, where the ship lay ready to take them. So -they left that good and pleasant city, which had been their resting -place for nearly twelve years; but they knew they were pilgrims, -and lifted up their eyes to the heavens, their dearest country, and -quieted their spirits. When they came to the place, they found the -ship and everything ready, and such of their friends as could not -come with them followed them, and several came from Amsterdam to see -them shipped and to take leave of them. That night there was little -sleep for most of them, for it was spent in friendly entertainment -and Christian discourse and other real expressions of true Christian -love. The next day the wind being fair they went aboard and their -friends with them,—and truly doleful was the sight of that sad and -mournful parting. What sighs and sobs and prayers rose from amongst -them! What tears gushed from every eye, and pithy speeches pierced -each heart! Many of the Dutch strangers who stood on the quay as -spectators, could not refrain from tears. Yet it was comfortable and -sweet to see such lively and true expressions of dear and unfeigned -love. But the tide which stays for no man called them away, though -loth to part; and their reverent pastor, falling down on his knees, -and all with him, with watery cheeks commended them with most fervent -prayers to the Lord and His blessing. Then with mutual embraces and -many tears, they took their leave of one another,—which proved to be -the last leave for many of them. - -Thus, hoisting sail, with a prosperous wind they came in short time -to Southampton, where they found the bigger ship from London lying -ready with all the rest of the company. After a joyful welcome and -mutual congratulations with other friendly entertainment, they -came to the subject of their business, and how to conclude it most -expeditiously, and discussed with their agents the alteration of -the conditions. Mr. Carver pleaded that he was employed here at -Southampton, and did not know what his colleague had done in London. -Mr. Cushman answered that he had done nothing but what was essential, -both in fairness and of necessity, otherwise all would have been -sacrificed and many ruined. He stated that at the outset he had -acquainted his fellow-agents with what he had done, and that they had -consented, and left it to him to execute, to receive the money in -London and send it down to them at Southampton, where they wished -to buy provisions; which he accordingly did, though it was against -his advice and some of the merchants’. As for giving them notice at -Leyden, about this change he could not, because of the shortness of -time; again, he knew it would trouble them and hinder the business, -which had already been too long delayed, considering the time of the -year, which he feared they would find to their cost. - -But these explanations did not content his hearers. Mr. Weston also -came up from London to see them embark, and to have the conditions -confirmed; but they refused, and told him that he knew well that -they were not according to the first agreement, nor could they -endorse them without the consent of the rest in Holland. In fact -they had special orders when they came away, from the chief men of -the congregation, not to do it. At this he was much offended, and -told them in that case they must stand on their own legs; so he -returned to London in displeasure. They lacked about £100 to clear -their obligations; but he would not disburse a penny, and left them -to shift as they could. So they were forced to sell some of their -provisions, including some three or four firkins of butter, which -they were best able to spare, having provided too much. Then they -wrote a letter to the merchants and adventurers about the changes in -the conditions as follows: - - - _The Pilgrims at Southampton to the Merchants and Adventurers_: - - Beloved Friends, - - We are sorry that it should be necessary to write to you at all, - because we hoped to see most of you here; but especially we regret - that there should be these differences between us. Since we cannot - confer together, we think it proper to show you briefly the just - cause of our dissenting from the articles last made by Robert - Cushman, without our commission or knowledge. For, though he might - make good excuses to himself, it in no way justifies his having - done it. Our main differences lie in the fifth and ninth articles, - concerning the division of houses or lands, the possession of - which, as some you know, was one special motive amongst others - which induced us to go. This was thought so reasonable, that when - your chief partner in this venture (whom we have much cause to - respect) proposed conditions to us of his own accord, he added this - one. A copy of these conditions we have sent to you, including - some proposed by us; which being approved on both sides, and a day - set for the payment of the money, those of Holland paid in theirs. - After that, Robert Cushman, Mr. Pierce, and Mr. Martin put them - into better form, and wrote them in a book now extant; and upon - Robert’s showing Mr. Mullins a copy he paid in his money. And we - of Holland had never seen any other agreement before our coming to - Southampton, except for a private copy of changed conditions which - reached us, and at which we manifested utter dislike; but having - sold our estates and being ready to come, it was too late to give - up the voyage. We beseech you, therefore, to judge impartially of - things, and if a fault has been committed, lay it where it should - be, and not upon us. - - We never gave Robert Cushman commission to draw up a single article - for us, but only sent him to receive money upon the articles before - agreed on, and to arrange for the provisions till John Carver came, - and to assist him in it. However, since you conceive yourselves - wronged as well as we, we have made an addition to our 9th article, - such as will almost heal the wound of itself. But that it may - appear to all that we are not lovers of ourselves only, but desire - also the good of our friends who have ventured their money with - our persons, we have added the last article to the rest, promising - you again by letter, on behalf of the whole company, that if large - profits should not arise during the seven years, we will remain - longer with you if the Lord give a blessing. We are in such straits - at present that we are forced to sell £60 worth of our provisions - to clear the Haven, and put ourselves upon bare necessities, - scarcely having any butter, no oil, not a soul to mend a shoe, nor - every man a sword to his side, lacking many muskets, much armour, - etc. And yet we are willing to expose ourselves to such imminent - dangers as are likely to ensue, and trust to the good providence - of God, rather than His name and truth should be evil spoken of - through us. Thus saluting all of you in love, we take our leave and - rest, - - Yours, etc. - _Aug. 3rd, 1620._ - -It was subscribed with the names of the chief members of the -congregation. - -At their parting Mr. Robinson wrote a letter to the whole party of -the pilgrims which, though it has already been printed, I thought -well to insert here; also a brief letter written at the same time to -Mr. Carver, in which the tender love and godly care of a true pastor -appears. - - _Mr. John Robinson in Holland to John Carver at Southampton_: - - My dear Brother, - - I received enclosed in your last letter the note of information, - which I shall certainly keep and make use of, when occasion arises. - I have a true feeling of your perplexity of mind and toil of body; - but I hope that you, who have always been able so plentifully - to administer comfort to others in their trials, are so well - furnished for yourself that even far greater difficulties than - you have yet undergone (though I conceive them to have been great - enough) cannot oppress you, though they press you, as the Apostle - says. The spirit of a man, sustained by the spirit of God, will - sustain his infirmity, and, I doubt not, so will yours; and much - the better when you enjoy the presence and help of so many godly - and wise brethren, in bearing part of your burden, who will not - admit into their hearts the least thought or suspicion of the least - negligence, still less presumption, to have been in you, whatever - they may think of others. Now what shall I say and write to you - and your good wife, my loving sister? Even only this: I desire, - and always shall, from the Lord unto you as unto my own soul; and - assure yourself that my heart is with you, and that I will not - delay my bodily coming at the first opportunity. I have written a - large letter to the whole company, and am sorry that I shall not - be able to speak with them; the more so considering the want of a - preacher, which will be an additional spur to my hastening after - you. I do ever commend my best affection to you, which if I thought - you doubted, I would express in more words. And the Lord in whom - you trust, and whom you serve ever in this business and journey, - guide you with His hand, protect you with His wing, and show you - and us His salvation in the end, and bring us in the meanwhile - together in the place desired, if such be His good will, for His - Christ’s sake. Amen. - - Yours, - JOHN ROBINSON. - _July 27th, 1620._ - -This was the last letter that Mr. Carver lived to see from him. - - _Mr. John Robinson in Holland to the Pilgrims departing from - Southampton for New England_: - - Loving Christian Friends, - - I salute you all heartily in the Lord, as being they with whom - I am present in my best affections and most earnest longings, - though I am constrained for a time to be bodily absent from you. I - say constrained, God knowing how willingly, and much rather than - otherwise, I would have borne my part with you in this first brunt, - were I not by strong necessity held back for the present. Think of - me in the meanwhile as of a man divided in himself with great pain, - and (physical limitations set aside) as having his better part with - you. Though I doubt not that in your godly wisdom, you foresee what - is applicable to your present condition, I have thought it but my - duty to add some further spur, even to those who run already,—not - because you need it, but because I owe it in love and duty. - - First, as we ought daily to renew our repentance with our God, - especially for our sins known, and generally for our unknown - trespasses, so doth the Lord call us in a singular manner, upon - such an occasion of difficulty and danger as lies before you, both - to more narrow search and careful reformation of our ways in His - sight lest He, calling to remembrance of our sins forgotten by us - or unrepented of, take advantage of us, and, as a judgment upon us, - leave us to be swallowed up in one danger or another. Whereas, on - the contrary, sin being taken away by earnest repentance, and the - pardon thereof from the Lord sealed up into a man’s conscience by - His spirit, great shall be his security and peace in all dangers, - sweet his comfort in all distresses, with happy deliverance from - all evil, whether in life or in death. - - Now next after this heavenly peace with God and our own conscience, - we are carefully to provide for peace with all men so far as in - us lieth especially with our associates; and for that we must - be watchful that we ourselves neither give, nor easily take, - offence. Woe be unto the world for offences; for though it be - necessary (considering the malice of Satan and man’s corruption) - that offences come, yet woe unto the man or woman either, by whom - the offence come, saith Christ (Math. xviii, 7). And if offences - arising from unseasonable actions, innocent in themselves, are - more to be feared than death itself, as the Apostle teacheth (I - Cor. ix, 15), how much more when arising from things simply evil, - in which neither honour of God nor love of man is thought worthy - to be regarded. Nor is it sufficient that we keep ourselves by the - grace of God from giving offence, except we be armed also against - taking offence when it is given by others. For how imperfect is the - work of grace in him who lacks the charity that covers a multitude - of offence, as the scripture says. Neither are you exhorted to - this grace only upon the common grounds of Christianity. Persons - ready to take offence, either lack the charity which should cover - offences; or the wisdom duly to weigh human frailty; or lastly, - are gross though close hypocrites, as Christ our Lord teaches - (Math. vii, 1, 2, 3). In my own experience I have found few who - are quicker to give offence, than those who easily take it. They - who have nourished this touchy humour have never proved sound and - profitable members in societies. - - But there are, besides, many reasons why you, above others, should - use special care in this direction. You are, many of you, strangers - to each other and to the infirmities of one another, and so stand - in need of the more watchfulness, lest when unsuspected qualities - appear in men and women, you be inordinately affected by them. This - requires at your hands much wisdom and charity. Further, the plans - for your intended civil community will furnish continual occasion - of offence, and will be as fuel to the fire, unless you diligently - quench it with brotherly forbearance. And if taking offence - causelessly or easily at men’s doings should be so carefully - avoided, how much more is it to be heeded lest we take offence at - God himself,—which we do as often as we murmur at His providence in - our crosses, or bear impatiently such afflictions as He pleases to - visit upon us. Store up, therefore, patience against the evil day, - with which we take offence at the Lord Himself in His holy and just - works. - - A fourth thing is carefully to be provided for, to wit, that with - your employments, which will be common to all, you join affections - truly bent upon the general good, avoiding, as a deadly plague of - your comfort, all retiredness of mind for selfish advantage. Let - every one repress within himself, as so many rebels against the - common good, all private partialities, not consistent with the - general convenience and as one is careful not to have a new house - shaken with any violence before it is well settled and the parts - firmly knit, so be you, I beseech you brethren, much more careful, - that the house of God, which you are and are to be, be not shaken - with unnecessary novelties or other oppositions at the first - settling thereof. - - Lastly, whereas you are to become a body politic, administering - among yourselves civil government, and are furnished with persons - of no special eminence above the rest, from whom you will elect - some to the office of government, let your wisdom and godliness - appear, not only in choosing such persons as will entirely love and - promote the common good, but also in yielding them all due honour - and obedience in their lawful administrations; not beholding - in them the ordinariness of their persons, but God’s ordinance - for your good; nor being like the foolish multitude, who honour - a gay coat more than either the virtuous mind of the wearer or - the glorious ordinance of the Lord. But you know better, and - understand that the image of the Lord’s power and authority which - the magistrate bears, is honourable, in how humble persons soever. - And this duty you can the more willingly perform, because you are - at present to have only those for your governors as you yourselves - shall choose. - - Several other things of importance I could put you in mind of, but - I will not so far wrong your godly minds as to think you heedless - of these things, there being many among you well able both to - admonish themselves and others. These few things, therefore, I do - earnestly commend unto your care and conscience, joining therewith - my daily incessant prayers unto the Lord, that He Who has made the - heavens and the earth, the sea and all rivers of waters, and Whose - providence is over all His works, especially over all His dear - children for good, would so guide and guard you in your ways, as - inwardly by His spirit, so outwardly by the hand of His power, that - both you and we also may praise His name all the days of our lives. - Fare you well in Him in Whom you trust, and in Whom I rest. - - An unfeigned well-willer of your happy success in this hopeful - voyage, - - JOHN ROBINSON. - -This letter, though long, being so suitable to the occasion I thought -well to insert here. - -Everything being now ready, and all business completed the company -was called together, and this letter was read to them, and was -well received by all, and afterwards bore fruit in many. Then they -allotted the company to each ship as they thought best, and chose -governors and two or three assistants, to take charge of the people -on the way, and to see to the distribution of their provisions, and -such affairs. Which done, they set sail from Southampton, about the -5th of August; but what befell them further upon the coast of England -will appear in the next chapter. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -Departure from Southampton, and Delay of both Ships at Dartmouth and -Plymouth: August and September, 1620. - - -Having thus put to sea, they had not gone far when Mr. Reynolds, the -captain of the smaller ship, complained that he found her so leaky -that he dare not go further till she was mended. So the captain of -the bigger ship, Mr. Jones, being consulted with, they both resolved -to put into Dartmouth and have her mended, which accordingly was -done, at great expense and loss of time and a fair wind. She was -here thoroughly searched from stem to stern, some leaks were found -and mended, and it was then believed that she might proceed without -danger. So with good hope they put to sea again, thinking they -would go comfortably on, not looking for any more hindrances of -this kind. But after they had gone 100 leagues beyond Land’s End -holding together all the while, the captain of the small ship again -complained that she was so leaky that he must bear up or sink at sea, -for they could scarcely keep her afloat by pumping. So they consulted -again, and both ships resolved to bear up again and put into -Plymouth, which accordingly was done. No special leak could be found, -but it was judged to be the general weakness of the ship, and that -she would not prove equal to the voyage. Upon which it was resolved -to dismiss her, and part of the company, and proceed with the other -ship; which, though it caused great discouragement, was put into -execution. So after they had taken out such provisions as the other -ship could well stow, and decided what persons to send back, they -made another sad parting, the one ship going back to London, and the -other proceeding on her voyage. Those that went back were mostly such -as were willing to do so, either from discontent or fear of the ill -success of the voyage, seeing they had met with so many crosses and -the year was so far spent. Others, owing to their weakness and having -many young children, were thought least useful and most unfit to bear -the brunt of this arduous adventure; to which work of God and the -judgment of their brethren they were contented to submit. And thus, -like Gideon’s army, this small number was divided, as if the Lord -thought these few too many for the great work He had to do. - -It was afterwards found that the leakiness of the ship was partly -caused by being overmasted and too much pressed with sail; for after -she was sold and put into trim she made many voyages, to the profit -of her owners. But it was partly due to the cunning and deceit of -the captain and his crew, who had been hired to stay a whole year at -the Settlement, and now, fearing want of victuals, they plotted this -stratagem to free themselves, as was afterwards confessed by some of -them. Yet in order to encourage the captain the majority of those -who had come from Leyden had been put aboard this ship, to content -him. But so strong was self-love that he forgot all duty and former -kindnesses, and dealt thus falsely with them, though he pretended -otherwise. - -Amongst those who returned was Mr. Cushman and his family, whose -heart and courage had failed them before. He was assistant to -Mr. Martin, who was governor in the bigger ship. I insert here a -passionate letter he wrote to a friend in London from Dartmouth, -whilst the ship lay there mending, which, besides the expression of -his own fears, shows how the providence of God was working for their -good beyond man’s expectations, and other things concerning their -condition in these straits. And though it discloses some infirmities -in him (as who under temptation is free), he afterwards continued to -be a special instrument for their good, and performed the offices of -a loving friend and faithful brother to them, and was a partaker of -much comfort with them. - - _Robert Cushman at Dartmouth to Edward Southworth, at Heanage - House, Duke’s Place, London._ - - Loving Friend, - - My most kind remembrances to you and your wife, with loving E. M., - etc., whom in this world I never look to see again. For beside the - imminent dangers of this voyage, which are no less than deadly, an - infirmity has seized me which will not in all likelihood leave me - till death. What to call it I know not; but it is, as it were, a - bundle of lead crushing my heart more and more these fourteen days, - so that though I perform the actions of a living man I am but as - dead; but the will of God be done. - - Our pinnace will not cease leaking, else I think we had been half - way to Virginia. Our voyage hither has been as full of crosses as - ourselves have been of crookedness. We put in here to trim her, and - I think if we had stayed at sea but three or four hours more she - would have sunk. And though she was twice trimmed at Southampton - she is still as open and leaky as a sieve. We lay at Southampton - seven days, in fair weather, waiting for her; and now we lie here - waiting for her in as fair a wind as can blow, and so have done - these four days, and are likely to lie four more, and by that time - the wind may have turned as it did at Southampton. Our victuals - will be half eaten up, I think, before we leave the coast of - England, and if our voyage last long we shall not have a month’s - victuals when we arrive. Nearly £700 has been spent in Southampton, - upon what I know not. Mr. Martin says he neither can nor will give - any account of it; and if he is called upon for accounts he cries - out that we are ungrateful for his pains and care, and that we are - suspicious of him. Also he insults our poor people, and treats them - with scorn and contempt, as if they were not good enough to wipe - his shoes. It would break your heart to hear the mourning of our - poor people. They complain to me, and alas! I can do nothing for - them. If I speak to him he flies in my face as mutinous, and says - no complaints shall be heard or received but by himself, and they - are forward, waspish, and discontented people. There are others - who would gladly lose all they have put in, or make satisfaction - for what they have had, if they might only depart; but he will - not listen to them or allow them to go ashore lest they should run - away. The sailors, too, are so annoyed at his ignorant boldness, in - meddling with things he knows nothing of, that some threaten to do - him mischief. He makes himself a laughing stock. - - As for Mr. Weston, unless grace is with him he will hate us - ten times more than ever he loved us, for not confirming the - conditions. Now that they have met some reverses they begin to see - the truth, and say Mr. Robinson was at fault to tell them never to - consent to those conditions, or put me in office. But he and they - will rue it too late. Four or five of the chief of them from Leyden - came resolved never to go on those conditions. Mr. Martin said he - never received any money on those conditions, and that he was not - beholden to the merchants for a pin; that they were blood-suckers, - and I know not what. Simple man, he indeed never made any - conditions with the merchants, nor ever spoke with them. But did - all that money fly to Southampton, or was it his own? Who would go - and lay out money so rashly and lavishly as he did, and never know - how he comes by it or on what conditions? Secondly, I told him of - the alterations long ago, and he was content; but now he domineers, - and says I betrayed them into the hands of slave-drivers; he is - not beholden to them; he can fit out two ships himself for a - voyage—when he has only £50 worth of shares in the venture, and if - he gave in his accounts he would not have a penny left, as I am - persuaded. - - Friend, if ever we establish a colony, God works a miracle; - especially considering how scanty our provisions will be and most - of all how disunited we are among ourselves, and devoid of good - leaders. Violence will break all. Where is the meek and humble - spirit of Moses and of Nehemiah, who re-edified the walls of - Jerusalem and the state of Israel? Is not the sound of Rehoboam’s - bragging daily among us here? Have not the philosophers and all - wise men observed, that even in settled commonwealths violent - governors bring either themselves or people or both to ruin? How - much more in the building of commonwealths, when the mortar is - scarcely hardened which is to bind the walls. If I were to write - you everything that foreruns our ruin, I should overcharge my weak - head and grieve your tender heart; only this,—prepare for evil - tidings of us every day. But pray for us instantly. It may be the - Lord may yet be entreated. - - I see not how in reason we can escape the gasping of hunger-starved - persons; but God can do much, and His will be done. It is better - for me to die now than to bear it. Poor William King and I strive - who shall first be meat for the fishes; but we look for a glorious - resurrection, knowing Christ Jesus after the flesh no more; but, - looking unto the joy that is before us, we will endure all these - things and account them light in comparison of the joy we hope for. - Remember me in all love to our friends, as if I named them, whose - prayers I desire earnestly, and wish again to see, but not till I - can look them in the face with more comfort. The Lord give us that - true comfort which none can take from us. I desired to send a brief - account of our condition to some friend. I doubt not but you will - know when to speak a word in season. What I have written is true, - and much more which I have foreborne to mention. I write it as upon - my life and my last confession in England. What you deem well to - mention at once, you may speak of; and what is best to conceal, - conceal. Excuse my weak manner, for my head is weak and my body is - feeble. The Lord make me strong in Him, and keep both you and yours. - - Your loving friend, - ROBERT CUSHMAN. - _Dartmouth, Aug. 17th, 1620._ - -These being his fears at Dartmouth, they must needs be much stronger -when he arrived at Plymouth. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -The Mayflower sails from Plymouth—Voyage—Arrival at Cape Cod: -September-November, 1620 - - -These troubles being over, and all being together in the one ship, -they put to sea again on September 6th with a prosperous wind, which -continued for several days and was some encouragement to them, -though, as usual, many were afflicted with sea-sickness. I must not -omit to mention here a special example of God’s providence. There -was an insolent and very profane young man,—one of the sailors, -which made him the more overbearing,—who was always harassing the -poor people in their sickness, and cursing them daily with grievous -execrations, and did not hesitate to tell them that he hoped to help -throw half of them overboard before they came to their journey’s -end. If he were gently reproved by any one, he would curse and swear -most bitterly. But it pleased God, before they came half seas over, -to smite the young man with a grievous disease, of which he died -in a desperate manner, and so was himself the first to be thrown -overboard. Thus his curses fell upon his own head, which astonished -all his mates for they saw it was the just hand of God upon him. - -After they had enjoyed fair winds and weather for some time, they -encountered cross winds and many fierce storms by which the ship was -much shaken and her upper works made very leaky. One of the main -beams amid-ships was bent and cracked, which made them afraid that -she might not be able to complete the voyage. So some of the chief -of the voyagers, seeing that the sailors doubted the efficiency of -the ship, entered into serious consultation with the captain and -officers, to weigh the danger betimes and rather to return than to -cast themselves into desperate and inevitable peril. Indeed there was -great difference of opinion amongst the crew themselves. They wished -to do whatever could be done for the sake of their wages, being -now half way over; on the other hand they were loth to risk their -lives too desperately. But at length all opinions, the captain’s -and others’ included, agreed that the ship was sound under the -water-line, and as for the buckling of the main beam, there was a -great iron screw the passengers brought out of Holland, by which the -beam could be raised into its place; and the carpenter affirmed that -with a post put under it, set firm in the lower deck, and otherwise -fastened, he could make it hold. As for the decks and upper works, -they said they would calk them as well as they could; and though with -the working of the ship they would not long keep stanch, yet there -would otherwise be no great danger, if they did not overpress her -with sail. - -So they committed themselves to the will of God, and resolved to -proceed. In several of these storms the wind was so strong and the -seas so high that they could not carry a knot of sail, but were -forced to hull for many days. Once, as they thus lay at hull in a -terrible storm, a strong young man, called John Howland, coming on -deck was thrown into the sea; but it pleased God that he caught hold -of the top-sail halliards which hung overboard and ran out at length; -but he kept his hold, though he was several fathoms under water, -till he was hauled up by the rope and then with a boat-hook helped -into the ship and saved; and though he was somewhat ill from it he -lived many years and became a profitable member both of the church -and commonwealth. In all the voyage only one of the passengers died, -and that was William Button, a youth, servant to Samuel Fuller, when -they were nearing the coast. But to be brief, after long beating -at sea, on November 11th they fell in with a part of the land -called Cape Cod, at which they were not a little joyful. After some -deliberation among themselves and with the captain, they tacked about -and resolved to stand for the southward, the wind and weather being -fair, to find some place near Hudson’s River for their habitation. -But after they had kept that course about half a day, they met -with dangerous shoals and roaring breakers, and as they conceived -themselves in great danger,—the wind falling,—they resolved to bear -up again for the Cape, and thought themselves happy to get out of -danger before night overtook them, as by God’s providence they did. -Next day they got into the bay, where they rode in safety. - -A word or two, by the way, of this Cape. It was first thus named by -Captain Gosnold and his people in 1602, because they caught much of -that fish there; and afterwards was called Cape James by Captain -Smith; but it retains the former name among seamen. The point where -they first met with those dangerous shoals they called Point Care, or -Tucker’s Terror; but the French and Dutch to this day call it Malabar. - -Having found a good haven and being brought safely in sight of land, -they fell upon their knees and blessed the God of Heaven who had -brought them over the vast and furious ocean, and delivered them from -all the perils and miseries of it, again to set their feet upon the -firm and stable earth, their proper element. And no marvel that they -were thus joyful, when the wise Seneca was so affected with sailing -a few miles on the coast of his own Italy, that he affirmed he had -rather taken twenty years to make his way by land, than to go by sea -to any place in however short a time,—so tedious and dreadful it was -to him. - -But here I cannot but make a pause, and stand half amazed at this -poor people’s present condition; and so I think will the reader, -too, when he considers it well. Having thus passed the vast ocean, -and that sea of troubles before while they were making their -preparations, they now had no friends to welcome them, nor inns to -entertain and refresh their weather-beaten bodies, nor houses—much -less towns—to repair to. - -It is recorded in scripture (Acts. xxviii) as a mercy to the apostle -and his shipwrecked crew, that the barbarians showed them no small -kindness in refreshing them; but these savage barbarians when they -met with them (as will appear) were readier to fill their sides full -of arrows than otherwise! As for the season, it was winter, and those -who have experienced the winters of the country know them to be -sharp and severe, and subject to fierce storms, when it is dangerous -to travel to known places,—much more to search an unknown coast. -Besides, what could they see but a desolate wilderness, full of wild -beasts and wild men; and what multitude there might be of them they -knew not! Neither could they, as it were, go up to the top of Pisgah, -to view from this wilderness a more goodly country to feed their -hopes; for which way soever they turned their eyes (save upward to -the Heavens!) they could gain little solace from any outward objects. -Summer being done, all things turned upon them a weather-beaten face; -and the whole country, full of woods and thickets, presented a wild -and savage view. - -If they looked behind them, there was the mighty ocean which they had -passed, and was now a gulf separating them from all civilized parts -of the world. If it be said that they had their ship to turn to, it -is true; but what did they hear daily from the captain and crew? That -they should quickly look out for a place with their shallop, where -they would be not far off; for the season was such that the captain -would not approach nearer to the shore till a harbour had been -discovered which he could enter safely; and that the food was being -consumed apace, but he must and would keep sufficient for the return -voyage. It was even muttered by some of the crew that if they did not -find a place in time, they would turn them and their goods ashore and -leave them. - -Let it be remembered, too, what small hope of further assistance from -England they had left behind them, to support their courage in this -sad condition and the trials they were under; for how the case stood -between the settlers and the merchants at their departure has already -been described. It is true, indeed, that the affection and love of -their brethren at Leyden towards them was cordial and unbroken; but -they had little power to help them or themselves. - -What, then, could now sustain them but the spirit of God, and His -grace? Ought not the children of their fathers rightly to say: Our -fathers were Englishmen who came over the great ocean, and were -ready to perish in this wilderness; but they cried unto the Lord, -and He heard their voice, and looked on their adversity.... Let -them therefore praise the Lord, because He is good, and His mercies -endure forever. Yea, let them that have been redeemed of the Lord, -show how He hath delivered them from the hand of the oppressor. When -they wandered forth into the desert-wilderness, out of the way, and -found no city to dwell in, both hungry and thirsty, their soul was -overwhelmed in them. Let them confess before the Lord His loving -kindness, and His wonderful works before the sons of men! - - - - -CHAPTER X - -The Pilgrims seek a Site for their Settlement, and discover the -Harbour of New Plymouth: November-December, 1620 - - -They thus arrived at Cape Cod on the 11th of November, and necessity -called on them to look out for a place of habitation. Having brought -a large shallop with them from England, stowed in quarters in the -ship, they now got her out, and set their carpenters to work to trim -her up; but being much bruised and battered in the foul weather they -saw she would be long mending. So a few of them volunteered to go -by land and explore the neighbouring parts, whilst the shallop was -put in order; particularly since, as they entered the bay, there -seemed to be an opening some two or three leagues off, which the -captain thought was a river. It was conceived there might be some -danger in the attempt; but seeing them resolute, sixteen of them, -well armed, were permitted to go, under charge of Captain Standish. -They set forth on the 15th of November, being landed by the ship’s -boat, and when they had marched about the space of a mile by the -sea-side, they espied five or six persons with a dog coming towards -them. They were savages; but they fled back into the woods, followed -by the English, who wished to see if they could speak with them, and -to discover if there were more lying in ambush. But the Indians, -seeing themselves followed, left the woods, and ran along the sands -as hard as they could, so our men could not come up with them, but -followed the track of their feet several miles. Night coming on, they -made their rendezvous, and set sentinels, and rested in quiet. Next -morning they again pursued the Indians’ tracks, till they came to a -great creek, where they had left the sands and turned into the woods. -But they continued to follow them by guess, hoping to find their -dwellings; but soon they lost both the Indians and themselves, and -fell into such thickets that their clothes and armour were injured -severely; but they suffered most from want of water. At length they -found some, and refreshed themselves with the first New England water -they had drunk; and in their great thirst they found it as pleasant -as wine or beer had been before. Afterwards they directed their -course towards the other shore, for they knew it was only a neck of -land they had to cross over. At length they got to the sea-side, -and marched to this supposed river, and by the way found a pond of -fresh water, and shortly after a quantity of cleared ground where -the Indians had formerly planted corn; and they found some of their -graves. Proceeding further, they saw stubble where corn had been -grown the same year, and also found a place where a house had lately -been, with some planks, and a great kettle and heaps of sand newly -banked, under which they found several large baskets filled with -corn, some in the ear of various colours, which was a very goodly -sight they having never seen any like it before. This was near the -supposed river that they had come to seek. When they reached it, they -found that it opened into two arms, with a high cliff of sand at the -entrance, but more likely to be creeks of salt water than fresh, they -thought. There was good harbourage for their shallop, so they left -it to be further explored when she was ready. The time allowed them -having expired, they returned to the ship, lest the others should be -anxious about their safety. They took part of the corn and buried -the rest; and so, like the men from Eschol, carried with them of the -fruits of the land, and showed their brethren; at which the rest -were very glad, and greatly encouraged. - -After this, the shallop being ready, they set out again for the -better reconnoitering of the place. The captain of the ship desired -to go himself, so there were some thirty men. However, they found -it to be no harbour for ships, but only for boats. They also found -two of the Indians’ houses covered with mats, and some of their -implements in them; but the people had run away and could not be -seen. They also found more corn, and beans of various colours. These -they brought away, intending to give them full satisfaction when they -should meet with any of them,—as about six months afterwards they did. - -And it is to be noted as a special providence of God, and a great -mercy to this poor people, that they thus got seed to plant corn the -next year, or they might have starved; for they had none, nor any -likelihood of getting any, till too late for the planting season. Nor -is it likely that they would have got it if this first voyage had not -been made, for the ground was soon all covered with snow and frozen -hard. But the Lord is never wanting unto His in their great need; let -His holy name have all the praise. - -The month of November being spent in these affairs, and foul weather -coming on, on the sixth of December they sent out their shallop -again with ten of their principal men and some sailors upon further -discovery, intending to circumnavigate the deep bay of Cape Cod. The -weather was very cold, and it froze so hard that the spray of the sea -froze on their coats like glass. Early that night they got to the -lower end of the bay, and as they drew near the shore they saw ten or -twelve Indians very busy about something. They landed about a league -or two from them; though they had much ado to put ashore anywhere, -it was so full of flats. It was late when they landed, so they made -themselves a barricade of logs and boughs as well as they could in -the time, and set a sentinel and betook them to rest, and saw the -smoke of the fire the savages made that night. When morning came -they divided their party, some to coast along the shore in the boat, -and the rest to march through the woods to see the land, and, if -possible, to find a fit place for their settlement. They came to the -place where they had seen the Indians the night before and found they -had been cutting up a great fish like a grampus, covered with almost -two inches of fat, like a hog. The shallop found two more of the same -kind of fish dead on the sands, a usual thing after storms there, -because of the great flats of sand. They ranged up and down all that -day, but found no people nor any place they liked. When the sun got -low they hastened out of the woods to meet their shallop, making -signs to it to come into a creek hard by, which it did at high water. -They were very glad to meet, for they had not seen each other since -the morning. They made a barricade, as they did every night, with -logs, stakes, and thick pine boughs, the height of a man, leaving it -open to leeward; partly to shelter them from the cold wind, making -their fire in the middle and lying around it; and, partly to defend -them from any sudden assaults of the savages, if they should try to -surround them. So being very weary, they betook them to rest. But -about midnight they heard a hideous cry, and their sentinel called -“Arm, arm!” So they bestirred themselves and stood to their arms, and -shot a couple of muskets and then the noise ceased. They concluded -it was a pack of wolves, or some such wild beasts; for one of the -sailors told them he had often heard such noises in Newfoundland. So -they rested till about five o’clock in the morning. After prayer they -prepared for breakfast, and it being day dawning, it was thought best -to be carrying things down to the boat. Some said it was not best -to carry the guns down; others said they would be the readier, for -they had wrapped them up in their coats to keep them from the dew. -But some three or four would not carry their guns down to the boat -till they went themselves. However, as the water was not high enough, -the others laid theirs down on the bank of the creek, and came up to -breakfast. But soon, all of a sudden, they heard a great and strange -cry, which they knew to be the same as they had heard in the night, -though with various notes. One of the company who was outside came -running in and cried: “Men; Indians, Indians”; and at that their -arrows came flying amongst them! The men ran down to the creek with -all speed to recover their guns, which by the providence of God they -succeeded in doing. In the meantime two of those who were still armed -discharged their muskets at the Indians; and two more stood ready at -the entrance of the rendezvous, but were commanded not to shoot till -they could take fell aim at them; and the other two loaded again at -full speed, there being only four guns there to defend the barricade -when it was first assaulted. - -The cry of the Indians was dreadful, especially when they saw the men -run out of the rendezvous towards the shallop to recover their guns, -the Indians wheeling about them. But some of the men, armed with -coats of mail and with cutlasses in their hands, soon got their guns -and let fly among them, which quickly stopped their violence. There -was one big Indian, and no less valiant, who stood behind a tree, -within half a musket-shot, and let his arrows fly at them. He was -seen to shoot three arrows, which were all avoided. He stood three -musket-shots, till one of them made the bark and splinters of the -tree fly about his ears, at which he gave an extraordinary shriek, -and away all of them went. The men left some of the party to guard -the shallop, and followed the Indians about a quarter of a mile, -shouting once or twice, and shooting off two or three guns, and then -returned. They did this so that the natives might not think they were -afraid of them. - -Thus it pleased God to vanquish their enemies, and give them -deliverance; and by His special providence so to dispose that not -one of them was hit, though the arrows came close to them, on every -side, and some of their coats which were hung up in the barricade -were shot through and through. Afterwards they gave God solemn thanks -and praise for their deliverance, and gathered up a bundle of the -arrows, and later sent them to England by the captain of the ship. -They called the place “The First Encounter.” - -Then they left, and coasted all along, but discovered no likely place -for a harbour. So they made all speed to a spot which their pilot—a -Mr. Coppin, who had been in the country before—assured them was a -good harbour, which he had been in, and which they might fetch before -night. Of this they were glad, for the weather began to be foul. -After some hours’ sailing, it began to snow and rain, and about the -middle of the afternoon the wind increased, and the sea became very -rough. They broke their rudder, and it was as much as two men could -do to steer her with a couple of oars. But the pilot bade them be of -good cheer, and said he saw the harbour; but the storm increasing -and night drawing on, they carried all the sail they could to get in -while they could see. Then their mast broke in three pieces, and the -sail fell overboard in a very heavy sea, so that they were in danger -of being wrecked; but by God’s mercy they recovered themselves, and -having the tide with them, struck in towards the harbour. But when -they came to, the pilot found he had mistaken the place, and said the -Lord be merciful to them, for he had never seen the place before; -and he and the mate were about to run her ashore, in a cove full -of breakers, before the wind. But one of the seamen, who steered, -bade the rowers, if they were men, about with her, or they would all -be cast away; which they did with speed. So he bid them be of good -cheer and row lustily for there was a fair sound before them, and -he did not doubt but they would find a place where they could come -to safely. Though it was very dark and rained hard, they ultimately -got under the lee of a small island, and remained there safely all -night; but they did not know it was an island till morning. They -were divided in their mind; some wished to stay in the boat, for -fear there would be more Indians; others were so weak and cold -they could not endure it, but got ashore and with much ado made a -fire—everything being wet,—and then the rest were glad enough to join -them; for after midnight the wind shifted to the northwest and it -froze hard. - -But though this had been a night of much hardship and danger, God -gave them a morning of comfort and refreshment, as He usually doth -to His children; for the next day was a fair sun-shining day, and -they found they were on an island secure from the Indians, where they -could dry their stuff, fix their arms, and rest themselves and give -God thanks for His mercies in their manifold deliverances. This being -the last day of the week they prepared to keep the Sabbath there. -On Monday they sounded the harbour and found it fit for shipping; -and marching inland they found several cornfields and little running -brooks,—a place, as they supposed, fit for a settlement, at least -it was the best they could find, and considering the season of the -year and their present necessity they were thankful for it. So they -returned with this news to the rest of their people aboard the ship, -which cheered them greatly. - -On the 15th day of December they weighed anchor to go to the place -they had discovered, and came within two leagues of it, but had to -bear up again. On the 16th day the wind came fair, and they arrived -safe in the harbour. Afterwards they took a better view of the place, -and resolved where to pitch their dwellings; and on the 25th day they -began to erect the first house for common use, to receive them and -their goods. - - - - - BOOK II - - 1620-1646 - - HISTORY OF THE SETTLEMENT AT NEW PLYMOUTH - - - - -CHAPTER I - -Deed of Government drawn up—Death of half their -number—Squanto—Compact with the Indians—Captain Dermer’s description -of New Plymouth: 1620. - - -The rest of this work—if God give me life and opportunity—I shall, -for brevity’s sake, handle in the form of Annals, noting only the -principal doings, chronologically. - -First, I will turn back a little, and begin with a compact or deed -drawn up by them before they went ashore to settle, constituting the -first foundation of their government. This was occasioned partly by -the discontented and mutinous speeches that some of the strangers -amongst them had let fall: that when they got ashore they would -use their liberty that none had power to command them, the patent -procured being for Virginia, and not for New England, which belonged -to another company, with which the Virginia company had nothing -to do. And, further, it was believed by the leading men among the -settlers that such a deed, drawn up by themselves, considering their -present condition, would be as effective as any patent, and in some -respects more so. - -The form of the deed was as follows: - - In the name of God, Amen. We whose names are underwritten, the - loyal subjects of our dread sovereign lord, King James, by the - grace of God, of Great Britain, France and Ireland, King, Defender - of the Faith, etc., having undertaken for the glory of God, and - advancement of the Christian faith, and honour of our king and - country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the northern - parts of Virginia, do by these presents solemnly and mutually in - the presence of God, and of one another, covenant and combine - ourselves into a civil body politic, for our better ordering and - preservation, and the furtherance of the ends aforesaid and by - virtue hereof to enact, constitute, and frame, such just and equal - laws, ordinances, acts, constitutions, and offices, from time to - time, as shall be thought most meet and convenient for the general - use of the Colony, unto which we promise all due submission and - obedience. In witness whereof we have here underscribed our names - at Cape Cod, 11th of November, in the year of the reign of our - sovereign lord, King James of England, France and Ireland the - eighteenth, and of Scotland the fifty-fourth. - - _A. D. 1620._ - -They then chose, or rather confirmed, Mr. John Carver, a godly man -and highly approved among them, as their governor for that year. -After they had provided a place for their goods and common stores, -which they were long in unlading owing to want of boats, the severity -of the winter weather, and sickness, had begun some small cottages -for dwellings,—as time would admit they met and consulted of law and -order, both for civil and military government, as seemed suited to -their conditions, adding to them from time to time as urgent need -demanded. In these arduous and difficult beginnings, discontent -and murmuring arose amongst some, and mutinous speech and bearing -in others; but they were soon quelled and overcome by the wisdom, -patience, and just and equal administration of things by the Governor -and the better part, who held faithfully together in the main. - -But soon a most lamentable blow fell upon them. In two or three -months’ time half of their company died, partly owing to the severity -of the winter, especially during January and February, and the want -of houses and other comforts; partly to scurvy and other diseases, -which their long voyage and their incommodious quarters had brought -upon them. Of all the hundred odd persons, scarcely fifty remained, -and sometimes two or three persons died in a day. In the time of -worst distress, there were but six or seven sound persons, who, to -their great commendation be it spoken, spared no pains night or day, -but with great toil and at the risk of their own health, fetched -wood, made fires, prepared food for the sick, made their beds, washed -their infected clothes, dressed and undressed them; in a word did -all the homely and necessary services for them which dainty and -queasy stomachs cannot endure to hear mentioned; and all this they -did willingly and cheerfully, without the least grudging, showing -their love to the friends and brethren; a rare example, and worthy -to be remembered. Two of these seven were Mr. William Brewster, -their reverend elder, and Myles Standish, their captain and military -commander, to whom myself and many others were much beholden in our -low and sick condition. And yet the Lord so upheld these men, that in -this general calamity they were not at all infected with sickness. -And what I have said of these few, I should say of many others who -died in this general visitation, and others yet living, that while -they had health or strength, they forsook none that had need of them. -I doubt not that their recompense is with the Lord. - -But I must not pass by another remarkable and unforgettable -occurrence. When this calamity fell among the passengers who were -to be left here to settle, they were hurried ashore and made to -drink water, so that the sailors might have the more beer and when -one sufferer in his sickness desired but a small can of beer, it -was answered that if he were their own father he should have none. -Then the disease began to seize the sailors also, so that almost -half of the crew died before they went away, and many of their -officers and strongest men, amongst them the boatswain, gunner, -three quarter-masters, the cook and others. At this the captain was -somewhat struck, and sent to the sick ashore and told the Governor -that he could send for beer for those that had need of it, even -should he have to drink water on the homeward voyage. - -But amongst the sailors there was quite a different bearing in their -misery. Those who before, in the time of their health and welfare, -had been boon companions in drinking and jollity, began now to desert -one another, saying they would not risk their lives for the sick -among them, lest they should be infected by coming to help them in -their cabins; if they died, let them die! But the passengers who were -still aboard showed them what pity they could, which made some of -their hearts relent, such as the boatswain, who was an overbearing -young man, and before would often curse and scoff at the passengers. -But when he grew weak they had compassion on him and helped him. Then -he confessed he did not deserve it at their hands, for he had abused -them in word and deed. “Oh,” said he, “you I see now, show your love -like Christians indeed to one another; but we let one another lie -and die like dogs.” Another lay cursing his wife, saying if it had -not been for her he had never come on this unlucky voyage; and anon -cursed his fellows, saying he had done this or that for some of them, -he had spent so much and so much amongst them, and they were now -weary of him, and did not help him in his need. Another made over to -one of his mates all he had, when he should die, if he would but help -him in his weakness. So his companion went and got a little spice -and prepared some food once or twice; and when he did not die as -soon as he expected, he went among his comrades and swore the rogue -would cheat him of his inheritance; he would see him choke before -he prepared him any more food; and so the poor fellow died before -morning! - -All this while the Indians came skulking about those who were ashore -and would sometimes show themselves aloof, at a distance, but when -any approached them, they would run away. Once they stole away the -men’s tools where they had been at work, and were gone to dinner. -About the 16th of March a certain Indian came boldly among them, and -spoke to them in broken English, which they could well understand, -but were astonished at it. At length they understood by speaking -with him that he was not of these parts, but belonged to the eastern -country where some English ships came to fish; and with some of these -English he was acquainted, and could name several of them. From them -he had got his knowledge of the language. He became useful to them in -acquainting them with many things concerning the state of the country -in the east parts where he lived, as also of the people there, their -names and number, their situation and distance from this place, and -who was chief among them. His name was Samoset; he told them also -of another Indian, whose name was Squanto, a native of this part, -who had been in England and could speak English better than himself. -After some time of entertainment, being dismissed with gifts, in a -little while he returned with five more, and they brought back all -the tools that had been stolen, and made way for the coming of their -great Sachem, called Massasoyt, who about four or five days after, -came with the chief of his friends and other attendants, and with -Squanto. With him, after friendly entertainment and some gifts, they -made a peace which has now continued for twenty-four years. - -These were the terms: - - 1. That neither he nor any of his, should injure or harm any of - their people. - - 2. That if any of his did any harm to any of theirs, he should send - the offender, that they might punish him. - - 3. That if anything were taken away from any of theirs, he should - cause it to be restored; and they should do the like to his. - - 4. If any made unjust war against him, they would aid him; if any - made war against them, he should aid them. - - 5. He should send to his neighboring confederates, to certify them - of this, that they might not wrong them, but might be likewise - comprised in the conditions of peace. - - 6. That when their men came to them, they should leave their bows - and arrows behind them. - -After this he returned to his place, called Sowams, some forty -miles off, but Squanto stayed with them, and was their interpreter, -and became a special instrument sent of God for their good, beyond -their expectation. He showed them how to plant their corn, where to -take fish and other commodities, and guided them to unknown places, -and never left them till he died. He was a native of these parts, -and had been one of the few survivors of the plague hereabouts. -He was carried away with others by one Hunt, a captain of a ship, -who intended to sell them for slaves in Spain; but he got away for -England, and was received by a merchant in London, and employed in -Newfoundland and other parts, and lastly brought into these parts -by a Captain Dermer, a gentleman employed by Sir Ferdinand Gorges -and others, for discovery and other projects in these parts. Of -Captain Dermer I will say something, because it is mentioned,—in -a book published A. D. 1622, by the President and Council of New -England,—that he made peace between the savages of these parts and -the English, of which this plantation, as it is there intimated, had -the benefit. But what kind of peace it was appears by what befell him -and his men. - -Captain Dermer had been here the same year that the people of the -Mayflower arrived, as appears in an account written by him, and given -to me by a friend, bearing date, June 30th, 1620; and as they came -in the November following, there was but four months’ difference. -In this account to his honoured friend, he makes the following -references to this very place: - - “I will first begin,” says he, “with the place from which Squanto - (or Tisquantem) was taken away, which in Captain Smith’s map - is called ‘Plymouth’; and I would that Plymouth had the same - commodities. I could wish that the first plantation might be - situated here, if there came to the number of fifty persons or - upward; otherwise at Charlton, because there the savages are less - to be feared. The Pokanokets, who live to the west of Plymouth, - bear an inveterate hatred to the English, and are of greater - strength than all the savages from there to Penobscot. Their desire - of revenge was occasioned by an Englishman, who having invited many - of them on board slaughtered them with small shot, when, as the - Indians say, they offered no injury on their part. Whether they - were English or no, it may be doubted; but they believe they were, - for the French have so assured them. For this reason Squanto cannot - deny but they would have killed me when I was at Namasket, had he - not interceded hard for me. The soil of the borders of this great - bay may be compared to most of the plantations which I have seen in - Virginia. The land is of various sorts. Patuxet is a stubborn but - strong soil; Nauset and Satucket are for the most part a blackish - and deep mould, much like that where the best tobacco in Virginia - grows. In the great bay itself is a quantity of cod and bass, or - mullet.” - -But above all, he commends the Pokanokets’ country for the richest -soil, and much open ground fit for English grain, etc. - -“Massachusetts, about nine leagues from Plymouth, and situated -between both, is full of islands and peninsulas, for the most part -very fertile.” - -He was taken prisoner by the Indians at Manamoick, a place not far -off, now well-known. He gave them what they demanded for his liberty, -but when they had got what they desired, they still kept him, and -endeavoured to kill his men; but he freed himself by seizing some of -them, whom he kept bound till they gave him a canoe-load of corn (of -which, see Purch: lib. ix, fol. 1778). But this was A. D. 1619. - -After the writing of the foregoing narrative, Dermer went with -Squanto to the Island of Capawack, which lies south of this place -on the way to Virginia. There he went ashore amongst the Indians to -trade, as he used to do, but was betrayed and assaulted by them, and -all his men were killed except one who kept the boat. He himself -got aboard very sorely wounded, and they would have cut off his -head as he climbed into his boat, had not the man rescued him. They -got away, and made shift to reach Virginia, where he died. This -shows how far the natives were from peace, and under what dangerous -conditions this plantation was begun, but for the powerful hand of -the Lord, which protected them. This was partly the reason why they -kept aloof, and were so long before they came to the English. Another -reason, as afterwards they themselves stated, was that about three -years before, a French ship was wrecked at Cape Cod, but the men got -ashore and saved their lives and a large part of their provisions. -When the Indians heard of it, they surrounded them and never left -watching and dogging them till they got the advantage and killed -them, all but three or four, whom they kept, and sent from one Sachem -to another, making sport with them and using them worse than slaves. -Of these, Captain Dermer released two. So the Indians thought that -this ship had now come to revenge these outrages. It was also later -disclosed, that before they came to the English to make friends, they -got all the Powows of the country together for three days to curse -and execrate them in a horrid and devilish manner with conjurations, -holding their assembly in a dark and dismal swamp. - -But to return. The spring now approaching, it pleased God the -mortality began to cease among them, and the sick recovered apace, -which put new life into them all; though they had borne their sad -afflictions with as much patience and contentedness as I think -any people could do. But it was the Lord who upheld them, and had -beforehand prepared them, many having long borne the yoke, yea, even -from their youth. Many other minor matters I will omit, several of -them having been published already in a journal written by one of -the company; and some other narratives and descriptions of journeys, -already published, to which I refer those who wish to acquaint -themselves more closely. Having now come to the 25th of March, I will -begin the year 1621. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -The Mayflower returns—Death of John Carver—William Bradford, -Governor—Trade with the Massachusetts—The first marriage—Friendship -with Massasoyt confirmed—Hobbamok—Expedition against Corbitant—The -first harvest—Arrival of Robert Cushman with 35 settlers—Fortune -returns, laden—The Narragansetts’ challenge—Christmas Day: 1621. - - -They now decided to send back the ship which had brought them over, -and which had remained till about this time or the beginning of -April. The reason, on their part, why she had stayed so long, was the -necessity and danger they were under. It was well towards the end of -December before she could land anything, or they were in a condition -to receive anything ashore. And after that on the 14th of January, -the house they had built for a general rendezvous accidentally caught -fire, and some of them had to go aboard the ship for shelter. Then -the sickness began to fall among them sorely, and the weather was so -bad that they could not hasten their preparations. Again the Governor -and the chief members, seeing so many fall sick and die daily, -thought it unwise to send the ship away, considering their condition -and the danger they were in from the Indians, till they could procure -some shelter; and therefore thought it better to incur further -expense for themselves and their friends, than to risk everything. -And though before, the captain and sailors had hurried the passengers -ashore, so that they could be gone; now many of the crew being -dead,—and some of the ablest of them,—and of the rest many lay sick -and weak, the captain did not dare put to sea till he saw them begin -to recover, and the heart of winter over. - -The settlers, as many as were able, then began to plant their corn, -in which service Squanto stood them in good stead, showing them how -to plant it and cultivate it. He also told them that unless they got -fish to manure this exhausted old soil, it would come to nothing, -and he showed them that in the middle of April plenty of fish would -come up the brook by which they had begun to build, and taught them -how to catch it, and where to get other necessary provisions; all of -which they found true by experience. They sowed some English seed, -such as wheat and pease, but it came to no good, either because of -the badness of the seed or the lateness of the season or some other -defect. - -This April, while they were busy sowing their seed, their Governor, -Mr. John Carver, one hot day, came out of the field very sick. He -complained greatly of his head and lay down, and within a few hours -his senses failed. He never spoke again, and died, a few days after. -His death was much lamented, and depressed them deeply, with good -cause. He was buried in the best manner possible, with some volleys -of shot by all that bore arms; and his wife, a weak woman, died five -or six weeks after him. - -Shortly after, William Bradford was chosen governor in his stead, and -having not yet recovered from his illness, in which he had been near -the point of death, Isaac Allerton, was appointed assistant to him. -These two, by renewed election each year, continued several years -together. This I here note, once for all. - -On May 12th the first marriage here took place, which, according to -the laudable custom of the Low Countries[3] in which they had lived, -it was thought proper for the magistrate to perform, as a civil -institution upon which many questions about inheritances depend, and -other things requiring their cognizance, as well as being consonant -with the scriptures (Ruth iv), and nowhere mentioned in the gospels -as a part of the minister’s duty. - -Having now made some progress with their affairs at home, it was -thought advisable to send a deputation to their new friend Massasoyt, -and to bestow upon him some gratuity to bind him faster to them; -also at the same time to view the country, and see in what manner -he lived, what strength he had about him, and what was the way to -his place, if at any time they should have need. So on July 2nd -they sent Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. Hopkins, with the aforesaid -Squanto for their guide. They gave Massasoyt a suit of clothes, and -a horseman’s coat, with some other small things, which were kindly -accepted, though they found but short commons, and came home both -weary and hungry. The Indians in those times did not have nearly so -much corn as they have had since the English supplied them with hoes, -and set them an example by their industry in preparing new ground -therewith. Massasoyt’s place was found to be forty miles off and -the soil good. But his people had died in great numbers during the -recent plague throughout these parts, about three years before the -coming of the English. Thousands of them died, until the living were -not able to bury the dead, and their skulls and bones were found in -many places lying still above ground, where their houses and dwelling -places had been,—a very sad spectacle. But they brought word that -the Narragansetts lived just on the other side of the great bay, and -were a strong, populous tribe living close together, and had not been -attacked by this wasting plague. - -About the latter end of this month one John Billington lost himself -in the woods, and wandered up and down for about five days, living -on berries and what he could find. At length he came across an -Indian plantation, twenty miles to the south, called Manamet. They -conveyed him further off to Nauset, among the Indians who had set -upon the landing party when they were coasting and whilst their ship -lay at the Cape, as before noted. But the Governor caused him to be -enquired for among the Indians, and at length Massasoyt sent word -where he was, and the Governor sent a shallop for him, and had him -delivered. The Indians there also came and made their peace and full -satisfaction was given by the settlers to those whose corn they had -found and taken when they were at Cape Cod. - -Thus their peace and acquaintance was pretty well established with -the natives about them. Another Indian, called Hobbamok came to live -with them, a fine strong man, of some account amongst the Indians for -his valour and qualities. He remained very faithful to the English -till he died. He and Squanto having gone upon business among the -Indians, a Sachem called Corbitant, allied to Massasoyt, but never a -good friend to the English to this day, met with them at an Indian -town called Namassakett, fourteen miles west of this, and whether out -of envy of them or malice to the English began to quarrel with them, -and threatened to stab Hobbamok; but he, being a strong man, cleared -himself of him, and came running away, all sweating, and told the -Governor what had befallen him, and that he feared they had killed -Squanto, for they threatened them both, for no other reason than -that they were friends to the English and serviceable to them. The -Governor taking counsel, it was decided not to pass it over, for if -they allowed their friends and messengers to be harmed, none would -associate with them or give them intelligence or do them service -afterwards; and next thing the Indians would fall upon them, too. So -it was resolved to send the Captain and fourteen men, well armed, and -to go and fall upon them in the night; and if they found that Squanto -was killed, to cut off Corbitant’s head, but not to hurt any but -those who had a hand in it. Hobbamok was asked if he would go and be -their guide, and bring them there before day. He said he would, and -could show them the house where Corbitant lived, and which he was. -They set forth on the 14th of August, and surrounded the house; and -the Captain, giving orders to let none escape, entered to search for -him. But he had gone away that day; so they missed him, but learned -that Squanto was alive, and that Corbitant had only threatened to -kill him, and made as if to stab him, but did not. So they withheld -their punishment, and did no more harm; and the people came trembling -and brought them the best provisions they had, when they had been -acquainted by Hobbamok with their purpose. Three Indians, badly -wounded, broke out of the house, and tried to pass through the guard. -These they brought back with them, and had their wounds dressed and -cured, and then sent them home. After this they had many greetings -from various Sachems and much firmer peace. Even the Indians of the -Island of Capawack sent to declare friendship; and Corbitant himself -used the mediation of Massasoyt to make his peace, but was shy to -come near them for a long time after. - -After this, on the 18th September, they sent out their shallop with -ten men and Squanto as guide and interpreter to the Massachusetts, to -explore the bay and trade with the natives, which they accomplished, -and were kindly received. The Indians were much afraid of the -Tarantines, a tribe to the eastward, who used to come at harvest -time and take away their corn, and often kill some of them. They -returned in safety, and brought home a good quantity of beaver, and -reported on the place, wishing they could have settled there. But -it seems that the Lord, Who assigns to all men the bounds of their -habitations, had appointed it for another use. And thus they found -the Lord to be with them in all their ways, and to bless their -outgoings and incomings, for which let His holy name have the praise -forever, to all posterity. - -They began now to gather in the small harvest they had, and to -prepare their houses for the winter, being well recovered in health -and strength, and plentifully provisioned; for while some had been -thus employed in affairs away from home, others were occupied in -fishing for cod, bass, and other fish, of which they caught a good -quantity, every family having their portion. All the summer there was -no want. And now, as winter approached, wild fowl began to arrive, of -which there were plenty when they came here first, though afterwards -they became more scarce. As well as wild fowl, they got abundance of -wild turkeys, besides venison, etc. Each person had about a peck of -meal a week, or now, since harvest, Indian corn in that proportion; -and afterwards many wrote at length about their plenty to their -friends in England,—not feigned but true reports. - -In November, about 12 months after their arrival, there came a small -ship unexpectedly, bringing Mr. Cushman (so much spoken of before), -and with him 35 persons to remain and live in the plantation; at -which they rejoiced not a little. And the new arrivals, when they -came ashore and found all well, and saw plenty of victuals in every -house, were no less glad. Most of them were healthy young men, -many of them wild enough, who had little considered what they were -undertaking,—till they reached the harbour of Cape Cod, and there -saw nothing but a naked and barren place. They then began to wonder -what would become of them, should the people be dead or cut off by -the Indians. So, hearing what some of the sailors were saying, they -began to plot to seize the sails, lest the ship should go, and leave -them there. But the captain, hearing of it gave them good words, and -told them that if any misfortune should have befallen the people -here, he thought he had food enough to take them to Virginia, and -whilst he had a bit, they should have their share, which satisfied -them. So they were all landed; but they brought not so much as -biscuit-cake, or any other victuals with them, nor any bedding, -except some poor things they had in their cabins; nor pot nor pan to -cook any food in; nor many clothes, for many of them had sold their -coats and cloaks at Plymouth on their way out. But some burching-lane -suits were sent over in the ship, out of which they were supplied. -The plantation was glad of this addition of strength, but could have -wished that many of them had been of better class, and all of them -better furnished with provisions; but that could not now be helped. - -In this ship Mr. Weston sent a long letter to Mr. Carver, the late -Governor, now deceased, full of complaints and expostulations about -the former troubles at Southampton, and keeping the ship so long in -the country, and returning her without lading, etc.,—most of which -for brevity I omit. The rest is as follows. - - _Mr. Weston in England to Mr. John Carver at New Plymouth_: - - I never dared acquaint the adventurers with the alterations in the - conditions first agreed on between us, which I have since been very - glad of, for I am well assured that had they known as much as I do, - they would not have ventured a halfpenny of what was necessary for - this ship. That you sent no lading back with the ship is strange, - and very properly resented. I know your weakness was the cause - of it; and I believe more weakness of judgment than weakness of - hands. A quarter of the time you spent in discoursing, arguing, - and consulting, would have done much more; but that is past.... - If you mean, bona fide, to perform the conditions agreed upon, do - us the favour to copy them out fair, and subscribe them with the - names of your principal members and likewise give us account, as - particularly as you can, how our money was laid out. Then I shall - be able to give them some satisfaction, while I am now forced - to put them off with good words. And consider that the life of - this business depends on the lading of this ship. If you do so - satisfactorily, so that I may recoup the great sums I disbursed for - the former voyage, and must do for this one, I promise you I will - never forsake this enterprise, though all the other adventurers - should do so. - - We have procured you a charter, the best we could, which is better - than the former, and with less limitations. As for anything else - that is worth writing, Mr. Cushman can inform you. I pray write - instantly for Mr. Robinson to come to you. And so, praying God to - bless you with all graces necessary both for this life and that to - come, I rest, - - Your very loving friend, - THOS. WESTON. - _London, July 6th, 1621._ - -This ship, called the Fortune, was speedily despatched, laden with -good clapboard, as full as she could stow, and two hogsheads of -beaver and otter skins, which they had traded in exchange for a few -trifling commodities brought with them at first, being otherwise -altogether unprovided for trading; nor was there a man among them who -had ever seen a beaver skin till they came out, and were instructed -by Squanto. The freight was estimated to be worth nearly £500. Mr. -Cushman returned with the ship, as Mr. Weston and the rest had -commissioned him, for their better information. And neither he -nor the settlers doubted that they would receive speedy supplies, -considering that, owing to Mr. Cushman’s persuasion, and to letters -which they received from the congregation at Leyden, urging them to -do so, they agreed to the aforesaid conditions, and signed them. -But it proved otherwise, for Mr. Weston, who had made that large -promise in his letter, that if all the rest should drop out, he would -never quit the business, but would stick to them if they signed the -conditions and sent some lading on the ship,—and of this Mr. Cushman -was equally confident, confirming it by Mr. Weston’s own words and -serious protestations to himself before he left,—all this, I say, -proved but wind, for he was the first and only man that forsook them, -and that before he had so much as heard of the return of the ship, or -knew what had been done. So vain is confidence in man! But of this, -more in its place. - -A letter in answer to that written by Mr. Weston to Mr. Carver was -sent from the Governor, of which so much as is pertinent to the thing -in hand I will insert here: - - _Governor Bradford at New Plymouth to Mr. Weston in England_: - - Sir, - - Your long letter written to Mr. Carver, and dated July 6th, 1621, - I received on November 10th, wherein, after the apology made for - yourself, you lay many imputations upon him and us all. Touching - him, he is now departed this life, and is at rest in the Lord from - all these troubles and incumbrances with which we yet strive. He - needs not my apology; for his care and pains were so great for - the common good, both ours and yours, that, as it is thought, he - thereby oppressed himself and shortened his days; of whose loss we - cannot sufficiently complain. At great expense in this adventure I - confess you have been, and many losses may sustain; but the loss - of his and many other industrious men’s lives cannot be valued at - any price. Of the one there may be hope of recovery, but the other - no recompense can make good. However, I will not confine myself to - general statements, but will deal with your particular charges. - - You greatly blame us for keeping the ship so long in the country, - and then sending her away empty. She lay five weeks at Cape Cod, - whilst with many a weary step, after a long journey and the - endurance of many a hard brunt we sought out in the depth of winter - a place of habitation. Then we set about, as well as we could, to - provide shelter for ourselves and our goods upon which task many - of our arms and legs can tell us to this day that we were not - negligent! But it pleased God to visit us then with death daily, - and with a disease so disastrous that the living were scarcely - able to bury the dead, and the healthy not in any measure to tend - the sick. And now to be so greatly blamed for not freighting the - ship touches us near and discourages us much. But you say you - know we shall plead weakness; and do you think we had not cause? - Yes, you tell us you believe it—but that it was more weakness of - judgment than of hands! Our weakness herein is great, we confess; - therefore we will bear this rebuke patiently, with the rest, till - God send us wiser men. But those who told you we spent so much - time in discoursing and consulting, etc., their hearts can tell - their tongues they lie. They care not, so that they salve their own - sores, how they wound others. Indeed it is our calamity that we - are, beyond expectation, yoked with some ill-disposed people, who, - while they do no good themselves, corrupt and abuse others. - -The rest of the letter stated that they had subscribed to the -conditions according to his desire, and sent him the previous -accounts very exactly; also how the ship was laden, and in what -condition their affairs stood; that the arrival of the new people -would bring famine upon them unavoidably, if they did not receive -supplies, in time,—as Mr. Cushman could more fully inform him and the -rest of the adventurers. Also that, seeing he was not satisfied in -all his demands, he hoped offences would be forgotten, and he would -remember his promise, etc. - -After the departure of this ship, which did not stay above fourteen -days, the Governor and his assistant having disposed the new arrivals -among several families as best they could, took an exact account -of all their provisions in store, and proportioned the same to the -number of persons, and found that it would not hold out above six -months at half allowance, and hardly that. They could not well give -less this winter, till fish came in again. So they were presently put -on half allowance, one as well as another. It became irksome, but -they bore it patiently, hoping to receive fresh supplies. - -Soon after this ship’s departure, the great Narragansett tribe, in a -braving manner, sent a messenger to them with a bundle of arrows tied -about with a great snake skin, which their interpreters told them was -a threatening challenge. Upon which the Governor, with the advice -of the others, sent them a round answer, that if they would rather -have war than peace, they might begin when they would; they had done -them no wrong, neither did they fear them, nor would they find them -unprepared. They sent the snake skin back by another messenger with -bullets in it; but they would not receive it, and returned it again. -These things I need merely mention, because they are fully dealt with -in print by Mr. Winslow, at the request of some friends. The reason -was probably their own ambition, thinking, since the death of so many -of the Indians, to domineer and lord it over the rest, and that the -English would be a bar in their way, Massasoyt having taken shelter -already under their wings. - -But this made the settlers more careful to look to themselves. They -agreed to enclose their dwellings in a good strong stockade and make -flankers in convenient places, with gates to shut. These they locked -every night, and a watch was kept, and when need required there were -also outposts in the day-time. The colonists, at the Captain’s and -Governor’s advice, were divided into four squadrons, and every one -had his quarter appointed, to which to repair at any sudden alarm; -and in case of fire, a company with muskets was appointed as a guard, -to prevent Indian treachery, whilst the others quenched it. This -was accomplished very cheerfully, and the town was enclosed by the -beginning of March, every family having a pretty garden plot. - -Herewith I shall end this year—except to recall one more incident, -rather amusing than serious. On Christmas Day, the Governor called -the people out to work as usual; but most of the new company excused -themselves, and said it went against their consciences to work on -that day. So the Governor told them, if they made it a matter of -conscience, he would spare them till they were better informed. So -he went with the rest, and left them; but on returning from work at -noon he found them at play in the street, some pitching the bar, some -at stool-ball, and such like sports. So he went to them and took away -their games, and told them that it was against his conscience that -they should play and others work. If they made the keeping of the -day a matter of devotion, let them remain in their houses; but there -should be no gaming and revelling in the streets. Since then, nothing -has been attempted in that way, at least openly. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -Weston abandons the Settlement—Dissensions among the Adventurers in -England—Weston’s plan for a Colony, and arrival of Sixty Settlers for -it—News from Captain Huddleston of massacre in Virginia—Fort built at -New Plymouth—Death of Squanto—Weston’s Colony in difficulties: 1622. - - -They had arranged with the Massachusetts to go again and trade with -them in the spring, and began to prepare for the voyage about the -latter end of March. But Hobbamok, their Indian, told them that, -from some rumours he had heard, he feared they had joined the -Narragansetts and might betray them if they were not careful. He -also intimated some suspicion of Squanto, from what he had observed -of some private whisperings between him and other Indians. But they -resolved to proceed, and sent out their shallop with ten of their -chief men about the beginning of April, both Squanto and Hobbamok -with them, considering the jealousy between them. But they had not -been gone long from the settlement, before an Indian belonging to -Squanto’s family came running in, apparently in great fear, and told -them that many of the Narragansetts with Corbitant, and he thought -also Massasoyt, were coming to attack them; and he got away to tell -them, not without danger. And being examined by the Governor, he -made as if the enemy were at hand, and kept looking back as if they -were at his heels. At which the Governor ordered the settlers to -take arms and stand on their guard; and believing the boat would be -still within hearing, since it was calm, he caused a warning piece -or two to be shot off, which they heard and returned. But no Indians -appeared, and though watch was kept all night, nothing was seen. -Hobbamok was confident of Massasoyt’s good faith and thought it was -all false. But the Governor had him send his wife privately to see -what she could observe, on pretence of other purposes, but nothing -was found and all was quiet. So they proceeded on their voyage to the -Massachusetts and had good trade, and returned in safety blessed be -God! - -But by what had passed they began to see that Squanto sought his own -ends and played his own game, by frightening the Indians and getting -gifts from them for himself, making them believe he could stir up war -against them if he would, and make peace for whom he would. He even -made them believe the English kept the plague buried in the ground, -and could send it among them whenever they wished, which terrified -the Indians and made them more dependent on him than on Massasoyt. -This made him envied, and was likely to have cost him his life; -for, after discovering this, Massasoyt sought it both privately and -openly. This caused Squanto to stick close to the English, and he -never dared leave them till he died. The colony also made good use of -the emulation between Hobbamok and him, which made them behave more -squarely, the Governor seeming to countenance the one and the Captain -the other, by which they procured better intelligence and made them -both more zealous in their service. - -Now their provisions were practically all exhausted and they looked -anxiously for supplies, but none came. About the latter end of May, -however, they spied a boat at sea, which at first they thought was -some Frenchman; but it proved to be a shallop which came from a ship -which Mr. Weston and another man had sent out fishing at a place -called Damariscove, 40 leagues to the eastward of them, where that -year many ships had come to fish. This boat brought seven passengers -and some letters, but no provisions and no hope of any. Part of this -letter I will give. - - _Mr. Weston in England to Mr. John Carver at New Plymouth_: - - The Fortune, in which Mr. Cushman went,—who I hope is with you, - for we daily expect the ship back again,—left England at the - beginning of July with 35 persons, though not over well provided - with necessaries owing to the parsimony of the adventurers. I have - begged them to send you a supply of men and provisions before she - returns. They all answer they will do great things when they hear - good news—nothing before, so faithful, constant, and careful of - your good are your old and honest friends, that if they hear not - from you they are not likely to send you supplies.... I will now - explain the sending of this ship, hoping if you give me credit, you - will have a more favourable opinion of the project than some here, - whereof Pickering is one.... Mr. Beauchamp and I have bought this - little ship, and have fitted her out, partly, it may be, to benefit - the plantation, and partly to recoup ourselves for former losses; - though we are censured.... This is the reason we have sent this - ship and these passengers, on our own account; and we desire you to - entertain them and supply them, with such necessaries as you can - spare.... And among other things, pray lend or sell them some seed - corn, or if you have some of the salt remaining from last year, let - them have it for their present use, and we will either pay you for - it, or give you more when our salt pan is at work, which we want to - have set up in one of the little islands in your bay.... We intend, - if God please, and the others will not join us, to send within - a month another ship, which, having discharged her passengers, - will go to Virginia.... And perhaps we shall send a small ship to - remain with you on the coast, which should be a great help to the - plantation. In order that we may accomplish our endeavours, which - will be also for your good, pray give them entertainment in your - houses while they are with you, so that they may lose no time, but - may at once proceed to fell trees and cleave them, so that lading - may be ready, and the ship be not delayed. - - Some of the adventurers have sent you herewith some directions for - your furtherance in the common enterprise,—like those whom St. - James speaks of, that bid their brother eat, and warm himself, - but give him nothing; so they bid you make salt, and uphold the - plantation, but send you no means wherewith to do it.... By the - next ship we intend to send more people on our own account, and to - take a patent; lest your people should be as inhuman as are some - of the adventurers, and should not permit us to dwell with them, - which would be such extreme barbarism that I will not let myself - think you have any such Pickerings among you. Yet to satisfy our - passengers I must perforce do it, and for some other reasons which - I need not write.... I find the rest so backward, and your friends - at Leyden so cold, that I fear you must stand on your own legs, and - trust (as they say) to God and yourselves. - - Subscribed, - Your loving friend, - THOS. WESTON. - -Several other things I pass over, being tedious and impertinent. - -All this was but cold comfort with which to fill their hungry bellies -and a slender performance of his recent promise, and as little did -it either fill or warm them as those the Apostle James speaks of, to -which he refers. - -There came by the same ship other letters, but of later date, one -from Mr. Weston and another from some of the other adventurers, as -follows. - - _Mr. Weston in England to Mr. John Carver at New Plymouth_: - - Mr. Carver, - - Since my last, in order that we might more readily help the - company, at a meeting of some of the principal adventurers - a proposition was made and agreed to by all present, except - Pickering, that each man should further adventure the third part - of what he had formerly done. Some others followed Pickering’s - example and would adventure no more. Therefore, the greater part - of the adventurers being willing to support the enterprise, seeing - no reason why those who were willing, should carry on the business - of those who were unwilling, and whose backwardness discouraged - those who would go forward, and hindered other new adventurers - from joining, we, having well considered the matter, have resolved - according to the article in our agreement (that, by general - consent, the adventurers and settlers for just cause may break off - their joint stock), to break it off; and beg you to ratify and - confirm the same on your parts. This being done we shall the more - willingly proceed to provide you with necessary supplies. But in - any case you must agree to the articles and send them back under - your hands and seals by the first ship. So I end, - - Your loving friend, - THOS. WESTON. - _Jan. 17th, 1621._ - -Another letter was written by part of the company of the adventurers -to the same purpose, and subscribed with nine of their names, of -which Mr. Weston’s and Mr. Beauchamp’s were two. This inconstancy and -shuffling seemed strange, and it appeared there was some mystery in -the matter. So the Governor concealed these letters from the public -and only imparted them to some trusted friends for advice, who agreed -with him that to inform them would tend to disband and scatter them -in their present necessity; and if Mr. Weston and others like-minded -should come over with shipping, provisioned as his letters suggested, -most of the advantage would fall to him, to the prejudice of -themselves and their friends and the rest of the adventurers, from -whom as yet they had heard nothing. Indeed it was doubted whether -he had not sent over the people in the former ship with this idea. -However, they took compassion on the seven whom this ship, fishing -to the eastward, had kept till planting time was over, so that it -was too late for them to set their corn, and who brought no food, -for they turned them ashore without any. Nor had the salt-pan come; -so they could not accomplish any of the things which Mr. Weston had -mentioned, and might have starved if the plantation had not succoured -them. Their wants were supplied exactly as the rest of the settlers’. -The ship went down to Virginia, where they sold both ship and fish, -of the proceeds of which Mr. Weston received a very slender share, it -is understood. - -After this came another of his ships, bringing letters dated the 10th -April, from Mr. Weston, as follows. - - _Mr. Weston in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth_: - - Mr. Bradford, these, etc. - - The Fortune has arrived, whose good news concerning you I am very - glad to hear. And though she was robbed on the way by the French, - yet I hope your loss will not be great, for the prospect of so - great a return much encourages the adventurers, so that I hope some - matter of importance will be done by them.... As for myself, I - have sold my adventure and debts to them, so I am quit of you, and - you of me, for that matter.... And now, though I have no position - as an adventurer amongst you, I will advise you a little for your - good, if you like to avail yourselves of it. I know as well as any - the disposition of your adventurers, whom the hope of gain has - drawn on to what they have done; but I fear that hope will not - draw them much further. Besides, most of them are against sending - your friends at Leyden, in whose interests this business was first - begun; and some of the most religious (for instance a Mr. Greene) - takes exception to them. So that my advice is (you may follow it if - you please) that you forthwith break off your joint stock, which - you have the right to do both in law and conscience, since the - majority of the adventurers have sanctioned it in a former letter. - The resources you have there, which I hope will be to some purpose - by means of this spring’s trade, may, with the help of some friends - here, meet the expense of transporting the Leyden contingent, and - when they are with you I do not question but by God’s help you - will be able to subsist of yourselves. But I leave you to your own - discretion. - - I requested several of the adventurers, Mr. Pierce, Mr. Greene, - and others, if they had anything to send you,—such as food or - letters,—to send them by these ships; and wondering that they - sent not so much as a letter, I asked our passengers what letters - they had, and after some hesitation one of them told me he had - one, which was delivered him with great show of secrecy; and for - its greater security he was told to buy a pair of new shoes, and - sew it between the soles for fear of its being intercepted. I, - taking the letter, wondering what mystery might be in it, broke - it open and found this treacherous letter subscribed by the - hands of Mr. Pickering and Mr. Greene. Had it come to your hands - without comment, it might have injured, if not ruined, us all. - For assuredly if you had followed their instructions, and had - treated us as unkindly as they advise you to, distrusting us as - enemies, etc., it might have set us together by the ears to our - destruction. For I believe that in such a case, knowing the nature - of past business between us, not only my brother, but others also, - would have been violent and heady against you.... I meant to have - settled the people I before and now send you, with or near you, for - mutual security and defence and help on all occasions. But I find - the adventurers so jealous and suspicious that I have altered my - resolution, and have given orders to my brother and those with him - to do as he and they shall find fit. - - Your loving friend, - THOS. WESTON. - _April 10th, 1621._ - - - _Part of Mr. Pickering’s and Mr. Greene’s letter to the Settlers at - New Plymouth_: - - To Mr. Bradford and Mr. Brewster, etc. - - My dear love remembered to you all, etc. - - The company has bought out Mr. Weston, and are very glad they are - freed of a man who thought himself superior to the rest, and not - expressing so much fear of God as was meet. I need say no more: a - few words to the wise. - - Mr. Weston will not permit letters to be sent in his ships, nor - anything for your good or ours, since it would be contrary to his - interests. His brother Andrew, whom he sends as principal in one - of these ships, is a violent, heady young man, and set against - you there and the company here. He and Mr. Weston plot their own - ends, which tend to your and our undoing in respect of our estates - there. We are informed by credible testimony that his purpose is - to come out to your colony, pretending he comes for and from the - adventurers, and will try to get whatever you have in readiness - aboard his ships, as if they came from the company; and all will - then be so much profit to himself. Further, they intend to inform - themselves what special places or sources of profit you have - discovered, so that they may suppress and deprive you.... - - The Lord, who is the watchman of Israel and sleepeth not, preserve - you and deliver you from unreasonable men. I am sorry that there - is cause to admonish you of these things concerning this man; so - I leave you to God, Who bless and multiply you into thousands, to - the advancement of the glorious gospel of Our Lord Jesus. Amen. - Farewell. - - Your loving friends, - EDWARD PICKERING. - WILLIAM GREENE. - - I pray conceal both the writing and delivery of this letter, but - make the best use of it. We hope to fit out a ship ourselves within - this month. - -The following are of the chief points of Mr. Weston’s comments on the -foregoing letter: - - Mr. Bradford, this is the letter I wrote you of, which to answer - in every particular were needless and tedious. My own conscience - and all our people can, and I think will, testify that my end in - sending the ship Sparrow was your good.... Now I will not deny that - there are many of our people rude fellows, as these men term them; - yet I presume they will be governed by such as I set over them, and - I hope not only to be able to reclaim them from their profaneness, - but, by degrees, draw them to God.... I am so far from sending you - rude fellows to deprive you either by fraud or violence of what is - yours, that I have ordered the captain of the Sparrow to leave with - you 2000 of bread, and a good quantity of fish.[4] ... But I will - leave it to you to consider what evil this letter might have done, - had it come to your hands and taken the effect its writers desired. - - Now if you be of the same mind as these men, deal plainly with us, - and we will seek our residence elsewhere. If you are as friendly as - we have thought you to be, give us the entertainment of friends and - we will take nothing from you, neither meat, drink, nor lodging, - without in some way or other paying you for it.... I shall leave - in the country a little ship, if God send her safe thither, with - sailors and fishermen, to stay there to coast and trade with the - savages and the old plantation. It may be we shall be as helpful to - you as you will be to us. I think I shall see you next spring; so I - commend you to the protection of God, Who ever keep you. - - Your loving friend, - THOS. WESTON. - -Thus all their hopes in regard to Mr. Weston were laid in the dust, -and all his promised help turned into empty advice, which they saw it -was neither lawful nor profitable for them to follow. And they were -thus not only left destitute of help in their extreme want, having -neither food nor anything to trade with, but others were preparing -to glean up what the country might have afforded for their relief. -As for the harsh censures and suspicions intimated in the former -and following letters, they desired to judge them as charitably -and wisely as they could, weighing them in the balance of love and -reason; and though they came in part from godly and loving friends, -they recognized that much might arise from over-deep jealousy and -fear, or from provocation,—though they saw clearly that Mr. Weston -pursued his own ends and was embittered in spirit. After the receipt -of the former letters the Governor received one from Mr. Cushman, who -went home in the ship and was always intimate with Mr. Weston,—as -former passages prove. It had seemed strange that nothing was heard -from him all this while; but it seems it was the difficulty of -sending, for this letter was directed as if from a wife in England to -her husband who was here, and was brought by him to the Governor. It -was as follows. - - _Robert Cushman in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth_: - - Beloved Sir, - - I heartily salute you, trusting you are well, and with many thanks - for your love. By God’s providence we got home safely on the 17th - Feb., being robbed by the French on the way and taken by them into - France, where we were kept 15 days and lost all that we had that - was worth taking. But thanks be to God we escaped with our lives - and our ship. It does not seem to have discouraged any here. I - purpose by God’s grace to see you shortly, I hope in June next or - before. In the meantime consider well the following. Mr. Weston - has quite broken off from our company, through some disagreement - that arose between him and some of the other adventurers, and has - sold all his adventurers and has now sent three small ships for his - particular colony. Of the biggest of these, which is 100 tons, Mr. - Reynolds is captain; Mr. Weston intends to come himself with the - others,—why I know not. - - The people they take are no men for us, so I beg you not to - entertain them nor to exchange men with them, except perhaps some - of your worst. He has taken out a patent for himself. If they offer - to buy anything of you let it be such as you can spare and let - them give full value for it. If they borrow anything of you let - them leave a good pawn.... It is probable he will settle southward - of the Cape, for William Trevor has lavishly told what he knew - (or imagined) of Capawack, Monhegan and the Narragansetts. I fear - these people will hardly deal as well with the savages as they - should. I advise you therefore to signify to Squanto that they are - a distinct body from us, and we have nothing to do with them; that - we must not be blamed for their faults,—much less can we warrant - their fidelity. We are about to recover our losses in France. Our - friends at Leyden are well, and as many as can will come this - time. I hope all will turn out for the best, so I pray you not - to be discouraged, but to meet these difficulties cheerfully and - with courage, in that place wherein God has set you until the day - of refreshing come. And the Lord God of sea and land bring us - comfortably together again, if it may stand with His glory. - - Yours, - ROBERT CUSHMAN. - -On the other side of the leaf in the same letter, came these few -lines from Mr. John Pierce, in whose name the patent here was taken, -and of whom more will follow in its place. - - _John Pierce in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth_: - - Worthy Sir, - - I desire you to take into consideration what is written on the - other side, and in no way to let your own colony be contaminated, - whose strength is but weakness and may therefore be more enfeebled. - As for the Letters of Association, by the next ship we send I hope - you will receive satisfaction; in the meantime whom you admit I - will approve. As for Mr. Weston’s company, I think them so inferior - for the most part that they do not seem fit for honest men’s - company. I hope they may prove otherwise. It is not my purpose to - write at length, but cease in these few lines, and so rest, - - Your loving friend, - JOHN PIERCE. - -All this they considered carefully; but they decided to give the -men friendly entertainment, partly out of regard for Mr. Weston -himself, considering what he had done for them, and partly out of -compassion for the people, who had come into a wilderness (as they -themselves had before) and were presently to be put ashore altogether -ignorant of what to do. The ship was then to carry other passengers -to Virginia. So, as they had received Mr. Weston’s former company of -seven men, and victualed them as their own hitherto, they received -these—about sixty strong men—and gave them housing for themselves and -their goods; and many of them who were sick had the best the place -could afford them. They stayed most of the summer, till the ship came -back again from Virginia; then by the direction of those set over -them, they moved to Massachusetts Bay, where Mr. Weston had obtained -a patent for some land on the strength of reports which he had got in -some of the letters previously sent home. They left all their sick -folk here till they were settled and housed. But of the provisions of -this contingent the New Plymouth Colony accepted none,—though they -were in great want,—nor anything else in return for any courtesy -rendered by them; nor did they desire it, for they were an unruly -company, without proper government, and would inevitably soon fall -into want if Mr. Weston did not come out to them. So, to prevent all -chance of subsequent trouble, they would accept nothing from them. - -In these straits, deserted by those from whom they had hoped for -supplies, and famine beginning to pinch them severely, the Lord, Who -never fails His, provided assistance beyond all expectation. A boat -which came from the eastward brought them a letter from a stranger -whose name they had never heard before, the captain of a fishing -ship. This letter was as follows. - - _Captain John Huddleston to the Colony at New Plymouth_: - - To all good friends at New Plymouth, these, etc., - - Friends, Countrymen, and Neighbours, - - I salute you and wish you all health and happiness in the Lord. I - make bold to trouble you with these lines, because unless I were - inhuman I could do no less. Bad news spreads itself too far; but - still, I may inform you that I and many good friends in the south - colony of Virginia, have sustained such a loss as the lives of 400 - persons would not suffice to make good. Therefore I hope, although - not knowing you, that the old rule which I learnt at school may be - sufficient: that is,—Happy is he whom other men’s ills doth make to - beware! And now, again and again wishing all those that willingly - would serve the Lord all health and happiness in the world, and - everlasting peace in the world to come, I rest, - - Yours, - JOHN HUDDLESTON. - -By this boat the Governor returned a grateful answer, and also sent -a boat of their own with Mr. Winslow, to procure what he could from -the ships. He was kindly received by the captain, who not only spared -what provisions he could but wrote to others to do the same. By -this means he got a good quantity and returned in safety. Thus the -plantation had a double benefit: first, they were refreshed at the -time by the food obtained; secondly, they knew the way to those parts -to their advantage thereafter. What this small boat brought, divided -among so many, came to but little; still, by God’s blessing it -sustained them until harvest. It amounted to a quarter of a pound of -bread a day for each person; and the Governor had it given out daily, -otherwise, had it been in their own custody, they would have eaten it -up and then starved. In this way with what else they could get they -made fair shift till their corn was ripe. - -This summer they built a fort with good timber,—a handsome building -and a good defence, made with a flat roof and battlement, on which -their ordnance was mounted, and where they kept constant watch, -especially in time of danger. It served them also as a meeting house -and was fitted accordingly for that use. It was a big undertaking for -them at this period of weakness and want; but the dangerous times -necessitated it; and the continual rumours about the Indians here, -especially the Narragansetts, and also the news of the great massacre -in Virginia, made all hands willing to complete it. - -Now the welcome time of harvest approached, in which all had their -hungry bellies filled. But it amounted to but little compared with -a full year’s supply, partly because they were not yet used to the -culture of Indian corn (they had no other), partly owing to their -many other employments; but chiefly their weakness for want of -food prevented them from cultivating it as they should have done. -Again, much was stolen even before it became eatable, and much -more afterwards—and though many were well whipped when they were -caught stealing a few ears of corn, hunger drove others to it, whom -conscience did not restrain. It was quite clear that famine would -prevail again next year if not prevented, or if their supplies, to -which they dare not trust, should fail. Markets there were none -to go to, except the Indians; and even then they had no trading -commodities. Behold now another providence of God. A ship comes -into the harbour in charge of a Captain Jones, fitted out by some -merchants to discover all the harbours between here and Virginia -and the shoals of Cape Cod, and to trade along the coast where they -could. This ship had supplies of English beads which were then good -trade, and some knives,—though the Captain would sell none except at -high prices and in large quantities. But they were so glad of the -chance that they were willing to buy at any rate,—even at a premium -of 100 per cent, if not more, and even then to sell coat beaver at -three shillings per pound, which a few years after fetched twenty -shillings. By this means they were able again to trade for beaver and -other things, and intended to buy what corn they could. - -But I will here take the liberty of making a little digression. There -was aboard this ship a gentleman, by name Mr. John Pory, who had been -secretary in Virginia, and was now going home as a passenger. After -his departure he wrote a letter to the Governor, in the postscript of -which were these lines: - - To yourself and Mr. Brewster I must acknowledge myself much - indebted, and would have you feel that his books are well bestowed - on one who esteems them such jewels. My haste would not suffer me - to remember, much less to ask for, Mr. Ainsworth’s elaborate work - upon the five Books of Moses. Both his and Mr. Robinson’s highly - commend the authors, as conversant with the scriptures above all - others. And who knows what good it may please God to work by them, - through my unworthy hands, who finds such high content in them. God - have you all in His keeping. - - Your unfeigned and firm friend, - JOHN PORY. - _Aug. 28th, 1622._ - -This I insert here in honour of the author’s memory, which this -gentleman thus ingenuously acknowledges; and he, upon his return, did -the plantation much credit amongst men of no mean rank. But to return. - -Shortly after harvest Mr. Weston’s people, who were now settled in -Massachusetts, and had, by disorder as it seems, made havoc of their -provisions, began now to realize that want would press them. Finding -that the people here had bought trading commodities, and intended to -trade for corn, they wrote to the Governor and asked that they might -join them in trading, employing their small ship for the purpose; -and further requested them either to lend or to sell them some of -their trading commodities in return, and they would undertake to -make payment when Mr. Weston or their supplies should come. The -Governor agreed to do so upon equal terms, intending to go round the -cape southwards, with the ship, where corn might be got. Captain -Standish was appointed to go with them, and Squanto as a guide and -interpreter, about the latter end of September; but the winds drove -them in; and putting out again, Captain Standish fell ill with fever, -so the Governor went himself. But they could not get round the shoals -of Cape Cod, for flats and breakers, and Squanto could not direct -them better. The Captain of the boat dare not venture any further, so -they put into Manamoick Bay, and got what they could there. - -Here Squanto fell ill of Indian fever, bleeding much at the -nose,—which the Indians take for a symptom of death,—and within a few -days he died. He begged the Governor to pray for him, that he might -go to the Englishmen’s God in heaven, and bequeathed several of his -things to some of his English friends, as remembrances. His death was -a great loss. - -On this voyage they got in one place or another about 26 or 28 -hogsheads of corn and beans, which was more than the Indians could -well spare hereabouts, for they sowed but little till they got -English hoes. So they had to return, disappointed that they could not -get round the Cape and were not better laden. Afterwards the Governor -took a few men and went to inland places to get what he could, to be -fetched home in the spring, which was some help. - -In February a messenger came from John Sanders, who was left in -charge of Mr. Weston’s men at the Bay of Massachusetts, bringing a -letter telling of the great want they had fallen into. He wished to -borrow a hogshead of corn from the Indians, but they would lend him -none. He asked whether he might not take it from them by force to -supply his men till he returned from the east, where he was going. -The governor and the rest dissuaded him strongly, for it might -exasperate the Indians and endanger their safety, and all might smart -for it. Already it had been rumoured how they had wronged the Indians -by stealing their corn, etc., and that they were much incensed -against them. But so depraved were some of Mr. Weston’s people, that -they went and told the Indians that the Governor intended to come and -take their corn by force. This and other things made them enter into -a conspiracy against the English, of which more in the next chapter. -Herewith I end this year. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -Rescue of Weston’s Settlement—Weston arrives at New Plymouth—His -reception and ingratitude—Individual planting of corn substituted -for communal—Hardships—John Pierce and the Patent—Sixty new -Settlers—Compact between the Colony and private Settlers—Captain -Robert Gorges, Governor-General of New England—Weston charged and -arrested—Fire at New Plymouth: Storehouse threatened: 1623. - - -It may be thought strange that the Weston colony should have fallen -into such extremity in so short a time being fully provided when the -ship left them, in addition to their share of the corn which was got -by trade, besides much that they got by one means or another from -the Indians where they lived. It must needs have been their lack of -order, spending excessively whilst they had it, and may be wasting -part among the Indians—for the chief man amongst them was said to -keep Indian women, how truly I know not. Then, when they began to -want many sold their clothes and bed-coverings; others,—so depraved -were they,—became servants to the Indians, cutting them wood and -fetching them water for a capfull of corn; others fell to plain -stealing from the Indians of which they complained grievously. In -the end some starved and died with cold and hunger; one in gathering -shell-fish was so weak he stuck fast in the mud, and was found -dead in the place; at last most of them left their dwellings, and -scattered up and down in the woods and by the water-side, a few here -and a few there, wherever they could find ground-nuts and clams. - -The Indians scorned them for such conduct, and began to insult them -in a most insolent manner. Often, while they were cooking a pot of -ground-nuts or shell-fish, when it was ready, the Indians would come -and eat it up; and at night they would come and steal the blankets -from such few as had them, and let them lie in the cold. Their -condition was very lamentable, and in the end, in order to satisfy -the Indians, they were obliged to hang one of their men whom they -could not keep from stealing. - -While things went on thus, the Governor and the people here had -notice that their friend Massasoyt was sick, and near to death. -They visited him, and took whatever they could to relieve him; and -he recovered. He then discovered a conspiracy amongst the Indians -of Massachusetts, and other neighbouring tribes with whom they -had conspired, to wipe out Mr. Weston’s people, in revenge for -the continual injuries they did them, taking opportunity of their -weakness to do it. And believing that the people at New Plymouth -would avenge their death, they decided to do the same by them, and -had solicited Massasoyt to join them. He advised the New Plymouth -settlement to prevent it, by speedily capturing some of the chief of -the conspirators before it was too late, for he assured them of the -truth of it. - -This troubled them much, and they took it into serious deliberation, -and upon examination found other evidence too long to relate. In the -meantime one of Mr. Weston’s people came from Massachusetts, with -a small pack on his back; and though he did not know a foot of the -way, he got here safe. He lost his way, which was well for him, for, -though pursued, he was missed. He told them here how everything stood -among them, and that he dared stay no longer. He believed, by what he -observed, they would all be knocked on the head shortly. - -So the people at New Plymouth made the more haste, and they -despatched a boat with Captain Standish and some men, who found them -in a miserable condition out of which he rescued them, and killed -some few of the chief conspirators among the Indians, and according -to his order, offered to bring the remnant of the Weston settlement -here if they thought well, in which case they should fare no worse -than the colonists themselves, till Mr. Weston or some supplies came -to them. Or, if they preferred any other course, he was to give them -any assistance he could. They thanked him, but most of them begged -he would give them some corn so that they could go with their small -ship to the eastward, where they might hear of Mr. Weston or get some -supplies from him, since it was the time of the year for the fishing -ships to be out. If not, they would work among the fishermen for -their living, and get their passage back to England if they heard -nothing from Mr. Weston in the meantime. So he put aboard what they -had, and he got them all the corn he could, scarcely leaving enough -to bring himself home, and saw them well out of the bay, under sail -at sea. Then he came back, not accepting a penny worth of anything -from them. I have but touched these things briefly because they have -been published in print more completely already. - -This was the end of those who at one time boasted of their -strength,—all able, healthy men,—and what they would do in comparison -with the people here, who had many women and children and weak ones -among them and who had said, on their first arrival, when they saw -the want here, that they would take a very different course and not -to fall into any such condition as these simple people had come to. -But a man’s way is not in his own hands. God can make the weak to -stand: let him also that standeth take heed lest he fall! - -Shortly after, when he heard of the ruin and destitution of his -colony, Mr. Weston came over with some of the fishermen, under -another name, and disguised as a blacksmith. He got a boat, and -with a man or two came to see how things were there. But on the way -ashore he was caught in a storm, and his shallop was sunk in the bay, -between Merrimac river and Piscataqua, and he barely escaped with his -life. Afterwards he fell into the hands of the Indians, who robbed -him of all that he had saved from the wreck, and stripped him of all -his clothes to his shirt. At last he got to Piscataqua and borrowed -a suit of clothes, and so came to New Plymouth. A strange alteration -there was in him, to such as had seen him in his former flourishing -condition; so uncertain are the mutable things of this unstable -world! And yet men set their hearts upon them, though they daily see -their vanity. - -After many arguments and much discourse,—former troubles boiling in -his mind and wrankling there, as was discerned,—he asked to borrow -some beaver from them, and told them he had hopes that a ship with -good supplies was on its way to him, and that then they should have -anything they stood in need of. They gave little credit to his -report of supplies, but pitied his condition and remembered former -courtesies. They pointed out to him their own wants, and said they -did not know when they might get any supplies. He well knew, also, -how the case stood between them and the adventurers in England. -They had not much beaver, and if they should let him have it, it -would be enough to cause a mutiny among the people since there were -no other means of procuring them the food and clothes which they -so much wanted. Nevertheless, they told him they would help him, -considering his necessity; but that it must be done secretly for the -above reasons. So they let him have 100 beaver skins, which weighed -170 lbs. odd. Thus they helped him when all the world failed him; and -with this he went again to the ships, and supplied his small ship -and some of his men, and bought provisions and fitted himself out; -and it was this supply alone which enabled him to pursue his course -thereafter. But he requited them ill, proving himself a bitter enemy -upon every opportunity, and never repaying them to this day,—except -in reproaches and calumnies. - -All this while no supplies were heard of, nor did they know when they -might expect any. So they began to consider how to raise more corn, -and obtain a better crop than they had done, so that they might not -continue to endure the misery of want. At length after much debate, -the Governor, with the advice of the chief among them, allowed each -man to plant corn for his own household, and to trust to themselves -for that; in all other things to go on in the general way as before. -So every family was assigned a parcel of land, according to the -proportion of their number with that in view,—for present purposes -only, and making no division for inheritance,—all boys and children -being included under some family. This was very successful. It made -all hands very industrious, so that much more corn was planted than -otherwise would have been by any means the Governor or any other -could devise, and saved him a great deal of trouble, and gave far -better satisfaction. The women now went willingly into the field, and -took their little ones with them to plant corn, while before they -would allege weakness and inability; and to have compelled them would -have been thought great tyranny and oppression. - -The failure of this experiment of communal service, which was tried -for several years, and by good and honest men proves the emptiness of -the theory of Plato and other ancients, applauded by some of later -times,—that the taking away of private property, and the possession -of it in community, by a commonwealth, would make a state happy and -flourishing; as if they were wiser than God. For in this instance, -community of property (so far as it went) was found to breed much -confusion and discontent, and retard much employment which would have -been to the general benefit and comfort. For the young men who were -most able and fit for service objected to being forced to spend their -time and strength in working for other men’s wives and children, -without any recompense. The strong man or the resourceful man had -no more share of food, clothes, etc., than the weak man who was not -able to do a quarter the other could. This was thought injustice. The -aged and graver men, who were ranked and equalized in labour, food, -clothes, etc., with the humbler and younger ones, thought it some -indignity and disrespect to them. As for men’s wives who were obliged -to do service for other men, such as cooking, washing their clothes, -etc., they considered it a kind of slavery, and many husbands would -not brook it. This feature of it would have been worse still, if they -had been men of an inferior class. If (it was thought) all were to -share alike, and all were to do alike, then all were on an equality -throughout, and one was as good as another; and so, if it did not -actually abolish those very relations which God himself has set among -men, it did at least greatly diminish the mutual respect that is so -important should be preserved amongst them. Let none argue that this -is due to human failing, rather than to this communistic plan of life -in itself. I answer, seeing that all men have this failing in them, -that God in His wisdom saw that another plan of life was fitter for -them. - -But to return. After this had been settled, and their corn was -planted in this way, all their food supplies were consumed, and they -had to rely upon God’s providence, often at night not knowing where -to get a bit of anything next day; and so, as one well observed, -they had need above all people in the world, to pray to God that He -would give them their daily bread. Yet they bore their want with -great patience and cheerfulness of spirit, and that for upwards of -two years; which reminds me of what Peter Martyr writes in praise of -the Spaniards, in his Fifth Decade, page 208. “They,” says he, “led -a miserable life five days together, with the parched grain of maize -only,” and concludes, “that such pains, such labour, and such hunger, -he thought none living, who was not a Spaniard could have endured.” -But alas! these colonists, when they had maize,—that is Indian -corn,—thought it as good as a feast; and not only lacked bread for -days at a time, but sometimes for two or three months continuously -were without bread or any kind of corn. Indeed, in another place,—his -Second Decade, page 94, the same writer mentions how some others -were even worse put to it, and ate dogs, toads, and dead men,—and -so died almost all. From these extremities the Lord in His goodness -kept these His people, and in their great need preserved both their -lives and their health; let His name have the praise. Yet let me here -make use of the same writer’s conclusion, which in a manner may be -applied to the people of this colony: “That with their miseries they -opened a way to these new lands; and after these hardships, with what -ease other men came to inhabit them, owing it to the calamities which -these forerunners had suffered; so that they who followed seemed to -go, as it were, to a bride feast, where all things are provided for -them.” - -As for fishing, having but one boat left, and she not very well -fitted, they were divided into several crews, six or seven to a crew, -who went out with a net they had bought, to catch bass and other -fish, each party taking its turn. No sooner was the boat emptied of -what she had brought, than the next crew took her, and went out with -her, not returning till they had caught something, even though it -were five or six days, for they knew there was nothing at home, and -to go home empty would be a great disappointment to the rest. They -tried who could do best. If she stayed long or got little, then all -went to seeking shell-fish, which at low water they dug out of the -sands. This was what they lived on in the summer time, till God sent -them better; and in winter there were ground-nuts and fowl to help -them out. In the summer now and then they got a deer, one or two of -the fittest being told off to hunt in the woods. What was got in that -way was divided among them. - -At length they received a letter from the adventurers, too long and -tedious to record here in full, which told of their further crosses -and frustrations, beginning in this manner. - - - _The Adventurers in England to the Settlers at New Plymouth_: - - Loving Friends, - - As your sorrows and afflictions have been great, so our crosses and - interruptions in our proceedings here have not been small. After - we had, with much trouble and expense, sent the Parragon away to - sea, and thought all the trouble was at an end, about fourteen days - after she returned leaking dangerously and battered with storms, - so that she had to be put into dock and have £100 spent on her. - All the passengers lay upon our hands for six or seven weeks, and - much discontent was occasioned. But we trust all will be well, - and result to our mutual advantage, if you can wait with patience - and have but strength to hold on to life. While these things were - happening, Mr. Weston’s ship came, and brought various letters from - you.... We rejoice to hear the good reports that many have brought - home about you.... - -This letter was dated December 21st, 1622. - -This ship was brought out by Mr. John Pierce, and fitted out at -his own expense, in hope of doing great things. The passengers and -goods which the company had sent in her he took aboard as freight, -arranging to land them here. This was the man in whose name the -colony’s first patent was taken out, because of the acquaintance of -their friends with him, though his name was only used in trust. But -when he saw that they were settled here thus hopefully, and by the -success God gave them had obtained the favour of the Council of New -England, he goes to the Council, as if on behalf of the settlers—asks -them for another patent, much more extensive, which he thus easily -obtained. But he meant to keep it to himself, and allow the colonists -what he pleased to grant them as his tenants, and sue to the courts -as chief lord, as will appear by what follows. But the Lord prevented -him; for after the first return of the ship, and the expenses above -mentioned, when she was fitted again, he takes in more passengers, -and those not very good, to try and meet his losses, and sets out a -second time. But what the result was, will appear in another letter -from one of the chief members of the company, dated 9th of April, -1623, written to the Governor here, as follows: - - Loving Friend, - - When I sent my last letter, I hoped to have received one from you - by this time; though when I wrote in December I little thought I - should see Mr. John Pierce till he brought tidings of you. But - it pleased God that he brought us only the woful tidings of his - return, driven back by violent storms when he was half way over, - wherein the goodness and mercy of God appeared in sparing their - lives,—in all 109 souls! The loss is great to Mr. Pierce, and the - company is put to great expense.... - - At last, with great trouble and loss, we have got Mr. John Pierce - to assign to the Company the grand patent, which he had taken in - his own name, the former grant being made void. I am sorry to write - that many here think that the hand of God was justly against him, - both the first and second time of his return; for it appears that - he, whom you and we so confidently trusted only to use his name for - the company, should actually aspire to be supreme over us all, and - to make you and us tenants at his will and pleasure, our patent - having been annulled by his means. I desire to judge charitably of - him; but his unwillingness to part with his royal lordship, and the - high rate he put it at, which was £500,—it cost him £50,—makes many - speak hardly of him. The company are out for goods in his ship, - with expense of passengers, £640.... - - We have hired from two merchants a ship of 140 tons, called the - Anne, which is to be ready the last of this month, to bring sixty - passengers and 60 tons of goods.... - -This is their own judgment of the man’s proceedings. I thought it -better to describe them in their words than my own. Yet, though -no other compensation was got from him than the reversion of this -patent and the shares he had in the adventure, he was never quiet, -but sued them in the chief courts of England, and when he was still -frustrated, brought it before Parliament. But he is now dead, and I -will leave him to the Lord. - -This ship was in greater extremity at sea, during her second -attempted passage, than one could often hear of—without being -wrecked—as I have been informed by Mr. William Pierce who was then -captain of her, and by many others who were passengers on her. It -was about the middle of February. The storm lasted for fourteen days -altogether; but for two or three days and nights continuously it was -of fearful violence. After they had cut down their mast, their round -house and all their upper works were swept away; three men had all -they could do to keep the helm, and the man who held the ship before -the wind was obliged to be bound fast to prevent him from washing -away. The seas so over-raked them, that many times those on the deck -did not know whether they were within board or without; and once she -was so foundered in the sea that they all thought she would never -rise again. But yet the Lord preserved them, and brought them at last -safe to Portsmouth, to the wonder of all who saw what a state she was -in, and heard what they had endured. - -About the latter end of June there arrived a ship, with Captain -Francis West, commissioned to be Admiral of New England, to restrain -interlopers and such fishing ships as came to fish and trade without -a license from the Council of New England, for which rights they were -to be made to pay a substantial sum of money. But he could do no good -with them; they were too strong for him, and he found the fishermen -stubborn fellows; and their owners, upon complain made to Parliament, -procured an order that fishing should be free. He told the Governor -they spoke with a ship at sea and were aboard her, which was coming -to this settlement, in which there were several passengers; he -wondered she had not arrived and feared some mischance, for they -parted company in a storm shortly after they had been aboard. This -report filled them with fear, though they still had hopes. The -captain of this ship had some two hogshead of peas to sell, but -seeing their need he held them at £9 sterling a hogshead, and would -not take under £8, and yet he wanted to buy their beaver at less than -the market rate. So they told him they had lived so long without, -they would do so still, rather than give such an unreasonable price. -So he went on to Virginia. - -About fourteen days after, the ship called the Anne arrived, of which -Mr. William Pierce was captain; and about a week or ten days later -came the pinnace which they had lost in foul weather at sea,—a fine -new vessel, of about forty-four tons, which the company had built -to stay in the country. They brought about sixty settlers for the -colony, some of them very useful persons, who became good members -to the body, and some were the wives and children of those who were -here already. Some of the new settlers were so unruly, that they were -obliged to go to the expense of sending them home again the next -year. Besides these there were a number who did not belong to the -general body, but came on their own resources, and were to have lands -assigned to them, to work for themselves,—but subject to the general -Government. This caused some differences, as will appear. I shall -here again take the liberty to insert a few things out of letters -which came in this ship, desiring to give account of things in their -own words as much as may be. - - _Robert Cushman in England to the Settlers at New Plymouth_: - - Beloved Friends, - - I kindly salute you all, with trust of your healths and welfare. I - am sorry that no supplies have been sent to you all this time, and - in explanation I must refer you to our general letters. Nor have - we now sent you all that we would, for want of money. But there - are people more than enough,—though not all who are fit to go,—for - people come flying in upon us, but money comes creeping in. Some - few of your old friends have come.... So they come dropping to you, - and by degrees, I hope ere long, you will enjoy them all. As people - are pressing so hard upon us to go, and often they are none of the - fittest, I pray you write earnestly to the treasurer, and direct - what persons should be sent. It grieves me to see so weak a company - sent you, and yet had I not been here, they would have been weaker. - You must still call upon the company here to see that honest men - are sent you, and threaten to send back others.... In no way are - we in such danger as from corrupt and disorderly persons. Such and - such came without consent; but the importunity of their friends got - our Treasurer’s word in my absence. There is no need why we should - take lewd men for we have honest men enough.... - - Your assured friend, - R. C. - - - _Thirteen of the Adventurers in England to the Settlers at New - Plymouth_: - - Loving Friends, - - We most heartily salute you in all love and hearty affection, - hoping that the same God Who has hitherto preserved you in such - a marvellous manner, continues your lives and health, to His own - praise and all our comforts. We are very sorry that you have not - been sent to all this time.... We have in this ship sent such women - as were willing and ready to go to their husbands and friends, - with their children.... We would not have you discontented because - we have not sent you more of your old friends, and especially - him on whom you most depend, John Robinson. Far be it from us to - neglect you or slight him. But as the original intent was, so the - results shall show that we will deal fairly, and squarely answer - your expectations to the full. There also come to you some honest - men to settle near you, on their own account, which, if we had - not allowed, would have been to wrong both them and you,—them, by - inconveniencing them, and you, because, being honest they will be a - support to the place and good neighbours to you. In regard to these - private planters we have made two stipulations: - - First, the trade in skins is to be confined to the colonists till - the dividends; secondly, while they may settle near you, it shall - be at such distance as is neither inconvenient to the apportionment - of your lands, nor to your easily assembling together in case of - need. - - We have sent you several fishermen, with salt.... We have sent you - various other provisions, as will appear in your bill of lading, - and though we have not sent all we would, because our cash is - small, it is what we could. - - Although as it seems, you have discovered many more rivers and - fertile grounds than where you are, since by God’s providence, the - place fell to your lot, let it be accepted as your portion; and - rather fix your eyes upon what may be done there, than languish in - hope after things elsewhere. If your site is not the best, it is - the better because you will be envied or encroached upon less, and - such as are earthly minded will not settle too near your border. - If the land afford you bread, and the sea yield you fish, rest you - awhile contented. God will one day grant you better fare; and all - men shall know that you are neither fugitives nor discontents, but - can, if God so order it, take the worst to yourselves with content, - and leave the best to your neighbours with cheerfulness. - - Let it not grieve you that you have been instruments to break the - ice for others, who come after with less difficulty; the honour - shall be yours to the world’s end.... - - We bear you always in our breasts, and our hearty affection is - towards you all, as are the hearts of hundreds more who have - never seen your faces, but who doubtless pray for your safety as - their own, as we do and ever shall—that the same God which has so - marvellously preserved you from seas, foes, and famine, will still - preserve you from all future dangers, and make you honourable among - men, and glorious in bliss at the last day. And so the Lord be with - you all, and send us joyful news of you, and enable us with one - shoulder so to accomplish and perfect this work, that much glory - may come to Him that confoundeth the mighty by the weak, and maketh - small things great. To Whose greatness be all glory, for ever and - ever. - -This letter was subscribed with thirteen of their names. - -The passengers, when they saw the poor condition of those ashore, -were much daunted and dismayed, and, according to their different -characters were, differently affected. Some wished themselves in -England again; others began weeping, fancying what their own misery -would be from what they saw before them; others pitied the distress -they saw their friends had been in so long, and still were under; -in a word, all were full of sadness. Some few of their old friends -rejoiced to see them again, and to know that it was no worse with -them, for they could not expect it to be better; and hoped that now -they would enjoy better days together. And it was certainly not -unnatural that the new arrivals should be thus affected; for the -settlers were in very poor case,—many were ragged in apparel, and -some little better than half naked; though some few, who were well -stocked before, were well enough clothed. But as for food, they were -all alike, except some who had got a few peas from the ship that -was last here. The best dish they could present to their friends -was a lobster, or a piece of fish, without any bread, or anything -else but a cup of fair spring water. The long continuance of this -diet, and their labours, had somewhat abated the freshness of their -complexions. But God gave them health and strength and showed them by -experience the truth of that word (Deut. viii, 3): “Man liveth not by -bread alone, but by every word that proceedeth out of the mouth of -the Lord doth a man live.” - -When I think how sadly the Scripture speaks of the famine in Jacob’s -time, when he said to his sons, “Go buy us food, that we may live and -not die” (Gen. xlii, 2, and xliii, 1); and that the famine was great -in the land and yet they had such great herds of cattle of various -kinds, which besides meat produces other foods, such as milk, butter -and cheese, etc., and yet it was counted a sore affliction; when we -think of this, then we see that the affliction of these settlers must -have been very great, who not only lacked the staff of life, but all -these things, and had no Egypt to go to. But God fed them out of the -sea for the most part, so wonderful is His providence over His in all -ages; for His mercy endureth for ever. - -Now the original settlers were afraid that their corn, when it -was ripe, would have to be shared with the new-comers, and that -the provisions which the latter had brought with them would give -out before the year was over,—as indeed they did. So they went to -the Governor and begged him that as it had been agreed that they -should sow their corn for their own use, and accordingly they had -taken extraordinary pains about it, they might be left to enjoy it. -They would rather do that than have a bit of the food just come in -the ship. They would wait till harvest for their own and let the -new-comers enjoy what they had brought; they would have none of it, -except what they could purchase by bargain or exchange. Their request -was granted them and it satisfied both sides; for the new-comers were -much afraid the hungry settlers would eat up the provisions they had -brought, and then that they would fall into like conditions of want. - -The ship was laden in a short time with clapboard, by the help of -many hands. They also sent in her all the beaver and other furs they -had, and Mr. Winslow was sent over with her, to give information and -to procure such things as were required. Harvest time had now come, -and then instead of famine, God gave them plenty, and the face of -things was changed, to the rejoicing of the hearts of many for which -they blessed God. And the effect of their particular planting was -well seen, for all had, one way or another, pretty well to bring the -year about, and some of the abler sort and more industrious had to -spare, and sell to others,—in fact, no general want or famine has -been amongst them since, to this day. - -Those that came on their own venture looked for greater things than -they found, or could attain to, such as building great houses in -pleasant situations, as they had fancied,—as if they could be great -men, and rich, all of a sudden; but they proved castles in the air. - -The following were the conditions agreed on between the colony and -them: - - 1. That the Governor in the name and with the consent of the - company embraces and receives them in all love and friendship; and - is to allot them competent places for habitations within the town; - and promises to show them all such other courtesies as shall be - reasonable for them to desire, or us to perform. - - 2. That they on their parts be subject to all such laws and orders - as are already made, or hereafter shall be made, for the public - good. - - 3. That they be free and exempt from the general employments of the - said company (which their present condition of community requires), - except common defence, and such other employments as tend to the - perpetual good of the colony. - - 4. Towards the maintenance of government, and public officers of - the said colony, every male above the age of 16 years shall pay a - bushel of Indian wheat, or the worth of it, into the common store. - - 5. That according to the agreement the merchants made with them - before they came, they are to be debarred from all trade with the - Indians for all sorts of furs and such like commodities, till the - time of the communality be ended. - -About the middle of September Captain Robert Gorges arrived in the -Bay of Massachusetts, with sundry passengers and families, intending -to begin a plantation there; and pitched upon the place that Mr. -Weston’s people had forsaken. He had a Commission from the Council -of New England, to be Governor-General of the country, and they -appointed for his counsel and assistance, Captain Francis West,—the -admiral aforementioned,—Christopher Levett, Esquire, and the Governor -of New Plymouth for the time being, etc. They also gave him authority -to choose such other as he should see fit. Also, they gave (by their -commission) full power to him and his assistants, or any three of -them, whereof himself was always to be one, to do and execute what -should seem to them good, in all cases capital, criminal, and -civil, etc. with various other instructions. Of these and also his -commission, it pleased him to let the Governor here take a copy. - -He gave them notice of his arrival by letter, but before they could -visit him, he went eastward with the ship he came in; but a storm got -up, and as they lacked a good pilot to harbour them there, they bore -up for this harbour. He and his men were kindly entertained here, and -stayed fourteen days. - -In the meantime Mr. Weston arrived with his small ship, which he -had now recovered. Captain Gorges, who informed the Governor here -that one purpose of his going east was to meet with Mr. Weston, -took this opportunity to call him to account for some abuses he had -to lay to his charge. Whereupon he called Weston before him and -some other of his assistants, with the Governor of this place; and -charged him first with the ill carriage of his men in Massachusetts, -by which means the peace of the country had been disturbed, and he -himself and the people he had brought over to settle there were much -prejudiced. To this Mr. Weston easily answered, that what had been -done, was in his absence, and might have befallen anyone; he left -them sufficiently provided, and supposed they would be well governed; -for any error committed he had sufficiently smarted. This particular -charge was passed by. - -The second charge was of a wrong done towards his father, Sir -Ferdinand Gorges, and to the State. The offence was this: Mr. Weston -had used him and others of the Council of New England, to procure -him a license for the purchase and transportation to New England of -many pieces of great ordnance, on the plea of great fortifications -in this country, etc. Having obtained them, he went and sold them -beyond the seas for his private profit; at which, he said, the State -had been much offended, and his father had been sharply rebuked, and -he had order to apprehend him for it. Mr. Weston excused it as well -as he could, but could not deny it, it being the main reason why he -had left England. But after much argument, by the mediation of the -Governor and some other friends here, he was inclined to be lenient, -though he foresaw the vexation of his father. When Mr. Weston saw -this he grew more presumptuous, and made such provoking and cutting -speeches, that the Governor-General rose up in great indignation -and distemper, and vowed that he would either curb him or send him -home to England. At which Mr. Weston was somewhat daunted, and came -privately to the Governor here, to know whether he would allow him -to be apprehended. He was told they could not prevent it, and blamed -him much that, after having pacified things, he should again break -out and by his own folly and rashness bring trouble upon himself and -them too. He confessed it was his temper, and prayed the Governor to -intercede for him, and smooth things if he could. At last he did so -with much ado; so he was summoned again, and the Governor-General -consented to accept his own bond, to be ready to make further answer, -when either he or the Lords should send for him. Finally, he took -only his word, and there was a friendly parting on all hands. - -But after he had gone, Mr. Weston, in lieu of thanks to the Governor -and his friends here, gave them this quip behind their backs, for -all their pains: That though they were but young justices, they -were good beggars. Thus they parted for the time, and shortly after -the Governor took his leave and went to Massachusetts by land, very -grateful for his kind entertainment. - -The ship stayed here and fitted herself to go to Virginia, having -some passengers to deliver there, and with her there returned several -of those who had come over privately, some from discontent and -dislike of the country, others because of a fire that broke out, -burning the houses they lived in and all their provisions. The fire -was caused by some of the seamen, who were roystering in a house -where it first began. It being very cold weather, they had made a -great fire, which broke out of the chimney and set alight the thatch, -and burnt down three or four houses, and all the goods and provisions -in them. The house in which it began was right against the common -storehouse, in which were all their provisions; and they had much -difficulty in saving it. If it had been lost, the plantation would -have been ruined. But through God’s mercy it was saved by the great -efforts of the people, and the care of the Governor and some about -him. Some advised that the goods be thrown out; but then there would -have been much stolen by the rough crews of the two ships, who were -almost all ashore. But a reliable company was placed within, so that -if necessity required they could have got them all out with speed, -and others with wet cloths and other means kept off the fire outside. -For they suspected some malicious dealing, if not plain treachery; -though whether it was only suspicion or no, God knows. But this is -certain, that when the tumult was greatest, a voice was heard—from -whom it was not known—that bid them look well about them, for all -were not friends near them. And shortly after, when the worst of the -fire was over, smoke was seen to rise from a shed adjoining the end -of the storehouse, which was wattled up with boughs, the withered -leaves of which had caught fire. Those who ran to put it out found -a large firebrand, about a yard long, lying under the wall on the -inside, which could not possibly have come there by accident, but -must have been put there intentionally, as all thought who saw it. -But God kept them from this danger, whatever was intended. - -Shortly after Captain Gorges, the Governor-General, had got home to -Massachusetts, he sent a warrant to arrest Mr. Weston and his ship, -and sent a seaman to sail her thither, and one, Captain Hanson, of -his suite, to be in charge of him. The Governor and others were -very sorry to see him take this course, and took exceptions to the -warrant, as not legal or sufficient, and wrote to him to dissuade -him from this course, showing him that he would but entangle and -burden himself by doing this, and that he could not do Mr. Weston a -better turn, as things now stood with him, for he had a great many -men in his service in the ship to whom he was deeply in debt for -wages, and that he was practically out of provisions, and winter -was at hand: for all of which Captain Gorges would be responsible -if he arrested his ship. In the meantime Mr. Weston had notice to -shift for himself; but it was supposed that he did not know where to -go or how to better himself, but was rather glad of the issue, and -so did not move. But the Governor-General would not be dissuaded, -and sent a very formal warrant under his hand and seal, with strict -orders, as they would answer for it to the State; he also wrote that -he had better considered things since he was here, and he could not -answer for it to let him go, besides other things that had come to -his knowledge since, which Mr. Weston must account for. So he was -allowed to proceed; but he found in the end that what had been told -him was true; for when an inventory was taken of what was in the -ship, food was found sufficient for only fourteen days, at a bare -allowance, and not much else of any worth, and the men clamoured so -for wages and rations in the meantime, that he was soon weary. So in -conclusion it turned to his loss, and the expense of his provisions; -and towards the spring they came to an agreement, after they had -been east, and the Governor-General restored him his vessel again, -and made satisfaction in biscuit and meal and such like provisions -for what he had used of his, or what had been wanted or consumed. -So Mr. Weston came here again, and afterwards shaped his course -for Virginia, and so for the present I shall leave him. He died -afterwards at Bristol, at the time of the war, of the sickness there. - -The Governor-General and some of his suite soon returned to England, -having scarcely saluted the country put under his government, as -he did not find the state of things here correspond to his station -and way of life. The people dispersed; some went to England, others -to Virginia, some few remained and were helped with supplies from -here. The Governor-General had brought over a minister of religion -with him, one Mr. Morrell, who, about a year after his return, took -shipping from here. He had I know not what power and authority -of superintendence over other churches granted him, and sundry -instructions to that end; but he never showed it or made use of it. -It seems he saw it was in vain, and he only spoke of it to some here -at his departure. This was the end of the second settlement there. -This year there were also some scattered beginnings made in other -places, as at Piscataqua by Mr. David Thomson, at Monhegan and some -other places by several others. - -It remains now for me to speak a word about the pinnace mentioned -before, sent by the adventurers to be employed in the country. She -was a fine vessel, and bravely fitted out; but I fear the adventurers -were over proud of her, for she had ill success. However, they made -a great mistake about two things in her. First, though she had a -competent master, she was badly manned, and all the crew were upon -shares, and none were to receive any wages but the captain. Secondly, -though mainly busied with trade, they had sent nothing of any value -to trade with. When they came over they received bad advice from Mr. -Weston and others of the same stamp, until neither the captain nor -the governor could control them, for they declared that they were -abused and deceived; that they were told they would sail as a man of -war, and take I know not whom,—French, Spaniards, etc. They would -neither trade nor fish without wages; in fine, they would obey no -orders of the captain, and it was feared they would either make away -with the vessel, or get off on the other ships and abandon her. So -Mr. Pierce and other friends persuaded the Governor to change their -conditions, and give them wages; which was accordingly done. Then the -vessel was sent about the Cape to the Narragansetts to trade, but -they made a poor voyage of it. They got some corn and beaver, but -the Dutch had been used to trade with cloth, and better commodities, -and these had only a few beads and knives, which were not valued by -the Indians. On her return home, at the very entrance into her own -harbour, she was almost wrecked in a storm, and was forced to cut her -main mast by the board, to save herself from driving onto the flats -that lie outside, called Brown Islands, the force of the gale being -so great that her anchors gave way, and she was being driven right -upon them; but when her mast and tackling were gone, they were able -to hold her till the wind shifted. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -Changes in form of Government—Pinnace wrecked—Private Settlers -make trouble—Winslow returns from England with the first -Cattle—Faction among Adventurers in England—Objections of the -Colony’s opponents—Letters from John Robinson—Opposition to sending -the Leyden people—One acre apportioned for permanent holding to -each Settler—Ship-building and Salt-making—Trouble with Lyford and -Oldham—Pinnace salvaged and rigged: 1624. - - -The time for the election of the officers for the year having come, -the number of people having increased and the business of government -accordingly, the Governor desired them to change the officials and -renew the election and give the Governor more assistants for his -help and advice, pointing out that if it was an honour or advantage -it was only fit that others should share it; if it was a burden,—as -doubtless it was,—it was but fair that others should help to bear it, -and that this, in fact, was the purpose of the annual elections. The -outcome was that whereas before there had been only one assistant -they now chose five, giving the Governor a double voice; and -afterwards they increased them to seven. This plan has been continued -to this day. - -Having at some trouble and expense new-masted and rigged their -pinnace, in the beginning of March they sent her well-victualed -to the eastward, fishing. She arrived safely at a place called -Damariscove, and was well harboured where ships were accustomed -to anchor, with some other ships from England, already there. But -shortly after there arose such a violent and extraordinary storm, -that the seas broke into the harbour in a way that had never been -known before, and drove her against great rocks, which beat such -a hole in her bulk that a horse and cart might have been driven -through, and then she drifted into deep water, where she lay sunk. -The captain was drowned; the rest of the men, except one, with -difficulty saved their lives; all her provisions, salt, etc., were -lost. And here I must leave her to lie till afterwards. - -Some of those who still remained here on private venture, began -secretly to plot, in league with a strong faction of the adventurers -in England, on whom several of them depended. By their whisperings -they drew some of the weaker members of the colony itself to their -side, and made them so discontented that at last nothing would -satisfy them but that they might be allowed to be on their own -resources also, and even made large offers to be freed from the -community. The Governor consulted with the ablest members of the -colony, and it was decided to permit them to separate on the same -terms as the other private settlers, with the additional stipulation -that they should be bound to remain here till the general partnership -was concluded; and that they should pay into the common store one -half of all the goods and commodities they might accumulate beyond -their food, in consideration of expenses already incurred for them; -and some other similar details. When this liberty was granted the -defection soon stopped, for but few took this course when they came -to consider it, and the rest soon wearied of it. It turned out that -they had been told by the other private settlers and Mr. Weston that -no more supplies would be sent to the general body, but that the -private settlers had friends at home who would do I know not what for -them. - -Shortly after, Mr. Winslow returned from England and brought a -pretty good supply of provisions, with a ship sent for fishing,—an -enterprise never successful with the colony. He brought three heifers -and a bull,—the first cattle in the country,—some clothing and other -necessaries. He reported a strong faction amongst the adventurers -against the colonists, and especially against sending the rest from -Leyden. He related with what difficulty the present supply was -procured, and that by their strong and long opposition his departure -had been so delayed that not only had they now arrived too late for -the fishing season here, but the best fishermen had gone to the west -country and he was forced to take the best captain and crew he could -procure. Some letters from the adventurers will make these things -clearer. - - - _James Sherley in England to the Settlers at New Plymouth_: - - Most worthy and loving Friends, - - Your kind and loving letters I have received with thanks.... It - has pleased God to stir up the hearts of the adventurers to raise - new stock for fitting out this ship, called the Charity, with - men and necessaries both for the settlement and fishing,—though - with very great difficulty, since we have amongst us some who - undoubtedly serve their private ends, and thwart the others - here, and worthy instruments of God’s glory elsewhere,[5] rather - than aiming at the general good and furtherance of this noble - enterprise. Still we have many others,—I hope the majority,—very - honest Christian men, whose intent I am convinced, is wholly for - the glory of Our Lord Jesus Christ, the propagation of His gospel, - and the hope of gaining these poor savages to the knowledge of - God. But as the proverb says: One scabbed sheep may mar a whole - flock,—so these malcontented and turbulent spirits do what they - can to draw men’s hearts from you and your friends, and from the - general business,—even with a show of godliness and zeal for the - plantation. Whereas the aim is quite contrary, as some of the - honester hearted men (though lately of their faction) made clear - at our last meeting. But why should I trouble either you or myself - with these restless opposers of all goodness, who, I doubt not, - will be continual disturbers of our friendly meetings and love. On - Thursday, Jan. 8th, we had a meeting about the articles between - you and us, at which they moved to reject what we had pressed you - to grant in our recent letters,—an addition to the period of our - joint stock. Their reason, as they stated, was that it troubled - their conscience to exact longer time from you than had been agreed - upon at first. That evening, however, they were so confused and - wearied by their own perverse contentions, that they even offered - to sell their adventures,—and some were willing to buy. But I, - thinking it would only raise scandal and false reports, and so do - us more harm, would not permit it. So on Jan. 12th we had another - meeting. But in the interim several of us had talked with most of - them privately, and had great combats and reasoning, pro and con. - But that night, when we met to read the general letter, we had the - friendliest meeting I ever knew, and our greatest enemies offered - to put up £50. So I sent for a bottle of wine—I would you could - do the like—which we drank friendly together. Thus God can turn - the hearts of men when it pleases Him.... Thus loving friends, I - heartily salute you in the Lord, hoping ever to rest, - - Yours to my power, - JAMES SHERLEY. - _Jan. 25th, 1623._ - - - _Robert Cushman in England to the Settlers at New Plymouth_: - - Beloved Sir, - - We have now sent you, we hope, men and means to accomplish three - things, viz., fishing, salt-making, and boat-making: if you - can master them your wants will be supplied. I pray you exert - yourselves to do so. Let the ship be loaded as soon as you can, - and sent to Bilbao. You must send some competent representative, - whom, once more, you must authorize to confirm the conditions. - If Mr. Winslow could be spared, I wish he could come again. The - boat-builder is believed to be one of the best in his trade, and - will no doubt be of much service. Let him have absolute command - over his assistants, and whomever you put under him. Let him build - you two catches, a lighter, and some six or seven shallops, as soon - as you can. The salt-maker is a skilful and industrious man. Put - some assistants under him who will quickly learn the secret of it. - The preacher we have sent is, we hope, an honest plain man, though - none of the most eminent and rare. About his appointment, use your - own liberty and discretion; he knows he has no authority among you, - though perhaps custom and habit may make him forget himself. Mr. - Winslow and myself gave way to his going, to satisfy some here, and - we see no reason against it except his large family of children. - - We have taken a patent for Cape Ann.... - - I am sorry more discretion is not used by some in their letters - home.[6] Some say you are starved in body and soul; others that - you eat pigs and dogs that have died; others that the reports of - the fertility of the country are gross and palpable lies, that - there is scarcely a fowl to be seen, or a fish to be caught, and so - on. I wish such discontented men were back again, rather than the - whole plantation shall be thus exposed to their passionate humours. - Hereafter I shall prevent some from going who are not better - disposed; in the meantime it is our cross, and we must bear it. - - I am sorry we have not sent you more provisions, but we have run - into so much expense to victual the ship, provide salt, fishing - implements, etc., that we could not afford other comforts, such as - butter, sugar, etc. I hope the return of this ship, and the James, - will put us in cash again. The Lord make you full of courage in - this troublesome business, which must now be stuck to, till God - give us rest from our labours. Farewell, in all hearty affection. - - Your assured friend, - R. C. - _Jan. 24th, 1623._ - -With the former letter from Mr. Sherley were sent various charges -against the colony, of which he writes thus: “These are the chief -objections which those just returned raise against you and the -country. I pray you consider them, and answer them at your first -convenience.” - -These objections were made by some of those who came over on private -enterprise, and had returned home as before mentioned; they were of -the same kind as those the last letter mentions. I shall record them -here, with the answers made to them and sent over at the return of -this ship. The fault-finders were so confounded that some confessed, -and others denied what they had said and ate their words; some have -since come over again, and have lived here to convince themselves -sufficiently. - - Obj. 1. Diversity of religious beliefs. - - Ans: We know of no such diversity, for there has never been any - controversy, either public or private, to our knowledge, since we - came. - - Obj. 2. Neglect of family duties on the Lord’s day. - - Ans: We allow no such thing. They who report it, would have showed - their Christian love more if they had told the offenders of it - kindly, rather than thus to reproach them behind their backs. But, - to say no more, we wish they themselves had given a better example. - - Obj: 3. Want of both the sacraments. - - Ans: The more is our grief that our pastor is kept from us, at - whose hands we might enjoy them. In Holland we used to have the - Lord’s supper every Sabbath, and baptism as often as there were - children to baptise. - - Obj. 4. Children are not catechised, or taught to read. - - Ans: Neither is true—several take pains with their own, as well - as they can. We have no common school, for want of a fit person - hitherto, or means to obtain one; though we hope now to begin. - - Obj. 5. Many of the private members of the colony will not work for - the community. - - Ans: This also is not wholly true: for though some do it - unwillingly, and others not honestly, still all do it. The worst - of them gets his own food, and something besides. We do not excuse - them, but try to reform them the best we can,—or else quit the - settlement of them. - - Obj. 6. The water is not wholesome. - - Ans: If they mean not so wholesome as the good wine and beer in - London, which they so dearly love, we will not dispute them; but - for water, it is as good as any in the world, so far as we know, - and it is wholesome enough for us who can be content with it. - - Obj. 7. The ground is barren, and grows no grass. - - Ans: Here, as everywhere, some ground is better, some worse. The - cattle find grass for they are as fat as need be; we wish we had - but one beast for every hundred that there is grass to keep. This - objection, like some others, is ridiculous to all here who see and - know the contrary. - - Obj. 8. The fish cannot be salted, to keep them sweet. - - Ans: This is as true as writing that there is scarcely a fowl to be - seen, or a fish to be caught; things likely to be true in a country - where so many ships come fishing yearly! They might as well say - that no ale or beer in London can be kept from going sour. - - Obj. 9. Many of them steal from one another. - - Ans: If London had been free from that crime, we should not have - been troubled with it here. It is well known that several have - smarted well for it—and so are the rest likely to do whenever they - are caught. - - Obj. 10. The country is over-run with foxes and wolves. - - Ans: So are many other good countries, too; but poison, traps, and - other such means will help to destroy them. - - Obj. 11. The Dutch are settled near Hudson’s Bay, and are likely to - overthrow the trade. - - Ans: They would come and settle here as well, if we and others did - not, or if we went home and left it to them. We rather commend - them, than condemn them for it. - - Obj. 12. The people are much pestered with mosquitoes. - - Ans: They are too delicate and unfit to begin new plantations and - colonies who cannot endure the biting of a mosquito. We would wish - such to keep at home,—at least till they be mosquito proof. But - this is as free as any, and experience teaches that the more the - land is tilled and the woods cut down, the fewer there will be,—and - in the end scarcely any at all. - -Having dispatched those objections, I will here insert two letters -from Mr. Robinson, their pastor; the one to the Governor, the other -to Mr. Brewster, their elder, which will throw much light on what -has gone before, and show the tender love and care of a true pastor -towards them. - - _John Robinson at Leyden to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth_: - - My loving and much beloved friend, whom God has hitherto preserved, - preserve and keep you still to His glory and the good of many - that His blessing may make your godly and wise endeavours equal - to the occasion. Of your love, too, and care for us here, we have - never doubted, and are glad to take full knowledge of it. Our love - and care to and for you is mutual, though our hopes of coming to - you are small, and weaker than ever. But of this at large in Mr. - Brewster’s letter, with whom you mutually communicate your letters, - I know, as I desire you may do these, etc. - - Concerning the killing of those poor Indians, of which we heard - at first by rumour, and since by more definite report, oh! how - happy a thing had it been if you had converted some, before you - had killed any. Besides, where blood once begins to be shed, it is - seldom staunched for a long time after. You will say they deserved - it. I grant it; but upon what provocation from those heathenish - Christians?[7] Besides, you not being magistrates over them, had - to consider not what punishment they deserved, but what you were - by necessity constrained to inflict. Necessity of killing so many - I cannot see. Methinks one or two principals should have been - enough, according to the approved rule,—the punishment to a few, - and the fear to many. Upon this occasion let me be bold to exhort - you seriously to consider the disposition of your Captain, whom I - love, and am persuaded the Lord in great mercy and for much good - has sent to you, if you use him right. He is a man humble and meek - among you, and towards all, under ordinary circumstances, but if - this merely come from a humane spirit, there is cause to fear - that, on occasions of special provocation there may be wanting - that tenderness of the life of man, made after God’s image, which - is meet. It is also apt to be more glorious in men’s eyes, than - pleasing in God’s, or fit for Christians, to be a terror to poor - barbarous peoples; and indeed I am afraid lest, by this example, - others should be drawn to adopt a kind of ruffling course in the - world. I doubt not that you will take in good part these things - that I write, and if there is cause make use of them. We wish we - were present, to communicate our mutual help; but seeing that - cannot be done, we shall always long after you, and love you, and - wait God’s appointed time. The adventurers, it seems, have neither - money to send us, nor any great mind for us, for the most part. - They deny it to be any part of the agreement between us that they - should transport us, nor do I look for any further help from them - till means come from you. My wife with me, re-salutes you and - yours. Unto Him Who is the same to His in all places, and near to - them which are far from one another, I commend you, and all with - you, resting, - - Yours truly loving, - JOHN ROBINSON. - _Leyden, Dec. 19th, 1623._ - - - _John Robinson at Leyden to William Brewster at New Plymouth_: - - Loving and dear friend and brother, - - What I most desired of God for you, namely, the continuance of your - life and health, and the safe coming of those sent to you, I most - gladly hear of, and praise God for it; and I hope Mrs. Brewster’s - weak state of health will be somewhat repaired by the coming of her - daughters, and the provisions sent in this and former ships, which - makes us here bear more patiently the deferring of our desired - transportation. I call it desired, rather than hoped for: for - first, there is no hope at all, that I know or can conceive of, of - any new stock being raised for that purpose; so that everything - must depend upon returns from you, which are surrounded by so many - uncertainties. Besides, though for the present the adventurers - allege nothing but want of money, which is an invincible obstacle, - still if that be removed by you, other difficulties will be raised - to take its place. In order to understand this better, we must - divide the adventurers under three heads. Of these some five or six - (as I believe) are absolutely in favour of us, before all; another - five or six are openly our bitter adversaries; the rest—the main - body,—are I believe, honest minded, and friendly towards us; but - they have other friends (namely, the forward preachers) nearer - to them than we are, whose interests, in so far as they conflict - with ours, they would rather advance than ours. Now what a pull - these men have with the professors, you know; and I am convinced - that they, of all others, are unwilling I should be transported; - especially such of them as have an eye that way themselves, fearing - that if I go there, their market will be marred in many respects. - As for these adversaries, if they have but half as much wit as - malice, they will stop my going as soon as they see it is intended; - and as one restive jade can hinder, by hanging back, more than two - or three can draw forward, so it will be in this case. A clear - proof of this they gave in your messenger’s presence, binding the - company to promise that none of the money now subscribed should be - expended to help any of us over to you. - - Now as to the question propounded by you: I judge it not lawful - for you,—a ruling elder (Rom. xii, 7, 8; and I Tim. v, 17), as - distinct from the elders that teach and exhort and labour in the - word and doctrine, in whose duties the sacraments are included, - to administer them,—nor fitting, if it were lawful. Whether any - learned man will come out to you, I do not know; if so, you must - Consilium capere in arena. Be you most heartily saluted, and your - wife with you, both from me and mine. Your God and ours, and the - God of all His, bring us together if it be His will, and keep us in - the mean while, and always to His glory, and make us serviceable to - His majesty and faithful to the end. Amen. - - Your very loving brother, - JOHN ROBINSON. - _Leyden, Dec. 20th, 1623._ - -These matters premised, I will now proceed with my account of affairs -here. But before I come to other things I must say a word about -their planting this year. They felt the benefit of their last year’s -harvest; for by planting corn on their own account they managed, with -a great deal of patience, to overcome famine. This reminds me of a -saying of Seneca’s (Epis. 123): that an important part of liberty -is a well-governed belly, and patience in want. The settlers now -began to consider corn more precious than silver; and those that -had some to spare began to trade with the others for small things, -by the quart, pottle, and peck, etc.; for they had no money, and if -they had, corn was preferred to it. In order that they might raise -their crops to better advantage, they made suit to the Governor to -have some land apportioned for permanent holdings, and not by yearly -lot, whereby the plots which the more industrious had brought under -good culture one year, would change hands the next, and others would -reap the advantage; with the result that the manuring and culture of -the land were neglected. It was well considered, and their request -was granted. Every person was given one acre of land, for them and -theirs, and they were to have no more till the seven years had -expired; it was all as near the town as possible, so that they might -be kept close together, for greater safety and better attention to -the general employments. This often makes me think of what Pliny -(lib. 18, cap. 2) says of the Romans’ first beginnings in the time of -Romulus—how everyone contented himself with two acres of land, and -had no more assigned to them; and (cap. 3) how it was thought a great -public reward to receive a pint of corn from the people of Rome. And -long after, the most generous present given to a Captain who had won -a victory over their enemies, was as much ground as he could till -in one day; in fact a man was not considered a good but a dangerous -citizen, who was not content with seven acres of land; also how they -used to pound their corn in mortars, as the settlers were forced to -do for many years, until they got a mill. - -The ship which brought these supplies was speedily unloaded, and, -with her captain and crew was sent out fishing to Cape Ann, where -they had got a patent, as mentioned above. As the season was so -far advanced, some of the planters were sent to help to build the -landing stage, to their own hindrance. Partly owing to the lateness -of the year, and more especially to the bad character of the captain, -one Baker, they made a poor voyage of it. He proved a very drunken -beast, and did little but drink and guzzle and consume time and -victuals, most of the crew following his example; and though Mr. -William Pierce was superintending the business and was to captain the -ship home, he could do no good amongst them. The loss was great, and -would have been more, but that they did some trade for skins, which -was a help to them. - -The ship-builder who had been sent out to the colony was an honest -and very industrious man. He and his assistants quickly built two -good strong shallops, which afterwards did them great service, and a -strong lighter; and he had hewn timber for two catches, when he fell -sick with fever in the hot season of the year, and though he had the -best attention the place could afford, he died. He was a very great -loss, and they were very sorry for his death. - -But the man sent out to make salt was an ignorant, foolish, -self-willed fellow. He boasted that he could do great things in -making salt-works; so he was sent to seek out fit ground for the -purpose; and after some search he told the Governor that he had found -a suitable place, with a good bottom to hold water, and otherwise -very convenient, which he doubted not, in a short time could be -brought to perfection, and yield them great profit; but he must have -eight or ten men constantly employed. He was requested to make sure -the ground was good, and otherwise suitable, and that he could bring -it to perfection; otherwise he would incur great expense by employing -himself and so many men. But he was, after some trial, so confident, -that he caused them to send carpenters to rear a great frame for a -large house, to receive the salt, and for other uses. But in the end -it all proved useless. So he found fault with the ground, in which -he said he had been mistaken; but if he might have the lighter to -carry clay, he was sure he could do it. Now, though the Governor -and some others saw that this would come to little good, they had -so many malignant spirits amongst them who, in their letters to the -adventurers, would have blamed them for not letting him bring his -work to perfection; and the man himself, who by his bold confidence -and large promises had deceived the adventurers in England, had so -wound himself into the high esteem of some here, that they decided -to let him go on till everyone saw his vanity. In the end all he -could do was to boil salt in pans, and yet tried to make those who -worked with him believe there was a great mystery in it, and used to -make them do unnecessary things as a blind, until they saw through -his deception. The next year he was sent to Cape Ann, and the pans -were set up where the fishing was; but before the summer was out he -had burnt the house, and the fire was so fierce that it spoiled the -pans,—at least some of them; and this was the end of that expensive -business. - -The third person of importance mentioned in the letters was the -minister whom they sent over, by name Mr. John Lyford, of whom and -whose doings I must be more lengthy, though I will abridge as much -as I can. When this man first came ashore, he saluted them with such -reverence and humility as is seldom to be seen; indeed he made them -ashamed, he so bowed and cringed to them, and would have kissed their -hands if they had allowed him. He wept and shed many tears, blessing -God Who had brought him to see their faces, admiring what they had -done in their need, as if he had been made all of love and was the -humblest person in the world. And all the while (if we may judge -by his after-behaviour) he was only like him mentioned in Psalm x, -10: who croucheth and boweth, that heaps of poor may fall by his -might. Or like that dissembling Ishmael (Jer. xli, 6), who, when he -had slain Gedelia, went out weeping, and met them who were coming to -offer incense in the house of the Lord, saying: Come to Gedelia—when -he meant to slay them. - -They gave him the best entertainment they could in all simplicity, -and a larger allowance of food out of the store than any other had; -and as the Governor in all weighty affairs had consulted their elder, -Mr. Brewster, and his assistants, so now he called Mr. Lyford, too, -to the council with them, on the most important matters. After a -short time he desired to become a member of the church here, and -was accordingly received. He made a large confession of his faith, -and an acknowledgment of his former disorderly walking, and his -being entangled with many corruptions which had been a burden to -his conscience and blessed God for this opportunity of freedom and -liberty to enjoy the ordinances of God in purity among His people, -with many similar expressions. - -I must speak here a word, too, of Mr. John Oldham, who joined him in -his after courses. He had been a chief stickler in the former faction -among the private settlers, and an intelligencer to those in England. -But now, since the coming of the ship with supplies he opened his -mind to some of the chief members here, and confessed that he had -done them wrong both by word and deed in writing thus to England; -that he now saw the eminent hand of God was with them, which made -his heart smite him; and he assured them that his friends in England -should never use him against them again. He begged them that former -things might be forgotten, and that they would look upon him as one -who desired to support them in every way,—and such like expressions. -Whether this was hypocrisy or some sudden pang of conviction (which -I rather think), God only knows. However, they at once showed -themselves ready to embrace him in all friendliness, and called -him to the council with them, on all the chief affairs without any -distrust at all. - -Thus everything seemed to go very comfortably and smoothly amongst -them, at which they rejoiced. But it did not last long, for both -Oldham and Lyford grew perverse, and showed a spirit of great -malignancy, drawing as many into faction as they could. No matter how -vile or profane, they backed the delinquents in all they did so long -as they would but uphold them and speak against the church here; so -that there was nothing but private meetings and whisperings amongst -them. Thus they fed themselves and others with what they would -accomplish in England through their friends there, bringing others as -well as themselves into a fool’s paradise. However, they could not be -so secret but that much of their doings and sayings was discovered; -though outwardly they still showed a fair face. - -At length, when the ship was ready to go, it was discovered that -Lyford was long in writing, and sent many letters and could not -forbear to communicate with his intimates such things therefrom as -made them laugh in their sleeves, thinking he had done their errands -satisfactorily. The Governor and some of his friends, knowing how -matters stood in England, and what harm this might do, took a shallop -and went out with the ship a league or two to sea, and called for -Lyford’s and Oldham’s letters. Mr. William Pierce being captain of -the ship, and knowing well the mischief they made both here and in -England, afforded them all the assistance he could. He found above -twenty of Lyford’s letters, many of them long and full of slanders -and false accusations, tending not only to their prejudice but -even aiming at their ruin. Most of the letters they let pass, but -took copies of them; of some they sent true copies and kept the -originals, lest he should deny that he had written them. Amongst them -they found copies of two which he sent enclosed in a letter of his to -Mr. John Pemberton, a minister, and a great opponent of theirs. Of -these two letters of which he had taken the copies, one of them was -written by a gentleman in England to Mr. Brewster, the other by Mr. -Winslow to Mr. John Robinson in Holland, at his coming away, as the -ship lay at Gravesend. They were lying sealed in the main cabin; and -whilst Mr. Winslow was busy about the affairs of the ship, this sly -mischief-maker opens them, makes copies, and seals them up again; and -not only sends the copies to his friend and their adversary, but adds -in the margin many scurrilous and flouting annotations! - -The ship went out towards evening, and in the night the Governor -returned. They were somewhat blank at it, but after some weeks, as -they heard nothing, they were as brisk as ever, thinking nothing was -known, and all had gone well for them, and that the Governor had only -gone to despatch his own letters. The reason why the Governor and the -rest took no steps at once was in order to let things ripen so that -they might the better discover their intention and see who were their -adherents; for, amongst others they had found a letter from one of -their confederates, stating that Mr. Oldham and Mr. Lyford intended a -reformation in church and commonwealth, and that as soon as the ship -was gone, they intended to join together and have the sacraments, etc. - -As for Oldham, few of his letters were found, for he was so bad a -scribe that his hand was scarcely legible; but he was as deeply -involved as the other. So, thinking they were now strong enough, they -began to pick quarrels at everything. Oldham being told off to stand -watch according to order, refused to come, calling the captain a -beggarly rascal, resisting him, and drawing his knife on him, though -he had done him no wrong nor spoken to him improperly, but had merely -required him with all fairness to do his duty. The Governor, hearing -the tumult, sent to quiet it; but Oldham ramped more like a furious -beast than a man, and called them all traitors, and rebels, and -other such foul language as I am ashamed to remember; but after he -had been clapped up awhile, he came to himself, and with some slight -punishment was let go upon his behaviour, pending further censure. - -But to cut things short, at length it came to this, that Lyford with -his accomplices, without speaking one word to either the Governor, -the Church, or the elder, withdrew themselves, and held a separate -public meeting on the Lord’s day; and with many such insolent doings, -too long to relate here, began to act publicly what they had been -plotting privately. It was thought high time to prevent further -mischief by calling them to account; so the Governor called a court, -and summoned the whole company to appear, and charged Lyford and -Oldham with their guilt. But they were stubborn, and resolutely -denied the charges, and required proof. The court first alleged that -from what had been written to them from England, and from their -practises here, it was evident they were plotting against them, and -disturbing the peace, both in respect of their civil and church -estate, which was most injurious to the colony; for both they and all -the world knew that they had come here to enjoy liberty of conscience -and the free use of God’s ordinances, and for that end had ventured -their lives and had already passed through so much hardship; and they -and their friends had borne the expense of these beginnings, which -was not small. They pointed out that Lyford for his part was sent -over at their expense, and that both he and his large family were -maintained by them; that he had joined the church, and was a member -of it; and for him to plot against them and seek their ruin, was -most unjust and perfidious. As for Oldham, or any one who came over -at his own expense, and were on their own resources, they had been -received in courtesy by the plantation, coming to seek shelter and -protection under its wings, being unable to stand alone; but as the -hedgehog in the fable, whom the coney on a stormy day invited in pity -into her burrow, would not be content to share it with her, but in -the end with her sharp pricks forced the poor coney out, so these -men, with similar injustice, endeavoured to do the like by those who -entertained them. - -Lyford denied that he had anything to do with the people in England, -or knew their plans, and pretended similar ignorance of the other -charges. Then his letters were produced and some of them read, at -which he was struck dumb. But Oldham began to rage furiously, that -they had intercepted and opened the letters. Threatening them in -very high language, he stood up and in a most audacious and mutinous -manner called upon the people, saying,—My masters, where are your -hearts? Now show your courage; you have often complained to me so -and so; now is the time; if you will do anything, I will stand by -you, etc. Thinking that everyone who, knowing his humour, had soothed -and flattered him, or otherwise in a moment of discontent uttered -anything to him, would now side with him in open rebellion. But he -was disappointed; not a man opened his mouth, for all were struck -silent by the injustice of the thing. - -Then the Governor turned to Mr. Lyford, and asked him if they thought -he had done wrong to open his letters; but he was silent and dare not -say a word, knowing well what they might reply. Then the Governor -explained to the people that he had done it as a magistrate, and was -bound to do it to prevent the mischief and ruin that this conspiracy -and plot of theirs might otherwise have brought to the colony. But -Lyford, besides his misbehaviour here, had dealt treacherously with -his friends that trusted him, and stole their letters, and opened -them, and sent copies of them with disgraceful annotations to his -friends in England. Then the Governor produced them and his other -letters under his own hand, which he could not deny, and had them -read before all the people: at which all his friends were blank, and -had not a word to say. - -It would be too long and tedious to insert his letters here—they -would almost fill a volume—though I have them by me. I shall only -note a few of the chief things from them, with the answers to them as -they were then given, as instances. - - 1. He said that the church desired that no one should live here - except its members; nor would anyone willingly do so, if they had - but company with which to live elsewhere. - - Ans: Their answer was that this was false, in both its parts; for - they were willing and desirous that any honest men should live with - them, who would behave peaceably, and seek the common good,—or at - least do them no harm; and that there were many who would not live - elsewhere, so long as they were permitted to live with them. - - 2. That if any honest men came over who were not dissenters, they - soon disliked them, etc. - - Ans: Their answer was as before, that it was a calumny, for they - had many amongst them whom they liked well, and were glad of their - company; and should be of any such who came to them. - - 3. That they took exception to him for these two doctrines from - II Sam. xii, 7. First, that ministers must sometimes apply their - teaching in particular to special persons; secondly, that great men - may be reproved as well as humble. - - Ans: Their answer was that both these charges were without truth or - colour of truth—as was proved to his face—and that they had taught - and believed this long before they knew Mr. Lyford. - - 4. That they tried to ruin the private settlers, as was proved by - this: they would not allow any of the colony either to buy or sell - with them, or to exchange one commodity for another. - - Ans: This was a most audacious slander, and void of all truth as - was proved to him before all, for any of them bought, sold or - exchanged with them as often as they pleased—and also both lent - and gave to them, when they wanted; and this the private settlers - themselves could not deny, but freely confessed in open court. But - the ground whence this slander arose made it much worse; for he - was at the council with them, when a man was called before them, - and was questioned for receiving powder and biscuit out of the - company’s supplies from the gunner of the small ship, which he had - arranged should be put in at his window in the night; and also for - buying salt of one who had no right to it. Lyford not only backed - this defaulter—who was one of these private settlers—by excusing - and extenuating him; but upon this ground he built this mischievous - and false slander; that because they would not suffer a private - settler to buy stolen goods, ergo, they sought their utter ruin: - Bad logic for a divine! - - 5. Next he accused them of forcing men to become private settlers, - on their own resources, and then seeking to starve them, and - deprive them of all means of subsistence. - - Ans: To this it was answered, he did them manifest wrong, for they - had turned none upon their own resources who had not of their own - importunity and earnest desire urged and constrained them to do it. - They appealed to the persons themselves for the truth of it, and - they testified against him before all present, and that they had no - cause to complain of any hard or unkind usage. - - 6. He accused them with unjust distribution, and wrote that it - seemed strange that some should be allowed 16 lbs. of meal per - week, and others only 4 lbs. And then adds floutingly: it seems - that some men’s bellies and mouths are very little and slender - compared with others! - - Ans: This might seem incomprehensible to those to whom he wrote - his letters in England, and who did not know the reason for it; - but to him and others it was well understood. The first comers had - no allowance at all, but lived on their own corn. Those who came - in the Anne the August before, and had to live thirteen months on - the provisions they brought, had as good an allowance of meal and - peas as would go round. A little while before harvest, when fish - and fruits were to be got, they had only 4 lbs., being at liberty - to make their own provisions in addition. But some of those who - came last, such as the ship-builder, the salt men, and others who - were to follow constant employment and had not an hour’s time from - their labour to provide food besides their allowance,—such workers - had at first 16 lbs. allowed them, and afterwards, when fish and - other food could be got, they had 14 lbs., 12 lbs., or some of them - 8 lbs., as occasion required. But those who had time to plant corn - for themselves, even though they received but 4 lbs. of meal a week - from the store, lived better than the others, as was well known. - And it must be remembered that Lyford and his family had always the - highest allowance. - -He accused them of many other things in his letters such as of great -waste of tools and utensils—though he knew that an honest man was -appointed to look after these very things; and of this, when it came -to be examined, all the instances he could give was, that he had seen -an old hogshead or two fall to pieces, and a broken hoe or two left -carelessly in the fields. But he had written such things as these to -cast disgrace and prejudice upon them thinking that what came from a -minister would pass for true. He told them that Winslow had said that -there were not above seven of the adventurers who sought the good of -the colony; and he ended by saying that the faction here matched the -Jesuits for cunning. - -Finally he gave his friends advice and directions: - - 1. First, that the Leyden company (Mr. Robinson and the rest) must - still be kept back, or all would be spoiled. Lest any of them - should be taken in privately somewhere on the coast of England, as - was to be feared, they must change the captain of the ship (Mr. - William Pierce), and put someone else in Winslow’s place as agent, - or it could not be prevented. - - 2. He would have such further settlers shipped over as would - out-number those here; the private settlers should have votes in - all courts and elections, and be free to bear any office; and every - private settler should come over as an adventurer, even if he be - only a servant, someone else investing the necessary £10, the bill - being taken out in the servant’s name, and then assigned to the - party whose money it was, proper agreements being drawn between - them for the purpose. These things, said he, would be the means of - strengthening the private settlers. - - 3. He told them that if that Captain they spoke of came over to - take command, he was sure he would be elected, for “this Captain - Standish looks like a silly boy, and is in utter contempt.” - - 4. Then he argued that if by the aforementioned means they could - not get control, it would be better to settle elsewhere by - themselves, choosing the place they liked best within three or - four miles, and showing that there were far better places for a - settlement than this. - - 5. Lastly, he concluded that if neither of these thing were - accomplished, they must join the main body here, perforce. Then he - added: “Since I began to write, some letters have come from your - company, giving sole authority in various things to the Governor - here; which, if it take place, then, Ve nobis. But I hope you will - be more vigilant hereafter, that nothing may pass in such a manner. - I suppose Mr. Oldham will write to you further about these things. - I pray you conceal me as the source of these disclosures, etc.” - -I have thus briefly touched some things in his letters and shall -now return to their proceedings with him. After reading his -letters before the whole company, he was demanded what he could -say in defence. But all the answer he made was that Billington -and some others had informed him of many things, and had made -sundry complaints,—which they now denied. He was asked if that was -sufficient ground for him thus to accuse them and traduce them by -letter, never saying a word to his colleagues of the council. And so -they went on from point to point, and demanded that neither he nor -his confederates should spare them, if they had any proof or witness -of wrong doing on their part. He said he had been misinformed, and -so had wronged them. And this was all the answer they could get; for -none would take his part, and Billington and others whom he named -denied his statements and protested he wronged them, and that, on -the other hand, he would have drawn them to such and such things, -which they had declined to do, though they had sometimes attended -his meetings. Then they taxed him with dissembling about the church, -professing to concur with them in everything; and with the large -confession he made at his admittance, not considering himself a -minister till he had a new calling, etc. Yet now he separated -himself from them, and drew a number away and would administer the -sacraments by his episcopal calling, without ever speaking a word -to them, either as magistrates or as colleagues. In conclusion, he -was fully convicted, and, bursting into tears, confessed: he feared -he was a reprobate; his sins were so great he doubted if God would -pardon them; he was unsavoury salt, etc.; he had so wronged them that -he could never make amends, confessing all that he wrote against -them was false and empty, both in matter and manner—and all this as -completely as words and tears could express. - -After their trial and conviction the court censured them to be -expelled the place; Oldham at once, though his wife and family had -leave to stay all the winter, or longer, till he could make provision -to remove them comfortably. Lyford had leave to stay six months,—with -some eye to remission of the sentence if he behaved himself well in -the meantime, and his repentance proved sound. Lyford acknowledged -his censure was far less than he deserved. - -Afterwards he confessed his sin publicly, with tears, in the church, -more fully than before. I shall here record it, taken down in his -own words. He acknowledged that he had done very evil, and had -slanderously abused them. He had thought that most of the people -would take part with him, and he would carry all with a strong -hand against them; that God might justly lay innocent blood to his -charge, for he knew what harm might have come of his writings, and -blessed God they were intercepted. He had listened to any evil that -was spoken, but shut his eyes and ears against all good; and if God -should make him a vagabond on the earth, as was Cain, it was but -just; for he had sinned in envy and malice against his brethren. -He confessed three things to be the cause of his doings: pride, -vainglory, and self-love—amplifying these generalities with many -other sad expressions in particular. - -They began to conceive well of him again after his repentance, and -admitted him to preach amongst them as before; and Samuel Fuller, a -deacon, and some other tender-hearted men amongst them, were so taken -in by his signs of sorrow and repentance, that they said they would -fall upon their knees to have his sentence repealed. - -But what amazed them all in the end, and will amaze all others who -come to hear of it,—for a rarer precedent can hardly be shown,—was, -that after a month or two notwithstanding all his former convictions, -confessions, and public acknowledgments, both in the face of the -church and the whole company, with so many sad tears and censures of -himself before God and man, he should try again to justify what he -had done. - -For he secretly wrote a second letter to the adventurers in England, -in which he justified all his former writings,—except as regards some -things in which he had disparaged them,—which, as it is briefer than -the former, I will here insert: - - _John Lyford at New Plymouth to the Adventurers in England_: - - Worthy Sirs, - - Though the filth of my own doings may justly be cast in my face, - and with blushing cause my perpetual silence, yet that the truth - may not hereby be injured, yourselves any longer deluded, nor - injurious dealings be continued, with bold out-facings I have - ventured once more to write to you. First I freely confess I dealt - very indiscreetly in some of my particular letters which I wrote - to private friends, concerning the motives in coming here and the - like, which I do not seek to justify, though I was stirred up to - it by seeing the indiscreet courses of others, both here and with - you there, for effecting their designs. But I am heartily sorry for - it, and do to the glory of God and my own shame acknowledge it. The - said letters having been intercepted by the Governor, I am under - sentence of banishment; and but for the respect I have for you, - and some private matters, I should have returned by the pinnace - to England, for here I do not intend to remain, unless I receive - better encouragement from you than from the church (as they call - themselves) here. I expected to undergo some hardships before I - came, so I shall try cheerfully to bear with the conditions of the - place, though they are very poor; and they have changed my wages - ten times already. I suppose my letters,—or at least copies of - them,—came into your hands, as they here report. If so, pray take - notice of this: that I have written nothing but what is certainly - true, and could prove it to any indifferent man. My object was not - to make myself important, but to help several poor souls here, the - care of whom in part belongs to you, and who are destitute of the - means of salvation. The church itself is well provided for, the - members forming the minority of the colony, and monopolizing the - ministry, believing that the Lord has not appointed any ministry - for the conversion of those outside the church, so that some of - the poor souls have with tears complained of this to me, and I was - censured for preaching to all in general; though, in reality, they - have had no ministry here since they came, but such as might be - performed by any of you, whatever pretences they make; but they - equivocate about this, as about many other things. But I exceed the - bounds I set myself; therefore, awaiting further from you, if it - come within the time limited me, I rest, etc. - - Remaining yours ever, - JOHN LYFORD, Exile. - _Aug. 22nd, 1624._ - -They made brief answer to some things in this letter, but referred -chiefly to their former one to this effect: That if God in His -providence had not brought all this to their notice, they might have -been traduced, abused, calumniated, overthrown, and undone; and never -have known by whom or for what. They desired but this just favour; -that the adventurers would be pleased to hear their defence, as well -as his accusations, and weigh them in the balance of justice and -reason, and then censure as they pleased. - -I have been longer on this subject than I desired, but not longer -than was necessary. But I will revert to other things. - -To return to the pinnace left sunk near Damariscove. Some of the -fishing boats’ captains said it was a pity that so fine a vessel -should be lost, and sent them word that if they would bear the -expense, they would show them how to float her, and let them have -their carpenters to mend her. They thanked them, and sent men for the -purpose and beaver to defray the cost. So they got coopers to trim -I know not how many tons of casks, and having made them tight and -fastened them to her at low water, they buoyed her up, and hauled -her ashore with many hands in a convenient place where she could be -worked at; and then set several carpenters to work at her, and others -to saw planks, and at last fitted her, and got her home. But it cost -a great deal of money to recover her, and to buy rigging and sails -for her, both now and when she lost her mast before; so she proved an -expensive vessel to the poor plantation. So they sent her home, and -with her Lyford sent his last letter in great secrecy; but the party -entrusted with it gave it to the Governor. - -The winter passed in their ordinary pursuits, without any special -matter worth noting,—except that many who before stood somewhat aloof -from the church, now seeing Lyford’s unjust dealing and malignity, -came forward and were made members, stating that it was not out of -dislike of anything that they had stood off so long, but a desire to -fit themselves better for such a state; and that they now saw that -the Lord called for their help. - -And so these troubles produced an effect on several here quite -contrary to what their adversaries had hoped; and it was recognized -as a great work of God, to draw men to him by unlikely means, and -such as, in reason, might have been calculated to alienate them. And -thus I shall end this year. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -Oldham and Lyford expelled—Lyford’s Past—Reply of Settlement to -Adventurers’ Charges—Support from friendly group of Adventurers—Loss -of two ship-loads of cargo—Captain Standish in England: 1625. - - -At the spring of the year, about the time of their elections, Oldham -came back again, and, though his sentence forbade his return without -obtaining leave, his effrontery and the ill counsel of others led him -to ignore it, and at the same time to give rein to his unruly passion -beyond all reason and decency, so that some strangers who came with -him were ashamed of his outrage, and rebuked him, but all reproofs -were but as oil to the fire, and enflamed his anger the more. He -called them all good-for-nothings, and a hundred rebels and traitors, -and I know not what. So they locked him up till he was tamer, and -then he was made to pass down a line of guards, each of whom was -ordered to give him a thump on the breech with the butt-end of his -musket. Then he was conveyed to the water-side, where a boat was -ready to take him away, and they bid him go and mend his manners. - -Whilst this was going on Mr. William Pierce and Mr. Winslow came up -from the shore, having arrived from England; but the others were so -busy with Oldham that they never saw them until they thus came upon -them. They told them not to spare either him or Lyford, for both -had behaved villainously. But to make an end of Oldham I will here -briefly relate what befell him in the future. After the removal of -his family, he encountered difficulties and about a year afterwards, -towards winter, he sailed for Virginia; but it pleased God that the -ship was in great danger, and he and the other passengers despaired -of life, many resorting to prayer and the examination of their -consciences and confession of such sins as burdened them. Mr. Oldham -then made a free and ample confession of the wrongs he had done to -the people and the church here saying that, as he had sought their -ruin, so God had now met with him and might destroy him; aye, and he -feared they all fared worse on account of his presence. He prayed God -to forgive him, and made vows that if the Lord spared his life, he -would repent. This I learned by reliable report of some who are still -living at the Bay, and themselves shared the dangers of the shoals -of Cape Cod and heard his very words. It pleased God to spare their -lives, though they lost their voyage; and ever after Oldham behaved -decently to them, acknowledging the hand of God to be with them. He -seemed to respect them honestly, and so far made his peace with them -that after a time he had liberty to come and go at his pleasure. -He went afterwards to Virginia, and there fell very ill; but he -recovered and came back again to his family at the Bay, and lived -there till many people had come over. At length, going trading in a -small vessel among the Indians, and being weakly manned, upon some -quarrel they knocked him on the head with a hatchet, so that he fell -down dead and never spoke again. Two little boys that were related to -him were saved, though injured, and the vessel was recovered from the -Indians by another inhabitant of the Bay of Massachusetts. Oldham’s -death was in fact one cause of the subsequent Pequot war. - -Now as to Mr. Lyford. His time having expired, his sentence was -to be carried out. He was so far from fulfilling their hopes of -amendment, that he had doubled his offence, as shown. But behold -the hand of God upon him, wherein the Psalmist is verified (Psa. -vii, 15): He hath made a pit and digged it, and is fallen into the -pit he made. He thought to bring disgrace upon them but instead he -discloses his own shame to all the world. When he was confronted -with his second letter, his wife was so stirred by his doings that -she could no longer conceal her grief, and opened her mind to one -of the deacons and some of her friends, and later to Mr. Pierce, -on his arrival. She said that she feared some great judgment of -God would fall upon the family, because of her husband; and now -that they were about to remove she feared she would fall into the -Indians’ hands and be defiled by them as he had defiled other women, -recalling God’s threatened judgment upon David (II Sam. xii, 11): -I will raise up evil against thee out of thine own house, and will -take thy wives before thine eyes, and give them unto thy neighbour. -Then she disclosed how he had wronged her, and that he had a bastard -by another woman before they were married. She had had some inkling -of it when he was courting her, and told him what she had heard -rumoured; but he not only stiffly denied it, but to satisfy her took -a solemn oath; so she consented to marry him. Afterwards she found -it was true, and reminded him of his oath; but he prayed her to -pardon him, and pleaded that otherwise he would not have won her. -And yet even after this she could keep no maid-servant but he would -be meddling with them, and sometimes she had taken him in the act. -The woman was a respectable matron, of good behaviour all the while -she was here, and spoke out of the sorrow of her heart, sparingly, -but circumstantially. What seemed to affect her most was his easy -repentances, followed by a speedy return to the old paths. - -This was all borne out by the reports of Mr. Winslow and Mr. Pierce -on their return. Mr. Winslow informed them that they had had the -same trouble with Lyford’s friends in England as with himself and -his friends here,—his adherents crying out that to deal thus with -a minister and a godly man was a great scandal, and threatening to -prosecute them for it. So it was all referred to a further meeting -of most of the adventurers there, who agreed to choose two eminent -men as arbitrators. Lyford’s faction chose Mr. White, a counsellor -at law; the others chose the Rev. Mr. Hooker, the minister. In the -meantime God in His providence had disclosed Lyford’s evil career -in Ireland to some friends of the company, who made it known to Mr. -Winslow, and mentioned two godly witnesses who would testify upon -their oath. The fact was, that when Lyford was in Ireland, he had -wound himself into the esteem of several worthy reformers, who, -burdened with the ceremonies in England, found greater liberty of -conscience there. Amongst them were the two men who gave evidence; -and amongst others there was an honest young man who intended -to marry, and had set his affection on a certain girl who lived -there. But preferring the fear of God to all other things, before -he suffered his affection to run too far he resolved to take Mr. -Lyford’s advice and judgment about the girl,—since he was the -minister of the place,—and so spoke of it to him. He promised to -inform him faithfully, but wished to get to know her better first, -and have some private talk with her. In conclusion he recommended -her highly to the young man as a very fit wife for him. So they -were married. But some time afterwards the woman was much troubled -in mind and afflicted in conscience, and did nothing but weep and -mourn; and it was long before her husband could find out the cause. -But at length she told him,—praying him to forgive her,—that Lyford -had overcome her and defiled her before marriage. The circumstances I -forbear; suffice it, that though he satisfied his lust upon her, he -endeavoured to hinder conception. The young husband then took some -godly friends with him to confront Lyford with this charge. At length -he confessed it with a great deal of seeming repentance and sorrow, -but he was forced to leave Ireland, partly for shame and partly for -fear of further punishment; and so, coming to England, unhappily he -was hit upon as a suitable minister for the colony and sent out to -them. The arbitrators with great gravity declared that his recent -offences there gave them cause enough to deal with him as they had -done; but these disclosures made him unfit ever to bear ministry any -more, what repentance soever he should pretend. - -From here Lyford went to Nantasket, on the Bay of the Massachusetts, -where Oldham lived with some of his friends. Thence he removed to -Naumkeag, since called Salem; but later, whether for hope of greater -profit or what I know not, he forsook the friends who had stuck to -him, and went down to Virginia, where shortly after he died; and so I -leave him to the Lord. His wife afterwards returned to this country; -thus much of this matter. - -Though the storm had blown over, the effects which followed it were -serious; for the company of adventurers broke up in consequence, -and the majority wholly deserted the colony as regards any further -supplies. Furthermore, some of Lyford’s and Oldham’s friends fitted -out a fishing ship on their own account, and arriving ahead of the -ships that came to the plantation, took away their dock and other -necessary preparations that they had made for their fishing at -Cape Ann the year before at great expense and would not restore it -unless they would fight for it. However, the Governor decided to -send some of the settlers to help the fishermen build a new one, -and let them keep it. This fishing ship also brought Lyford’s and -Oldham’s contingent some supplies, but of little value; but they were -unsuccessful in their fishing, and they could make no return for the -supplies sent, so after this year their friends in England never -looked after them again. - -This ship also brought from some of the adventurers their reasons -for having abandoned the colony, and offers of reuniting again upon -certain conditions. They are long and tedious, and most of them have -already been touched upon. - -Their answer was in part as follows: - - In charging us with having dissembled with his majesty and the - adventurers in our original declaration of general agreement with - the French Reformed Church, you do us wrong, for we both hold with - and practice the beliefs of the French and other Reformed Churches - as published in the Harmony of Confessions, according to our means, - in effect and substance. But in attempting to tie us to the French - practices in every detail, you derogate from the liberty we have - in Christ Jesus. The Apostle Paul would have none follow him but - wherein he followed Christ; much less ought any Christian or Church - in the world to do so. The French may err, we may err, and other - Churches may err, and doubtless do in many circumstances. The - honour of infallibility, therefore, belongs only to the word of - God and the pure testament of Christ, to be followed as the only - rule and pattern for direction by all Churches and Christians. It - is great arrogance for any man or Church to think that he or they - have so sounded the word of God to the bottom as to be able to set - down precisely a Church’s practices without error in substance or - circumstance, and in such a way that no one thereafter may digress - or differ from them with impunity. Indeed it is not difficult to - show that the Reformed Churches differ from each other in many - details. - -The rest I omit for brevity’s sake; and so leave these men and their -doings, and return to the rest of the adventurers, who were friends -of the company and stuck to them. I will first insert some of their -letters; for I think it best to render their minds in their own words: - - _Letter to the Colonists at New Plymouth, from the Adventurers in - England who remained friendly to them_: - - To our Loving Friends, etc. - - Though what we feared has happened, and the evil we tried to avert - has overtaken us, still we cannot forget you or our friendship and - fellowship of some years’ standing, and though its expression has - been small, our hearty affection towards you, unknown by face, has - been no less than to our nearest friends or even to ourselves. And - though your friend Mr. Winslow can tell you the state of things - here, lest we should seem to neglect you, to whom by a wonderful - providence of God we are so nearly united, we have thought well to - write and let you know what has happened here and the reasons for - it, and our intentions and desires concerning you for the future. - - The old basis of partnership is entirely dissolved, and we are left - to bethink ourselves what course to take in the future, that your - lives and our money be not lost. - - The causes of these alterations are as follows: First and mainly, - the many losses and crosses at sea and the abuses of seamen have - incurred such heavy expenses for us that we could not continue - without impoverishing ourselves, unless our means had been greater - and our associates had stuck together. Secondly, there has been a - faction against you, which, though influenced to abandon you mainly - for want of money, pretended to charge you with being Brownists, - etc. But how you or we ought to turn all this to account remains - to be considered; for we know the hand of God to be in all these - things, and no doubt He would admonish us hereby to see what is - amiss. - - While we ourselves are ready to take every opportunity to further - so hopeful an enterprise, it must rest with you to put it on its - feet again. And whatever else may be said, let your honesty and - conscience remain approved, and lose no jot of your innocence - amidst your crosses and afflictions; and surely if you behave - yourselves wisely and go on fairly, you will need no other weapon - to wound your adversaries; for when your righteousness is revealed - as the light, they, who have causelessly sought your overthrow, - shall cover their faces with shame. - - We think it only right that everything belonging to the common - stock shall be kept together and increased, rather than dispersed - for any private ends whatever; and that after your necessities are - met, you shall send over such commodities as the country affords, - to pay the debts and clear the engagements here, which amount to - not less than £1400. Let us all endeavour to keep an honest course, - and see what time will bring forth, and what God in His providence - will work for us. We are still convinced that you are the people - who must make the settlement a success when all others fail and - return; and your experience of God’s providence and preservation of - you is such that we hope your hearts will not fail you, though your - friends should forsake you,—which we ourselves will not do whilst - we live and your honesty of purpose remains unchanged. - - We have sent you some cattle, clothes, stockings, shoes, leather, - etc. We have consigned them to Mr. Allerton and Mr. Winslow as - our agents, at whose discretion they are to be sold in exchange - for commodities. Go on, good friends, comfortably; pluck up your - spirits and quit yourselves like men in all your difficulties, - that, notwithstanding all the threats of men, your good work may - continue; for in as much as it is for the glory of God and the good - of our countrymen, it is a better course for a man to run than to - live the life of Methuselah in wasting the plenty of a tilled land - or eating the fruit of a grown tree. - - With hearty salutations to you all, and hearty prayers for you all, - we lovingly take our leaves, this 18th of Dec., 1624. - - Your assured friends to our power, - J. S. W. C. T. F. R. H. etc. - -This letter shows the state of affairs of the colony at this time. -They bought the goods, but at dear rates. The adventurers put 40% on -them for profit and risk outward bound; and for risk on the goods -sent back in payment, homeward bound, they added another 30%,—in all -70 per cent. This seemed unreasonable to some, and too oppressive, -considering the case of the purchasers. The cattle were most -valuable; the other things were neither of the best quality nor at -the best prices. - -They also sent over two fishing ships on their own account. One was -the pinnace, which was wrecked the previous year here, and saved by -the planters, and which, after she reached home, was attached by one -of the company for a private debt, and had now been sent out again -on his account. The other was a large ship, well fitted, with an -experienced captain and crew of fishermen, to make a fishing cruise, -and then to go to Bilbao or Sebastian to sell her fish. The pinnace -was ordered to load with codfish, and to bring home to England the -beaver received for the goods sold to the plantation. This big ship -was well laden with good dry fish, which at market prices would have -yielded £1800. But as there was a rumour of war with France, the -captain feared to carry out his orders, and on getting over, put -first into Plymouth, and afterwards into Portsmouth, and so met with -a heavy loss, being obliged to sell at lower prices. The pinnace met -with no better success. She was laden with a cargo of codfish caught -on the banks, as full as she could float; and besides she had some -800 lbs. of beaver, as well as other furs to a good value, from the -plantation. The captain seeing so much lading, wished to put aboard -the bigger ship, for greater safety; but as Mr. Winslow, their agent -in the business, was bound in a bond of £500 to send it to London -in the small ship, there was some discussion between the captain -and him about it. But he told the captain he must obey his orders -about it, or ignore them at his peril. So the furs went in the small -ship, and he sent bills of lading in both. The captain of the big -ship was so careful, both vessels being so well-laden, that he towed -the small ship at his stern all the way over. So they went joyfully -home together, and had such fine weather that he never cast her off -till they were well within the England channel, almost in sight of -Plymouth. But even there she was unhappily taken by a Turkish man of -war, and carried off to Saller, where the captain and crew were made -slaves, and many of the beaver skins were sold for 4d. a piece. Thus -all their hopes were dashed, and the joyful news they meant to carry -home was turned to heavy tidings. Some thought this was the hand of -God in punishment for their too great exaction of the poor colony; -but God’s judgments are unsearchable, nor dare I make bold with them. -However, it shows us the uncertainty of all human things, and how -foolish it is to take pleasure in them or trust to them. - -In the big ship Captain Standish was sent over from the settlement, -with instructions and letters both to their friends of the company -and to the honourable Council of New England. They requested the -company, since they only meant to let them have goods for sale, -that they might have them upon easier terms, as they would never -be able to bear such high interest or allow so much per cent; and -that they should send goods which were useful and suitable to them. -They wished the company to be informed of the contents of the letter -to the Council of New England. This letter sought the Council’s -favour and help, and asked that the adventurers who had forsaken -them might be brought to order and not keep the colony bound while -they themselves went free; and that they might either stand by their -former agreement, or else reach some fair conclusion by dividend or -composition. But he arrived at a very bad time, for the country was -full of trouble, and the plague very deadly in London, so that no -business could be done. However, he spoke with some of the honoured -Council, who promised all possible help to the colony. Several of -the friendly adventurers were so reduced by their losses last year, -and now by the ship taken by the Turks, and the decreased profits on -their fish, and such multitudes in London were dying weekly of the -plague, that all trade was dead and little money was available; so -that with great difficulty he raised £150 (and spent a good deal of -it in expenses) at 50 per cent, which he expended on trading goods -and such other commodities as he knew they needed. He returned as -passenger on a fishing ship, having made good preparations for the -settlement that was afterwards made with the adventurers. - -In the meantime it pleased the Lord to give the plantation peace and -health and contented minds, and so to bless their labours that they -had sufficient corn, and some to spare for others, besides other -food. After harvest this year, they sent out a boat-load of corn 40 -or 50 leagues to the eastward, up a river called the Kennebec. The -boat they sent was one of the two shallops their carpenter had built -them the year before; for they had nothing bigger. They laid a little -deck over her midships to keep the corn dry, but the men had to make -the best of all weathers without shelter,—and that time of year it -begins to be rough. But God preserved them and gave them success. -They brought home £700 worth of beaver, besides some other furs, -having little or nothing else for trading with but this corn which -they themselves had raised out of the earth. This voyage was made by -Mr. Winslow and some of the old standers, for they had no sailors. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -Standish returns from England—Death of John Robinson and Robert -Cushman—Purchase of trading goods at Monhegan—Isaac Allerton goes to -England—Small ship built: 1626. - - -About the beginning of April they heard of Captain Standish’s -arrival, and sent a boat to fetch him home with the things he had -brought. He was welcome; but the news he brought was sad in many -regards; not only as to the losses which their friends had suffered, -but also the tidings that Mr. John Robinson, their old pastor, -was dead, which saddened them much and not without cause. Their -adversaries had been long plotting to hinder his coming hither; but -the Lord had appointed him a better place. An account of his death is -given in these few lines written to the Governor and Mr. Brewster. - - - _A letter from Roger White at Leyden to Governor Bradford and - William Brewster at New Plymouth_: - - Loving and kind Friends, - - I do not know whether this will ever come to your hands, or - miscarry as my other letters have done. But because of the Lord’s - dealing with us here, I have had a great wish to write to you, - knowing your desire to participate with us both in our joys and - sorrows, as we do with you. This is to give you to understand that - it has pleased the Lord to take out of this vale of tears your and - our loving and faithful pastor, and my dear and reverend brother, - Mr. John Robinson, who was ill for some eight days. He began to - sicken on Saturday morning; yet next day (being the Lord’s day) - he taught us twice. The week after he grew daily weaker, but was - without pain. The physic he took seemed to benefit him, but he grew - weaker every day, though he remained sensible to the last. He fell - sick on Feb. 22nd, and departed this life on March 1st. He suffered - from a continual inward ague, but was free from infection, so - that all his friends came to see him. If either prayers or tears - or care could have saved his life, he had not gone hence. But he - having faithfully finished his course, and performed the work which - the Lord had appointed him here to do, now rests with the Lord in - eternal happiness. Since his going our Church lacks a governor; yet - we still continue by the mercy of God, and hold close together in - peace and quietness; and so hope to do, though we are very weak. - We wish (if such were the will of God) that you and we were again - united, either there or here; but seeing it is the will of the - Lord thus to dispose of things, we must labour with patience to - rest contented, till it please the Lord otherwise to dispose. As - for news, there is not much. In England we have lost our old King - James, who departed this life about a month ago; and here they have - lost the old prince, Grave Maurice; both having departed this life - since my brother Robinson. In England we have a new king, Charles, - of whom there is great hope; here they have put Prince Henry in his - brother’s place. Thus with my love remembered, I take leave and - rest, - - Your assured loving friend, - ROGER WHITE. - _Leyden, April 28th, 1625._ - -Thus these two great princes and the colonists’ old pastor left this -world about the same time: Death makes no difference. - -Captain Standish further brought them notice of the death of their -early friend, Mr. Cushman, whom the Lord took away also this -year, and who had been their right hand with their friends, the -adventurers, and for many years had undertaken all their business -with them to great advantage. He had written to the Governor but a -few months before of the serious illness of Mr. James Sherley, one of -the chief friends of the plantation, who lay at the point of death, -praising his love and helpfulness in everything, and much bemoaning -the loss his death would be to them, for he was the stay and life -of the whole business; also that he proposed to come over this year -and spend the rest of his days with them. But he who thus wrote of -another’s illness, knew not his own death was so near. It shows that -a man’s ways are not in his own power, but in His hands, Who has the -issue of life and death. Man may propose, but God doth dispose. - -Their other friends from Leyden wrote many sad letters to them, -lamenting the heavy loss of their pastor, and though they would -gladly come to them, they saw no probability of it, but concluded -that all their hopes were at an end; and besides, many, being aged, -began to drop away by death. - -They were greatly perplexed—and not without cause. But they took -courage, and the Lord so helped them, Whose work they had in hand, -that now when they seemed at the lowest ebb they began to rise again; -and being stripped as it were of all human helps and props, by His -divine providence they were not only upheld and sustained, but their -example was both honoured and imitated by others; as the sequel will -show if the Lord spare me life and time to unfold it. - -Having now no fishing business or other things to attend to besides -their trading and planting, they set themselves to follow them with -the best industry they could. The settlers finding that their spare -corn was a commodity worth six shillings a bushel, spared no pains -in sowing it. The Governor and those appointed to manage the trade -(for it was still retained for the general benefit, and none were -allowed to trade for themselves) co-operated; so, lacking goods to -trade with, and hearing that a settlement which had been at Monhegan -and belonged to some merchants at Plymouth was to break up, and many -useful goods were to be sold, the Governor and Mr. Winslow took a -boat and some hands and went there. Mr. David Thomson, who lived -at Piscataqua, learning their purpose, took the opportunity to go -with them; but lest their competition for the goods should raise the -prices, they agreed to buy them all and divide them equally between -them. They also bought some goats, which they distributed amongst -the colonists as they thought fit in exchange for corn. Their share -of the goods came to above £400 sterling. That same spring a French -ship had been wrecked at Sagadahoc, containing many Biscay rugs and -other commodities, which had fallen into the hands of these people -and some fishermen at Damariscove Islands who had been taken into -partnership; and these extras increased their share of the purchase -to £500. This they made shift to pay for, chiefly with beaver and -goods they had got the winter before, and what they had obtained -that summer. Mr. Thomson having somewhat exceeded his resources, -asked them to relieve him of some of his purchase; but they declined -to take any but the French goods, and on the understanding that the -merchant who was selling them, and who was a Bristol man, would -take their bill to be paid next year; to which both parties agreed. -By this means they were well furnished with articles for trading, -and were able to take up some of their previous engagement, such -as the money raised by Captain Standish and the balance of former -debts. With these goods and their corn when harvested they traded -profitably, and were able to meet their engagements punctually -and get some clothing for the people, and still had some supplies -in hand. But soon they began to be emulated, and others went and -supplied the Indians with corn, and beat down the price, giving them -twice as much as they had done, and under-traded them with other -articles too. - -This year they sent Mr. Allerton to England, and gave him -instructions to settle with the adventurers upon as good terms as -he could, for which composition Captain Standish had paved the way -the year before. They enjoined him not to conclude absolutely till -they knew the terms and had well considered them, but to arrange -preliminaries as well as he could, and refer the conclusion to them. -They also gave him commission under their hands and seals to raise -some money, provided it did not exceed the sum specified, for which -they engaged themselves, and instructed him how to expend it for the -use of the plantation. - -Finding that they ran great risks in going such long voyages in a -small open boat, especially during the winter, they began to think -how they could get a small pinnace. It was the more necessary since -others were paying the Indians half as much corn again as they had -formerly given, and in such a small boat they could not carry a -quantity sufficient for their purposes. They had no ship-builder -among them, nor did they know how to get one at present; but they had -an ingenious man who was a house carpenter, who had worked under the -ship-builder who died, when he was building their boats. So at their -request he tried his skill, and took one of the biggest of their -shallops, sawed her across the middle, lengthened her about five or -six feet, strengthened her with timbers, built her up, and decked her -and made her a convenient and serviceable vessel, suitable for their -use. They got her finished and fitted with sails and anchors for the -coming year; and she did them service for seven years. - -Thus passed the affairs of this year. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -Allerton brings back Proposed Composition between Adventurers in -England and the Settlement—Division of land and live-stock among the -Colonists—Hospitality given to Fells-Sibsie Settlers—Pinnace and -Depot at Manomet—Allerton returns to England—Greetings between Dutch -Colony at New Amsterdam and Plymouth Settlement—Leading Colonists -become responsible for purchase of Adventurers’ shares in England -and buy rights of the Settlements’ trading from the general body of -Colonists for six years: 1627. - - -At the usual season of the arrival of ships Mr. Allerton returned, -and brought some useful goods with him according to the orders given -him. As commissioned, he had raised £200, which he got at 30 per -cent. They got the goods safely home and in good condition. He told -them, also, how with much ado he had arranged for a settlement with -the adventurers, with the help of several of their faithful friends -there. Of the agreement or bargain he had brought a draft with a list -of their names annexed, drawn by the best counsel of law they could -get, to make it binding. The body of it I insert here. - - To all Christian people, greeting, etc. - - Whereas at a meeting on the 26th of October last, several persons - whose names to the one part of these presents are subscribed in - a schedule hereunto annexed, Adventurers to New Plymouth in New - England in America, agreed, in consideration of the sum of one - thousand and eight hundred pounds sterling to be paid (in manner - and form following) to sell and make sale of all the stocks, - shares, lands, merchandise, and chattels, whatsoever, to the said - adventurers and their fellow adventurers to New Plymouth aforesaid, - in any way accruing or belonging to the generality of the said - adventurers aforesaid; as well as for any sum or sums of money or - merchandise at any time heretofore adventured or disbursed by - them howsoever; for the better setting forth and expression of the - said agreement the parties to these presents subscribing, do for - themselves severally, and as much as in them is, grant, bargain, - alien, sell, and transfer, all the said shares, goods, lands, - merchandise, and chattels, to them belonging as aforesaid to Isaac - Allerton, one of the planters resident at New Plymouth aforesaid, - assigned and sent over as agent for the rest of the planters there, - and to such other planters at New Plymouth aforesaid as the said - Isaac, his heirs or assigns, at his or their arrival, shall by - writing or otherwise think fit to join or partake in the premises, - their heirs and assigns, in as large, ample, and beneficial manner - and form, to all intents and purposes, as the said subscribing - adventurers here could or may do or perform. All which stocks, - shares, lands, etc., to the said adventurers allotted, apportioned, - or in any way belonging, the said adventurers do warrant and defend - unto the said Isaac Allerton, his heirs and assigns, against them, - their heirs and assigns, by these presents. And therefore the said - Isaac Allerton, does, for him, his heirs and assigns, covenant, - promise, and grant to and with the adventurers whose names are - hereunto subscribed, their heirs, etc., well and truly to pay, - or cause to be paid, to the said adventurers, or 5 of them which - were at that meeting aforesaid, nominated and deputed, viz.: - John Pocock, John Beauchamp, Robert Kean, Edward Bass, and James - Sherley, merchants, their heirs, etc., to and for the use of the - generality of them, the sum of £1800 of lawful money of England, - at the place appointed for the receipts of money, on the west - side of the Royal Exchange in London, by £200 yearly, and every - year, on the feast of St. Michael, the first payment to be made - A. D. 1628, ... Also the said Isaac is to endeavour to procure - and obtain from the planters of New Plymouth aforesaid, security, - by several obligations, or writings obligatory, to make payment - of the said sum of £1800 in form aforesaid, according to the true - meaning of these presents. In testimony whereof to this part of - these presents remaining with the said Isaac Allerton, the said - subscribing adventurers have set their names, ... And to the other - part remaining with the said adventurers the said Isaac Allerton - has subscribed his name, the 15th Nov., 1626, in the second year of - his majesty’s reign. - - John White - John Pocock - Robert Kean - Edward Bass - William Hobson - William Pennington - William Quarles - Daniel Poynton - Richard Andrews - Newman Rookes - Henry Browning - Richard Wright - John Ling - Thomas Goffe - Samuel Sharpe - Robert Holland - James Sherley - Thomas Mott - Thomas Fletcher - Timothy Hatherley - Thomas Brewer - John Thorned - Myles Knowles - William Collier - John Revell - Peter Gudburn - Emnu. Alltham - John Beauchamp - Thomas Hudson - Thomas Andrews - Thomas Ward - Fria. Newbald - Thomas Heath - Joseph Tilden - William Perrin - Eliza Knight - Thomas Coventry - Robert Alden - Lawrence Anthony - John Knight - Matthew Thornhill - Thomas Millsop - -This agreement was approved by all the plantation, and consented -to, though they did not know just how to raise the payment, and -meet other engagements, and supply the yearly wants of the colony, -since they were forced to raise money or purchase goods at such -high interest to supply themselves with necessities. However, they -undertook it, and seven or eight of the chief members became jointly -bound for the payment of the £1800, on behalf of the rest, at the -days set. It was a great risk as things stood at present. At the -return of their agent it was absolutely confirmed on both sides, and -the bargain was fairly engrossed on parchment, and many things put -into better form by the advice of the most learned counsel they could -get; and to prevent forfeiture of the whole, for non-payment on any -of the days, it ran thus: to forfeit thirty shillings a week if they -missed the time. - -Now there were some unsuitable people among them from the first who -came from England, and others sent later by some of the adventurers, -concerning whom the Governor and Council had seriously to consider -how to settle things in regard to this new bargain, in respect of -the distribution of things both for the present and future. For the -present, unless peace and unity were preserved, they would be able -to do nothing, but would endanger everything. So they decided to -include all in the partnership—_i. e._ either heads of families or -single young men of ability who were free and able to be helpful to -the commonwealth; for, first, they had need of men for defence and -carrying on business; secondly most of them had borne their part in -former miseries, and ought to be allowed to partake of the greater -prosperity, if the Lord were pleased to give it. - -So they called the company together and conferred with them, and came -to the conclusion that the trade should be managed as before, to -help to pay the debts; and all eligible persons should be enrolled -as purchasers, single freemen to have a single share, and every -father of a family to be allowed to purchase as many shares as there -were members of his family,—that is to say one for himself, one for -his wife, and one for every child that he had living with him. As -for servants, they had none, except what their masters gave them -out of theirs, or their deserts should gain them from the company -afterwards. The shares were allotted accordingly, and everyone was to -pay his proportion towards the purchase and all other debts which the -profits derived from trading did not cover. This gave satisfaction to -all. - -The cattle they had were divided first, in this proportion: a cow -to six persons or shares, and two goats to the same, the stock -being first equalised in value according to age and quality, and -then drawn for by lots. Pigs, though more numerous, were dealt with -similarly. Then they agreed that every person or share should have -twenty acres of land allotted to them, besides the single acres they -owned already. Those appointed to make the allotment were instructed -to begin first on one side of the town, up to a certain distance, -and then on the other side, similarly; and to include only tillable -land,—or at least such of it as was along the water-side, as most -of it was,—and to leave the rest as common land. They were all to -agree as to the fitness of it before the lots were drawn, to avoid -dissatisfaction afterwards. For the same reason they agreed by -mutual consent, before any lots were drawn, that those whose land was -nearest the town should choose a neighbour or two whom they would -allow to plant corn with them for four years; and afterwards they -should be allowed to use as much of theirs for the same period if -they wished. Every plot of twenty acres was to be laid out five acres -in breadth along the water side and four acres in length, excepting -nooks and corners which were to be measured to best advantage. But -no meadows were to be laid out at all; nor were they for many years -after, because of the scarceness of meadow land. If they had been -given out now, it would have hindered later developments; so each -season everyone was shown where to mow, according to the proportion -of cattle he had, and the fodder he required. - -This distribution gave general satisfaction, and settled men’s minds. -They gave the Governor and four or five leading men among them the -houses they lived in; the other houses were valued, and equalised -fairly, and everyone kept his own; so that he who had a better -house made some allowance to him who had a worse, according to the -valuation. - -One thing which occurred at the beginning of the previous winter -I have deferred mentioning till now, so that I might handle it -altogether. A ship with goods and many passengers aboard, bound for -Virginia, lost herself at sea, either through the incompetence of -the captain, or his illness,—for he was so ill with scurvy that he -could only lie at the cabin door and give directions,—and it seemed -he was poorly helped by the mate and the crew; or perhaps the fear -and unruliness of the passengers made them steer a course between the -southwest and the northwest, so that they might make land the sooner. -They had been six weeks at sea, and had no water or beer or wood -left, having burnt up all their empty casks. One of the passengers -had a hogshead of wine or two, which was almost used up, and they -feared they would be starved at sea or wiped out by disease,—and -so they ran this desperate course. But it pleased God that though -they either only just avoided the shoals of Cape Cod, or else ran -stumbling over them in the night they knew not how, they made right -towards a small blind harbour which lies about in the middle of -Manamoick Bay, to the south of Cape Cod; and about high water they -touched upon a bar of sand that lies across it, but took no harm, -the sea being smooth; so they put out an anchor. But towards the -evening the wind sprang up at sea, and it was so rough that their -cable broke and they were beaten over the bar into the harbour, where -they saved their lives and their cargo, though much was injured by -salt water, for in the storm they had sprung the butt-end of a plank -or two and beat out their oakum; but they were soon over, and ran -onto a dry flat within the harbour, close by the beach. So at low -water they got out their goods and dried those that were wet, and -saved most of their things without any great loss; nor was the ship -so badly damaged but that she might be mended and made serviceable -again. But though they were glad that they had saved their lives, -when they had refreshed themselves a little they began to realize -their condition, and not knowing where they were or what they should -do they lost heart. Shortly after, they saw some Indians coming to -them in canoes, which made them stand upon their guard. But when they -heard some of the Indians speak English to them, they were relieved, -especially when they asked if they were the Governor of Plymouth’s -men, or friends of theirs, and offered to guide them to the English -settlement or carry their letters. - -They feasted these Indians and gave them many presents, and sent -two of their men and a letter with them to the Governor, and begged -him to send a boat to them with some pitch and oakum and spikes and -various other necessaries to mend their ship. They also asked him to -help them with some corn and several other things they wanted, to -enable them to continue their voyage to Virginia. They promised to -pay for anything they received in any goods which they had aboard. -After the Governor had been informed by the messengers of their -condition, he had a boat got ready with the supplies they needed, -and as the other more responsible members of the colony were away -trading, he went himself and took some trading goods, too, to buy -corn from the Indians. It was no season of the year to go outside -the Cape: but knowing where the ship lay, he coasted along the lower -side of the Bay and put into a creek called Namskeket, where it is -not much above two miles overland to the bay where they were; and -he had Indians ready to carry over anything to them. They were very -glad of his arrival, and of the things to mend their ship, and other -necessaries. He also brought them as much corn as they wanted; and -some of their sailors having run away among the Indians, he had -them sent back to the ship, and so left them well provided and very -grateful for the courtesies shown them. - -After the Governor left them, he went into some other harbours near -there, and loaded his boat with corn, which he traded, and then -went home. He had not been home many days before he received word -from them that in a violent storm, owing to the bad mooring of the -ship after she had been mended, she was driven ashore again, and so -beaten that she was wholly unfit to go to sea. So their request was -that they might have leave to come to them and live with them, till -they could convey themselves to Virginia. If they might have means -to transport their goods, they would pay for it and for anything -else with which the plantation could provide them. Considering their -distress all their requests were granted, and all help rendered -them,—their goods transported and they themselves accommodated in -their houses as well as they could. - -The chief among these people were a Mr. Fells and a Mr. Sibsie, who -had a number of servants belonging to them, many of them Irish. -Some others had a servant or two each; but most of the people were -themselves servants and were engaged by the two men mentioned above, -who owned most of the cargo. After they had arrived and were settled, -the masters asked for some land to employ their servants upon, since -it was likely to be the latter end of the year before they could get -passage for Virginia, and they had now the winter before them. If -they had opportunity to take passage before the crop was ripe, they -would sell it standing. So they had ground allotted in convenient -places, and Fells and some of them grew a great deal of corn which -they sold at their departure. This Fells, amongst his other servants, -had a maid-servant who kept his house and did his household affairs; -and, as was intimated by some who were with him, he was suspected -of keeping her as his concubine. Both of them were questioned as -to this, but nothing could be proved and they stood upon their -justification; so they were dismissed with admonition. But afterwards -it appeared she was with child, so he got a small boat and ran away -with her for fear of punishment. First he went to Cape Ann, and -afterwards to the Bay of Massachusetts; but he could get no passage -and was nearly wrecked, so he was forced to come back and submit -himself. So they packed him away and those that belonged to him at -the first opportunity, and dismissed all the rest as soon as they -could, as there were many undesirable people among them, though they -were also some who behaved themselves very well all the time they -stayed. And the plantation benefited by selling them corn and other -provisions in exchange for clothing of which they had a variety, -such as cloth, perpetuanas and other stuffs, besides stockings and -shoes and such like goods, which the planters stood in need of. So -the advantage was mutual, and a couple of barks took them away at the -latter end of the summer. Several of them have since acknowledged -their gratitude from Virginia. - -So that they might lose no opportunity of trading, the settlers -decided to build a small pinnace at Manomet, a place on the sea 20 -miles to the southward of them, towards which ran a creek, so that -they could convey their goods to within four or five miles of it, and -then transport them overland to their vessel, and so avoid rounding -Cape Cod, with its dangerous shoals. By this means they could make -voyages southward in much shorter time and with far less danger. For -the safety of their vessel and goods they built a house and kept some -servants there, who also planted corn and kept swine and were always -ready to go out with the bark when needed. It was a satisfactory and -profitable enterprise. - -With the return of the ships they sent Mr. Allerton to England again, -giving him full power under their hands and seals to conclude the -former bargain with the adventurers, and sent them bonds for the -payment of the money. They also sent what beaver they could spare -to meet some of their engagements and to defray his expenses; but -the high rates of interest left them little margin. He had orders to -procure a patent for a suitable trading-house on the river Kennebec; -for the settlers at Piscataqua and other places to the eastward of -them, and also the fishing ships, competed with them for the trade -of the Indians, and threatened by procuring a grant to exclude them -from thereabouts,—and they found they were so well furnished with -goods for the purpose that they might take all the trade from them. -They thought it essential to prevent this, and at least to preserve -free-trade for themselves in localities which they themselves had -first discovered and developed. - -This year they received letters and messengers from the Dutch colony -sent to them from the Governor there, written both in Dutch and -French. The Dutch had traded to the south of them several years -before they came, but had made no settlement there till four or five -years after their arrival at New Plymouth. Their letters were as -follows—it being their custom to be full of complimental titles. - -I shall render it in English, leaving out the superfluous titles from -the body of the letter. - - _The Dutch colonists at Manhattan to the Settlers at New Plymouth_: - - Noble, worshipful, wise and prudent Lords, the Governor and - Councillors residing at New Plymouth, our very dear friends: - - The Director and Council of New Netherlands wish to your Lordships, - worshipful, wise and prudent, happiness in Christ Jesus Our Lord, - with prosperity and health in soul and body. - - We have often before this wished for an opportunity to congratulate - you on your prosperous and praiseworthy undertakings, and the - Government of your colony there; the more so, since we also - have made a good beginning in the foundation of a colony here, - and because our native country is not far from yours, and our - forefathers many years ago formed friendship and alliance with - your ancestors both for war and trade, confirmed under the hands - of kings and princes. These have not only been confirmed by the - king now reigning, but it has pleased his majesty, upon mature - deliberation, to make a new alliance to take up arms against our - common enemy the Spaniard, who seeks to usurp the lands of other - Christian kings so that he may obtain his pretended monarchy over - all Christendom, and so rule at his pleasure over the consciences - of so many hundred thousand souls; which God forbid! - - It appears that some of our people, who happened to go northward - in their boat, met some Indians, who told them that they were - within half a day’s journey of your plantation, and offered to - take letters to you; so we could not forbear to salute you with - these few lines, bearing our good will and service to you, in all - friendly kindness and neighbourhood. If it should happen that any - goods that come to us from our native country may be serviceable to - you, we shall feel ourselves bound to accommodate you either for - beaver or any other merchandise. Should we have no goods at present - that you want, if you care to sell us any beaver, or otter, or - such, for ready money, and let us hear in writing by this bearer, - whom we have instructed to wait three or four days for your answer, - we will depute some one to deal with you at any place you may - appoint. In the meantime we pray the Lord to take you, our honoured - friends and neighbours, into His holy protection. - - By the appointment of the Governor and Council, etc. - ISAAC DE RASIERES, Secretary. - _From Manhattan, in the Fort of Amsterdam. March 9th, 1627._ - -To this they answered as follows: - - _From the Settlement at New Plymouth to the Dutch Colony at New - Amsterdam_: - - To the honoured, etc. - - The Governor and Council of New Plymouth, wishes, etc. We have - received your letters, expressing your good-will and friendship - towards us, but with over high titles, more than is our right, - or it is fitting for us to receive. But for your good-will and - congratulations of our prosperity in these small beginnings of our - poor colony, we are much obliged to you, and acknowledge them with - many thanks, accepting them as a great honour to us and a sure - proof of your love and good neighbourhood. - - This is also to give your worships to understand, that it is no - small joy to us to hear that his majesty has not only been pleased - to confirm the ancient alliances and other contracts formerly made - by his predecessors of famous memory, but has himself (as you - say) strengthened them with a new bond, the better to resist the - pride of that common enemy, the Spaniard, from whose cruelty the - Lord keep us both, and our native countries. Now though this were - sufficient to unite us together in love and good neighbourhood - in all our dealings, many of us are under further obligations - for the courteous treatment we received in your country, having - lived there for many years in freedom, as many of our friends do - to this day; for which we and our children after us are bound to - be grateful to your nation, and shall never forget it, but shall - heartily desire your good and prosperity as our own, forever. - - Your friendly offer to accommodate us with any merchandise you - may have, either for beaver or otter or other wares, is also very - acceptable, and we doubt not we shall shortly have profitable trade - together. This year we are fully supplied with all necessaries, - clothing, etc., though later we shall hope to deal with you, if - your rates are reasonable. When you send to us again we shall like - to know what price you give for beaver per pound, and otter per - skin; and on what per cent you will deal for other commodities, and - what you can supply us with; also what other goods from us would be - acceptable to you, as tobacco, fish, corn, etc., and what prices - you will give, etc. - - We hope you will pardon us for our imperfect writing in your - language, and take it in good part; through want of practice - we cannot so well express what we understand, nor understand - everything as full we should. We humbly pray the Lord for His - mercy’s sake that He will take both us and you into His gracious - keeping and protection. - - By the Governor and Council of New Plymouth, - Your Worships’ very good friends and neighbours, etc. - _New Plymouth, March 19th._ - -After this there was much correspondence and other intercourse, and -they traded profitably together for several years, till other things -interrupted it, as will appear afterwards. - -Before they sent Mr. Allerton to England this year, the Governor -and some of the principal members seriously considered how best to -discharge the many obligations which lay so heavily upon them, and -also how, if possible, to bring over some of their friends at Leyden, -who wished so much to come to them, and whose company they desired -equally. To effect this, the leading men of the colony resolved upon -a venturesome course, not knowing how to accomplish their objects -otherwise. This was, that they should purchase the trade of the -settlement (now owned jointly by the settlers, as a body, and by the -adventurers) for a certain period, and in that time to undertake to -pay the £1800, and all the rest of the debts of the plantation then -owing, which amounted to about £600 more; the trade of the settlement -to revert to the common ownership at the end of the period. Upon -coming to this resolution they called the settlers together, and made -it clear to them what all their debts amounted to, and upon what -terms they would undertake to pay them in a given time. But their -other objects they were obliged to conceal, only privately consulting -some of their most trusted friends about it. So after some discussion -with the colonists, it was agreed to, and the contract drawn up on -the following condition. - - _Articles of Agreement between the Colony of New Plymouth of the - one part, and William Bradford, Captain Myles Standish, Isaac - Allerton, etc., of the other part; and such others as they shall - think good to take as partners in the trade for beaver and other - furs and commodities, etc. Made July, 1627._ - - 1. First it is agreed and covenanted between the said parties, - that the aforesaid William Bradford, Captain Myles Standish, and - Isaac Allerton, etc., have undertaken and do by these presents - covenant and agree to pay, discharge, and acquit the said colony of - all debts due for the purchase or otherwise, on the date of these - presents. - - 2. The above said parties are to have and freely enjoy the pinnace - lately built, the boat at Manomet, and the shallop called the - bass-boat, with all implements belonging to them in the store of - the said company; with the whole stock of furs, fells, beads, corn, - wampum, hatchets, knives, etc., now in the store, or due to the - same upon account. - - 3. That the above said parties have the whole trade to themselves, - their heirs and assigns, with all the privileges thereof, as the - said colony does now, and may use the same for six full years to - come, to begin the last day of September next ensuing. - - 4. In further consideration of the discharge of the said debts, - each member of the colony promises and covenants yearly to pay or - cause to be paid to the above said parties during the full term - of the above said six years, three bushels of corn or six lbs. of - tobacco, at the choice of the parties. - - 5. The said parties shall during the aforesaid term expend £50 per - annum in hose and shoes to be brought over for the colony’s use, to - be sold to them for corn at six shillings per bushel. - - 6. That the end of the said term of six years, the whole trade - shall revert to the use and benefit of the said colony as before. - - 7. Lastly, if the aforesaid parties, after they have acquainted - their friends in England with these covenants, do thereupon resolve - to perform them, and undertake to discharge the debts of the said - colony, according to the true meaning and intent of these presents, - they are then upon notice given to stand in full force; otherwise - all things to remain as they were formerly, and a true account to - be given to the said colony of the disposition of everything as - usual. - -Mr. Allerton took a copy of this agreement to England, and had orders -to arrange with some of their special friends there to join with -them in this trade upon the above conditions, and also to impart to -them confidentially the other object that induced them to take this -course, that is, to bring over some of their friends from Leyden, -if possible; and to tell them that if any of them would join with -them they would thankfully accept their partnership; and finally, by -letter, gave them some grounds for their hope of accomplishing it -advantageously for all concerned. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -Allerton in England negotiates partnership between leading New -Plymouth colonists and some of the previous London adventurers—Patent -for Kennebec River procured—Further Dutch intercourse—Trade in -Wampum begun—Troubles with Morton in Massachusetts—John Endicott’s -arrival—Morton trades guns and ammunition to the Indians—Morton -apprehended—Troubles begin with Isaac Allerton: 1628. - - -After Mr. Allerton’s arrival in England, he informed the adventurers -of his commission to make the purchase of the trade of the colony for -six years, and upon delivery of the bonds for the yearly payments -it was finally concluded, and a deed engrossed in parchment was -delivered to him under their hands and seals confirming it. He also -arranged with some special friends among them, as instructed, to -participate in the purchase, and to supply them with money at better -rates, etc. Concerning this I insert here a letter from Mr. Sherley -to the Governor throwing light on what followed. - - _James Sherley in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth_: - - Sir, - - I have received yours of May 26th through Mr. Gibbs and Mr. Goffe, - with the barrel of otter skins, for which I got a bill of store, - and sold them for £78-12-0 sterling; and Mr. Allerton has received - the money as will appear by the account. It is true, as you write, - that your obligations are large, not only for the purchase but - for the working stock you will require, which you cannot raise - at 6 or 8 per cent. as here but must pay 30, 40 and even 50 per - cent. Were not your profits considerable, and God’s blessing on - your honest endeavours more than ordinary, you could not long - be masters of your affairs. And this, it seems, your honest and - able agent, Mr. Allerton, has seriously considered. He tells me - that you are willing to permit me and some few others to join - with you as partners in the purchase; I thank you and all the - rest, and gladly accept, and though absent, shall willingly be - at such expense as you and the rest think proper. This year I am - prepared to forego the £50 due and the two years’ increase for the - venture, which comes in all to £80, without making any condition - for the profit,—you with the rest to bear the risk outward and - homeward. I have persuaded Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beauchamp to do - the same, so that you will not have to bear the high rate of the - previous two years. We leave it freely to yourselves to allow us - what you please, and according as God shall bless us. Whatever - course I take, Mr. Beauchamp is willing to do the same; and though - he may have seemed rather harsh before, you will find he is now - new moulded. I also see by your letter that you desire me to be - your agent here. I have ever found you such faithful, honest, and - upright men, that I have resolved to do you all the good that - lies in my power; so if you please to select so inadequate a man - to perform your business, I promise to do the best I can with the - ability the Lord has given me; and wherein I fail, blame yourselves - that you did not make a better choice. As I am not in good health, - and we are all mortal, I have advised Mr. Allerton to associate - Mr. Beauchamp with me as your deputy, which is both necessary and - advisable for you, and will cost you no more, for it is not the - salary that induces me to undertake your business. Thus commending - you and yours and all God’s people to the guidance and protection - of the Almighty, I ever rest, - - Your faithful, loving friend, - JAMES SHERLEY. - _London, Nov. 17th, 1628._ - -With this letter he sent a draft of power of attorney to be sealed -and returned to them, authorizing them to act as their agents. As -some trouble arose about it afterwards, I will insert it. - - To all to whom these presents shall come, greeting; know ye that - we, William Bradford, Governor of New Plymouth, in New England, - in America, Isaac Allerton, Myles Standish, William Brewster, and - Edward Winslow, of New Plymouth aforesaid, merchants, do by these - presents for us and in our names make, substitute, and appoint - James Sherley, goldsmith, and John Beauchamp, salter, citizens - of London, our true and lawful agents, factors, substitutes, and - assigns; as well to take and receive all such goods, wares, - merchandise whatsoever as to our said substitutes or either of - them, or to the city of London, or other place of the Realm of - England, shall be sent, transported, or come from us or any of us; - as also to vend, sell, barter, or exchange the said goods, wares, - and merchandise, so from time to time to be sent to such person or - persons upon credit, or otherwise in such manner as to our said - agents and factors jointly, or to either of them severally, shall - seem proper. And further we make and ordain our said substitutes - and assigns jointly and severally for us, and to our uses, and - accounts, to buy and consign for us and to us to New England - aforesaid, such goods and merchandise to be provided here, and to - be returned hence as by our said assigns, or either of them, shall - be thought fit. And to recover, receive, and demand for us and in - our names all such debts and sums of money, as now are or hereafter - shall be due, incident, accruing, or belonging to us, or any of us, - by any ways or means; and to acquit, discharge, or compound for any - debt or sum of money, which now or hereafter shall be due or owing - by any person or persons to us, or any of us. And generally for us - and in our names to do, perform, and execute every act and thing - which to our said assigns, or either of them, shall seem proper to - do, as fully and effectually, to all intents and purposes, as if we - or any of us were in person present. And whatsoever our said agents - and factors jointly or severally shall do, or cause to be done, in - or about the premises, we will and do, and each of us does ratify, - allow, and confirm, by these presents. In witness whereof we have - hereunto put our hands and seals. - - _Dated November 18th, 1628._ - -This was accordingly confirmed by the above named, and four more of -the principal members, under their hands and seals, and delivered to -them. Mr. Allerton had formerly received authority under their hands -and seals for transacting their business, raising money, etc., and -this deed he still retained while he was employed on these affairs. -Their complete trust in him and their other friends made them remiss -in cancelling such previous deeds, which was a disadvantage to them -later, as will appear in due course. - -Mr. Allerton having settled everything satisfactorily, returned to -the colony in the early spring of the year with their supplies -for trading, the fishermen with whom he came being accustomed to -sail in the winter and get here betimes. He brought a fair stock of -goods for the settlement, not subject to such high interest, and an -account of the beaver sold and of the money expended for goods and -the payment of other debts. He had discharged all engagements, except -to Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beauchamp, and Mr. Andrews; and from them he also -brought an account, which amounted to not above £400, for which he -had given bonds. He had also made the first payment for the purchase, -due this year, viz., £200, and brought them the bond for it, duly -cancelled. So they had now no foreign debts except £400, odd, and the -balance of the yearly purchase money. They had some other debts over -here, but they were without interest, and they were in a position to -discharge them when they were due. To this pass the Lord had brought -things for them. - -Mr. Allerton also brought them notice that their friends referred to -above, with some others who wished to join them in the trading and in -the purchase, intended that a reasonable number of the congregation -at Leyden should be sent over next year without fail, if the Lord -pleased to bless their journey. He also brought them a patent -for Kennebec; but it was so inadequate that they were obliged to -endeavour to renew and enlarge it the next year, and also that which -they had at home, at great expense, as will appear. Hitherto Mr. -Allerton had done them good and faithful service: would that he had -so continued, or that they had now ceased employing him any longer in -England. But of this more afterwards. - -Having procured a patent for Kennebec, they erected a house in the -most convenient place for trade up the river, and stocked it with -goods for that purpose, both for winter and summer; not only with -corn, but with such other commodities as the fishermen had traded to -them, such as coats, shirts, rugs, blankets, biscuits, peas, prunes, -etc. What they could not procure from England they bought from the -fishing ships and so carried on their business as well as they could. - -This year the Dutch visited them again. With kind letters from the -colony they sent a variety of goods, such as sugar, linen, Holland -finer and coarser stuffs, etc. Their secretary de Rasieres came -with them in their bark to Manomet, to the house the settlers had -established there. He brought attendants, and his coming was heralded -by trumpets. He requested them to send a boat to take him on to New -Plymouth, as he could not travel so far overland. So they sent a boat -to Manoanscussett, and brought him to the plantation with most of his -people. After some few days’ entertainment he returned to his bark, -and some of the leading settlers went with him and bought some of his -goods. After this beginning they often sent over to them, and had -intercourse for many years. - -Amongst other commodities they sold the Dutch a good deal of tobacco -in exchange for linen, stuffs, etc.; and tobacco was profitably -traded with them by the New Plymouth colony, till the Virginians -learned of the Dutch settlement. But what become most profitable, -in time, was the beginning they then made in the trade for wampum. -They bought £50 worth of it from the Dutch who told them how much -they sold of it at Fort Orange, and assured them they would find it -so at Kennebec. At first they could not sell it—in fact it was two -years before they cleared this small quantity. Afterwards, when the -Indians further inland began to know of it, for many years they could -scarcely get enough for them. - -This, with their other sources of supply, reduced their trade with -the fishermen, and in the main also with the scattered settlers. -It was strange to see the great change it wrought in a few years -among the Indians themselves. The natives of these parts and in -Massachusetts hitherto had none or very little of this wampum, except -the Sachems and some of the chiefs who wore a little of it for -ornament. It was, however, largely made and used by the Narragansetts -and Pequots, who grew rich and powerful while the Indians here were -poor and beggarly, and had no use for it. Nor did the English of New -Plymouth or any of the other settlements, until told of it by the -Dutch, so much as know what it was, much less that it was a commodity -of such value. But after it grew to be valuable here, the local -Indians took to it too, and learned how to make it, gathering the -shells from the shores. It has remained a current commodity now for -about twenty years, and it may prove a drug in time. In the meantime -it makes the tribes hereabouts rich and powerful and proud, and -provides them with arms and powder and shot, through the depravity of -some unworthy persons, both English, Dutch, and French, and likely to -be the ruin of many. Hitherto the Indians round here had no guns or -other arms but their bows and arrows, nor for many years after; they -scarcely dared handle guns, they were so afraid of them; and the very -sight of one, though out of kilter, was a terror to them. But the -Indians to the East who had dealings with the French got guns from -them, and in time our English fishermen, with equal covetousness, -followed their example. But upon complaint it pleased the king’s -majesty to prohibit it by a strict proclamation, commanding that -no sort of arms or munition should be traded to the Indians by his -subjects. - -Some three or four years before this there came over one, Captain -Wollaston, a man of fine qualities, with three or four others of -some distinction, who brought with them a great many servants, with -provisions and other necessaries to found a settlement. They pitched -upon a place within Massachusetts, which they called, after their -Captain, Mount Wollaston. Among them was one, Mr. Morton, who, it -seems, had some small share with them in the enterprise, either on -his own account or as an agent; but he was little respected amongst -them and even slighted by the servants. Having remained there some -time, and not finding things answer their expectations, Captain -Wollaston took the majority of the servants to Virginia, where he -hired out their services profitably to other employers. So he wrote -up to Mr. Rasdell, one of the chief partners who was acting as their -merchant, to bring another party of them to Virginia for the same -purpose. With the consent of Rasdell he appointed one, Fitcher, as -his deputy, to govern the remnant of the colony till one of them -should return. But Morton, in the others’ absence, having more -craft than honesty—he had been a kind of pettifogger of Furnival’s -Inn—watched his opportunity when rations were scarce with them, -got some drink and other junkets and made them a feast, and after -they were merry began to tell them he would give them good counsel. -“You see,” says he, “that many of your comrades have been taken to -Virginia; and if you stay till this Rasdell returns you too will -be carried off and sold as slaves with the rest. So I would advise -you to oust this Lieutenant Fitcher; and I, having a share in this -settlement, will take you as partners, and you will be free from -service, and we will trade, plant, and live together as equals, and -support and protect one another”—and so on. This advice was easily -received; so they drove out Lieutenant Fitcher and would not allow -him to come amongst them, forcing him to get food and other relief -from his neighbours, till he could get passage to England. They then -fell to utter licentiousness, and led a dissolute and profane life. -Morton became lord of misrule, and maintained, as it were, a school -of Atheism. As soon as they acquired some means by trading with the -Indians, they spent it in drinking wine and strong drinks to great -excess,—as some reported, £10 worth in a morning! They set up a -Maypole, drinking and dancing about it for several days at a time, -inviting the Indian women for their consorts, dancing and frisking -together like so many fairies,—or furies rather,—to say nothing of -worse practices. It was as if they had revived the celebrated feasts -of the Roman goddess Flora, or the beastly practices of the mad -Bacchanalians. Morton, to show his poetry, composed sundry verses and -rhymes, some tending to lasciviousness and others to the detraction -and scandal of some persons, affixing them to his idle, or idol, -Maypole. They changed the name of the place, and instead of calling -it Mount Wollaston, they called it Merry Mount, as if this jollity -would last forever. But it did not continue long, for, shortly after, -Morton was sent back to England, as will appear. In the meantime -that worthy gentleman, Mr. John Endicott, arrived from England, -bringing over a patent under the broad seal, for the government of -Massachusetts. Visiting this neighbourhood, he had the Maypole cut -down, and reprimanded them for their profaneness, admonishing them to -improve their way of living. In consequence, others changed the name -of their place again, and called it Mount Dagon! - - * * * * * - -In order to maintain this riotous prodigality and excess, Morton, -hearing what profit the French and the fishermen had made by -trading guns, powder, and shot to the Indians, began to practise it -hereabouts, teaching them how to use them. Having instructed them, he -employed some of them to hunt and fowl for him, until they became -far more able than the English, owing to their swiftness on foot and -nimbleness of body, being quick-sighted, and knowing the haunts of -all sorts of game. With the result that, when they saw what execution -a gun would do and the advantage of it, they were mad for them and -would pay any price for them, thinking their bows and arrows but -baubles in comparison. - -And here I must bewail the mischief that this wicked man began in -this district, and which, continued by men that should know better, -has now become prevalent, notwithstanding the laws to the contrary. -The result is that the Indians are stocked with all kinds of -arms,—fowling-pieces, muskets, pistols, etc. They even have moulds -to make shots of all sorts,—musket bullets, pistol bullets, swan -and geese shot and smaller sorts. It is well known that they often -have powder and shot when the English lack it and cannot get it, it -having been bought up and sold to those who trade it to the Indians -at a shilling per pound—for they will buy it at any price. This goes -on while their neighbours are being killed by the Indians every day, -or are only living at their mercy. They have even been told how -gun-powder is made, and all the materials that are in it, and that -they are to be had in their own land; and I am confident that if they -could only get saltpeter they would make gun-powder itself. - -Oh, the horror of this villainy! How many Dutch and English have -lately been killed by Indians, thus furnished; and no remedy is -provided,—nay, the evil has increased. The blood of their brothers -has been sold for profit; and in what danger all these colonies -are is too well-known. Oh! that princes and parliaments would take -some timely steps to prevent this mischief and to suppress it, by -exemplary punishment of some of those gain-thirsty murderers,—for -they deserve no better title,—before their colonies in these parts -are wiped out by the barbarous savages, armed with their own weapons -by these traitors to their country. But I have forgotten myself, and -have been too long on this digression; now to return. - -Morton having taught them the use of guns, sold them all he could -spare, and he and his associates determined to send for large -supplies from England, having already sent for over a score by some -of the ships. This being known, several members of the scattered -settlements hereabouts agreed to solicit the settlers at New -Plymouth, who then outnumbered them all, to join with them to prevent -the further growth of this mischief, and to suppress Morton and -his associates. Those who joined in this action, and afterwards -contributed to the expense of sending him to England, were from -Piscataqua, Naumkeag, Winnisimmett, Weesagascusett, Nantasket, -and other places where the English had settled. The New Plymouth -colonists thus addressed by their messengers and letters, and -weighing their reasons and the common danger, were willing to help, -though they themselves had least cause for fear. - -So, to be short, they first decided to write to Morton jointly, -in a friendly and neighbourly way, requesting him to desist, and -sent a messenger with the letter to bring his answer. But he was so -overbearing that he scorned all advice; he asked what it had to do -with them; he would trade guns to the Indians in spite of them all, -with many other scurrilous remarks, full of disdain. So they sent to -him again and bade him be better advised and more temperate in his -terms; that the country would not bear the injury he was doing; it -was against their common safety and against the king’s proclamation. -He answered as haughtily as before, that the king’s proclamation -was no law, and asking what was the penalty! They replied: more -than he could bear,—his majesty’s displeasure. But he persisted, and -insolently said that the king was dead, and his displeasure with him; -that if they came to molest him, let them look to themselves; he -would be prepared for them. - -So they saw there was no way but to take him by force. They resolved -to proceed, and unanimously requested the Governor of New Plymouth -to send Captain Standish and sufficient men to seize Morton. This -was accordingly done; but he defended himself stiffly, closed his -doors, armed his associates, and had dishes of powder and bullets -ready on the table; and if they had not been overarmed with drink, -more harm might have been done. They summoned him to yield, but they -got nothing but scoffs from him. At length fearing they would wreck -the house, some of his crew came out,—intending not to yield, but -to shoot; but they were so drunk that their guns were too heavy for -them. He himself, with a carbine, overcharged and almost half filled -with powder and shot, tried to shoot Captain Standish; but he stepped -up to him and put aside his gun and took him. No harm was done on -either side, except that one of his men was so drunk that he ran his -nose upon the point of a sword that some one held in front of him on -entering the house; but all he lost was a little of his hot blood. -Morton they took to New Plymouth, where he was kept till a ship went -from the Isle of Shoals to England. In this he was dispatched to -the Council of New England, with letters giving information of his -behaviour, entrusted to a representative sent at their common expense -to inform their honours more particularly, and to prosecute him. But -Morton fooled this man after he had left here, and though he went to -England, nothing was done to him,—he was not so much as rebuked, so -far as was heard,—and he returned the following year. Some of the -worst of the party were dispersed, and some of the more decent were -permitted to live in the house till he was heard from. But I have -been too long about so unworthy a person and so bad a cause. - -This year Mr. Allerton brought over a young man as minister to the -colony, whether upon his own initiative or at the instance of some -friends there, I do not know; but he was not sent by the orders of -the church, for they had been so bitten by Mr. Lyford that they -wished to know well whom they were inviting, beforehand. His name was -Mr. Rogers; but they discovered that he was crazed in the brain; so -they were obliged to go to the expense of sending him back again the -next year; besides the cost of bringing him out, which was not small -by Mr. Allerton’s account, for provisions, clothing, bedding, etc. -Mr. Allerton was much blamed for bringing such a man over, for they -had expenses enough already. - -In previous years Mr. Allerton had brought over some small quantities -of goods upon his own account, and sold them for his private benefit, -which was more than any one had hitherto ventured to do. But as he -had done them good service otherwise, and as he sold them among the -people of the colony and their wants were thereby supplied, it was -passed over. But this year he brought over a greater quantity, and -they were intermixed with the goods of the colony, and all packed -together, so that it could not be said which were theirs and which -were his; so if any mischance had happened at sea, he could have laid -the whole loss on them, if he had wished. And it seemed to result -that what was most saleable and could be sold promptly, he claimed -was his! He also began to sell to others outside the settlement, -which, considering their agreement, they disliked. But love thinks -no evil, nor is suspicious; so they took his fair words for excuse, -and decided to send him to England again this year, considering how -well he had done formerly and how well he stood with their friends -there; and particularly as some of their friends from Leyden were to -be sent for, the arrangements for which he could, or might, assist -in. It was also thought that, as the patent for Kennebec must be -extended, as well as the one here, he would best be able to effect -it, having begun it. So they gave him instructions and sent him to -England once more. His instructions were to bring over no goods on -their account, except £50 worth of hose, shoes, and linen, according -to the conditions,—besides some trading goods to a certain value; and -in no case was he to exceed his instructions or run them into further -expense. He was to arrange that their trading goods came over early, -and whatever was sent on their account should be packed by itself, -and marked with their mark; and no other goods were to be mixed with -them. In fact he requested them to give him such instructions as they -thought fit, and he would follow them, to prevent any jealousy or -further trouble. So they thought they had provided satisfactory for -everything. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -Arrival of the Leyden people—Allerton in England tries to get -the Kennebec Patent enlarged—Morton’s return—Further trouble -with Allerton—The partnership with Ashley—The Penobscot -trading-house—Purchase of a fishing ship suggested—John Endicott at -Salem—The Church at Salem: 1629. - - -Mr. Allerton arrived safely in England, and delivered the letters -to their friends there, acquainting them with his instructions. He -found them willing to join in the trading-partnership, and in the -expense of sending over the Leyden people, some of whom had already -left Holland and were prepared to come over, so they were sent off -before Mr. Allerton was ready to leave. They took passage on the -ships that came to Salem, which brought over many godly persons to -begin the settlements and churches of Christ there and in the Bay of -Massachusetts. So their friends here were rewarded for their long -delay with double blessing, in that they not only enjoyed them now, -when so recently all their hopes had seemed to be blasted; but with -them came other godly friends and Christian brethren, to plant a -still larger harvest unto the Lord, for the increase of his churches -and people in these parts. It was to the astonishment of many and -almost to the wonder of the world, that from so small a beginning -such great things should ensue,—as in due time was manifested; and -that there should be a resting place for so many of the Lord’s people -here, when so sharp a scourge had come upon their own nation. But it -was the Lord’s doing, and it ought to be marvellous in our eyes. - -I will here insert some of their friends’ letters, which best express -their own attitude towards these proceedings. - - _Two letters from James Sherley in England to Governor Bradford at - New Plymouth_: - - Sir, - - With this there are many more of our friends from Leyden coming - over to you, whose arrival, though mostly a weak body, is the - fulfillment, in part, of our purpose, so strongly opposed by some - of the former adventurers. But God has His working in these things, - which man cannot frustrate. We have also sent some servants in the - ship Talbot, that sailed lately; but the Leyden contingent come in - the Mayflower. Mr. Beauchamp and myself, with Mr. Andrews and Mr. - Hatherley, have, with your good will, joined your partnership, etc. - - _May 25th, 1629._ - - - Your power of attorney has been received, and the goods have been - sold by your friend and agent, Mr. Allerton, I having been in - Holland nearly three months, at Amsterdam and in other parts of the - Low Countries. I see, also, the agreement you have made with the - main body of the settlers, and think you have done very well, both - for them, for you, and for your friends at Leyden. Mr. Beauchamp, - Mr. Andrews, Mr. Hatherley, and myself so thoroughly approve of - it, that we are willing to join you, and, God directing us, will - assist you the best we possibly can. Indeed, had you not taken - this course, I do not see how you could ever have accomplished the - end originally aimed at. We know it must cause further delay in - realizing profits, for most of those who we sent in May, and those - now sailing, though honest and good people, are not likely to be - helpful at present—indeed, for some time they will be an expense to - you and us. Had you not taken this wise and astute course, the main - body of your colonists would probably have grudged their coming. - Again, as you say well in your letter, the burden being now on the - shoulders of only a few, you will manage it the better, having no - discontent or contradiction, but all lovingly joined together in - affection and counsel, so that God will no doubt bless and prosper - your honest labours and endeavours. So in all respects I consider - you have been marvellously discreet and well-advised, and have - no doubt it will give all parties satisfaction—I mean all who - are reasonable and honest men, and make conscience of fulfilling - their obligations to the uttermost, not with regard to their own - private interests so much as the accomplishment of the good object - for which this enterprise was first started.... Thus desiring the - Lord to bless and prosper you and all yours, and all our honest - endeavours, I rest, - - Your unfeigned and ever loving friend, - JAMES SHERLEY. - _London, March 8th, 1629._ - -I have mentioned here the coming of both these companies from Leyden, -though they actually came at two different times. The former party, -numbering 35 persons, sailed in May, and arrived here about August, -1629; the latter sailed at the beginning of March, and arrived -here the latter end of May, 1630. Their expenses, according to -Mr. Allerton’s accounts, came to above £550 (in addition to their -transportations from Salem and the Bay, where they and their goods -were landed), viz.: their transportation from Holland to England, -and their expenses while there, and their passages out here, with -clothing provided for them. I find in the account for the one party -125 yards of kersey, 127 ells of linen, 66 pairs of shoes, with -many other particulars. The cost of the other party is reckoned by -families, some £50, some £40, some £30,—more or less, according to -numbers, etc. Besides all this expense their friends here had to -provide corn and other provisions for them till they could reap -a crop, which was some time. Those that came in May had to be -maintained upwards of 16 to 18 months; the others proportionately. -All they could do in the meantime was to build houses and prepare -land for planting next season. The expenses of maintaining them -all this time was little less than the former sum. I make special -note of this for various reasons: first, to show a rare example of -brotherly love and Christian care in performing their promises to -their brethren. Secondly, to prove that there was more than the work -of man in these achievements,—thus successfully to have persuaded -such able friends to join them in the enterprise, and to stand by -them so faithfully in the face of such risks, most of them never -having seen their faces to this day; it must needs be, therefore, -the special work of God. Thirdly, that these poor people here in -a wilderness should, notwithstanding, be able in time to repay -all their engagements, and others unjustly put upon them through -unfaithful service, besides other great losses which they sustained, -all of which will be related if the Lord be pleased to give me life -and time. In the meantime I cannot help but wonder at His ways and -works towards His servants, and humbly desire to bless His holy name -for His great mercies hitherto. - -The Leyden people having come over, and several members of the -general body of the settlers seeing how great the expense was likely -to be, began to murmur at it, notwithstanding the burden lay on -other men’s shoulders,—especially at paying the three bushels of -corn a year, according to the agreement. But to satisfy them, it was -promised that if they could do without it they would not demand it of -them. And it never was paid, as will appear. - -Mr. Allerton’s proceedings about the enlarging and confirming of the -patents, both at home and at Kennebec, are best explained in another -letter of Mr. Sherley’s. Though much time and money was expended, he -left it unaccomplished this year, and came without them. - - _James Sherley in England to the New Plymouth Colony_: - - Most worthy and loving Friends, - - Some of your letters I received in July, and some since through - Mr. Pierce; but till our main business, the patent, was granted, - I could not settle my mind or pen to writing. Mr. Allerton was so - turmoiled about it, that I neither would nor could have undertaken - it, if I had been paid a thousand pounds; but the Lord so blessed - his labours that he obtained the love and favour of important men - of repute and position. He got granted from the Earl of Warwick and - Sir Ferdinand Gorges all that Mr. Winslow desired in his letters - to me, and more besides, which I leave him to relate. Then he sued - to the king to confirm their grant, and to make you a corporation, - and so to enable you to make and execute laws as freely as the - government of Massachusetts. This the king graciously granted, - referring it to the Lord Keeper to give order to the solicitor to - draw it up, if there were a precedent for it. So the Lord Keeper - furthered it all he could, and also the solicitor; but as Festus - said to Paul: With no small sum of money obtained I this freedom. - For, by the way, many riddles had to be solved, and many locks must - be opened with the silver, nay, the golden key! Then it came to - the Lord Treasurer, to have his warrant for making you custom-free - for a certain time; but he would not do it, and referred it to the - Council Table. And there Mr. Allerton attended day by day, when - they sat, but could not get his petition read; and as Mr. Pierce - was waiting with all the passengers at Bristol, he was forced to - leave the further prosecution of it to a solicitor. But there is no - fear nor doubt but that it will be granted,—for the chief of them - are friendly; but he should certainly return by the first ship that - comes, for if you had this confirmed, you would be in a position to - govern with the power befitting your rank and the position God has - called you to, and to stop the mouths of the base and scurrilous - individuals who are ready to question and threaten you in every - action. Besides, if you are freed of customs dues for seven years - inward and twenty-one outward, the expense of the patent will be - soon covered; and there is no doubt of ultimately obtaining it. But - such things must work by degrees,—they cannot be hastened; so we - (I write on behalf of all our partners here) beg you to urge Mr. - Allerton to come, and his wife to spare him this one year more, - to finish this important business, which will be so much for your - good, and I hope for that of your posterity for many generations to - come. - -Thus much of this letter; it was dated March 19th, 1629; but the fact -of the matter was (as came out later), it was Mr. Allerton’s object -to have an opportunity to be sent over again for purposes of his own; -and with that idea he requested them to write thus. The extension of -the patent might easily have been finished, omitting the clause about -the customs (which was Mr. Allerton’s and Mr. Sherley’s device), it -having passed the king’s hand. But covetousness never brings anything -home, as the proverb says; and this opportunity being lost, it was -never accomplished, though a great deal of money was vainly and -lavishly expended on it. But of this more in its place. - - * * * * * - -I almost omitted to mention that this year Mr. Allerton gave them -great and just offence by bringing over the unworthy Morton, who had -been sent home only the year before for his misdemeanours. He not -only brought him over, but into the very town (as if to beard them), -and lodged him at his own house, employing him as his secretary -till he was forced to send him away. So he returned to his old nest -in Massachusetts, where it was not long before his misconduct gave -them proper cause to apprehend him, and he was again sent by them a -prisoner to England, where he lay a good time in Exeter Gaol. For, -besides his misdeeds here, he was strongly suspected of the murder -of a man who had ventured money with him, when he first came to -New England. A warrant had been sent from the Lord Chief Justice -to apprehend him, by virtue of which the Governor of Massachusetts -sent him to England; and as punishment for his misdemeanours there, -they demolished his house, so that it might no longer be a roost for -such unclean birds to nestle in. But he got free again, and wrote an -infamous and scurrilous book full of lies and slanders against many -godly men of the country in high position, and of profane calumnies -against their names and persons, and the ways of God. After several -years, when the war was at its height in England, he returned to the -country, and was imprisoned at Boston, for the book and other things, -having grown old in wickedness. - -As for the rest of Mr. Allerton’s instructions, enjoining him not to -exceed the £50 worth of goods before mentioned, nor to bring any but -trading commodities, he ignored them, and brought over many other -kinds of retail goods, selling what he could by the way on his own -account, and delivering them the rest, which he said were theirs. -Of trading goods he brought scarcely any, making excuses that they -had expended so much on the Leyden people, the patent, etc. As -regards exceeding his instructions, he laid the responsibility on Mr. -Sherley, etc. He promised that next year they should have whatever -trading goods they sent for. In this way he put them off, and though -Mr. Sherley had written somewhat bearing out his statements, he was -probably over-ruled by Mr. Allerton to do so. - -The following is a still further extract from his former letter, -bearing on this: - - I see what you write in your letters concerning the paying of our - debts, which I confess are great, and need to be carefully watched. - But let us not fulfill the proverb; to spend a shilling on a purse - and put sixpence in it; nor think by the expenditure of £50 a year - to raise means to pay our debts; you need to be well supplied and - fully provided,—and, chiefly, lovingly to agree. - -This shows that there was a kind of concurrence between Mr. Allerton -and the adventurers in England about these things, and that they had -more regard for his opinion than for the advice sent from here. This -troubled them greatly here, not knowing how to help it, and being -loth to make any breach. Another more private difficulty was that -Mr. Allerton had married the daughter of their reverend elder, Mr. -Brewster, who was beloved and honoured by them, taking great pains in -dispensing and teaching the word of God to them, and whom they were -loth to grieve in any way; so they bore with much for that reason. - -Again, Mr. Allerton procured such letters from Mr. Sherley, with such -applause of his wisdom, care, and faithfulness, that as things stood, -none seemed so fit to send as he. Besides, though private gain, I -feel sure, was one cause of Mr. Allerton’s doings, I think, or at -least charity leads me to hope, that he intended to deal faithfully -with his partners here in the main. But things fell out otherwise and -missed their aim, and the settlement in general suffered considerably -in consequence, as will appear. - -Along the same lines was another plan of Mr. Allerton’s and his -friends, unknown to the other partners here, until it was so far -proceeded with that they felt obliged to sanction it and join with -them, though they did not like it and mistrusted the outcome. It is -explained in another extract from Mr. Sherley’s letter, as follows: - - I wish to acquaint you that we have thought good to become partners - in a separate venture with one Edward Ashley—a man I think some - of you know—but it only concerns the place for which he has a - patent in Mr. Beauchamp’s name. For this purpose we have supplied - him plentifully with provisions, etc. If you wish to join us as - partners in this, we are willing you should. Hearing how anxious - Bristol men were to join the enterprise and supply him, expecting - good profits, we thought it important that we should not to miss - such opportunity. He, on his side, like a shrewd man, thought it - better to join with those who already had a settlement to back him - there, than with strangers. It is not known that you are in the - partnership, but only we four, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Beauchamp, myself, - and Mr. Hatherley, who entered upon it in view of the great loss we - have already sustained in the first plantation there. But as I said - before, if you wish to join with us, we are willing you should. Mr. - Allerton had no power from you to make this new contract, nor was - he willing to do anything without your consent. Mr. William Pierce - joined with us because of landing Ashley and his goods there. He - has a new boat with him, and boards to make another, with four - or five strong fellows, one of whom is a carpenter. In case you - are not willing to join us, fearing the expense and doubting the - success, we beg you to afford him all the help you can, either with - men, goods, or boats, and we will pay you for anything that he has. - We wish you to keep the accounts separate, even if you join us, - because there are partners in this enterprise who are not in the - other; so charge him with men’s wages, boat-hire, or goods; and - anything you receive from him, charge to the colony. - - And now loving friends and partners, if you join in Ashley’s - project, we having found the money to stock this business and the - other, it seems reasonable that you should bear your share of the - stock, if not in money, by security to that amount. I hope in God, - by His blessing and your honest endeavour, it may soon be paid; but - the term of the partnership is not long, so it behoves us all to - make the best use of the time that we possibly can, and let every - one put his shoulder to the burden and it will be lighter. I know - you will consider this carefully, and return a satisfactory answer. - None of us would have risked this, except as a support to your own - enterprise. - - There is no likelihood of doing any good by attempting to buy the - debts for the purchase of the old adventurer’s shares. I know some - would not forego their interest, so let it run its course; it - is arranged they are to be paid yearly, and so I hope they will - be, according to agreement. The Lord grant that our loves and - affections may still be united and knit together; and so we rest - your ever loving friends, - - JAMES SHERLEY. - TIMOTHY HATHERLEY. - _Bristol, March 19th, 1629._ - -This matter of buying the debts of the purchase was part of Mr. -Allerton’s instructions, and in many instances it might have been -done to advantage for ready cash; but Mr. Sherley disliked it. The -Ashley enterprise troubled them much, for though he had ability -enough to manage the business, he was known to be a very profane -young man; and he had for some time lived among the Indians as a -savage, naked like them, adopting their manners and customs, and -in the meantime acquiring their language; so they feared he might -not keep straight, though he promised better things. As soon as he -landed at the place intended, called Penobscot, some four score -leagues from this place, he wrote (and afterwards came) desiring to -be supplied with wampum, corn for the winter, and other things. They -bethought them that these were their chief commodities, and would -be continually needed by him, and it would thus be greatly to the -prejudice of their own trade at Kennebec, if, though they did not -join the partnership, they should still have to supply him; on the -other hand, if they should both refuse to join the partnership and -to supply him, they would greatly offend their friends in England, -and might possibly lose them. Again, Ashley and Mr. Allerton, -laying their crafty wits together, might get supplies elsewhere; -and whether they joined in it or not, they knew Mr. Allerton would -do so, and then he would swim, as it were, between both, to the -prejudice of both,—but especially of themselves. They had reason to -think this scheme was chiefly of his contriving, and Ashley was a fit -tool. So, to prevent worse mischief, they resolved to enter the new -partnership, and gave him supplies of what they could, and kept a -watch on his doings as well as they could. To do so more effectively, -they associated with him, as an equal, as it were, and not merely as -a servant, a steady young man who had come from Leyden; and as he -was discreet, and could be trusted, they were able to give him such -instructions as kept Ashley within bounds. So they replied to their -friends in England that they accepted their offer and joined with -them in Ashley’s enterprise, but told them what their fears were in -regard to him. - -When they had received full account of all the goods sent over to -them that year, they saw they were very short of trading goods, and -that Ashley was far better supplied than themselves. They were even -forced to buy supplies from the fishermen, and such things as cotton, -kersey, and other cloth from Mr. Allerton himself, and so to dispose -of a large part of their beaver at reduced rates over here, instead -of sending it home to help discharge their debts. This vexed them -greatly, but Mr. Allerton assured them that next year they should -have whatever they wrote for. Their engagements for this year were -large indeed,—when they came to know them, which was not till two -years after; and were increased by Mr. Allerton raising large sums -at Bristol at 50 per cent again, which he insisted he was forced to -do, otherwise he could have got no goods transported by the fishing -ships in the spring,—such was their ill-will towards the trade of the -colony. But whether this was any more than an excuse, some of them -doubted; however, the burden lay on their shoulders, and they must -bear it,—as they did many other heavy loads before the end. - -This necessity of paying 50 per cent, and the difficulty of having -their goods transported by the fishing ships early in the year -during the best season for trade, put them upon another project. -Mr. Allerton after the fishing season was over, secured a bargain -in salt, at a good fishing place, and bought it. It came to about -£113, and shortly after he might have got £30 clear profit for it, -without any trouble. But Mr. Winslow and some of the other partners -coming that way from Kennebec in the bark, met Mr. Allerton, and -persuaded him not to sell the salt, but suggested keeping it for -themselves, and hiring a ship in the west country to come fishing for -them on shares, as was the custom. Her salt being here already, and -a dock built where it lay safely housed, instead of bringing salt, -they might load her full of trading goods without paying freight, -and receive them in plenty of time, which would be greatly to their -advantage. On arrival at New Plymouth this plan was discussed, and -approved by all but the Governor, who was against it, as they had -always lost by fishing; but the rest were strongly in favour of it, -believing that they might make good profits by the fishing; and even -if they should only save a little, or actually lose something by it, -the advantage of getting early supplies would be ample return. So he -gave way, and it was referred to their friends in England, to allow -or disallow it. Of this, more in its place. - -Considering what had to be done about the patents and in what state -it had been left, and owing to Mr. Sherley’s earnest wish to have -Mr. Allerton come over to finish it and complete the accounts, etc., -it was decided to send him over again this year,—though it was -with some fear and jealousy. However, he made them fair promises -to perform all their business according to their directions, and -to redeem his former errors. So he was accordingly sent with full -instructions, and with long letters to Mr. Sherley and the rest, -both about Ashley’s business and their own; stating how essential it -was that they be supplied with trading commodities, what they had -suffered through want of them, and of what little use other goods -were in comparison. They fully explained about the fishing ship that -was to be hired and loaded with trading goods, to supply both them -and Ashley, and the advantages to be gained. It was left to their -decision to hire and fit her out, or not; but under no circumstances -to send one unless she were loaded with trading goods. But what -happened will appear in the account of next year’s doings. - -I almost omitted another occurrence at the beginning of this year. -A Mr. Ralph Smith and his wife and family had come over to the Bay -of Massachusetts, and lived at present with some straggling people -at Nantasket. A boat from here putting in there on one occasion, -he earnestly begged them to give him and his family passage to New -Plymouth, with such effects as they could take; he had heard that -it was likely he might procure house-room here for some time, till -he might decide to settle here if permitted, or elsewhere, as God -should dispose; he was weary of being in that uncouth place, and in -such a poor house that it kept neither him nor his effects dry. So, -as he was a grave man and they understood he had been a minister, -they brought him, though they had no orders to do so. He was kindly -entertained here, and housed, and later he had the rest of his goods -and servants sent for and exercised his gifts among them. Afterwards -he was chosen to the ministry and remained there several years. - -It was mentioned before, that several of those who came from Leyden, -sailed in ships that went to Salem, where Mr. Endicott had chief -command. Diseases which had developed among the passengers at sea, -infected those ashore, and many died; some of scurvy, others of an -infectious fever which was amongst them for some time, though our -people, through God’s goodness, escaped it. Whereupon Mr. Endicott -wrote for help, understanding that one of them at New Plymouth had -some skill as a physician, and had cured several of scurvy, and -others of various diseases, by letting blood and other means. So he -sent to the Governor here, requesting him to send him to them. The -Governor complied, and wrote to him, receiving a letter in reply. -This letter, though brief, shows the beginning of their acquaintance; -and as a manifestation of the truth and of the ways of God, I thought -it fitting and profitable to insert it here. - - _Governor John Endicott at Salem to Governor Bradford at New - Plymouth_: - - Right Worthy Sir, - - It is an unusual thing that servants of one master and of the - same household should be strangers! I assure you I do not desire - it,—nay, to speak more plainly, I cannot be so to you. God’s people - are all marked with one and the same mark, and sealed with one and - the same seal, and have in the main, one and the same heart, guided - by one and the same spirit of truth; and where this is, there can - be no discord,—nay, there must needs be sweet harmony. And so I - pray the Lord that we may, as Christian brethren, be united with - you by a heavenly and unfeigned love; bending all our hearts and - forces in furthering a work beyond our strength, with reverence and - fear, and fastening our eyes always on Him Who is able to direct - and prosper all our ways. I am much beholden to you for your kind - love and care in sending Mr. Fuller among us, and rejoice at what - I hear from him of your attitude towards the outward form of God’s - worship. It is, as far as I can gather, no other than is warranted - by the evidence of truth, and the same which I have maintained and - professed ever since the Lord in His mercy revealed Himself unto - me,—though very different from the common report of you that has - been spread about. But God’s children must look for no less here - below; and it is the great mercy of God that He strengthens them - to go through with it. I need not be tedious to you now, for, God - willing, I purpose to see your face shortly. In the meantime I - humbly take my leave of you, committing you to the Lord’s blessed - protection, and rest, - - Your assured loving friend, - JOHN ENDICOTT. - _Naumkeag, May 11th, 1629._ - -A second letter received this year shows the progress of their church -affairs at Salem, which was the second church erected in these parts. -Afterwards the Lord established many more in several places. - - _Charles Gott at Salem to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth:_ - - Sir, - - I make bold to trouble you with a few lines to inform you how it - has pleased God to deal with us since you heard from us; how, - notwithstanding all the opposition here and elsewhere, it has - pleased God to lay a foundation which I hope is agreeable to His - word in every way. It pleased the Lord to move the heart of our - Governor to set apart July 10th as a solemn day of humiliation - for the choice of a pastor and a teacher. The first part of the - day was used for prayer and teaching, the latter part for the - election, which was held in this way. The persons nominated, who - had been ministers in England, were questioned concerning their - calling. They acknowledged there was a twofold calling; the one - an inward calling, when the Lord moved the heart of a man to take - that calling upon him, and fitted him with gifts for it; the second - an outward calling from the people, when a body of believers join - together in covenant, to walk in all the ways of God; every male - member having a free voice in the choice of the officers, etc. Now, - we being satisfied that these two men were so qualified, as the - apostle tells Timothy: A bishop must be blameless, sober, apt to - teach, etc.,—I think I may say, as the eunuch said to Philip: What - should hinder him from being baptised, seeing there was water, and - he believed. So these two servants of God, giving full satisfaction - by their answers and being thus fitted, we saw no reason why we - might not freely vote for their election. Mr. Skelton was chosen - pastor, and Mr. Higginson teacher; and they, accepting the choice, - Mr. Higginson, with three or four of the gravest members of the - church, laid their hands on Mr. Skelton, with prayer. After this - there was imposition of hands on Mr. Higginson. Since then, - Thursday (being as I take it the 6th of August) has been appointed - for another day of humiliation, for the choice of elders and - deacons, and for ordaining them. - - And now, good Sir, I hope that you and the rest of God’s people - with you, who are acquainted with the ways of God, will say that - herein a right foundation was laid, and that these two blessed - servants of the Lord came in at the door, and not at the window. - Thus I have made bold to trouble you with these few lines, desiring - you to remember us.... And so rest, - - At your service in what I may, - CHARLES GOTT. - _Salem, July 30th 1629._ - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -Ashley’s beginnings—Arrival of Hatherley on the Friendship and -Allerton on the White Angel—Hatherley examines the affairs of the -Colony—Failure of Allerton’s fishing voyage on the White Angel—Ashley -apprehended and sent to England—Discharge of Allerton from his -Agency—The first Execution—Day of Humiliation appointed for Boston, -Salem, Charlestown, and New Plymouth: 1630. - - -Ashley, being well supplied, had quickly gathered a good parcel of -beaver, and like a crafty pate he sent it all home, and would not pay -for the goods he had from here, but let them stand charged against -him, and drew still more. Though they knew his object well enough, -they let him go on, and wrote about it to England. However, owing to -the beaver they received there and sold (which appealed to them as -business men) and Mr. Allerton’s high praise of him, they were more -eager to supply him than the colony, and even somewhat disparaged it -in comparison. - -They were also forced to buy him a bark, and equip her with a captain -and men to transport his corn and provisions, of which he used large -quantities; for the Indians of those parts grew no corn, and at -harvest time, when the corn here is ready, the weather is so bad and -the season so dangerous that a shallop is no good for the purpose. - -This spring the settlers looked anxiously for timely supplies in -the fishing ship which they expected, and for which they had been -at the expense of keeping a dock. But no ship came, nor were any -goods heard of. Later they learned that supplies had been sent to -Ashley by a fishing ship, which puzzled them,—the more so that they -had received no letters from Mr. Allerton or Mr. Sherley. However, -they carried on their business as well as they could. At last they -heard of the arrival of Mr. Pierce at the Bay of Massachusetts, with -passengers and goods. They sent a shallop at once, supposing he would -have something for them. But he told them he had nothing, and that -a ship had been sent out fishing, but after eleven weeks beating at -sea she met with such foul weather that she was forced to return -to England, and the season being over she gave up the voyage. Nor -had he heard much about goods in her for the settlers, or that she -belonged to them, though he had heard something of that kind from -Mr. Allerton. But Mr. Allerton had bought another ship, in which -he was coming, which was to fish for bass to the eastward, and was -bringing goods, etc. These reports troubled them and much astonished -them. Mr. Winslow having been eastward brought similar news with more -particulars, and that probably Mr. Allerton would not arrive till -late. At length, having an opportunity, they resolved to send Mr. -Winslow to England with what beaver they had ready, to see how their -business stood, being dubious about it, especially Mr. Allerton’s -behaviour. They wrote letters, and gave him such instructions as -they thought proper—and if he found things unsatisfactory he was to -discharge Mr. Allerton from being agent and from dealing any more for -them in the business, and he was to see how the accounts stood, etc. - -About the middle of summer arrives Mr. Hatherley, one of the -partners, at the Bay of Massachusetts, having come over in the ship -that was sent fishing, called the Friendship. They sent to him at -once, not doubting that now their goods had come, and they would -know how everything stood. They found the news was true, that this -ship had been so long at sea and her provisions had been so largely -consumed or spoiled, that she abandoned the voyage. He himself had -been sent over by the rest of the partners to see how things went -here. He was at Bristol with Mr. Allerton in the ship they had -bought called the White Angel, which was all ready to set sail, when -that night came a messenger to Mr. Allerton from Barnstable, and -told him of the return of the fishing ship Friendship, and what had -happened. He, not knowing what to do, the ship lying there at his -expense ready to set sail, got Mr. Hatherley to go and discharge her -and take order for the goods. To be short, they found Mr. Hatherley -somewhat reserved and troubled, Mr. Allerton not being there, and -not knowing how to dispose of the goods till he came; but he said he -heard he had arrived by the White Angel, to eastward, and expected -to meet him there. He told them there was not much for them in the -Friendship,—only two parcels of Barnstable rugs, and two hogsheads -of methylene in wooden flackets. When these flackets came to be -examined, only six gallons of the two hogsheads remained, the rest -having been drunk up under the name “leakage.” For the rest, the ship -was laden with goods for various gentlemen and others who had come to -settle in Massachusetts, for which they had paid freight by the ton. -This was all the satisfaction they could get at present. They took -this small lot of goods and returned with the news, and a letter as -obscure, as follows: - - - _James Sherley in England to the Colonists at New Plymouth_: - - Gentlemen, Partners, and loving Friends, - - Briefly thus: we have this year fitted out both a fishing ship and - a trading ship. The latter we have bought, and so have disbursed a - great deal of money as will appear by our accounts. This trading - ship, the White Angel, is however to perform two duties: fishing - for bass and trading; and lest, while Mr. Allerton is employed - trading, the fishing might suffer by neglect of the sailors, we - have begged our mutual friend, Mr. Hatherley, to go over with him, - knowing he will be a comfort to Mr. Allerton, and that it will be - a joy to you to see a careful, loving friend, and one who is a - great stay to the business. If it should please God that one should - die,—as God forbid,—the survivor would keep the accounts and the - other matters straight. We have now spent large sums of money, as - they will acquaint you.... When it was only four or five hundred - pounds a piece, we did not trouble much about it, but left it to - you and your agent, who without flattery deserves infinite thanks - both from you and us for his pains.... But now that our ventures - are double, nay treble for some of us, we have decided to send over - our friend Mr. Hatherley, whom we pray you to entertain kindly. The - main object of sending him is to examine the accounts and report - on the condition of the business, about all of which we beg you to - inform him fully. I will not promise, but shall endeavour to obtain - the grant of your patent as desired, and that ere long. Pray do not - take anything unkindly; I have not written out of suspicion of any - unjust dealing. Be you all kindly saluted in the Lord, so I rest, - - Yours in what I may, - JAMES SHERLEY. - _March 25th, 1630._ - -It is not surprising that these things troubled them. First, there -was this fishing ship which had been fitted out, laden with other -goods and scarcely any of theirs, though their main object was -that he should bring them ample supplies, and their special orders -were not to fit out a ship except for this purpose; and now to -have the expenses charged to their account, though clean contrary -to their orders, was a mystery they could not understand,—the -more serious seeing that she had lost both her voyage and her -provisions. Secondly, that another ship should be bought, and sent -out on business never thought of by any here, much less intimated -to their friends in England either by word or letter, was equally -inexplicable. Bass fishing was never favoured by them, and as -soon as ever they heard of this project they foresaw loss. As for -Mr. Allerton’s trading for them, it never entered their thoughts. -Thirdly, that their friends should complain of disbursements, and -yet incur such great risks contrary to all orders, seemed very -strange,—all these important projects being wrapped up in a brief and -obscure letter. But amidst all their doubts they must have patience -till Mr. Allerton and Mr. Hatherley arrived. In the meantime Mr. -Winslow had gone to England, and the rest of them were forced to -follow their employments as best they could. - -At length Mr. Hatherley and Mr. Allerton came, and finding those at -the settlement very depressed about it, Mr. Allerton told them that -the White Angel did not belong to them, and had not been bought on -their account; they need not have anything to do with her unless -they wished. Mr. Hatherley confirmed this, and said that they wanted -him to put in his share but he had refused. However, he questioned -whether they would not charge her to the general account, if there -were a loss,—which he now saw was likely,—seeing that Mr. Allerton -had proposed the undertaking. As for the fishing ship, he told -them they need not be anxious; and he produced her accounts, which -showed that her first fitting out did not much exceed £600. On the -failure of the first voyage, at her return, he had sold goods out of -her in England, and applied the money to the second voyage, which, -together with such goods and implements as Mr. Allerton would need -for fishing, such as salt, nets, spikes, nails, etc., would amount -to nearly £400. As for this second voyage it would show a profit on -the freight of the goods, and the sale of some cattle which would be -paid for partly here and partly by bills in England. So the total -loss, which would not be much above £200, would be all they would -have to bear on this account. Mr. Hatherley also told them he was -sent over as the agent of those in England, and that whatever he -and Mr. Allerton did jointly they would stand by; that they would -not sanction what Mr. Allerton did alone, unless they wished; but -what he (Mr. Hatherley) did alone they would guarantee. So they sold -him and Mr. Allerton all the rest of their stock of goods, and gave -them possession of them; and a statement was drawn up in writing, -and confirmed under both Mr. Allerton’s and Mr. Hatherley’s hands, -to the above effect. Mr. Allerton being best acquainted with the -people, sold all such goods as he had no need of for fishing, as nine -shallop-sails made of good new canvas, and the roads for them, all -new, and several such useful things, for beaver, by Mr. Hatherley’s -permission. Thus they thought they had well provided for themselves. -However those at the colony censured Mr. Allerton for entering upon -this project, doubting its success. Mr. Allerton brought to the town, -after he had sold what he could elsewhere, a great quantity of other -goods, besides trading commodities; as linen, bed-ticks, stockings, -tape, pins, rugs, etc., and said they could have them if they wished. -But they told him they had forbidden him before to bring any such -things on their account, as it would injure their trade and reduce -their returns. But he and Mr. Hatherley said if they would not take -them they would sell them themselves, and take corn for what they -could not sell otherwise. They told them they might, if they had -instructions to do so. These goods came to upwards of £500. - -Mr. Allerton then went off on his bass fishing; and Mr. Hatherley, as -ordered, after examining the affairs of the settlement, about all of -which they informed him fully, asked for a boat to go and visit the -trading-house at Kennebec and Ashley at Penobscot. They accordingly -supplied him with a boat and men for the voyage, and acquainted him -thoroughly with everything. He was fully satisfied, and now saw -plainly that Mr. Allerton played his own game, not only to the great -detriment of the partners at the colony who employed and trusted -him, but to that of the partners in England also, by prejudicing -them against the settlement, assuring them that they would never be -able to recoup themselves for their great expenses if they would not -follow his advice and support his projects. Mr. Hatherley disclosed, -besides, a further scheme in connection with this ship the White -Angel. It appeared that as she was well fitted with good ordnance, -and known to have made a great fight at sea in which she came off -victorious, they had agreed with Mr. Allerton that after she had -brought her cargo of goods here and had loaded with fish, she would -go to Oporto, and there be sold, freight, ordnance, and all. But this -was prevented partly by the advice given by their friends here to Mr. -Allerton and Mr. Hatherley, showing how it might ruin their friends -in England, who were men of property, should it become known,—and in -the interests of the colony they utterly disallowed it, and protested -against it; and partly by their ill success, for they had arrived too -late to do any good with the fishing, and had brought such a drunken -crew that neither Mr. Allerton nor any one else could keep them in -order, as Mr. Hatherley and every one could see to their shame. - -Ashley also was caught in a trap before Mr. Hatherley returned, for -trading powder and shot to the Indians. He was apprehended by those -in authority, who would have confiscated over a thousand weight of -beaver, but that the Governor here showed a bond, under Ashley’s -hand, to the amount of £500, not to trade any arms or ammunition to -the Indians, or otherwise misbehave himself. It was proved, besides, -that he had committed uncleanness with Indian women,—things feared -at the outset. So their goods were freed, but he was sent home in -custody. To make an end of him, after some time of imprisonment in -the Fleet, by means of friends he was set at liberty, and intended -to come over again, but the Lord prevented it; for he had an offer -made to him by some merchants to go to Russia, owing to his skill -in the beaver trade, which he accepted, and on returning home was -drowned at sea. This was his end. - -Mr. Hatherley, fully conversant with the state of affairs, was -satisfied, and able to inform them how things stood between Mr. -Allerton and the colony. In fact he discovered that Mr. Allerton had -got the better of him, too, and had taken possession of the things -for which Mr. Hatherley stood jointly responsible to the partners -here, as concerned the Friendship, besides most of the freight money, -and some of his own private property. About this, however, more will -appear in due course. He returned to England and they sent a good -quantity of beaver with him to the rest of the partners; so both he -and it were very welcome to them. - -Mr. Allerton was busied with his own affairs and returned with his -White Angel, being no longer employed by the settlement. But these -troubles were not ended till many years after, nor fully realized -for a long time, being folded up in obscurity and kept in the clouds -to the great loss and vexation of the colony. In the end, for peace’ -sake they were forced to bear the unjust burden of them almost to -their undoing, as will appear if God give me life to finish this -history. - -They sent letters by Mr. Hatherley to the partners in England, to -show them how they had settled with Mr. Hatherley and Mr. Allerton -for the Friendship’s account, and that they both affirmed that the -White Angel did not belong to them in any way, and that therefore -their account must not be charged with it. They also wrote to Mr. -Winslow, their agent, that he, too, should protest against it in -their names, should any such thing be intended and that they would -never permit it. They also signified that they dismissed Mr. Allerton -wholly from being their agent, or from having anything to do with any -of their business. - -This year John Billington the elder, one of those who came over -first, was arraigned, and both by grand and petty jury found guilty -of wilful murder by plain and notorious evidence, and was accordingly -executed. - -This, the first execution among them, was a great sadness to them. -They took all possible pains in the trial, and consulted Mr. -Winthrop, and the other leading men at the Bay of Massachusetts -recently arrived, who concurred with them that he ought to die, and -the land be purged of blood. He and some of his relatives had often -been punished for misconduct before, being one of the profanest -families among them. They came from London, and I know not by what -influence they were shuffled into the first body of settlers. -The charge against him was that he waylaid a young man, one John -Newcomin, about a former quarrel, and shot him with a gun, whereof he -died. - -Having by good fortune a letter or two that came into my hands -concerning the proceedings of their reverend friends at the Bay of -Massachusetts, who had lately come over, I thought it not amiss to -insert them here, before concluding this year. - - Sir, - - Being at Salem on Sunday, the 25th of July, after the evening - service Mr. Johnson received a letter from the Governor, Mr. John - Winthrop, saying that the hand of God was upon them at Boston - and those at Charlestown, visiting them with sickness and taking - many from amongst them, the righteous suffering with the wicked - in these bodily judgments. He desired the godly here to take into - consideration what was to be done to pacify the Lord’s wrath, etc. - It was concluded that the Lord was to be sought in righteousness; - and to that end, the 6th day (Friday) of this present week, has - been set apart that they may humble themselves before God and - seek Him in His ordinances. On that day such godly persons as are - amongst them, and known to each other, will at the end of the - service publicly make known their godly desire, and practice it, - viz., that they solemnly enter into covenant with the Lord to walk - in His ways. As those who have agreed to keep this day live at - three different places, each settlement having men of ability among - them, they decided to form themselves into three distinct bodies, - not intending to proceed hastily to the choice of officers, or - the admission of others to their society, except a few well-known - to them, promising afterwards to receive by confession of faith - such as appear to be qualified. They earnestly beg the church at - New Plymouth to set apart the same day, for the same purpose, - beseeching the Lord to withdraw the hand of correction from them, - and to establish and direct them in His ways. And though the time - be short we pray you to be instigated to this godly work, as the - cause is so urgent, whereby God will be honoured, and they and we - shall undoubtedly receive sweet comfort. Be you kindly saluted, etc. - - Your brethren in Christ, etc. - _Salem, July 26th, 1630._ - - - _A member of the New Plymouth Settlement, staying at Charlestown, - to a friend at New Plymouth_: - - Sir, - - I have the sad news to impart that many here are sick and many - dead,—the Lord in mercy look upon them. Some here have entered - into church covenant. The first four were the Governor—Mr. John - Winthrop, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dudley, and Mr. Wilson; since then five - more have joined, and others are likely to follow daily. The Lord - increase them both in number and in holiness, for His sake. There - is a gentlemen here, Mr. Coddington, a Boston man, who told me that - Mr. Cotton’s advice at Hampton was that they should take counsel of - those at New Plymouth, and should do nothing to offend them. There - are many honest Christians desirous to see us, some because of the - love they bear us and the good opinion they have of us; others to - see if we are so unworthy as they have heard. We have a name for - holiness, and love towards God and his saints; the Lord make us - more and more worthy of it, and that it may be more than a name, or - else it will do us no good. Be you lovingly saluted, and all the - rest of our friends. The Lord Jesus bless us, and the whole Israel - of God. Amen. - - Your loving brother, etc. - _Charlestown, Aug. 2nd, 1630._ - -Thus out of small beginnings greater things have grown by His hand -Who made all things out of nothing, and gives being to all things -that are; and as one small candle may light a thousand, so the light -enkindled here has shone to many, yea, in a sense, to our whole -nation; let the glorious name of Jehovah have all the praise. - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -Mr. Winslow in England about the White Angel and Friendship -accounts—The White Angel let out to Allerton—Allerton’s extravagance -as agent—Josias Winslow sent from England as accountant—Penobscot -robbed by the French—Sir Christopher Gardiner in New England—The -Order of the Privy Council about New England: 1631. - - -Ashley being taken away by the hand of God, and Mr. Allerton -discharged from his employment, their business began to run smoothly -again, since they were better able to guide it, Penobscot being now -wholly in their control; for though Mr. William Pierce had a share -in it, as things stood he was glad to have his money repaid him and -resign. Mr. Winslow sent them over some supplies from England as soon -as he could, and when he arrived some time later he brought a large -supply of suitable goods with him, by means of which their trading -could be carried on successfully. Neither his representations nor the -letters they wrote succeeded in preventing Mr. Sherley and the rest -from charging both the Friendship and the White Angel to the general -account, which was the cause of continual contention thereafter. - -I will now insert a letter of Mr. Winslow’s on the subject. - - _Edward Winslow in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth_: - - Sir, - - It chanced by God’s providence that I received and brought your - letters per Mr. Allerton from Bristol to London; and I fear what - the outcome will be. Mr. Allerton intended to fit out the ship - again for fishing. Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beauchamp, and Mr. Andrews - disclaim responsibility, protesting that but for us they would - never have risked one penny; Mr. Hatherley takes no decided stand - on either side. As to what you write about him and Mr. Allerton - taking the White Angel upon themselves on behalf of the partners - here, the others insist that they never gave any such orders, nor - will they make it good; if those two like to be responsible for the - account, well and good. What the upshot will be, I do not know. - The Lord so direct and assist us that He may not be dishonoured - by our dissensions. I hear from a friend that I was much blamed - for telling what I heard in the spring about the plans for selling - the ship in Spain; but if I had not told you what I heard so - peremptorily reported,—and which I offered to prove at Bristol,—I - should certainly have been unworthy of my employment. As to the - power of attorney, given so long ago to Mr. Allerton, what we - feared has happened: Mr. Sherley and the others have got it and - will not surrender it, that being the instrument of our agents’ - credit to procure such sums. I expect bitter words, hard thoughts, - and sour looks from several for writing this, as for reporting the - former information. I would I had a more thankful task, but I hope - a good conscience will make it comfortable, etc. - - _Nov. 16th, 1631._ - -Thus far he. - -The deed mentioned above was given under their hand and seal when Mr. -Allerton was first employed by them, and its return was requested -when they first began to suspect him. He told them it was among his -papers, but he would find it and give it them before he went. When -he was ready to go it was demanded again. He said he had not found -it, but it was among his papers which he was taking with him, and he -would send it by the boat coming from the eastward; and then again -it could not be found, but he would look it up at sea. Whether Mr. -Sherley had it before or after this is not certain; but having it, he -would not let it go, and keeps it to this day. So even among friends -men need to be careful whom they trust, and not let things of this -nature lie long unrecalled. - - _James Sherley in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth_: - - Sir, - - I have received your letter through our friends Mr. Allerton - and Mr. Hatherley, who, blessed be God, have arrived safely at - Bristol. Mr. Hatherley has come to London, but Mr. Allerton I - have not yet seen. We thank you, and are very glad you dissuaded - him from the Spanish voyage, and that he did not fulfill his - intentions; for we all utterly disliked the project, as well as the - fishing of the Friendship. We wished him to sell the salt, and were - unwilling to have him undertake so much business, partly because - of previous failure, and partly because we were loth to disburse - so much money. But he assured us this would repay us, and that the - colony would be long in doing so; nay, I remember that he even - doubted if by your trading there you could meet your expenses and - pay us, and for this very reason he induced us to undertake that - business with Ashley, though he was a stranger to us.... - - As to the cost of the fishing ship we are sorry it proves so heavy, - and are willing to take our share of it. What Mr. Hatherley and Mr. - Allerton have proposed no doubt they themselves will make good; we - gave them no authority to make any composition to separate you from - us in this or any other scheme. Furthermore, I think you have no - cause to forsake us, for we involved you in nothing but what your - agent advocated and you in your letters desired. If he exceeded - your authority I hope you will not blame us, much less leave us in - the lurch, now that our money is expended.... But I fear neither - you nor we have been properly dealt with; for, as you write, surely - one half of £4000—nay a quarter—in commodities, despatched in - seasonable time, would have provided you more effectively. Yet, - in spite of all this and much more that I might write, I cannot - but think him honest, and that his intentions were good; but the - wisest may fail. Well, now that it has pleased God to give us hope - of agreeing, doubt not but we shall all endeavour to adjust these - accounts fairly, as soon as we possibly can. I suppose you sent - over Mr. Winslow and we Mr. Hatherley to certify each other how the - state of things stood. We have received some satisfaction upon Mr. - Hatherley’s return, and I hope you will receive the same upon Mr. - Winslow’s return. - - Now to answer your letter more particularly; I shall be very brief. - The charging of the White Angel to your account could not be more - surprising to you than the purchase of her was to us; for you - commissioned[8] that what he did you would stand by; we gave him no - such commission, yet for his credit and your sakes paid the bills - he charged us with.... As to my writing that she was to fulfill - two purposes, fishing and trading, believe me I never so much as - thought of any private trading, nor will I countenance any; for I - was always against it, and used these very words: It will reduce - the profits of the settlement and ruin it. - -The rest of the letter I omit as it is not very pertinent. It was -dated Nov. 19th, 1631. In another letter, dated Nov. 24th, in answer -to the general letter on the same subject, there are these words: - - As to the White Angel about which you write so earnestly, saying we - thrust her upon you contrary to the intentions of the purchaser, - we say you forget yourselves and do us wrong. We will not take - upon us to divine what the thoughts or intentions of the purchaser - were; but what he spoke we heard, and that we will affirm and make - good against anyone, viz., that unless she were bought Ashley could - not be supplied, and if he were not supplied we could not recoup - ourselves for our losses on your account. - -From another of his dated Jan. 2nd, 1631: - - We propose to keep the Friendship and the White Angel, as regards - last year’s voyages, on the general account, hoping that together - they will produce profit rather than loss, and cause less confusion - in our accounts and less disturbance in our intercourse. As for the - White Angel, though we laid out the money and took bills of sale in - our own names, none of us had so much as a thought of separating - from you in any way this year, because we did not wish the world (I - may say Bristol) to see any breach between Mr. Allerton and you, - or between him and us, and so disgrace him in his proceedings. We - have now let him the ship at £30 per month, by charter-party and - secured him in a bond of £1000 to perform the contract and bring - her back to London, if God please. What he takes in her for you - shall be marked with your mark, and bills of lading shall be taken - and sent in Mr. Winslow’s letter, who is this day riding to Bristol - about it. So in this voyage we deal with him as strangers, not as - partners. He has turned in three books of accounts, one for the - company, another for Ashley’s business, and the third for the White - Angel and Friendship. The books, or copies of them, we propose to - send you, for you may discover the errors in them more readily than - we could. It can be reckoned how much money he has had from us, and - you can charge him with all the beaver he had from you. The total - sum, as he has it, is £7103-7-1. Of this he has expended, and given - to Mr. Vines and others, about £543. You will know from your books - whether you had the goods he charges to you. This is all I can say - at present concerning the accounts. He expected to complete them in - a few hours; but he and Straton and Fogg were over a month at them; - but he could not wait till we had examined them for fear of losing - his fishing voyage,—which I fear he has already done.... - - We bless God Who put it into our minds to send to each other; for - had Mr. Allerton gone on in that risky and expensive way one year - more we should not have been able to meet his expenditure; nay, - both he and we must have lain in the ditch and sunk under the - burden.... Had there been an orderly course taken and your business - better managed, by the blessing of God yours would have been the - ablest colony we know of, undertaken by Englishmen.... - -Thus far of these letters of Mr. Sherley’s. - - * * * * * - -A few observations about former letters, and then I will give the -simple truth of the things in controversy between them—at least as -far as good evidence can show. - -1. It seems clear that Ashley’s business and the buying of the ship -and the resultant plans were first contrived by Mr. Allerton. - -2. Though Mr. Allerton may not have intended to wrong the plantation, -his own private ends led him astray; for it became known that in the -first two or three years of his employment as agent, he had made -£400, and put it into a brewery of Mr. Collier’s in London. Again, -Mr. Sherley and he had private dealings; and yet I believe, as he -mentioned above, that Mr. Sherley did not countenance any private -trading which he thought would injure the colony. - -3. Considering all they had done for the settlement, in former risks -and recent disbursements, when Mr. Allerton’s proposals turned out -unsuccessful they thought it fair that the colony should bear them, -and so took advantage of such power as Mr. Allerton formerly had as -their agent, to let these losses devolve upon them. - -4. As for Mr. Allerton, with pity and compassion I may say with the -apostle Timothy (I Tim. vi, 9, 10): “But they that will be rich fall -into temptation and a snare ... and pierce themselves through with -many sorrows ... for the love of money is the root of all evil.” -God give him to see the evil of his ways, that he may find mercy in -repentance for the wrongs he has done. - -As to the two ships, the truth as far as could be learned was this. -The idea of fitting out the fishing ship—the Friendship—came first -from the colony, but was left to them in England to carry out or not, -as they thought best. But when it was fully considered, and the plan -seemed hopeful and profitable, it was suggested: why might they not -do it for themselves to cover their losses, and without letting the -colony share in it. If their supplies reached them in time, that was -sufficient. So they hired her and fitted her out, and freighted her -as full as she could carry with the goods of passengers belonging -to Massachusetts, which rose to a good sum of money, and intended -to send the New Plymouth settlement their goods in the other ship. -Mr. Hatherley confirmed the following upon oath before the Governor -and Deputy Governor of Massachusetts, Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Dudley: -that the Friendship was not intended for the joint partnership, but -for the private account of Mr. James Sherley, Mr. Beauchamp, Mr. -Andrews, Mr. Allerton, and himself. This deposition was taken under -their hands at Boston, Aug. 29th, 1639, as may be seen besides other -testimony. - -As for the White Angel, though she was first bought, or at least the -price arranged, by Mr. Allerton at Bristol, Mr. Sherley need not have -disbursed the money against his will. That she was not intended for -the general partnership appears from various evidence. The bills of -sale were made out in their own names, without any reference to the -colony at all; namely, Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beauchamp, Mr. Andrews, Mr. -Denison, and Mr. Allerton,—Mr. Hatherley would not join them in this. - -Mr. Allerton took oath to the same effect concerning the White Angel -before the Governor and Deputy, on September 7th, 1639, and deposed -that Mr. Hatherley and himself, on behalf of them all, agreed to free -all the rest of the New Plymouth partners from the losses of the -Friendship for £200. - -Concerning Mr. Allerton’s accounts, they were so lengthy and -intricate that they could not understand them, much less correct -them, and it was two or three years before they could unravel them -even imperfectly. I know not why, but he took upon himself to keep -all the accounts, though Mr. Sherley, their agent, was to buy and -sell all their goods, and did so usually; but it was Mr. Allerton -who passed in accounts for all disbursements,—goods bought which he -never saw, the expenses for the Leyden people incurred by others in -his absence, for the patents, etc.,—in connection with all of which -he made it appear that the balance owing to him was over £300, and -demanded payment. However, on examination he was found to be over -£2000 debtor to them, besides I know not how much that could never -be cleared up, interest unaccounted, etc. Then they were obliged -to pass bills for expenses that were intolerable. The fees for the -patent came to above £500—all for nothing; £30 given at a clap, -and £50 spent on a journey, etc. No wonder Mr. Sherley said that -if their business had been better managed they might have been the -richest English colony at that time. He even screwed up his poor old -father-in-law’s account to above £200, when, alas! he, poor man, -never dreamed that what he had received could be near that value, -believing that many of the things brought over had been given by Mr. -Allerton as presents to him and his children. Nor did they come to -nearly that value in fact, the prices being inflated by interest. - -This year Mr. Sherley, too, sent over a cash account, showing what -Mr. Allerton had received from them and disbursed, for which he -referred to his accounts; besides an account of beaver sold, which -Mr. Winslow and others had taken over, and a large supply of goods -which Mr. Winslow had brought back, and all the disbursements for the -Friendship and White Angel, and anything else he could charge the -partners with. In these accounts of Mr. Sherley’s some things were -obscure and some twice charged. They made them debtor to the total -amount of £4770-19-2, besides £1000 still due for the purchase yet -unpaid, and notwithstanding all the beaver and goods that both Ashley -and they had shipped over. - -Into such huge sums had Mr. Allerton run them in two years, for at -the end of 1628 all their debts did not much exceed £400, as will be -remembered; now they amounted to as many thousands! In 1629, when Mr. -Sherley and Mr. Hatherley were at Bristol, they wrote a long letter -in which they gave an account of the debts and the sums that had been -disbursed; but Mr. Allerton begged and entreated them to omit it. -So they blotted out two lines in which the sums were mentioned, and -wrote over them so that not a word could be read, to which they have -since confessed. They were thus kept hoodwinked, until now they found -themselves deeply in debt. - -To mend matters, Mr. Allerton now wholly deserted them; having -brought them into the briars, he leaves them to get out as best they -can. But God crossed him mightily, for having hired the ship from Mr. -Sherley at £30 a month, he set out again with a drunken crew, and -so overloaded her that she could not bear sail, and they were forced -to put into Milford Haven and reload her, which lost them the season -and resulted in a less profitable voyage than the year before. Having -reached this country he sold trading commodities to any that would -buy, to the serious detriment of the colony; but what was worse, -what he could not sell outright he sold on credit, and formed a -disreputable company of traders to cover every hole and corner,—even -up the Kennebec, to take away the trade from the settlement’s house -there, on the patent for which he had wasted so much of their money. -Not content with this, he did all he could to reduce its value to the -colony and ruin them; he took partners, and set up a trading-house -beyond Penobscot, to cut off the trade there too. But the French, -seeing that it would injure them, came down on them before they were -well settled, and ousted them, killing two of their men, and taking -all the goods, to a considerable value, the loss being mostly, if not -all Mr. Allerton’s. The rest of the men were sent into France and -this was the end of that project. Those to whom he sold on credit, -being loose and drunken fellows, for the most part cheated him of -all they got into their hands. Afterwards, when he came to New -Plymouth, the church called him to account for these and other gross -miscarriages. He confessed his fault, and promised better ways, and -that he would wind himself out of the tangle as soon as he could, etc. - -This year Mr. Sherley must needs send them out a new accountant. He -had made mention of such a thing the year before, but they wrote -him that their expenses were so great already that he need not -increase them in this way, and that if they were dealt with fairly -and had their accounts properly sent in from there, they could keep -their accounts here themselves. Nevertheless, he sent them over a -man they could not well refuse, as he was a younger brother of Mr. -Winslow’s,—Mr. Josias Winslow,—whom they had been at considerable -expense to instruct in London before he came. He came over in the -White Angel with Mr. Allerton, and there began his first employment. - -This year their house at Penobscot was robbed by the French, and all -their goods of any value was taken, up to £400 or £500 at least. The -captain in charge of the house, and some of the men with him, had -gone westward with their vessel to fetch a supply of goods which had -been brought over for them. In the meantime came a small French ship -into the harbour, and amongst the company was a false Scot. They -pretended they had just come in from sea, and did not know where they -were; that their vessel was very leaky, and asked if they might haul -her ashore and mend her. They used many French compliments, and in -the end, seeing only three or four servants, and understanding from -this Scotchman that the captain and the rest were away from home, -they began praising their guns and muskets that lay in racks on the -wall, and took them down to look at them, asking if they were loaded. -And when they had hold of them, one of them presents a gun ready -charged at the servants and another a pistol, and bid them quietly -deliver up their goods. Some of the men were carried aboard, and -others had to help carry the goods. When they had taken what they -wanted, they set them at liberty and went their way, with this mock: -to tell their captain when he returned that some of the Isle of Rey -gentlemen had been there. - -This year Sir Christopher Gardiner, a descendent of that Bishop of -Winchester who was so great a persecutor of God’s saints in Queen -Mary’s days, and a great traveller, who had received the honour -of knighthood at Jerusalem, being made knight of the Sepulchre -there, came into these parts under pretence of forsaking the world -and living a godly life. He was not unwilling to perform any mean -employment, or to take any pains for his living; and some time after -he offered to join the churches in several places. He brought over -with him a servant or two and a comely young woman, whom he called -his cousin, but it was suspected that, after the Italian manner, she -was his concubine. Having been living in Massachusetts, for some -misbehaviour which he should have answered for there, he fled from -authority and got among the Indians of these parts. He was pursued, -but they could not get him, though they promised a reward if he were -found. The Indians came to the Governor here and told where he was, -and asked if they might kill him. He told them by no means, but if -they could capture him and bring him here, they would be paid for -their pains. They said he had a gun and a rapier and he would kill -them if they attempted it, and the Massachusetts Indians had said -they might kill him. But the Governor told them they must not kill -him, but watch their opportunity and seize him. So they did; for -coming upon him by the riverside, he got into a canoe to escape -and while he was covering them with his gun to keep them off, the -stream carried the canoe against a rock and tumbled both him and his -gun and rapier into the water. But he got out, and having a little -dagger by his side, they dare not close with him. So they got some -long poles and soon beat the dagger out of his hands, when he was -glad to yield, and they brought him to the Governor. But his arms -and hands were badly swollen and very sore with the blows they had -given him. So he treated him kindly and sent him to a lodging where -his arms were bathed and anointed, and he was quickly well again. The -Governor blamed the Indians for beating him so much, but they said -they only whipped him a little with sticks! In his lodging, those -who made his bed, found a little note-book that had slipt out of -his pocket by accident, in which was a memorandum of the day he was -reconciled to the pope and the church of Rome, and in what university -he took his scapula, and such and such degrees. This was handed over -to the Governor here, who sent the Governor of Massachusetts word of -his capture. He was sent for, and the notes were handed over to the -Governor there, who was very grateful. After Sir Christopher got to -England he showed his malice; but God prevented him. - - _Governor Winthrop at Boston to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth_: - - Sir, - - It has pleased God to bring Sir Christopher Gardiner safely to us, - with his dependents. And though I never intended to take any harsh - measures with him, but to treat him as his position demanded, I - let him know of your kind words about him, and that he will speed - the better for your mediation. It was a special providence of God - to bring those notes of his into our hands. Please instruct all - that are aware of them not to inform anyone, for that may frustrate - the use to be made of them. The Good Lord our God Who has always - ordered things for the good of His poor churches here, direct us - in this aright, and dispose it to a good issue. I am sorry we put - you to so much trouble about this gentleman, especially at this - busy time, but I knew not how to avoid it. I must again beg you to - let me know what expense and trouble any of your people have been - at on his account, that it may be recompensed. So, with the true - affection of a friend, desiring all happiness to you and yours, - and to all my worthy friends with you, whom I love in the Lord, I - commend you to His grace and providence, and rest, - - Your most assured friend - JOHN WINTHROP. - _Boston, May 5th, 1631._ - -Anent this I will take the liberty to show what occurred through -this man’s malice, complying with others. And though I do not doubt -it will be more fully dealt with by honoured friends whom it more -directly concerned and who have more exact knowledge of the matter, -I will give a hint of it here, showing God’s providence in preventing -the injury that might have resulted. The information I received -was in a letter from my much honoured and beloved friend, Mr. John -Winthrop, Governor of Massachusetts. - - _Governor Winthrop at Boston to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth_: - - Sir, - - Upon a petition presented by Sir Christopher Gardiner, Sir - Ferdinand Gorges, Captain Mason, etc., against you and us, the - cause was heard before the lords of the Privy Council, and was - afterwards reported to the King, the success of which makes it - evident to all that the Lord has care of His people here. The - passages are admirable, but too long to write. I heartily wish - for an opportunity to impart them to you: they cover many sheets - of paper. But the conclusion was (against all expectation) an - order for our encouragement, and much blame and disgrace upon the - adversaries. This calls for much thankfulness from us all, which - we purpose, the Lord willing, to express in a day of Thanksgiving - to our merciful God. I do not doubt but that you will consider - whether it is not fitting for you to join in it. As He humbled us - by our recent correction, so He has now lifted us up by an abundant - rejoicing in our deliverance from so desperate a danger; and the - instrument whereby our enemies hoped to ruin us. He has mercifully - turned to our great advantage, as I shall further acquaint you when - opportunity serves. - -The following is the order of the Privy Council: - - _Jan. 19th, 1632._ - _AT THE COURT OF WHITEHALL_ - - _Present_ - - _Sigillum_ LORD PRIVY SEAL LORD COTTINGTON - EARL OF DORSET MR. TREASURER - LORD VISCOUNT FALKLAND MR. VICE CHAMBERLAIN - LORD BISHOP OF LONDON MR. SECRETARY COOKE - MASTER SECRETARY WINDBANK - - Whereas his majesty has lately been informed of great distraction - and much disorder in that plantation in the parts of America - called New England, which if they be true and suffered to run on, - would tend to the great dishonour of this kingdom and the utter - ruin of that plantation. For prevention whereof and for the orderly - settling of the government according to the intention of those - patents which have been granted by his majesty and by his late - royal father King James, it has pleased his majesty that the lords - and others of his most honourable Privy Council should take the - same into consideration. Their lordships in the first place thought - fit to make a committee of this board to examine the information; - which committee, having called several of the principal adventurers - in the plantation, and heard those that are complainants against - them, most of the things informed being denied and remaining to - be proved by parties that must be called from that place, which - would require a long lapse of time; and at present their lordships - finding the adventurers occupied in the dispatch of men, victuals, - and merchandise for that place, all of which would be at a - standstill if the adventurers should be discouraged or suspect that - the state had no good opinion of the plantation; their lordships, - not laying the fault or fancies (if any be) of some individuals - upon the general government of the principal adventurers, which - in due time is to be further enquired into, have thought fit in - the meantime to declare that the appearances were so fair and the - hopes so great, and that the country would prove both so beneficial - to this kingdom and so profitable to the particular adventurers, - that the adventurers had cause to go on cheerfully with their - undertakings, and rest assured that if things were carried on as - was claimed when the patents were granted and as by the patents is - appointed, his Majesty would not only maintain the liberties and - privileges heretofore granted, but supply anything further that - might tend to the good government, prosperity, and comfort of his - people there of that place.... - - WILLIAM TRUMBALL. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -Sale of the White Angel to Allerton—The White Angel sold in -Spain—Hatherley settles in New England—Rapid increase of the -Colonists’ Prosperity—Divisions in the Church of New Plymouth—Wreck -of William Pierce in the Lyon: 1632. - - -Mr. Allerton returned to England, little regarding his bond of £1000 -to perform his contract; for though bound to take the ship to London, -and to pay £30 per month for her hire, he did neither, for he stopped -at Bristol to fit her out again there; and this he did three times. -She had been ten months on the former voyage, but he never paid a -penny for her hire. It would seem he knew well enough how to deal -with Mr. Sherley—he, though he must needs foist her upon the general -account, disposing of her as he pleased. And though Mr. Allerton had -thus broken his contract in every way, Mr. Sherley goes and sells -him both the ship and all her accounts from first to last in a bond -for £2000,—in effect he might as well have given her to him,—and not -only this, but as good as gives him sanctuary, for he allows him one -year to prepare his account and present it to the partners here, and -another year to make payment of what should be due upon the account. -In the meantime he wrote earnestly to them not to hinder him in his -business, or delay him for the sake of the accounts, etc. The result -was that in the interim he collected all the money due for freight -and any other amounts belonging to her or the Friendship, as his -own private debts; and, after all, sold ship, ordnance, fish, and -other lading in Spain, as he had first planned, and what became of -the money he best knows. Meanwhile their hands were tied and they -could, do nothing but look on, till he had transferred everything to -other men’s hands, except a few cattle and a little land and a few -things he had here at New Plymouth, and so ultimately removed all his -belongings, as he had already done himself, from hence. - -Mr. Hatherley came over again this year upon his own business, and -began to make preparations to settle in the country. As appeared -later, he had closed out his share in the business, and remained -a partner in name only, nor did he trouble about their affairs in -any way, except as regards his engagements in connection with the -Friendship. In connection with that, and some dealings between Mr. -Allerton and him, and some debts that Mr. Allerton owed him on -private transactions, he drew up an account of over £2000, and tried -to thrust it upon the partners here on the ground that Mr. Allerton -had been their agent. But they told him they had been fooled long -enough in that way, and showed him that it was no concern of theirs. -As for the debts of the Friendship he must expect to meet them. - -Mr. Pierce did the same, Mr. Allerton having got into his debt also -in their private dealings. However, the partners here easily shook -off these worries! but Mr. Allerton brought much trouble and vexation -upon himself, as he had upon others, for Mr. Denison sued him for the -money he had disbursed for one-sixth share in the White Angel, and -recovered it with damages. - -Though the partners were thus plunged into heavy engagements and -unjust debts, the Lord prospered their trading, and they made large -returns yearly, and would soon have freed themselves if they had -been fairly dealt with otherwise. The settlers, too, began to grow -in prosperity, through the influx of many people to the country, -especially to the Bay of Massachusetts. Thereby corn and cattle -rose to a high price, and many were enriched, and commodities grew -plentiful. But in other regards this benefit turned to their harm, -and this accession of strength to weakness. For as their stocks -increased and became more saleable, there was no longer any holding -them together; they must of necessity obtain bigger holdings, -otherwise they could not keep their cattle; and having oxen they -must have land for ploughing. So in time no one thought he could -live unless he had cattle and a great deal of land to keep them, all -striving to increase their stocks. By this means they were quickly -scattered all over the Bay, and the town in which they had lived -compactly until now was left very thinly peopled, and in a short time -almost desolate. - -If this had been all the ill that resulted, it would have been small -in comparison with the rest; but the church also was disunited, and -those who had lived so long together in Christian and comfortable -fellowship, must now part and suffer many divisions. First, those who -lived on their lots on the other side of the Bay, called Duxbury, -owing to the trouble of bringing their wives and children to public -worship and church-meetings here, growing to a considerable number, -sued to be separated and become a distinct body. So they were allowed -to separate about this time though very unwillingly. To prevent -any further scattering from this place and weakening of it, it was -thought best to give out some good farms in the neighbourhood to -special persons who would promise to live at New Plymouth, likely -to be helpful to the church and commonwealth, and so tie the lands -to New Plymouth as farms for its inhabitants, so that their cattle -and their ploughed land might be kept there by servants, and they -retain their dwellings here. So some special lands were granted at -a place called Green’s Harbour, where no allotments had been made -in the former division, very well-meadowed and suitable for raising -cattle. But alas! this remedy proved worse than the disease; for -within a few years those who had thus got footing there, seceded from -the church, partly deliberately, and partly by wearing out the rest -with importunity and pleas of exigency, so that they either had to -let them go or live in continual contention. Others again, thinking -themselves impoverished, or for want of accommodation, broke away on -one pretence or another, thinking their own imagined necessity or the -example of others sufficient warrant. This I fear will be the ruin of -New England,—at least of the churches of God there,—and will provoke -the Lord’s displeasure against them. - -This year Mr. William Pierce came over and brought goods and -passengers in a ship called the Lyon which belonged chiefly to Mr. -Sherley and the rest of the London partners, those here having -nothing to do with her. Besides some beaver which they had sent home -earlier in the year, they sent in this ship upwards of £800 worth, -and some otter skins. They sent, also, copies of Mr. Allerton’s -accounts, requesting them to examine them and rectify such things as -they should find amiss in them, as they were better acquainted with -the goods bought and the disbursements made there, than they could -be here. With these they sent a book of exceptions to his accounts, -where they could specify them, and did not doubt but they in England -might add to them. They showed them how much Mr. Allerton was debtor -to the general account, and as they had now put the ship White Angel -wholly in his control and had tied their hands here, they requested -them to call him to account. But it pleased God that the ship taking -these papers, on her way to Virginia before going home, was wrecked -on the coast not far from Virginia and their cargo was lost. This was -the first loss they had sustained of that kind. But Mr. Pierce and -the men saved their lives, and also the letters, and got to Virginia -and so safely home. Copies of the accounts were therefore sent over -again to England. - -The following is part of Mr. Pierce’s letter from Virginia. It was -dated Dec. 25th, 1632, and came to their hands on April 7th, before -they had heard anything from England: - - _William Pierce in Virginia to the New Plymouth Colony_: - - Dear Friends, - - The news of this fatal stroke that the Lord has brought upon me - and you will probably come to your ears before this comes to your - hands, and therefore I need not enlarge on particulars, etc. Almost - all my worldly belongings have been take away,—and yours also in a - great measure, by this and your various former losses. It is time - to look about us, before the wrath of the Lord break forth in utter - destruction. The good Lord give us all grace to search our hearts - and try our ways, and turn unto the Lord and humble ourselves under - His mighty hand and seek atonement.... Dear friends, know that - all your beaver and books of account are swallowed up in the sea; - your letters remain with me and shall be delivered if God bring me - home. But what more should I say? By this we have lost our worldly - goods—yet a happy loss if our souls are the gainers. There is more - in the Lord Jehovah than ever we had in this world. O that our - foolish hearts could be weaned from things here below, which are - vanity and vexation of spirit; and yet we fools catch after shadows - that fly away and are gone in a moment!... Thus with my continual - remembrance of you in my poor desires to the Throne of Grace, - beseeching God to renew His love and favour towards you all, in and - through the Lord Jesus Christ, both in spiritual and temporal good - things, as may be most to the glory and praise of His name and your - everlasting good, so I rest, - - Your afflicted brother in Christ, - WILLIAM PIERCE. - _Virginia, Dec. 25th, 1632._ - - - - -CHAPTER XIV - -Trouble about the accounts of the Partnership—Roger -Williams—Establishment of a trading-house on the Connecticut -River—Trouble with the Dutch there—Fever at New Plymouth—Scourge of -Flies: 1633. - - -This year Mr. Edward Winslow was chosen governor. By the first return -of ships they received letters from Mr. Sherley about Mr. Allerton’s -further ill-success, and the loss by Mr. Pierce, with many sad -comments. But there was little hope of getting anything out of Mr. -Allerton or of their accounts being either eased or rectified by -them over there. They saw plainly that the burden of it all would be -thrown upon their backs. The special passages of his letters I will -insert here, for though I am weary of this tedious and uncomfortable -subject, yet for the truth’s sake I am compelled to fully ventilate -matters which have resulted in so much trouble and so many hard -censures on both sides. I do not wish to be partial to either side, -but to disclose the truth as nearly as I can, in their own words, and -so leave it to the unbiased judgment of any who shall come to read -them. - - _James Sherley in London to the Colony at New Plymouth_: - - Loving Friends, - - My last was sent in the Mary and John by Mr. William Collier. I - then certified you of the great and unseasonable loss you and we - had, in the wreck of Mr. Pierce and his ship the Lyon; but the - Lord’s holy name be blessed, Who gives and takes as it pleases - Him; His will be done, Amen. I then related to you that fearful - accident, or rather judgment, the Lord pleased to lay on London - bridge by fire, and therein gave you an idea of my great loss; the - Lord I hope will give me patience to bear it, and faith to trust in - Him and not in the slippery and uncertain things of this world. - - I hope Mr. Allerton is nearly with you by this time; but he had - many disasters here before he got away. The last was a heavy one; - his ship, while getting out of the harbour at Bristol in stormy - weather, was driven so far ashore that it cost him over £100 to get - her afloat again. His condition was so lamentable that I could not - but afford him some help, as did some who were strangers to him; - besides, your goods were in her, and if he had not been assisted he - must have given up his voyage, and loss could not have been avoided - on all sides. When he first bought her I think he would have made - a saving match if he had then sunk her and never set sail in her! - I hope he sees the Lord’s hand against him, and will leave off - these voyages. I think we did well in parting with her; she would - have been but a clog to the account, time and again, and though we - shall not get much by way of satisfaction, we shall lose no more. - And now, as I have written before, pray wind up all the accounts - with him there; here he has nothing but many debts which he owes - in various quarters. Besides, not a man here will spend a day, nay - scarcely an hour, on the accounts but myself, and that business - will require more time and help than I can afford. I need not say - any more; I hope you will do what will be best and will be just - with him, to which add mercy and consider his intentions, though he - failed in many particulars, which now cannot be helped.... - - To-morrow or next day at furthest we are to pay £300, and Mr. - Beauchamp is out of the town, so I must do it. O! the grief and - trouble that mad Mr. Allerton has brought upon you and us! I cannot - forget it, and to think of it draws many a sigh from my heart and - tears from my eyes. And now the Lord has visited me with another - great loss, but I can bear it with more patience than those which I - have foolishly pulled upon myself.... - -And in another letter there is this passage: - - By Mr. Allerton’s fair propositions and large promises I have - overrun myself; indeed grief hinders me from writing, and tears - will not suffer me to see; therefore as you love those who ever - loved you, and the colony, think of us. Oh, what shall I say of - that man who has abused your trust and wronged our loves! But to - lament now is too late, nor can I complain of your backwardness, - for I know it lies as heavy on your hearts as it does on our - purses. Had the Lord sent Mr. Pierce safely home, it had eased both - you and us of some of those debts. The Lord I hope will give us - patience to bear these crosses and that great God Whose care and - providence is everywhere, and especially over those who desire - truly to fear and serve Him, direct, guide, prosper, and bless you - so that you may have the power, as you have the will, to take off - this heavy burden which now lies upon me for your sakes,—and, as I - hope, for your ultimate good and that of many thousands more. For - had not you and we joined together, New England might have been - scarcely known, and would not, I feel sure, be inhabited by such - honest English people as it now is. The Lord increase and bless - them.... So with my continual prayers for you all, I rest - - Your assured loving friend, - JAMES SHERLEY. - _June 24th, 1633._ - -Though Mr. Sherley became more alive to his own condition by these -losses, and complained the more sadly and unreservedly of Mr. -Allerton, no steps were taken to help them here—not so much as to -examine and rectify the accounts, by which probably some hundred -of pounds might have been deducted. But probably they saw that the -more there was taken off the account the less would come to them in -England. - -But to come to other things. Mr. Roger Williams, a godly and zealous -man, with many rare qualities but a very unstable judgment, who -settled first in Massachusetts, but owing to some discontent left -there, came here about this time, where he was made welcome according -to their poor ability. He exercised his gifts among them, and after -some time was admitted as a member of the church; and his teaching -was highly approved, and for its benefit I still bless God, and am -thankful to him even for his sharpest admonitions and reproofs, -so far as they agreed with the truth. This year he began to hold -some strange opinions, and from opinion proceeded to practise. This -caused some controversy between the church and him, and in the end -some discontent on his part, so that he left them somewhat abruptly. -Afterwards he applied for his dismissal, to transfer himself to the -church at Salem, which was granted, with some caution to them about -him. But he soon fell into more trouble there, to the disturbance of -church and government: I need not give particulars, for they are too -well known to all; though for a time the church here received some -hard censure through him, and at the hands of those who afterwards -smarted themselves. But he is rather to be pitied and prayed for; so -I shall leave the matter, and desire the Lord to show him his errors -and return him to the way of truth, and give him a settled judgment -and constancy therein; for I hope he belongs to the Lord and that He -will show him mercy. - -Having already had intercourse with the Dutch, as will be remembered, -they, seeing the New Plymouth people settled here in such a barren -quarter, told them of a river which they called Fresh River, now -known by the name of Connecticut River, which they had often -recommended to them as a fine place for both agriculture and trade, -and wished them to make use of it. But their hands then being full, -they let it pass. Afterwards, a tribe of Indians who came there were -driven out by the Pequots, who usurped their territory; and the -banished tribe often begged them to go there, and said they could do -plenty of trade, especially if they would keep a house there. So, -having a good stock of goods, and being obliged to look out how they -could better themselves and help to meet their heavy engagements, -they began to explore in that direction and to trade with the -natives. They found it a fine place, though at first they did little -trade; but the Indians put it down to the season of the year and the -fear they were in of their enemies. So they tried several times, not -unprofitably; but they saw that the surest way would be to keep a -house there to receive the trade when it came down from inland. The -Indians not seeing them very active in establishing themselves, -solicited the Massachusetts colony similarly—for their object was to -be restored to their country again. But those in the Bay who had but -lately arrived were not fitted for it. However, some of the chief of -them proposed to join with the partners here to trade jointly with -them up the Connecticut River, which they were willing to agree to, -with the idea that they should share equally in the building and the -stock. A time of meeting was appointed in Massachusetts, and some of -the principal men here were appointed to deal with them, and went -accordingly. But the Massachusetts people entertained many fears, -of danger, and loss, and the like, which were seen to be the main -causes of their disinclination, though they alleged that they were -not provided with trading goods, etc. So the New Plymouth people -offered at present to put in sufficient for both, provided they would -become responsible for the half, and meantime prepare for next year. -They confessed that more could not be expected, but thanked them -and told them they did not care to do it. So they said they hoped -it would be no offence to the Massachusetts colony if they went on -without them. They said there was no reason against it; and so this -partnership fell through. So the New Plymouth colonists in due time -made a beginning there, and were the first English to discover the -place and build it, though they were little better than forced out of -it afterwards, as will appear. - -The Dutch now began to repent, and hearing of their preparations, -endeavoured to prevent them, and getting in a little before them -established a small fort with two pieces of ordnance, threatening -to stop their passage. But having prepared a small frame of a house -and having a big new bark, they stowed the frame in her hold, -together with boards to cover and finish it, and nails and all other -necessaries. This was intended as a defence against the Indians, -who were much offended that they had brought back and restored the -right Sachem of the place, called Natawanute; so they encountered a -double danger in this attempt, both from the Dutch and the Indians. -When they came up the river the Dutchmen demanded what they intended -and whither they would go; they answered up the river to trade,—their -orders being to go and settle above them. They bid them stop or they -would shoot, and stood by, their ordnance ready loaded. They replied -that they had orders from the Governor of New Plymouth to go up -the river to such a place, and, shoot or not, they must obey their -orders and proceed; and that they would not harm them, but they must -go on. So they passed on, and though the Dutch threatened them they -did not shoot. Coming to the place appointed, they clapped up their -house quickly, landed their provisions and left the men, sending -the bark home. Afterwards they palisaded their house and fortified -themselves better. The Dutch sent home word to Manhattan, asking what -they should do, and in process of time they sent a troop of about -seventy armed men, in warlike formation, with colours displayed, to -attack them; but seeing them strongly established, and that it would -cost blood, they came to parley, and returned in peace. They did the -Dutch no wrong, for they took not a foot of any of the land they had -bought, but went to a place above them, and bought the tract of land -which belonged to their friends the Indians whom they took with them, -and with whom the Dutch had nothing to do. So this was their entrance -there; and they deserved to continue to hold it, and not, later, to -have been thrust out by friends, as in a way they were, as will be -seen. But of these matters, more in another place. - -It pleased the Lord this year to visit them with an infectious fever -of which many fell very ill, and upwards of twenty persons died, men, -women and children, and several of their oldest friends who had lived -in Holland. Amongst them were Thomas Blossom, Richard Masterson with -some others: and in the end, after he had helped others much, Samuel -Fuller, their physician, who had been a great help and comfort to -them, not only in his profession, but also as a deacon of the church, -a godly man, always ready to serve his fellows. He was much missed -after his death, and he and the rest of their brethren who died were -much lamented by them. This brought much sadness and mourning among -them, and caused them to humble themselves and seek the Lord; and -towards winter it pleased the Lord that the sickness ceased. This -disease also swept away many of the Indians from the adjoining parts. -The Spring before, especially the month of May, there had been a -quantity of a great sort of fly, as large as wasps or bumble bees, -which came out of holes in the ground, filling all the woods, and -eating the verdure. They made such a constant yelling noise that the -woods rang with them, till they were ready to deafen the hearers. -They have not been heard or seen before or since by the English. - -The Indians told them the sickness would follow, and so it did, in -June, July, and August, during the greatest heat of the summer. - -It pleased the Lord to enable them this year to send home a great -quantity of beaver, besides paying all their expenses and debts here -in the country, which was a great encouragement to their friends -in England. Of beaver they sent 3366 lbs., and much of it was coat -beaver, which yielded twenty shillings per lb., and some of it more; -and 346 otter skins which also sold at a good price—fourteen and -fifteen shillings per lb. Thus much of the affairs of this year. - - - - -CHAPTER XV - -Hocking Shot at Kennebec—Lord Say and the Settlement at -Piscataqua—Mr. Alden imprisoned at Boston—The case of Hocking -submitted to a Tribunal of the combined Colonies—Captain Stone -and the Dutch Governor—Stone killed by Indians—Smallpox among the -Indians: 1634. - - -This year Mr. Thomas Prince was chosen Governor. - -Mr. Sherley’s letters were very brief in answer to theirs this year. -I will not copy any extracts from them, but will mention the subjects -of one or two of them. First, he hopes they will not take offence at -anything he wrote previously, professing his affection for them as -before, etc. Secondly, as to Mr. Allerton’s accounts, he is convinced -the colony must suffer, and that to no small figure; that they have -cause enough to complain, but it is now too late; that Allerton had -failed them all, and himself, in his aims, and that he feared God in -consequence would fail him, and it would not be strange if he fell -into worse ways, etc. Thirdly, he blesses God and is thankful to -Him for the good return made this year. This is the effect of his -letters, other things being of a more private nature. - -I now enter upon one of the saddest things that befell them since -they came; and before I begin, it will be necessary to quote that -part of their patent which gave them rights at Kennebec. - - The said Council has further given, granted, bargained, sold, - enfeoffed, allotted, assigned, and made over, and by these presents - do clearly and absolutely give, grant, bargain, sell, alien, - enfeoff, allot, assign, and confirm unto the said William Bradford, - his heirs, associates, and assigns, all that tract of land or part - of New England in America aforesaid, which lies within or between, - and extends itself from the utmost limits of Cobiseconte, which - adjoins the river of Kennebec, towards the Western ocean, and a - place called the Falls of Nequamkeck in America aforesaid; and the - space of fifteen English miles on each side of the said river, - commonly called Kennebec river, and all the said river called - Kennebec that lies within the said limits and bounds, eastward, - westward, northward, and southward, last above mentioned; and - all lands, grounds, soils, rivers, waters, fishing, etc. And by - virtue of the authority to us derived by his said late majesty’s - letters patent, to take, apprehend, seize, and make prize of all - such persons, their ships and goods, as shall attempt to inhabit - or trade with the savage people of that country within the several - precincts and limits of his or their several plantations, etc. - -Now it happened that one Hocking, belonging to the settlement at -Piscataqua, went with a bark and some commodities to trade on the -Kennebec, and must needs transgress their limits, and even go up the -river above their house towards the Falls, and intercept the trade -that should have come to them. The man in charge of the place forbade -him, and begged him not to do them the injury of infringing their -rights which had cost them so dear. He replied he would go up and -trade there in spite of them, and remain there as long as he pleased. -The answer was that in that case he would be forced to remove him -or apprehend him. Whereupon Hocking bid him do his worst, and went -up and anchored there. So the captain took a boat and some men, and -followed him, and again urged him to depart. But all in vain; he -could get nothing from him but ill words. So, as it was just the -season for trade to come down, and if he allowed him to remain there -and take it from them, all their previous expense would be wasted, he -consulted with his men, who being willing, he decided to sever the -boat from her anchorage, and let her drift down the river with the -stream, but commanded his men not to shoot on any account unless he -commanded them. He spoke to Hocking again, but all in vain; then he -sent a couple of men in a canoe to cut his cable, which one of them -did. Thereupon Hocking took up a gun which he had put ready, and as -the bark drifted down past the canoe he shot the man in the head and -killed him instantly. One of his comrades who loved him well, could -not restrain himself, and making aim with his musket shot Hocking -dead on the spot. This is a true account of what happened. The rest -of the men took the vessel home, with these sad tidings. Now Lord -Say and Lord Brook, with some other eminent men, had an interest in -this settlement, so the people wrote home to them in such terms as to -exasperate them as much as possible, leaving out all the extenuating -circumstances, and making it appear that Hocking had been killed -without provocation, suppressing the fact that he had killed a man -first. So their Lordships were much offended, till they were fully -informed of the details. - -The news of this spread quickly, with the worst light put upon -it, and reached their neighbours in Massachusetts. Their own bark -came home to New Plymouth, bringing a true report of it, and all -were deeply and naturally affected by it. Not long after, they had -occasion to send their vessel to the Bay of Massachusetts; but the -colony there was so incensed at the occurrence that they imprisoned -Mr. Alden who was aboard, and had been at Kennebec, but had taken no -part in the affair, having only gone up to take supplies. They freed -the boat, but kept Mr. Alden for some time. This was thought strange -here, and they sent Captain Standish, with letters, to give them full -information, and to procure Mr. Alden’s release. I will give a letter -or two which refer to these things. - - _Two letters from Thomas Dudley at Newtown to William Bradford at - New Plymouth_: - - Good Sir, - - I have received your letter through Captain Standish, and am - unfeignedly glad of God’s mercy towards you in the steady recovery - of your health. Concerning the matter you write of, I thought - I would send a word or two in answer to yourself, leaving your - Governor’s letter to be answered by our court, to which with - myself it is directed. I presume, until I hear further, that your - patent may warrant your resistance of any Englishmen trading - at Kennebec, and that the blood of Hocking and the man he slew - will be required, elsewhere, at his hands. But with yourself and - others I grieve for their deaths. I think, also, that your general - letters will satisfy our courts, and make them cease from meddling - further in the matter. Upon that same letter I have liberated Mr. - Alden, with his sureties; but that I may not seem to neglect the - opinion of our court, I have bound Captain Standish to appear - on June 3rd at our next court, to make affidavit for the copy - of the patent and to testify to the circumstances of Hocking’s - provocations, both of which will tend to prove your innocence. If - any offence has been taken at what we have done, let it be better - considered, I pray you; and I hope the more you think of it, the - less blame you will impute to us. At least you ought to be just - in distinguishing between those whose opinions concur with your - own, and others—though I can truly say I have spoken with no one - on the subject, even those who blame you most, who had not always - heretofore declared their good-will towards your colony. Referring - you further to the report you have from Captain Standish and Mr. - Alden, I leave you for the present with God’s blessing, wishing - you perfect recovery of your health and long continuance of it. I - desire to be lovingly remembered to Mr. Prince—your Governor, Mr. - Winslow, and Mr. Brewster, whom I would see if I could. The Lord - keep you all. Amen. - - Your very loving friend in our Lord Jesus, - THOMAS DUDLEY. - _Newtown, May 22nd, 1634._ - - - Sir, - - I am deeply sorry for the news that Captain Standish and others of - your colony, and my beloved friends, are bringing with them to New - Plymouth, in which I suffer with you, because of the difference of - my opinion from that of others who are godly and wise amongst us - here, reverence for whose judgments causes me to suspect my own - ignorance. But I cannot alter it until I am convinced otherwise. - I did not intend to show your letter to me, but to do my best to - reconcile the differences as best I could; but Captain Standish - demanding an answer to it publicly in court, I was forced to - produce it, which made the breach the wider, as he will tell you. - I proposed to the court that they should answer the letter from - Mr. Prince, your Governor; but the court ruled that it required - no answer, since it was itself an answer to a former letter of - ours. Pray inform Mr. Prince of this, and others whom it concerns, - so that they may not impute neglect or ill manners to me on this - score. The recent letters I have received from England cause me - to fear[9] that some trials are likely to fall upon us shortly, - and this unhappy dispute between you and us, and between you - and Piscataqua, will hasten them, if God with an extraordinary - hand does not help us. To reconcile this for the present will be - very difficult; but time cools distempers, and a common danger - approaching us both will necessitate our uniting again. I pray you - therefore, Sir, set your wisdom and patience to work, and exhort - others to do the same, that things may not proceed from bad to - worse, making our divisions like the bars of a palace; but that - a way of peace may be kept open, where the God of peace may have - entrance at His own time. If you are wronged, it is to your honour - to bear it patiently; but I go too far in needlessly putting you - in mind of such things. God has done great things for you, and I - desire His blessings may be multiplied upon you more and more. - I will commit no more to writing, but commending myself to your - prayers, I rest - - Your truly loving friend in our Lord Jesus, - THOMAS DUDLEY. - _June 4th, 1634._ - -This shows what troubles arose, and how hard they were to allay; -for though they were heartily sorry for what had happened, they -considered they had been unjustly injured and provoked, and that -their neighbours, who had no jurisdiction over them, exceeded -their bounds thus to imprison a member of their settlement and -bring the question before their Court. But being assured of their -Christian love, and convinced that it was done out of godly zeal, -that religion might not suffer nor sin be in any way concealed or -countenanced,—especially the guilt of blood, of which all should be -very conscientious,—they endeavoured to appease them as best they -could, first by giving them the truth of it all; secondly by their -willingness to refer the case to any indifferent judgment here, and -to answer it elsewhere when they should be called upon to do so; -and further, by asking Mr. Winthrop and other respected magistrates -there, for their advice and direction. This mollified them and -brought things to a comfortable end at last. - -The advice given them by Mr. Winthrop and others was, that from -their court at New Plymouth they should write to the neighbouring -settlements, especially to that at Piscataqua and theirs in -Massachusetts, appointing a meeting at some suitable place, to -deliberate on the subject, full powers being delegated to those -attending the meeting from the various colonies, but nothing to be -done which should infringe the liberties of any of them. The law of -God being, that for conscience’ sake the priests should be consulted -with, it was thought desirable that the ministers of every colony -should be present to give their advice on points of conscience. -Though this suggestion seemed dangerous to some, they were so well -assured of the justice of their cause and the equity of their -friends, that they agreed to it, and appointed a time, of which -notice was given a month beforehand, viz.: to Massachusetts, Salem, -Piscataqua, and others, requesting them to produce any evidence they -could in the case. The place of meeting was Boston. But when the day -came, there only appeared some of the magistrates and ministers of -Massachusetts and of New Plymouth. As none had come from Piscataqua -or other places, Mr. Winthrop and the others said they could do no -more than they had done, and the blame must rest with them. So they -opened up a fair discussion of the subject, and after all evidence -had been fully sifted, the opinion of each of the magistrates and -ministers was demanded, with the result that though all wished the -trouble had never occurred, they could not but lay the blame and -guilt on Hocking’s own head. Whereupon such grave and godly counsels -and exhortations were given as they thought fitting, both for the -present and future, which were received with love and gratitude, with -promises to endeavour to profit by them. And so it ended, and their -love and concord renewed. Further, Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Dudley wrote -very effectually on their behalf to Lord Say and others interested, -which with their own letters, and Mr. Winslow’s further declarations -when in England, satisfied them fully. - -They sent Mr. Winslow to England this year, partly for this object, -and partly to notify the partners in England that the period of their -contract for the company’s trade here having expired, they instructed -him to close the accounts with them, and to find out how much they -still remained debtors to the account, and what further course would -be best to pursue. The outcome of it all will appear in next year’s -narrative. They sent over with him a substantial cargo which was very -acceptable to them: in beaver 3738 lbs. mostly coat beaver which -sold at twenty shillings per lb.; and 234 otter skins at fourteen -shillings per skin. So altogether it arose to a large sum of money. - -Early this year they sent a boat to trade with the Dutch colony, -where they met with a Captain Stone who had lived in Christophers, -one of the West Indian Islands, and had now been some time in -Virginia, and had come up from there. He kept company with the Dutch -Governor, and in some drunken fit got his leave to seize their boat, -just as they were ready to leave and had finished trading, having -£500 worth of goods aboard. There was not the least provocation or -ground for such an act, but having made the Governor so drunk that -he could scarcely utter an intelligible word, he urged him to do it, -and got the answer “as you please.” So he got aboard, most of their -men being ashore, and with some of his own men made the rest weigh -anchor, set sail, and carry her away towards Virginia. But several -of the Dutch sailors ashore, who had often been at New Plymouth and -kindly entertained there, said to each other: “Shall we allow our -friends to be wronged in this way, and have their goods carried away -before our faces whilst our Governor is drunk?” They vowed they would -not permit it, and got a vessel or two, and chased him and brought -him back again, and delivered them their boat and goods. - -Afterwards Stone came to Massachusetts, and they commenced an -action against him for it; but by the mediation of friends it was -allowed to lapse. Later, Stone came with some other gentlemen to New -Plymouth, and was friendly entertained by them with the rest; but -revenge boiled in his breast, and some thought that on one occasion -he intended to stab the Governor, and put his hand to his dagger for -that purpose; but by God’s providence and the vigilance of those -at hand, it was prevented. Afterwards, returning to Virginia in a -pinnace with a Captain Norton and some others, for some unknown -reason they must needs go up the Connecticut River. What they did, I -know not; but the Indians came aboard and knocked Stone on the head -as he lay in his cabin; this was his end. They also killed all the -others, but Captain Norton defended himself for a long time against -them all in the cook-room, till, by accident, the gun-powder which -he had put ready in some open vessel before him, took fire and it so -burnt and blinded him that he could no longer make resistance, and -was killed by them, though they much commended his valour. - -I must now relate a strange occurrence. There was a tribe of Indians -living on the upper parts of the Connecticut River, a long way from -the colony’s trading-house there, who were enemies of the Indians -that lived in the neighbourhood, who stood in some fear of them, for -they were a warlike tribe. About a thousand of them had enclosed -themselves in a fort, which they had strongly palisaded. Three or -four Dutchmen went up in the beginning of winter to live with them, -to get their trade and prevent them from bringing it down to the -English, or from getting friendly with them. But their enterprise -failed, for it pleased God to afflict these Indians with such a -deadly sickness, that out of 1,000, over 950 of them died, and many -of them lay rotting above ground for want of burial, and the Dutchmen -almost starved before they could get away, kept there by the ice -and snow. But about February, with much difficulty they reached the -trading-house of the New Plymouth people, by whom they were kindly -treated, for they were almost exhausted with hunger and cold. After -being refreshed by them for several days, they got to their own -place, and the Dutch were very grateful for this kindness. - -This spring, too, the Indians who lived around their trading-house -fell sick of small pox, and died most miserably. A more terrible -disease cannot attack them; they fear it worse than the plague, for -usually it spreads amongst them broadcast. For want of bedding and -linen and other comforts, they fall into a lamentable condition. As -they lie on their hard mats, the pox breaks and matters and runs, -their skin sticking to the mats they lie on, so that when they turn -a whole side will flay off at once, and they will be all one gore -of blood, dreadful to behold; and then, what with cold and other -hardships, they die like rotten sheep. The condition of these natives -was indeed lamentable. They were swept so generally by the disease -that in the end they were unable to help one another, or to make a -fire or fetch a little water to drink, or to bury their dead. They -would keep up as long as they could, and when there was no other -means to make a fire, they would burn the wooden dishes they ate -their food in, and their very bows and arrows. Some would crawl out -on all fours to get a little water, and sometimes die by the way, -not being able to get home again. But the people of the English -trading-house, though they were at first afraid of the infection, -seeing their woful condition and hearing their pitiful cries, had -compassion on them, and daily fetched them wood and water and made -them fires, and got them food whilst they lived, and buried them when -they died. Very few of the Indians escaped, notwithstanding that they -did what they could for them at great risk to themselves. The chief -Sachem himself died, and almost all his friends and relatives; but by -the marvellous goodness and providence of God not one of the English -was so much as ill, or in the least degree tainted with the disease, -though they did these services for them daily for many weeks. The -mercy they showed them in this way was greatly appreciated by all -the Indians who knew or heard of it, and earned their gratitude; and -their masters at New Plymouth highly commended and rewarded them for -it. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI - -Edward Winslow in England—Petition to the Commissioners for -the Colonies in America—Winslow imprisoned—The London partners -withhold the accounts of the partnership—The French capture the -trading-house at Penobscot—Attack on the French fails—Phenomenal -Hurricane—Settlement of people from Massachusetts on the Connecticut -River—Mr. Norton minister at New Plymouth: 1635. - - -Mr. Winslow was welcomed by them in England, the more so owing to -the large consignment of fur he brought with him, which came safely -to hand and was well sold. He was given to understand that all the -accounts would be cleared up before his return, and all former -differences settled, and that the account of the White Angel would -not be charged to them. Being called upon to answer some complaints -made against the country at the Council, more particularly concerning -their neighbours at the Bay than themselves, which he did to good -effect, at the same time furthering the interests of the colonies -as a whole, as regards the encroachments of the French and other -strangers, with a view to preventing them for the future, he took -the opportunity of presenting this petition to their Honours, the -Commissioners for the Colonies. - - _To the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners for the Colonies - in America_: - - The humble petition of Edward Winslow on behalf of the Colonies in - New England: - - Humbly shows your Lordships, that whereas your petitioners - have settled in New England under his majesty’s most gracious - protection, now the French and Dutch endeavour to divide the - land between them; for which purpose the French on the east side - entered and seized upon some of our houses and carried away the - goods, killed two men in another place, and took the rest prisoners - with their goods; and the Dutch on the west also made entry along - the Connecticut river, within the limits of his Majesty’s letters - patent, where they have raised a fort and threaten to expel your - petitioners who are also established on the same river, maintaining - possession for his Majesty to their great expense, and the risk of - both their lives and goods. - - In tender consideration whereof your petitioners humbly pray that - your Lordships will either procure their peace with those foreign - states, or else give special warrant to your petitioners and the - English Colonies, to defend themselves against all foreign enemies. - And your petitioners shall pray, etc. - -This petition was well received by most of them, and Mr. Winslow was -heard several times by them, and appointed to attend for an answer -from their Lordships, having shown how this might be done without -any expense or trouble to the state, simply giving the leading men -there authority to undertake it at their own cost and in such a -way as would avoid public disturbance. But this interfered with -both Sir Ferdinand Gorges’ and Captain Mason’s plans, with whom the -Archbishop of Canterbury was in league; for Sir Ferdinand Gorges, by -the Archbishop’s favour, was to have been sent over to the country -as Governor-General, and was about to conclude this project. The -Archbishop’s intention was to send over officials with him, furnished -with episcopal power, to disturb the peace of the churches here, -overthrow their proceedings, and stop their further growth. But it -fell out by God’s providence, that though in the end they prevented -this petition from taking any further effect, his plot with Sir -Ferdinand came to nothing. - -So when Mr. Winslow went before the Board to have his petition -granted, he found that the Archbishop had checked it. However, hoping -to obtain it nevertheless, he went to the Board again; but he found -that the Archbishop, Sir Ferdinand, and Captain Mason had procured -Morton, the man referred to previously, to present complaints. Mr. -Winslow answered them to the satisfaction of the Board, who checked -Morton and rebuked him sharply, and also blamed Sir Ferdinand Gorges -and Mason for countenancing him. But the Archbishop had a further -object, and began to cross-question Mr. Winslow about many things. He -accused him of preaching in the church publicly,—with which Morton -had charged him, affirming that he had seen and heard him do it; to -which Mr. Winslow answered that sometimes, for want of a minister, -he had endeavoured to assist in the edification of his brethren. -The Archbishop then questioned him about marriage; to which he -replied that as a magistrate he had occasionally married some of the -people, pointing out to their Lordships that marriage was a civil -institution, and that he nowhere found in the word of God that it -belonged to the ministry, and furthermore for a long time they had no -minister; besides, it was now no new idea, for he himself had been -married in Holland by the magistrates in their Stadt-house. To be -short, in the end the Archbishop, by his vehement importunity, got -the Board at last to consent to his commitment; so he was imprisoned -in the Fleet, and lay there about seventeen weeks before he could -get released. This was the end of the petition; but the scheme of -the others was frustrated too, which was no small blessing to the -people over here. The expense to this colony was heavy, though it was -undertaken as much, or more, in the interests of others. Indeed, Mr. -Winslow was chiefly urged to the business by them, and the colony -knew nothing of it till they heard of his imprisonment, though it had -to bear the whole expense. - -As to their own business, whatever Mr. Sherley’s intention was -before, he now declared plainly that he would neither take the White -Angel from the general account, nor present any further account till -he had received more goods; that though a fair supply had been sent -over this time, they were mostly without notes of the prices, and -not as properly invoiced as formerly. This Mr. Winslow said he could -not help, because of his imprisonment. However, Mr. Sherley, Mr. -Beauchamp, and Mr. Andrews sent over a letter of attorney under their -hands and seals to recover what they could from Mr. Allerton on the -White Angel’s account, but they sent neither the bonds nor contracts, -nor such other evidence as they had, to enable those at New Plymouth -to act upon it. I will here insert a few passages from Mr. Sherley’s -letters about these things. - - _James Sherley in London to the Colony at New Plymouth_: - - I have received your letter of July 22nd, 1634, through our trusty - and loving friend, Mr. Winslow, and your large parcel of beaver and - otter skins. Blessed be our God, both he and it arrived safely. - We have sold it in two parcels; the skins at fourteen shillings - per lb., and some at sixteen; the coat at twenty shillings per - lb. I have not sent the accounts over this year; I refer you to - Mr. Winslow for the reason; but be assured that none of you shall - suffer through not having them, if God spare me life. You say - the six years have expired during which the people put the trade - of the colony into your and our hands, for the discharge of the - heavy debts which Mr. Allerton needlessly and unadvisedly ran - us into; but it was promised that it should continue till our - disbursements and engagements were met. You think this has been - done already; we know otherwise.... I doubt not we shall lovingly - agree, notwithstanding all that has been written on both sides - about the White Angel. We have now sent you a letter of attorney, - giving you power in our names (and to shadow it the more we say - for our uses) to obtain what is possible from Mr. Allerton towards - meeting the great expense of the White Angel. He certainly gave a - bond, though at present I cannot find it; but he has often affirmed - with great protestations that neither you nor we should lose a - penny by him, and I hope you will find he has enough to meet it, so - that we shall have no more trouble about it. Notwithstanding his - unkind treatment of you, in the midst of justice remember mercy, - and do not all you might do.... Let us get out of debt, and then - let us survey the matter reasonably.... Mr. Winslow has undergone - an unjust imprisonment but I am convinced it will result to your - general advantage. I leave it to him to tell all particulars.... - - Your loving friend, - JAMES SHERLEY. - _London, Sept. 7th, 1635._ - -This year they sustained another great loss from the French. Monsieur -d’Aulney, coming into the harbour of Penobscot, having invited -several of the chief men belonging to the house aboard his vessel, -got them to pilot him in; and after getting the rest into his power, -he took possession of the house in the name of the King of France. -By threats and otherwise he made Mr. Willett, their agent there, -approve of the sale of the goods to him, of which he fixed the prices -himself, making an inventory, though with many omissions. But he -made no payment for them, saying that in due course he would do so -if they came for it. As for the house and fortifications, he would -not allow anything for them, claiming that it was not built on their -own land. So, turning them out, with many compliments and fine words, -he let them have their shallop and some provisions to bring them -home. When they got home and related the occurrence they were much -disturbed about it, for the French had robbed this house once before, -at a loss to them of above £500, and now to lose house and all vexed -them greatly. So they decided to consult with their friends at the -Bay, who now had many ships there, and if they approved of it, they -intended to hire a fighting ship and try to beat out the French and -regain their property. Their plan was approved of, if they themselves -would bear the expense. So they hired a fine ship of over 300 tons, -well fitted with ordnance, and agreed with the captain, one Girling, -that he and his crew should deliver them the house after they had -overcome the French and give them peaceable possession of it, with -all such trading commodities as should be found there, giving the -French fair quarter if they would yield. In consideration of which -services he was to have 700 lbs. of beaver, to be delivered to him -there when he had completed his bargain; but if he did not accomplish -it, he was to lose his labour and have nothing. With him they sent -their own bark, and about twenty men under Captain Standish, to -help him if necessary, and to put things in order if the house were -regained; and then to pay Girling the beaver, which was aboard their -own bark. So they piloted him there, and brought him safely into the -harbour. But he was so rash and heady he would take no advice, nor -give Captain Standish time to summon them to surrender, as his orders -were. If he had done so, and they had parleyed, seeing their force, -the French would probably have yielded. He did not even have patience -to place his ship where she could do execution, but began to shoot at -a distance like a madman, and did them no harm at all. At last, when -he saw his own folly, he was advised by Captain Standish and brought -her well up, and placed a few shots to some purpose. But now, when -he was in a position to do some good, his powder was used up, so he -was obliged to draw off again. He consulted with the Captain how he -could get further supplies of gun-powder, for he had not enough to -carry him home; so he told him he would go to the next settlement -and endeavour to procure him some, and did so. But Captain Standish -gathered, from intelligence he received that he intended to seize the -bark and take the beaver, so he sent him the powder and brought the -bark home. Girling never attacked the place again, and went on his -way; which ended the business. - -Upon the ill success of their plans, the Governor and his assistants -here notified their friends at the Bay, and pointed out that the -French were now likely to fortify themselves more strongly, and -become undesirable neighbours to the English. In reply they wrote to -them as follows. - - _From the Colony of Massachusetts to that of New Plymouth_: - - Worthy Sirs, - - After reading your letters and considering the importance of their - contents, the court has jointly expressed their willingness to - assist you with men and ammunition, to accomplish your ends with - the French. But as none of you here have authority to conclude - anything with us, nothing can be done for the present. We desire - you, therefore, with all convenient speed to send some one of - trust, with instructions from yourselves to make such an agreement - with us as may be useful to you and fair to us. So in haste we - commit you to God, and remain, - - Your assured loving friends, - - JOHN HAYNES, Governor - RICHARD BELLINGHAM, Deputy Governor - JOHN WINTHROP - THOMAS DUDLEY - JOHN HUMPHREY - WILLIAM CODDINGTON - WILLIAM PINCHON - ATHERTON HOUGH - INCREASE NOWELL - RICHARD DUMER - SIMON BRADSTREET - - _Newtown, Oct. 9th, 1635_. - -Upon receipt of this they at once deputed two of their people to -treat with them, giving them full power to conclude an agreement -according to the instructions they gave them, which were to this -purpose: that if the Massachusetts Colony would afford such -assistance as, together with their own, was likely to effect the -desired end, and also bear a considerable part of the expense, they -would go on; if not, having lost so much already, they must desist -and wait such further opportunity to help themselves as God should -give. But the conference resulted in nothing, for when it came to -an issue the others would go to no expense. They sent the following -letter, and referred them to their messengers. - - _Richard Bellingham, Deputy Governor of Massachusetts, to the - Governor of New Plymouth_: - - Sir, - - Having seriously considered the great importance of your business - with the French, we gave our answer to those whom you deputed - to confer with us about the voyage to Penobscot. We showed - our willingness to help, by procuring you sufficient men and - ammunition. But as for money, we have no authority at all to - promise, and should we do so it might be only to disappoint you. We - also think it would be proper to seek the help of the other Eastern - colonies; but that we leave to your own discretion. For the rest - we refer you to your deputies, who can report further details. We - salute you, and wish you all success in the Lord. - - Your faithful and loving friend, - RICHARD BELLINGHAM, Deputy, - In the name of the rest of the Committee. - _Boston, Oct. 16th, 1635._ - -Not only was this the end of their suggested co-operation, but some -of the merchants of Massachusetts shortly after started trading with -the French, and furnished them both with provisions and ammunition, -and have continued to do so to this day. So it is the English -themselves who have been the chief supporters of the French; and -the colony at Pemaquid, which is near them, not only supplies them, -but constantly gives them intelligence of what is passing among the -English—especially among some of them. So it is no wonder that they -still encroach more and more upon the English, and supply the Indians -with guns and ammunition to the great danger of the English settlers, -whose homes are scattered and unfortified. For the English are mainly -occupied with farming, but the French are well fortified and live -upon trade. If these things are not looked to and remedied in time, -it may easily be conjectured what will result. - -This year, on the 14th or 15th of August, a Saturday, there was such -a fearful storm of wind and rain as none living hereabouts either -English or Indians, ever saw. It was like those hurricanes and -typhoons that writers mention in the Indies. It began in the morning, -a little before day, and did not come on by degrees, but with amazing -violence at the start. It blew down several houses and unroofed -others; many vessels were lost at sea, and many more were in extreme -danger. To the southward the sea rose twenty feet, and many of the -Indians had to climb trees for safety. It took off the boarded roof -of a house which belonged to the settlement at Manomet and floated it -to another place, leaving the posts standing in the ground; and if it -had continued much longer without the wind shifting it would probably -have flooded some of the inhabited parts of the country. It blew -down many hundred thousands of trees, tearing up the stronger by the -roots, and breaking the higher pine-trees off in the middle; and tall -young oaks and walnut trees of a good size were bent like withes,—a -strange and fearful sight. It began in the southeast, and veered -different ways. It lasted, though not at its worst, for five or six -hours. The marks of it will remain this 100 years in these parts, -where it was most violent. There was a great eclipse of the moon the -second night after. - -Some of their neighbours at the Bay, hearing of the fame of the -Connecticut River had a hankering after it, as mentioned before. -Understanding that the Indians had been swept away by the recent -mortality, fear of whom was the chief obstacle to them before, they -now began to explore it with great eagerness. The New Plymouth -people there had most trouble with the Dorchester settlers about -it; for they set their minds on the place which the New Plymouth -colony had not only purchased from the Indians, but where they had -actually built, and the Dorchester people seemed determined if they -could not remove them altogether, at any rate to leave them only an -insignificant plot of land round the house, sufficient for a single -family. This attempt not only to intrude themselves into the rights -and possessions of others, but in effect to oust them, was thought to -be most unjustifiable. Many were the letters that passed between them -about it. - -I will first insert a few lines written from their own agent from -there. - - _Jonathan Brewster at Matianuck to the Governor of New Plymouth_: - - Sir, - - The Massachusetts men are coming almost daily, some by water - and some by land, as yet undecided where to settle, though some - evidently have a great liking for the place we are in, which was - bought last. Many of them are looking for what this river will - not afford, except at the place where we are, namely, a site for - a great town, with commodious dwellings for many, not far apart. - What they will do I cannot yet inform you. I shall do what I can - to withstand them. I hope they will hear reason; that we were here - first and entered the district with much difficulty and danger, - both in regard to the Dutch and the Indians, and bought the land at - great expense, and have since held possession at no small trouble, - and kept the Dutch from encroaching further, though but for us - they would have possessed it all and kept out all others.... I - hope these and similar arguments will stop them. It was your will - that we should use them and their messengers kindly, and so we - have done, and do daily, to our great expense. The first party of - them would have almost starved had it not been for this house, - and I was forced to supply twelve men for nine days. Those who - came last I entertained as best we could, helping them with canoes - and guides. They got me to go with them to the Dutch, to see if I - could arrange that some of them should have quiet settling near - them; but they peremptorily refused them. I also gave their goods - house-room according to their earnest request, and Mr. Pinchon’s - letter on their behalf, which I thought well to send you, enclosed. - What trouble and cost will be further incurred I know not, for they - are coming daily, and I expect those back again from below, where - they have gone to view the country. All this should surely, in the - judgment of all wise and understanding men, give us just claim to - hold and keep our own. - - Thus with my duty remembered, I rest, - Yours to be commanded, - JONATHAN BREWSTER. - _Matianuck, July 6th, 1635._ - -After a thorough view of the place, they began to pitch upon the land -near the house belonging to the New Plymouth people, which occasioned -much expostulation between them and much agitating correspondence. - -But lest I should be tedious, I will forbear the details and come to -the conclusion. To make any forcible resistance was far from their -minds,—they had enough of that at Kennebec,—and to live in continual -contention with their friends would be uncomfortable. So for peace’ -sake, though they considered they suffered injury, they thought it -better to let them have it, getting as good terms as possible; so -they fell to treaty. First, since there had been such long disputes -about it, they insisted they must first acknowledge that they had -no right to it, or else they would not treat with them about it -at all. This being granted the conclusion reached was as follows: -that the people of New Plymouth should retain their house and have -the 16th part of all that they bought from the Indians; and the -others should have all the rest of the land, leaving such a portion -for the settlers of Newtown as the New Plymouth colony reserved -for them. This 16th part was to be taken in two places,—one in the -neighbourhood of the house, the other near the Newtown settlement. -Further, they were to pay to the New Plymouth colony the proper -proportion of what had been disbursed to the Indians when purchased. -In this way the controversy was ended; but the injustice was not so -soon forgotten. The Newtown people dealt more fairly, only wishing to -have what could be conveniently spared. - -Amongst the other business that Mr. Winslow had to do in England, he -had orders from the church to bring over some able and fit person -as their minister. Accordingly he had procured a godly and worthy -man, a Mr. Glover; but it pleased God that when he was ready for -the voyage, he fell sick of fever and died. Afterwards, when Mr. -Winslow was ready to sail, he became acquainted with a Mr. Norton, -who was willing to come over, but would not engage himself to settle -permanently at New Plymouth, until he had an opportunity of judging -of it; so he arranged that if, later, he preferred to be elsewhere, -he would repay the money expended for him, which came to about £70, -and be at liberty to move. He stayed about a year with them, and was -much liked by them; but he was invited to Ipswich, where there were -many rich and able men, and several of his acquaintances, so he went -to them and is their minister. About half the expense was repaid, the -rest he was allowed to keep for his services amongst them. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII - -Consignments of Fur to England—The plague in London—Disorganization -of the accounts—Dispute between the London partners—The Pequot -Indians get unruly—Oldham killed—John Rayner minister: 1636. - - -Mr. Edward Winslow was elected Governor this year. - -The previous year, seeing from Mr. Winslow’s later letters that no -accounts would be sent, they had resolved to keep the beaver and send -no more till they had them, or some further agreement had been come -to. At least they decided to wait till Mr. Winslow came back, and -they could arrive at what was best. When he came, though he brought -no accounts, he persuaded them to send the beaver, and was confident -that upon receipt of it and his letters they would have the accounts -next year; and though they thought his ground for hope was weak, -they yielded to his importunity, and sent it by a ship at the latter -end of the year, which took 1150 lbs. of beaver and 200 otter skins, -besides many small furs, such as 55 mink, two black fox skins, etc. - -This year, in the Spring, came a Dutchman, who had intended to trade -at the Dutch fort, but they would not permit him. So, having a large -stock of trading goods, he came here and offered them for sale. They -bought a good quantity that were very suitable, such as Dutch roll, -kettles, etc., amounting to the value of £500, for payment of which -they gave bills on Mr. Sherley in England, having already sent the -parcel of beaver mentioned above. By another ship this year they -again sent a further considerable quantity, which would reach him and -be sold before any of these bills came due. The quantity of beaver -then sent was 1809 lbs., and 10 otter skins; and shortly after, the -same year, then sent by another ship, of which one Langrume was -captain, 719 lbs. of beaver, and 199 otter skins, concerning which -Mr. Sherley writes as follows. - - - _James Sherley in London to the New Plymouth Colony_: - - I have received your letters with eight hogshead of beaver, by - Edward Wilkinson, captain of the Falcon. Blessed be God for - its safe arrival. I have also seen and accepted three bills of - exchange.... But I must acquaint you that the Lord’s hand is heavy - upon this kingdom in many parts, but chiefly in this city, with - His judgment of the plague. Last week’s bill was 1200 deaths, and - I fear this will be more, and it is much feared that it will be a - winter sickness. It is incredible the number of people who have - gone into the country in consequence—many more than went out during - the last plague. So there is no trading here; carriers from most - places are forbidden to enter; and money, though long due, cannot - be obtained. Mr. Hall owes us more than would pay these bills, but - he, his wife, and all, are in the country, 60 miles from London. I - wrote to him, he came up, but could not pay us. I am sure that if I - were to offer to sell the beaver at eight shillings per lb. I could - not get the money. But when the Lord shall please to cease His - hand, I hope we shall have better and quicker markets; so it shall - lie by in the meantime. Before I accepted the bills, I acquainted - Mr. Beauchamp and Mr. Andrews about them, that no money could be - got, and that it would be a great discredit to you to refuse the - bills,—none having ever been dishonoured,—and a shame to us, with - 1800 lbs. of beaver lying by, and more already owing than the bills - came to, etc. But it was useless; neither of them would lift a - finger to help. I offered to put up my third part, but they said - they neither could nor would, etc. However, your bills shall be - met; but I did not think they would have deserted either you or me - at this time.... You will expect me to write more fully and answer - your letters, but I am not a day each week at home in town. I take - my books and all to Clapham; for here it is the most miserable time - that I think has been known in many ages. I have known three great - plagues, but none like this. And that which should be a means to - pacify the Lord, and help us, is denied us, for preaching is put - down in many places,—not a sermon in Westminster on the Sabbath, - nor in many towns about us; the Lord in mercy look upon us. Early - in the year there was a great drought, and no rain for many weeks, - so that everything was burnt up,—hay at £5 a load; and now there is - nothing but rain, so that much summer corn and late hay is spoilt. - Thus the Lord sends judgment after judgment, and yet we cannot - see, or humble ourselves, and therefore may justly fear heavier - judgments, unless we speedily repent and turn unto Him, which the - Lord give us grace to do if it be His blessed will. Thus desiring - you to remember us in your prayers, I ever rest - - Your loving friend, - JAMES SHERLEY. - _Sept. 14th, 1636._ - -This was all the answer they had from Mr. Sherley, which made Mr. -Winslow’s hopes fail him. So they decided to send no more beaver -till they came to some settlement. But now there came letters from -Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beauchamp, full of complaints, surprised that -nothing had been sent over to meet the amounts due them, and that -it appeared by the account sent in 1631 that they were each of them -out about £1100 apiece, and all this time they had not received one -penny towards it; and now Mr. Sherley was trying to get more money -from them, and was offended because they refused him. They blamed -them here very much that all was sent to Mr. Sherley and nothing to -them. The partners here wondered at this, for they supposed that much -of their money had been paid in, and that each of them had received -a proportionate quantity yearly, out of the large returns sent home. -They had sent home since the account was received in 1631,—which -included all and more than all their debts, with that year’s -supplies,—goods to the following amount: - - Nov. 18th, 1631. By Mr. Pierce 400 lbs. of beaver; otter 20 skins - July 13th, 1632. “ “ Griffin 1348 “ “ “ 147 “ - 1633. “ “ Graves 3366 “ “ “ 346 “ - 1634. “ “ Andrews 3738 “ “ “ 234 “ - 1635. “ “ Babb 1150 “ “ “ 200 “ - June 24th, 1636. “ “ Wilkinson 1809 “ “ “ 10 “ - 1636. “ “ Langrume 719 “ “ “ 199 “ - ----- ---- - 12530 “ “ “ 1156 “ - -All these quantities were safely received and well sold, as appeared -by letters. The coat beaver usually sold at twenty shillings per -lb., and sometimes at twenty-four shillings; otter skins at fifteen -shillings, and sometimes sixteen shillings each,—I do not remember -any under fourteen shillings. It may be that the last year’s shipment -fetched less; but there were some small furs not reckoned in this -account, and some black beaver at high rates, to make up any such -deficit. It was calculated that the above parcels of beaver came to -little less than £10,000 sterling, and the otter skins would pay all -the expenses, and, with other furs, make up besides whatever might -be short of the former sum. When the former account was passed, all -their debts, those of the White Angel and Friendship included, came -to but £4770. They estimated that all the supplies sent them since, -and bills paid for them, could not exceed £2000; so that their debts -should have been paid with interest. - -It may be objected; how came it that they did not know the exact -amount of their receipts, as they did of their returns, but had -to estimate them? Two things were the cause of it; the first and -principal was, that the new accountant, who was pressed upon them -from England, wholly failed them, and could never render them any -accounts. He trusted to his memory and loose papers, and let things -run into such confusion, that neither he nor anyone else could -bring things to rights. Whenever he was called upon to perfect his -accounts, he desired to have so long, or such a time of leisure, -and he would finish them. In the interim he fell very ill, and in -conclusion he could make no account at all. His books, after a brief -good beginning, were left altogether imperfect, and of his papers, -some were lost and others so confused that he knew not what to make -of them himself when they came to be examined. This was not unknown -to Mr. Sherley; and the colony came to smart for it to some purpose, -both in England and here, though it was not their fault. They reckon -they have lost in consequence some hundred of pounds for goods sold -on credit, which were ultimately a dead loss for want of clear -accounts to call for payment. Another reason of the mischief was, -that after Mr. Winslow was sent into England to demand accounts and -to take exception to the White Angel, no prices were sent with their -goods, and no proper invoice of them; everything was confused, and -they were obliged to guess at the prices. - -They wrote back to Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beauchamp, and told them they -wondered they could say that they had sent nothing home since the -last accounts; they had sent a great deal, and it might rather be -wondered how they could send so much, beside all the expenses here -and what the French had captured, and what had been lost at sea when -Mr. Pierce’s ship was wrecked off the coast of Virginia. What they -had sent was sent to them all, to them as well as Mr. Sherley, and -if they had not looked after it, it was their own faults; they must -refer them to Mr. Sherley who had received it from whom they should -demand it. They also wrote to Mr. Sherley to the same purpose, and -what the others’ complaints were. - -This year, two shallops going to Connecticut with goods from -Massachusetts, belonging to those who had gone there to settle, were -wrecked in an easterly storm, coming into the harbour at night. The -boatmen were drowned, and the goods were driven all along the shore, -and strewn up and down at high-water mark. But the Governor had them -collected and an inventory made of them, and they were washed and -dried. So most of the goods were saved and restored to the owners. -Afterwards another boat from the same place, and bound for the same -destination, was wrecked at Manoanscusett, and the goods that came -ashore were preserved for them. Such misfortunes the Connecticut -settlers from Massachusetts met with in their beginnings, and some -thought them a correction from God for their intrusion there, to the -injury of others. But I dare not be so bold with God’s judgments as -to say that it was so. - -In the year 1634, the Pequots, a warlike tribe that had conquered -many of its neighbours and was puffed up with numerous victories, -were at variance with the Narragansetts, a great neighboring tribe. -These Narragansetts held correspondence and were on terms of -friendship with the English of Massachusetts. The Pequots, being -conscious of the guilt of the death of Captain Stone, whom they knew -to be an Englishman, and of those who were with him, and having -fallen out with the Dutch, lest they should have too many enemies at -once, wished to make friends with the English of Massachusetts, and -sent messengers and gifts to them, as is shown by some letters from -the Governor there, as follows. - - - _Governor Winthrop of Massachusetts to the New Plymouth Colony_: - - Dear and worthy Sir, - - To let you know something about our affairs. The Pequots have sent - to us desiring our friendship, and offering much wampum and beaver, - etc. The first messengers were dismissed without answer; with the - next we had several days’ conference, and taking the advice of some - of our ministers, and seeking the Lord in it, we concluded a peace - and friendship with them, on these conditions: that they should - deliver to us the men who were guilty of Stone’s death.... If we - desired to settle in Connecticut they should give up their right to - us, and we should trade with them as friends,—the chief thing aimed - at. To this they readily agreed; and begged that we should mediate - a peace between them and the Narragansetts, for which purpose they - were willing that we should give the Narragansetts part of the - present they would bestow on us,—for they stood so much on their - honour that they would not be seen to give anything of themselves. - As for Captain Stone, they told us there were but two left who had - a hand in his death and that they killed him in a just quarrel, for - he surprised two of their men, and bound them, and forced them to - show him the way up the river. He went ashore with two others, nine - Indians secretly watching him; and when they were asleep that night - they killed him and the others, to free their own men; and some of - them going afterwards to the pinnace, it was suddenly blown up. We - are now preparing to send a pinnace to them. - -In another of his he writes thus: - - Our pinnace has lately returned from the Pequots; they did little - trade, and found them a very false tribe, so they mean to have no - more to do with them. I have many other things to write you. - - Yours ever assured. - JOHN WINTHROP. - _Boston, 12th of the first month, 1634._ - -After these occurrences, and as I take it, this year, John Oldham, -so often mentioned before, now an inhabitant of Massachusetts, went -trading with a small vessel, weakly manned, into the south parts, and -upon a quarrel between him and the Indians was killed by them, as -was before noted, at an Island called by the Indians, Munisses, but -since by the English, Block Island. This, with the death of Stone, -and the trifling of the Pequots with the English of Massachusetts, -incited the latter to send out a party to take revenge and require -satisfaction for these wrongs; but it was done so superficially, and -without acquainting those of Connecticut and their other neighbours -with the project, that little good came of it. Indeed, to their -neighbours it did more harm than good, for some of the murderers -of Oldham fled to the Pequots, and though the English went to the -Pequots and had some parley with them, they only deluded them, and -the English returned without doing anything effective. After the -English had returned, the Pequots watched their opportunity to kill -some of the English as they passed in boats, or went out fowling; and -next spring even attacked them in their homes, as will appear. I only -touch upon these things, because I have no doubt they will be more -fully covered by those who have more exact knowledge of them, and -whom they more properly concern. - -This year Mr. Smith resigned his ministry, partly by his own wish, -thinking it too heavy a burden, and partly at the persuasion of -others. So the church looked out for some one else, having often -been disappointed in their hopes before. But it pleased the Lord to -send them an able and godly man, Mr. John Rayner, meek and humble in -spirit, sound in the truth, and every way unreprovable in his life -and conversation. After some time of trial they chose him as their -minister, the fruits of whose labours they enjoyed many years with -much comfort, in peace and good agreement. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII - -The war with the Pequot Indians—Co-operation between the Colonies—The -Narragansett Indians allies of the English—The Pequot Fort attacked -and taken—The Pequots routed and subdued—The Narragansett Indians -jealous of the Monhiggs under Uncas—James Sherley discharged from his -agency in London: 1637. - - -In the early part of this year the Pequots openly attacked the -English in Connecticut, along the lower parts of the river, and -killed many of them as they were at work in the fields, both men -and women, to the great terror of the rest; then they went off in -great pride and triumph, with many high threats. They also attacked -a fort at the river’s mouth, though strong and well defended; and -though they did not succeed there, it struck those within with fear -and astonishment to see their bold attempts in the face of danger. -This made them stand upon their guard everywhere, and prepare for -resistance, and they earnestly solicited their friends and neighbours -in Massachusetts to send them speedy aid, for they looked for more -forcible onslaughts. So Mr. Vane, who was then Governor, wrote from -their General Court to those here, asking them to join with them -in this war, which they were cordially willing to do, but took the -opportunity to write to them about some previous events, as well as -the present trouble, and pertinent to it. The succeeding Governor’s -answer I will here insert. - - - _Governor John Winthrop at Boston to the New Plymouth Colony_: - - Sir, - - The Lord having so disposed that your letters to our late Governor - have fallen to my lot to answer, I could wish I had more freedom - of time and thought so that I might do it more to your and my own - satisfaction. But what is wanting now can be supplied later. As for - the matters which you and your Council submit to our consideration, - we did not think it advisable to make them so public as by bringing - them to the cognizance of our General Court. But having been - considered by our Council, this answer we think fit to return to - you. - - 1. Whereas you signify your willingness to join us in this war - against the Pequots, though you cannot bind yourselves without the - consent of your General Court, we acknowledge your good feeling - towards us, which we never had cause to doubt, and await your full - resolution in due course. - - 2. Whereas you consider this war concerns us, and not you, except - incidentally, we partly agree with you; but we suppose that in case - of peril you will not act upon that consideration any more than we - should do in like case. We suppose you look upon the Pequots and - all other Indians as a common enemy, who though he may vent the - first outburst of his rage upon some one section of the English, - nevertheless, if he succeed, will thereupon pursue his advantage - to the undoing of the whole nation. Therefore, in soliciting your - help, we do so with respect to your own safety as well as ours. - - 3. Whereas you desire that we should bind ourselves to help you on - all similar occasions, we are convinced you cannot doubt it; but - as we now deal with you as an independent colony, recognizing that - we cannot involve you in this campaign against your consent, so - we desire the same freedom of decision if at any time you make a - similar call upon us; and whereas it is objected that we refused - to aid you against the French, we consider the cases are not quite - equivalent, though we cannot wholly excuse our failing you on that - occasion. - - 4. Whereas you object that we began the war without consulting - you, and have since managed it contrary to your advice; the truth - is that our first intentions being only against Block Island and - the enterprise seeming of small difficulty, we did not so much as - consider taking advice or looking for aid. When we had decided to - include the Pequots, we sent to you at once, or very shortly after, - and by the time your answer was received it seemed unadvisable for - us to change our plans. - - 5. As for our people trading at Kennebec, we assure you it has not - been with our permission; and what we have provided to meet such - cases at our last court, Mr. Winslow can inform you. - - 6. Whereas you object to our trading and corresponding with your - enemies the French, we answer you are misinformed. Except for some - letters which have passed between our late Governor and them, of - which we were cognizant, we have neither traded nor encouraged - our people to trade with them; and only one or two vessels taking - letters had permission from our Governor to go there.[10] - - Several other objections have been made to us privately by our - worthy friend, to which he has received some answer; but as most of - them concern particular discourtesies or injuries from individuals - here, we cannot say more than this: that if the offenders are - exposed in the right way, we shall be ready to do justice as the - cases require. In the meantime we desire you to rest assured, that - such things are done without our knowledge, and are not a little - grievous to us. - - Now as to joining us in this war, which only concerns us to the - same extent as it does yourselves, viz., the relief of our friends - and Christian brethren who are now first in danger. Though you may - think us able to carry it through without you,—and if the Lord - please to be with us, so we may,—nevertheless three things we offer - for your consideration, which we think will have some weight with - you. - - First, if we should sink under this burden, your opportunity of - seasonable help would be lost in three respects; you could then - only reinforce us or secure yourselves there at three times the - risk and expense of the present undertaking; the suffering we - should have borne, if through your neglect, would much reduce the - acceptableness of your help afterwards; those amongst you who are - now full of courage and zeal, would be dispirited and less able to - support so great a burden. - - Secondly, it is very important to hasten the conclusion of this - war before the end of this summer, otherwise the news of it will - discourage both your and our friends from coming over to us next - year, besides the further risk and loss it would expose us to, as - yourselves may judge. - - Thirdly, if the Lord please to bless our endeavours, so that we - end the war, or succeed in it without you, it may breed such ill - thoughts in our people towards yours, that it will be thereafter - difficult to entertain such opinion of your good-will towards us as - is fitting in neighbours and brethren. What ill consequences might - result on both sides, wise men may well fear, and would rather - prevent than hope to redress. With hearty salutations to yourself - and all your council and our other good friends with you I rest, - - Yours most assured in the Lord, - JOHN WINTHROP. - _Boston, the 20th of the third month, 1637._ - -In the meantime the Pequots, especially the winter before, had sought -to make peace with the Narragansetts, and used very pernicious -arguments to persuade them: the English were strangers, and were -beginning to overspread their country, and would deprive them of it -in time if they were allowed thus to increase; if the Narragansetts -were to assist the English to subdue them, the Pequots, they would -only make way for their own overthrow, for then the English would -soon subjugate them; but if they would listen to their advice, they -need not fear the strength of the English, for they would not make -open war upon them, but fire their houses, kill their cattle, and -lie in ambush for them as they went about the country—all of which -they could do with but little danger to themselves. By these means -they easily saw the English could not long hold out, but would either -be starved or forced to leave the country. They urged these and -similar arguments so strongly, that the Narragansetts were wavering, -and half-minded to make peace with them and join them against the -English. But when they reconsidered what wrongs they had suffered -from the Pequots, and what an opportunity they now had, with the help -of the English, to repay them, revenge was so sweet to them that it -prevailed over everything else. So they resolved to join the English -against them; and they did so. - -The court here agreed to send fifty men at their own expense, and -with all possible speed got them armed, with sufficient leaders, and -a bark to carry their provisions and supply all their needs. But when -they were ready to march, with a contingent from the Bay, they had -word that the enemy were as good as vanquished, and there would be no -need of them. - -I shall not take upon myself to describe in detail what had occurred, -because I expect it will be done fully by those who best know -the circumstances; I will only touch upon them in general. From -Connecticut, where they were most alive to the present danger and -all that it threatened, they raised a party of men, and another -party met them from the Bay at a place where the Narragansetts were -to join them. The Narragansetts were anxious to be gone, before the -English were well rested and refreshed, especially some of them that -had arrived last, for they wanted to come upon the enemy suddenly -and undiscovered. A bark belonging to New Plymouth had just put in -there, having come from Connecticut, and urged them to profit by the -Indians’ keenness, and to show themselves as eager as they were, -for it would encourage them, and promptness would result to their -great advantage. So they proceeded at once, and arranged their march -so that they reached the fort of the enemy, in which most of their -chief men were, before day. They approached it in utter silence, -and both the English and Indians surrounded it, so that they should -not escape. They then made the attack with great courage, speedily -forcing an entrance to the fort, and shooting amongst them. Those -that entered first met with fierce resistance, the enemy shooting -and grappling with them. Others of the attacking party ran to their -houses and set them on fire, the mats catching quickly, and, all -standing close together, the wind soon fanned them into a blaze,—in -fact more were burnt to death than killed otherwise. It burnt their -bowstrings and made their weapons useless, and those that escaped the -fire were slain by the sword,—some hewn to pieces, others run through -with their rapiers, so that they were quickly dispatched and very few -escaped. It is believed that there were about 400 killed. It was a -fearful sight to see them frying in the fire, with streams of blood -quenching it; the smell was horrible, but the victory seemed a sweet -sacrifice, and they gave praise to God Who had wrought so wonderfully -for them, thus to enclose their enemy, and give them so speedy a -victory over such a proud and insulting foe. The Narragansett Indians -all this while stood round, but kept aloof from danger, and left the -whole execution to the English, except to stop any who broke away; -but they mocked their enemies in their defeat and misery, calling -out to them when they saw them dancing in the flames a word which in -the language of the vanquished Indians signified, O brave Pequots! -and which was used by them in their prayers, and in their songs of -triumph after victory. - -After this attack had been thus fortunately concluded they marched to -the waterside, where they met with some of their vessels, by which -they were refreshed with food and other necessaries. But during their -march the remnant of the Pequots, who had escaped, collected in a -body, intending to take advantage of them at a neck of land they -had to cross; but when they saw the English prepared for them, they -kept aloof, so they neither did any harm nor received any. After -refreshing themselves and taking further counsel, they resolved to -follow up their victory and make war upon the rest; but most of the -Narragansett Indians forsook them, and those that they kept with them -for guides they found very unwilling, either from envy, or because -they saw the English would profit more by the victory than they were -willing they should, or perhaps deprive them of the advantage of -having the Pequots become tributary to them. - -For the rest of these events, and the further campaign against the -Pequots, I will relate them as given in a letter from Mr. Winthrop to -the Governor here. - - _Governor John Winthrop at Boston to the Governor of New Plymouth_: - - Worthy Sir, - - I received your loving letter, and am anxious to express my - affection for you, but lack of time forbids. My desire is to - acquaint you with the Lord’s mercies towards us, in prevailing - against His and our enemies, that you may rejoice and praise His - name with us. About 80 of our men coasted along towards the Dutch - plantation, sometimes by water but mostly by land, and met here - and there with some Pequots, whom they slew or took prisoners. - They captured two sachems and beheaded them, and not hearing of - Sassacus, the chief sachem, they gave a prisoner his life to go and - find him. He went and brought them word where he was; but Sassacus - suspecting him to be a spy, fled, after he had gone, with some - twenty more, to the Mohawks, so our men missed him. However, they - divided themselves, and ranged up and down as the providence of God - directed them, for their Indian allies had all gone, except three - or four, who did not know how to guide them, or else would not. - - On the 13th of the month they chanced upon a large band of the - tribe, 80 men and 200 women and children, in a small Indian town - close by a hideous swamp, which they all slipped into before our - men could get to them. Our captains had not yet come up; but there - were Mr. Ludlow and Captain Mason with some ten of their men, and - Captain Patrick with some twenty or more of his, the noise of whose - shooting attracted Captain Trask with fifty more. Then order was - given to surround the swamp, which was about a mile round; but - Lieutenant Davenport and some twelve more, not hearing the command, - rushed into the swamp among the Indians. It was so thick with - shrubwood, and so boggy, that some of them stuck fast, and were - wounded by many shots. Lieutenant Davenport was dangerously wounded - near the armhole, and another man was shot in the head, and they - were so weak that they were in great danger of being captured by - the Indians. But Sergeant Riggs and Jeffrey, and two or three more, - rescued them, and killed several Indians with their swords. After - they had been brought out, the Indians desired parley. Through - Thomas Stanton, our interpreter, terms were offered: that if they - would come out and yield they should have their lives, except such - as had had their hands in English blood. Whereupon the sachem of - the place came out, and an old man or two, and their wives and - children, and after that some other women and children; and they - parleyed for two hours till it was night. Then Thomas Stanton was - sent to them again to call them out; but they said they would sell - their lives there, and forthwith shot at him so fiercely that if he - had not cried out and been rescued at once they would have killed - him. - - Then our men cleared the swamp with their swords, till the Indians - were cooped up in so narrow a compass that they could kill them - more easily through the thickets. So they stood all night about - twelve feet apart from each other, the Indians coming close up - to our men and shooting their arrows so that they pierced their - hatbrims, their sleeves, their stockings, and other parts of their - clothes; but so miraculously did the Lord preserve them that not - one of them was wounded except the three who had so rashly entered - the swamp. Just before day it grew very dark, and some of the - Indians who were still alive got through between our men, though - they stood not more than twelve or fourteen feet apart; but they - were soon discovered, and some were pursued and killed. Upon - searching the swamp next morning they found nine slain, and some - they pulled up whom the Indians had buried in the mire; so they - think that of all the band not twenty escaped. Afterwards they - found some who had died of their wounds while in flight. - - The prisoners were divided, some being sent to the people of the - Connecticut River, and the rest to us. Of these we are sending - the male children to Bermuda[11] with Mr. William Pierce, and the - women and female children are distributed through the towns. In - all, there have now been killed and taken prisoners about 700. - The rest are scattered, and the Indians in all quarters are so - terrified that they are afraid to give them sanctuary. Two of the - sachems of Long Island came to Mr. Stoughton and offered themselves - as tributaries, under their protection; and two of the Neepnett - sachems have been here to seek our friendship. Among the prisoners - we have the wife and children of Mononotto, the former a modest - looking woman of good behaviour. It was by her mediation that the - two English girls were spared from death and used kindly; so I - have taken charge of her. One of her first requests was that the - English should not abuse her body, and that her children might not - be taken from her. Those that had been wounded were soon brought - back by John Galop, who came with his shallop in a happy hour, to - bring them food and take the wounded to the pinnace where our chief - surgeon was, with Mr. Wilson, about eight leagues off. Our people - are all in good health, the Lord be praised, and although they had - marched in their arms all day and had been in the fight all night, - they professed they were so fresh that they could readily have - started off on another such expedition. - - This is the substance of what I received, though I am forced to - omit several considerable circumstances. So, being much pressed - for time,—the ships sailing in four days, taking Lord Lee and Mr. - Vane,—I will break off, and with hearty salutations, I rest - - Yours assured, - JOHN WINTHROP. - - P. S.—The captain reports we have killed 13 Sachems; but Sassacus - and Mononotto are still living. - - _28th of the fifth month, 1637._ - -That I may make an end of the matter, this Sassacus, the Pequot’s -chief sachem, having fled to the Mohawks, they cut off his head, -and executed some other of their leaders, whether to satisfy the -English or the Narragansetts,—who as I have since heard hired them -to do it,—or for their own advantage, I do not know; but thus the -war ended. The rest of the Pequots were utterly routed. Some of them -submitted themselves to the Narragansetts and lived under them; but -others betook themselves to the Monhiggs, under their sachem, Uncas, -with the approbation of the English of Connecticut, under whose -protection Uncas lived, he and his men having been faithful to them -in the war, and having done them very good service. But it so vexed -the Narragansetts, that they had not the whole sway over them, that -they never ceased plotting and contriving how to subjugate them; and -when they found they could not attain their ends, owing to English -protection, they tried to raise a general conspiracy against the -English, as will appear later. - -They received letters again from Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beauchamp in -England, saying that Mr. Sherley neither had paid nor would pay them -any money, nor give them any account. They were very vexed, blaming -them still that they had sent everything to Mr. Sherley and none to -themselves. Now, though they might have justly referred them to their -former answer, and insisted upon it, and some wise advisers urged -them to do so, nevertheless, as they believed they were really out -substantial sums of money, especially Mr. Andrews, they resolved to -send them what beaver they had on their hands; but they delayed doing -so till next year. Mr. Sherley’s letters were to this purpose: that -as the other partners had abandoned him in the payment of former -bills, so now he told them he would abandon them in this; and, -believe it, they should find it true. And he was as good as his word, -for they could never get a penny from him, nor bring him to account, -though Mr. Beauchamp sued him in Chancery. But they all turned their -complaints against the New Plymouth partners, where there was least -cause; indeed they had suffered most unjustly. They discharged Mr. -Sherley from his agency, and forbade him to buy or send over any more -goods for them, and urged him to come to an end with their affairs. - - - - -CHAPTER XIX - -Trial of three Murderers—Rise in value of Livestock—Earthquake: 1638. - - -This year Mr. Thomas Prince was chosen Governor. - -Amongst other enormities that occurred this year three men were tried -and executed for robbery and murder. Their names were Arthur Peach, -Thomas Jackson, and Richard Stinnings. There was a fourth, Daniel -Crose, who was also found guilty, but he escaped and could not be -found. Arthur Peach was the ringleader. He was a strong and desperate -young man, and had been one of the soldiers in the Pequot war, and -had done as good service as any there, always being one of the first -in any attack. Being now out of means and loth to work, and taking -to idle ways and company, he intended to go to the Dutch colony, -and had lured the other three, who were servants and apprentices, -to go with him. But there was also another cause for his going away -secretly in this manner; he had not only run into debt, but he had -seduced a girl, a maid-servant in the town, and fear of punishment -made him wish to get away, though this was not known till after his -death. The other three ran away from their masters in the night, -and could not be heard of, for they did not go by the ordinary -route, but shaped such a course as they thought would evade pursuit. -Finding themselves somewhere between the Bay of Massachusetts and -the Narragansetts’ country, and wishing to rest, they made a fire a -little off the road by the wayside, and took tobacco. At length there -came a Narragansett Indian by, who had been trading at the Bay, and -had some cloth and beads with him. They had met him the day before, -and now he was returning. Peach called him to come and drink tobacco -with them, and he came and sat down. He had told the others he would -kill the Indian and take his goods. The others were afraid; but Peach -said, Hang the rogue, he has killed many of us. So they let him do -as he would, and when he saw his opportunity he took his rapier and -ran the man through the body once or twice, and took from him five -fathoms of wampum and three coats of cloth; and then they went their -way, leaving him for dead. But the Indian managed to scramble up -when they had gone, and made shift to get home. By this means they -were discovered, and the Indians caught them; for, wanting a canoe -to take them over the water, and not thinking their act was known, -by the sachem’s command they were taken to Aquidnett Island, and -were there accused of the deed, and examined and committed upon it -by the English. The Indians sent for Mr. Williams, and made grievous -complaint; and the friends and relatives of the injured native were -ready to rise in arms and incite the rest to do the same, believing -they would now find the Pequot’s words were true: that the English -would turn upon them. But Mr. Williams pacified them, and told them -they should see justice done upon the offenders, and went to the -wounded man and took Mr. James, the physician, with him. The man told -him who did it, and how it was done. The physician found his wounds -mortal, and that he could not live, as he testified upon oath before -the jury in open court. He died shortly after. The Governor at the -Bay was acquainted with it, but referred it to New Plymouth, because -the act was committed in this jurisdiction; but he urged that by all -means justice should be done, or it would cause a war. Nevertheless, -some of the more ignorant colonists objected that an Englishman -should be put to death for an Indian. So at last the murderers -were brought home from the Island, and after being tried, and the -evidence produced, they all in the end freely confessed to all the -Indian had accused them of, and that they had done it in the manner -described. So they were condemned by the jury, and executed. Some of -the Narragansett Indians and the murdered man’s friends, were present -when it was done, which gave them and all the country satisfaction. -But it was a matter of much sadness to them here, as it was the -second execution since they came,—both being for wilful murder. - -This year they received more letters from England, full of renewed -complaints, on the one hand that Mr. Beauchamp and Mr. Andrews could -get no money or accounting from Mr. Sherley, on the other that the -latter should be importuned by them, retorting that he would account -with those here and not with them, etc. So, as had been decided -before, viz., that if nothing came of their last letters, they would -then send them what fur they could, thinking that when some good -part had been paid to them, Mr. Sherley and they would more easily -agree about the remainder,—they now sent to Mr. Andrews and Mr. -Beauchamp through Mr. Joseph Young in the Mary and Anne 1325 lbs. of -beaver divided between them. Mr. Beauchamp returned an account of his -share, showing that he made £400 sterling out of it, freight and all -expenses paid. But Mr. Andrews, though he had the larger and better -half, did not make so much out of his through his own indiscretion, -and yet charged the loss, which was about £40, to them here. They -sent them more by bills and other payments, which was received and -acknowledged by them, and divided between them, such as for cattle -of Mr. Allerton’s which were sold, and the price of a bark which -belonged to the stock and was sold, amounting to £434 sterling. The -total value was thus £1234 sterling, except what Mr. Andrews had lost -on his beaver, and which was made good otherwise. But this did not -stay their clamours, as will appear hereafter. - -It pleased God about this time to bless the country with such an -influx of people that it was much enriched, and cattle of all kinds -stood at high prices for many years. Cows were sold at £20, some at -£25 apiece, sometimes even at £28. A cow-calf usually fetched £10; a -milch-goat £3, and sometimes £4; and she-kids thirty shillings and -often £2 apiece. By this means the original settlers who had stock -began to increase in wealth. Corn also commanded a high price, viz., -six shillings a bushel. So other trading began to be neglected, and -the old partners, having forbidden Mr. Sherley to send them any more -goods, abandoned their trade at Kennebec, and, as things stood, -decided to follow it no longer. But a few of them were loth that it -should all be lost by closing it entirely, so they joined with some -others and agreed to give the colony about one-sixth of the profits -from it; and with the first fruits of this the colony built a house -for a prison. The trade at Kennebec has since been continued to the -great benefit of the place; for, as some well foresaw, such high -prices for corn and cattle could not long continue, and the revenue -got by trade would be much missed. - -This year, about the 1st or 2nd of June, there was a fearful -earthquake. Here it was heard before it was felt. It began with a -rumbling noise, or low murmur, like remote thunder; it came from the -northward and passed southward. As the noise approached, the earth -began to shake, and at length with such violence that platters, -dishes, and other things standing on shelves came clattering down, -and people were afraid for the houses themselves. It happened that -at the time several of the chief citizens of the town were holding -a meeting in a house, conferring with some of their friends who -were about to move from the place—as if the Lord would hereby show -His displeasure at their thus shaking apart and removing from one -another. It was very terrible for a while, and as the men sat talking -in the house, some women and others were just out of doors, and the -earth shook with such violence that they could not stand without -catching hold of the posts and palings near by. But the violence did -not last long. About half an hour after, or less, came another noise -and shaking, but not so severe as before, and not lasting long. Some -ships along the coast were shaken by it; but it was not only felt -near the sea, for the Indians noticed it inland. So powerful is the -mighty hand of the Lord as to make both the earth and the sea to -shake, and the mountains to tremble before Him when He pleases; and -who can stay His hand? - -It was observed that the summers for several years after this -earthquake were not so hot and seasonable for the ripening of corn -and other fruits as formerly, but were colder and more moist and -subject to early and untimely frosts, so that often much Indian corn -failed. Whether this was the cause, I leave it to naturalists to -judge. - - - - -CHAPTER XX - -Settlement of boundaries between New Plymouth and Massachusetts—First -steps towards winding up the partnership by a composition: 1639 and -1640. - - -I will combine these two years, because there occurred but little of -interest outside of the ordinary affairs of the colony. New Plymouth -had several times granted land for various townships, and, amongst -the rest, to the inhabitants of Scituate, some of them coming from -here. A large tract of land there had also been given to their four -London partners, Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beauchamp, Mr. Andrews, and Mr. -Hatherley. At Mr. Hatherley’s request, the locality was fixed upon -for himself and them, for the other three had given him power to -choose for them. This tract of land extended up to the border-line of -their neighbours of Massachusetts, who some years later established -a town called Hingam on the land next to it. This now led to great -disputes between these two townships, about their boundaries, and -some meadow lands that lay between them. The inhabitants of Hingam -began to allot some of these meadows to their people, measuring and -staking them out for that purpose. The people of Scituate pulled up -their stakes and threw them away. So it developed into a controversy -between the two governments. Many letters passed between them about -it, and it hung in suspense for about two years. The Court of -Massachusetts appointed men to fix their boundary line according -to their patent, and the way they went to work made it include all -Scituate itself, and I know not how much more. On the other hand, -according to the boundary lines of the patent of New Plymouth, theirs -would take in Hingam, and much more within the bounds they had set. - -In the end both Courts agreed to choose two commissioners on each -side, and give them absolute power to settle the boundaries between -them, and what they decided was to stand irrevocably. They had one -meeting at Hingam, but could not agree; for their commissioners -stood stiffly on a certain clause in their grant: that their limits -should extend from Charles River, or any branch or part thereof, and -3 miles further to the southward; or, from the most southern part -of the Massachusetts Bay, and 3 miles further south. But they chose -to adhere to the former limit, for they had found a small river, -or brook rather, which a long way inland trended far southward and -entered some part of what was taken to be Charles River; and from -the most southerly part of this, and 3 miles further southward, -they wished to run a line eastwards to the sea, about 20 miles, -which would take in a part of New Plymouth itself. Now though the -patent and colony of New Plymouth was much the older, the patent for -the extension upon which Scituate stood was granted after theirs -of Massachusetts; so the latter took first place as regards this -extension. - -The New Plymouth answer to the deputies of Massachusetts was, they -owned that their claims for Scituate could not be based in any way -upon their original grant; but, on the other hand, neither could the -others prove this stream to be a part of Charles River, for they did -not know which Charles River was, except so far as the people here, -who came first, gave the name to the river upon which Charlestown -was afterwards built, believing it to be that which Captain Smith so -named. Now those who first named it had best reason to know it, and -to explain which it was. But they only termed it Charles River as -far as it was navigated by them,—that is, as far as a boat could go. -But that all the small brooks that should flow into it, far inland, -and were all differently named by the natives, should now be made out -to be the Charles River, or parts of it, they saw no reason to allow. -They gave an instance of the Humber in old England, which had the -Trent, Ouse, and many other rivers of lesser note running into it; -and again many smaller brooks fell into the Trent and Ouse; but all -had their own names. Again, it was contended that no mention was made -of an east line in their patent; they were to begin at the sea and go -west by a line, etc. - -At this meeting, however, no conclusion was reached; but things -were discussed and well prepared for an issue. Next year the same -commissioners were appointed, and met at Scituate, and concluded the -matter as follows. - - _The agreement as to the boundaries between New Plymouth and - Massachusetts_: - - Whereas there were two commissioners appointed by the two - jurisdictions; the one of Massachusetts Government, appointing - John Endicott, gent., and Israel Stoughton, gent.; the other of - New Plymouth Government, appointing William Bradford, Governor, - and Edward Winslow, gent.; for the setting out and determining - the boundaries of the lands between the said jurisdictions, - whereby this present age and posterity to come may live peaceably - and quietly. And for as much as the said commissioners on both - sides have full power so to do, as appears by the record of both - jurisdictions, we the said commissioners above named, do hereby - with one consent and agreement conclude, determine, and by these - presents declare, that all the marshes at Cohasset that lie on - the one side of the river next to Hingam shall belong to the - jurisdiction of Massachusetts, and all the marshes that lie in - the other side of the river next to Scituate shall belong to the - jurisdiction of New Plymouth, except sixty acres of marsh land at - the mouth of the river on the Scituate side next to the sea, which - we do hereby agree, conclude and determine, shall belong to the - jurisdiction of Massachusetts. And further we do hereby agree, - determine, and conclude, that the boundaries between the said - jurisdictions are as follows, viz.: from the mouth of the brook - that runs into Cohasset marshes, which we call by the name of Bound - Brook, with a straight and direct line to the middle of a great - pond that lies on the right hand of the upper path or common way - that leads between Weymouth and New Plymouth, close to the path - as we go along, which was formerly, and we desire may still be, - called Accord Pond, lying about five or six miles from Weymouth, - southerly; and from thence with a straight line to the southernmost - part of Charles River, and three miles southerly into the country, - as expressed in the patent granted by his majesty to the Company - of the Massachusetts Colony. Provided always, and nevertheless - concluded and determined by mutual agreement between the said - commissioners, that if it fall out that the said line from Accord - Pond to the southernmost part of Charles River and three miles - southerly, restrict or hinder any part of any settlement begun by - the Governor of New Plymouth, or hereafter to be begun within ten - years after the date of these presents, that then notwithstanding - the said line, where it shall so obtrude as aforesaid, so much land - as shall make up the quantity of eight square miles, to belong to - every settlement so begun, or to be begun as aforesaid; which we - agree, determine, and conclude, to appertain and belong to the - said Governor of New Plymouth. And whereas the said line from the - said brook which runs into Cohasset salt marshes, called by us - Bound Brook, and the pond called Accord Pond, lie near the lands - belonging to the townships of Scituate and Hingham, we do therefore - hereby determine and conclude, that if any divisions already made - and accorded by either of the said townships do cross the said - line, that then it shall stand and be in force according to the - former intents and purposes of the said towns granting them—the - marshes formerly agreed upon excepted; and that no town in either - jurisdiction shall hereafter exceed, but contain themselves within - the said lines expressed. - - In witness whereof we, the commissioners of both jurisdictions, do - by these presents indented set our hands and seals, the ninth day - of the fourth month in the 16th year of our sovereign lord, King - Charles, and in the year of Our Lord, 1640. - - WILLIAM BRADFORD, Governor JOHN ENDICOTT - EDWARD WINSLOW ISRAEL STOUGHTON - -The extended New Plymouth patent having been taken out in the name -of William Bradford, as in trust, ran in these terms: “To him, his -heirs, associates, and assigns.” But the number of freemen having -now greatly increased, and several townships being established and -settled in several quarters such as New Plymouth, Duxbury, Scituate, -Taunton, Sandwich, Yarmouth, Barnstable, Marshfield, and not long -after Seekonk,—afterwards called at the wish of the inhabitants -Rehoboth,—and Nauset, it was desired by the Court that William -Bradford should make surrender of the same into their hands. This he -willingly did. - -In these two years they had several letters from England, asking them -to send some one over to end the business of the accounts with Mr. -Sherley, who now professed he could not make them up without help -from them, especially from Mr. Winslow. They had serious thoughts of -it, and the majority of the partners here believed it best to send; -but they had formerly written such bitter and threatening letters -that Mr. Winslow was neither willing to go himself, nor that any -other of the partners should do so; for he was convinced that if -any of them went they would be arrested, and an action for such a -sum laid upon them that they would be unable to procure bail, and -would consequently be imprisoned, and that then the partners there -could force them to do whatever they wished. Or else they might be -brought into trouble by the archbishop’s means, as things then were -over there. But though they were much inclined to send, and Captain -Standish was willing to go, they decided, since they could not agree -about it and it was of such importance, and the consequences might -prove dangerous, to ask Mr. John Winthrop’s advice. It seemed the -more suitable because Mr. Andrews had in many letters acquainted -him with the differences between them, and appointed him his assign -to receive his part of the debt; and though they declined to pay -anything as a debt till the controversy was ended, they had deposited -£110 in money in his hands, for Mr. Andrews, to be paid to him in -part as soon as he should come to any agreement with the rest. But -Mr. Winthrop was of Mr. Winslow’s mind, and dissuaded them from -sending; so they abandoned the idea, and returned this answer. That -the times were dangerous in England as things stood with them, for -they knew how Mr. Winslow had suffered formerly, and for a little -thing had been clapped into the Fleet, and how long it had been -before he could get out, to his and their great loss; and things were -not better but worse in that respect. However, that their honesty -might be made manifest to all, they made them this offer: to refer -the case to some gentlemen and merchants at the Bay of Massachusetts, -such as they should choose, and were well-known to them, as they -had many friends and acquaintances there better known to them than -to the partners here; and let them be informed of the case by both -sides, and receive all the evidence that could be produced, in -writing or otherwise. The partners here would then bind themselves to -stand by their decision and make good their award, though it should -cost them all they had in the world. But this did not please them; -they were offended at it. So it came to nothing; and afterwards Mr. -Sherley wrote, that if Mr. Winslow would meet him in France, the Low -Countries, or Scotland, let him name the place, and he would come to -him there. But owing to the troubles that now began to arise in our -own nation, and other reasons, this did not come to any effect. - -What made them especially desirous to bring things to an end was, -partly to stop the aspersions cast upon them about it,—though they -believed that they had suffered the greatest wrong and had most cause -for complaint; and partly because they feared a fall in the price -of cattle, in which the greatest part of their means was invested. -This was no vain fear; for it fell indeed before they had reached a -conclusion, and so suddenly, that the price of a cow which a month -before had been at £20, now fell to £5; and a goat that went at -£3 or fifty shillings, would now yield but eight shillings or ten -shillings at the most. Everyone had feared a fall in cattle, but -it was thought it would be by degrees, and not straight from the -highest pitch to the lowest. It was a great loss to many, and some -were ruined. Another reason why they so much wished to close their -accounts was that many of them were growing aged,—and indeed it was -a rare thing that so many partners should all live together so many -years. And they saw many changes were likely to occur, so they were -loth to leave these entanglements upon their children and posterity, -who might be driven to move their homes as they had done; indeed they -themselves might have to do so before they died. However, things had -still to be left open; but next year they ripened somewhat, though -they were then less able to pay for the reasons mentioned above. - - - - -CHAPTER XXI - -Further steps towards the Composition between the London and -New Plymouth partners—Dispute with Rev. Charles Chauncey about -Baptism—Fall in value of live-stock—Many leading men of New Plymouth -move from the town: 1641. - - -Mr. Sherley being weary of this controversy and desirous to end -it, wrote to Mr. John Atwood and Mr. William Collier, two of the -inhabitants of this place, and special acquaintances of his, and -desired them to be intermediaries, and advise the partners here as to -some way of reaching a composition by mutual agreement. He also wrote -to the partners similarly, in part as follows: - - _James Sherley in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth_: - - Sir, - - I have written so much concerning the closing of our accounts that - I confess I do not know what more to write. If you desire an end, - as you seem to do, there are, I think, only two ways: either we can - perfect all accounts, from the first to the last, on both sides; - or we must do it by compounding, and this way, first or last, we - shall have to come to. If we fight about it at law, we shall both - only cleave the air, and the lawyers will be the chief gainers. - Then let us set to the work one way or another and make an end, - so that I may not continue to suffer both in my reputation and my - business. Nor are you free in this respect. The gospel suffers - by your delay, and causes its followers to be ill spoken of.... - Do not be afraid to make a fair and reasonable offer; believe me - I shall not take advantage of you; or else let Mr. Winslow come - over, and let him have full power to compound with me. Otherwise, - let the accounts be fully made up so that we may close according - to the figures. Now, blessed be God, times are so much changed - here that I hope to see many of you return to your native country - again, and have such freedom and liberty as the word of God - prescribes. Our bishops were never so near a downfall as now. God - has miraculously confounded them, and brought down all their popish - and Machiavellian plots and projects upon their own heads.... I - pray you take it seriously into consideration; let each give way a - little that we may meet.... Be you and all yours kindly saluted. So - I ever rest, - - Your loving friend, - JAMES SHERLEY. - _Clapham, May 18th, 1641._ - -Being urged by this letter, and also by Mr. Atwood’s and Mr. -Collier’s mediation, to bring things to an end, and by none more -earnestly than by their own desires, the New Plymouth Partners took -this course. They appointed these two men to meet them on a certain -day, and summoned other friends on both sides, and Mr. Freeman, -brother-in-law of Mr. Beauchamp. Having drawn up an inventory of all -remaining stock whatsoever, such as housing, boats, the bark, and -all implements belonging to them, used during the period of trading; -together with the surplus of all commodities, such as beads, knives, -hatchets, cloth, or anything else, both valueless and saleable; with -all debts, both bad and collectable; and having spent several days -upon it with the help of all books and papers, either in their hands -or those of Josias Winslow, their accountant, they found the total -sum on valuation amounted to £1400. They then all of them took a -voluntary and solemn oath, in the presence of one another and of all -their friends above mentioned now present, that this was all that -any of them knew of or could remember; and Josias Winslow did the -same on his part. But the truth is the valuation was too low; for, -as an instance, in reckoning some cattle taken from Mr. Allerton, -a cow which had cost £25 was so valued in this account; but she -subsequently realized only £4-15-0. Also, being conscientious about -their oaths, they included all that they knew of which was owing to -the stock, but they did not make such a diligent search concerning -what the stock might owe them, so that many scattered debts fell upon -them afterwards, which they had not charged in. - -However, this done, they drew up certain articles of agreement -between Mr. Atwood, on Mr. Sherley’s behalf, and themselves. - - _Articles of Agreement made and concluded on October 15th, 1641_: - - Whereas there was a partnership for a period of years agreed upon - between James Sherley, John Beauchamp, and Richard Andrews, of - London, merchants, and William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas - Prince, Myles Standish, William Brewster, John Alden, John Howland, - and Isaac Allerton, in a trade of beaver skins and other furs from - New England; and the term of the said partnership having expired, - various consignments of goods having been sent to New England by - the said James Sherley, John Beauchamp, Richard Andrews, and many - large returns made from New England by the said William Bradford, - Edward Winslow, etc.; a dispute arising about the expense incurred - for two ships, the one called the White Angel of Bristol, and the - other the Friendship of Barnstable, and a projected voyage in her, - etc.; which said ships and their voyages the said William Bradford, - etc., consider do not concern the accounts of the partnership; - and whereas the accounts of the said partnership are found to be - confused, and cannot be clearly present, through default of Josias - Winslow the bookkeeper, and whereas the said W. B., etc., have - received all their goods for the said trade from the aforesaid - James Sherley, and have made most of their returns to him, by - consent of the said John Beauchamp and Richard Andrews; and - whereas, also, the said James Sherley has given power and authority - to Mr. John Atwood, with the advice and consent of William Collier - of Duxbury, on his behalf, to put an absolute end to the said - partnership, with all and every accounts, reckonings, dues, claims, - demands, whatsoever, to the said James Sherley, John Beauchamp, and - Richard Andrews, from the said W. B., etc., for and concerning the - said beaver trade, and also the charge of the said two ships, and - their voyages made or projected, whether just or unjust, from the - world’s beginning to this present, as also for the payment of a - purchase of £1800 made by Isaac Allerton, on behalf of the said W. - B., etc., and of the joint stock, shares, lands, and adventurers, - whatsoever, in New England aforesaid, as appears by a deed bearing - the date Nov. 6th, 1627; and also for and from such sum and sums of - money or goods as are received by William Bradford, Thomas Prince, - and Myles Standish, for the recovery of dues, by accounts between - them, the said James Sherley, John Beauchamp, Richard Andrews, and - Isaac Allerton, for the ship called the White Angel. Now the said - John Atwood, with advice of the said William Collier, having had - much communication and spent several days in discussion of the said - disputes and accounts with the said W. B., etc.; and the said W. - B., etc., having also with the said bookkeeper spent much time in - collecting and listing the remainder of the stock of partnership - for the said trade, and whatsoever has been received, or is due by - the said attorneyship before expressed, and all manner of goods, - debts, and dues, thereunto belonging, which in all amount to the - sum of £1400 or thereabout; and for better satisfaction of the said - James Sherley, John Beauchamp, and Richard Andrews, the said W. B. - and all the rest of the above said partners, together with Josias - Winslow the bookkeeper, have taken a voluntary oath that the said - sum of £1400 or thereabout, includes whatever they know, to the - utmost of their remembrance. - - In consideration of which, and to the end that a full, absolute, - and final end may now be made, and all suits in law may be avoided, - and love and peace continued, it is therefore agreed and concluded - between the said John Atwood, with the advice and consent of the - said William Collier, on behalf of the said James Sherley, to and - with the said W. B., etc., in manner and form following: viz., - that the said John Atwood shall procure a sufficient release and - discharge under the hands and seals of the said James Sherley, - John Beauchamp, and Richard Andrews, to be delivered fair and - unconcealed to the said William Bradford, etc., at or before the - last day of August, next ensuing the date hereof, whereby the said - William Bradford, etc., their heirs, executors, and administrators - and each of them shall be fully and absolutely acquitted and - discharged of all actions, suits, reckonings, accounts, claims, - and demands whatsoever, concerning the general stock of beaver - trade, payment of the said £1800 for the purchase and all demands - reckonings, accounts just or unjust, concerning the two ships, - White Angel and Friendship aforesaid, together with whatsoever has - been received by the said William Bradford, of the goods or estate - of Isaac Allerton, for satisfaction of the accounts of the said - ship White Angel by virtue of a letter of attorney to him, Thomas - Prince, and Myles Standish, directed from the said James Sherley, - John Beauchamp, and Richard Andrews, for that purpose as aforesaid. - - It is also agreed and concluded between the said parties to these - presents, that the said W. B., E. W., etc., shall now be bound in - £2400 for payment of £1200 in full satisfaction of all demands as - aforesaid; to be paid in manner and form following; that is to say, - £400 within two months next after the receipt of the aforesaid - releases and discharges, £110 whereof is already in the hands of - John Winthrop, senior, of Boston, Esquire, by the means of Richard - Andrews aforesaid, and 80 lbs. of beaver now deposited in the - hands of the said John Atwood, to be both in part payment of the - said £400 and the other £800 to be paid £200 per annum, to such - assigns as shall be appointed, inhabiting either New Plymouth or - Massachusetts, in such goods and commodities, and at such rates, as - the country shall afford at the time of delivery and payment; and - in the meantime the said bond of £2400 to be deposited in the hands - of the said John Atwood. And it is agreed upon, by and between - the said parties to these presents, that if the said John Atwood - shall not or cannot procure such said releases and discharges as - aforesaid from the said James Sherley, John Beauchamp, and Richard - Andrews, at or before the last day of August next ensuing the - date hereof, that then the said John Atwood shall, at the said - date precisely, redeliver, or cause to be delivered, unto the - said W. B., E. W., etc., their said bond of £2400 and the said 80 - lbs. of beaver, or the due value thereof, without any fraud or - further delay; and for performance of all and each of the covenants - and agreements herein contained and expressed, which on the one - part and behalf of the said James Sherley are to be observed and - performed, shall become bound in the sum of £2400 to them, the said - William Bradford, Edward Winslow, Thomas Prince, Myles Standish, - William Brewster, John Alden, and John Howland. And it is lastly - agreed upon between the said parties, that these presents shall be - left in trust, to be kept for both parties, in the hands of Mr. - John Rayner, teacher of New Plymouth. In witness whereof, all the - said parties have hereunto severally set their hands, the day and - year first above written. - - JOHN ATWOOD, WILLIAM BRADFORD, EDWARD - WINSLOW, etc. - - In the presence of Edmund Freeman, William Thomas, William Paddy, - Nathaniel Souther. - -Next year this long and tedious business came to an issue, as will -appear, though not to a final end with all the parties; but so much -for the present. - -I had forgotten to insert that the church here had in 1638 invited -and sent for Mr. Charles Chauncey, a reverend, godly, and very -learned man, who stayed till the latter part of 1645,—intending, -after a trial, to choose him pastor, for the more convenient -performance of the ministry, with Mr. John Rayner the teacher. But -there occurred some differences about baptism, he holding that it -ought only to be done by dipping and putting the whole body under -water, and that sprinkling was unlawful. The church conceded that -immersion, or dipping, was lawful, but not so convenient in this -cold country. But they could not allow that sprinkling, which nearly -all the churches of Christ use to this day, was unlawful and merely -a human invention. They were willing to yield to him as far as they -could, and to allow him to practice according to his convictions, -and granted that when he came to administer the ordinance, he might -perform it in that way for any who so desired, provided he allowed -Mr. Rayner, when requested, to baptize by sprinkling. But he said he -could not yield to this. So the church procured some other ministers -to discuss the point with him publicly, such as Mr. Ralph Partridge -of Duxbury. But he was not satisfied; so the church sent to several -other churches to ask their help and advice in the matter, and with -his will and consent sent them his arguments,—such as to the church -of Boston in Massachusetts, to be communicated to other churches -there; and to the churches of Connecticut and New Haven, and many -others. They received very able answers from them and other learned -ministers, who all concluded against him. Their answers are too long -to give here. But Mr. Chauncey was not satisfied. They considered -that everything that was proper had been done, so Mr. Chauncey, who -had been almost three years here, removed to Scituate, where he is -still a minister of the church. - -About this time, cattle and other things having fallen greatly in -value, people began to be less affluent. Many had already gone to -Duxbury, Marshfield, and other places, and amongst them many of the -leading men, such as Mr. Winslow, Captain Standish, Mr. Alden. Others -dropped away daily, with the result that the place became far less -flourishing. - - - - -CHAPTER XXII - -Conclusion of Composition between London and New Plymouth partners: -1642. - - -I now come to the conclusion of the long and tedious business between -the partners here and those in England. - - _James Sherley in England to the partners of New Plymouth_: - - Loving Friends,—Mr. Bradford, Mr. Winslow, Mr. Prince, Captain - Standish, Mr. Brewster, Mr. Alden, and Mr. Howland, - - Give me leave to include you all in one letter concerning the - final end and conclusion of this tiresome and tedious business, - which I think I may truly say is uncomfortable and unprofitable - for all.... It has pleased God now to show us a way to cease all - suits and disputes, and to conclude in peace and love as we began. - I am content to make good what Mr. Atwood and you have agreed upon, - and for that end have sent him an absolute and general release to - you all, and if it lacks anything to make it complete, write it - yourselves and it shall be done, provided that you all, either - jointly or severally, seal a similar discharge to me. For that - purpose I have drawn up a copy and sent it to Mr. Atwood with the - one I have sealed for you. Mr. Andrews has sealed an acquittance - also, and sent it to Mr. Winthrop, with such directions as he - thought fit, and, as I hear, has transferred his debt, which he - makes £544, to the gentlemen of the Bay. Mr. Weld, Mr. Peters, and - Mr. Hibbins have taken a great deal of pains with Mr. Andrews, Mr. - Beauchamp, and myself, to bring us to agree, and we have had many - meetings and spent much time upon it. Mr. Andrews wished you to - have one third of the £1200, and the Bay two thirds; but to do that - we three partners here must have agreed to it, which would be a - difficult matter now. However, Mr. Weld, Mr. Peters, Mr. Hibbins, - and I have agreed, and they are giving you their bond to settle - with Mr. Beauchamp and procure his general release, and thus free - you from all the trouble and expense that he might put you to. - Now our agreement is, that you must pay to the gentlemen of the - Bay £900, they to bear all expenses which may in any way arise - concerning the free and absolute clearing of you from us three; - and you to have the other £300.... - - Upon receiving my release from you I will send you your bonds for - the purchase money. I would have sent them now, but first I want - Mr. Beauchamp to release you as well as I, because they bind you - to him as well as to me, though I know that if a man is bound to - twelve men, when one releases him it is the same as if all did so; - so my discharge is to that extent sufficient. So do not doubt but - you shall have them, and your power of attorney, and anything else - that is fit.... - - Your loving and kind friend in what I may or can, - JAMES SHERLEY. - _June 14th, 1642._ - -Mr. Andrews’ discharge was similar to Mr. Sherley’s. He was by -agreement to have £500 of the money, which he gave to those at the -Bay, who brought his discharge and received the money, viz.; one -third of the £500 paid down, and the rest in four equal payments, -to be paid yearly, for which they gave their bonds. £44 more was -demanded, in addition; but they believed they could arrange it with -Mr. Andrews, so it was not included in the bond. - -But Mr. Beauchamp would give way in nothing, and demanded £400 of -the partners here, sending a release to a friend to be delivered to -them on receipt of the money. But his release was not perfect, having -left out some of the partners’ names, with some other defects; and -besides, the other partners there gave them to understand he had not -nearly so much due to him. So no end was made with him till four -years after. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIII - -Death of Mr. William Brewster—His Career—Remarkable longevity of the -principal men among the Pilgrims—Confederation of the United Colonies -of New England—War between the Narragansetts and Monhiggs—Uncas -permitted by the English to execute Miantinomo: 1643. - - -I must open this year with an event which brought great sadness and -mourning to them all. About the 18th of April died their reverend -elder, my dear and loving friend, Mr. William Brewster, a man who had -done and suffered much for the Lord Jesus and the gospel’s sake, and -had borne his part in weal or woe with this poor persecuted church -for over thirty-five years in England, Holland, and this wilderness, -and had done the Lord and them faithful service in his calling. -Notwithstanding the many troubles and sorrows he passed through, the -Lord upheld him to a great age; he was nearly fourscore years, if not -quite, when he died. He had this blessing added by the Lord to all -the rest; he died in his bed in peace, in the midst of his friends, -who mourned and wept over him, and gave him what help and comfort -they could; and he, too, comforted them whilst he could. His illness -was not long, and until the last day he did not keep his bed. His -speech continued until about the last half day, and then failed him; -and at about 9 or 10 o’clock that evening he died, without any pangs -at all. A few hours before, he drew his breath short, and some few -minutes from the end he drew it long, as a man fallen into a sound -sleep,—without any gaspings,—and so, sweetly departed this life into -a better. - -I would ask, was he the worse for any of his former sufferings? What -do I say? Worse? Nay; he was surely the better, for now they were -added to his honour. “It is a manifest token,” says the Apostle (II -Thes. i, 5, 6, 7), “of the righteous judgment of God that ye may -be counted worthy of the Kingdom of God, for which ye also suffer; -seeing it is a righteous thing with God to recompense tribulation to -them that trouble you: and to you who are troubled, rest with us, -when the Lord Jesus shall be revealed from Heaven, with His mighty -angels.” And I Pet. iv, 14: “If you be reproached for the name of -Christ, happy are ye, for the spirit of glory and of God resteth upon -you.” What though he lacked the riches and pleasures of the world in -this life, and pompous monuments at his funeral? Yet “the memorial -of the just shall be blessed, when the name of the wicked shall -rot,”—with their marble monuments (Prov. x, 7). - -I should say something of his life, if to say a little were not -worse than to be silent. But I cannot wholly forbear, though perhaps -more may be written at some later time. After he had attained some -learning, viz., the knowledge of the Latin tongue and some insight -into Greek, and had spent some little time at Cambridge,—then being -first seasoned with the seeds of grace and virtue,—he went to court, -and served that religious and godly gentleman, Mr. Davison, for -several years, when he was Secretary of State. His master found -him so discreet and faithful, that he trusted him more than all -the others who were round him, and employed him in all matters of -greatest trust and secrecy. He esteemed him rather as a son than -a servant; and knowing his wisdom and godliness he would converse -with him in private more as a friend and familiar than as a master. -He accompanied him when he was sent as ambassador by the Queen into -the Low Countries, in the Earl of Leicester’s time,—besides other -important affairs of state, to receive possession of the cautionary -towns, in token of which the keys of Flushing were delivered to him -in her majesty’s name. Mr. Davison held them some time, handing them -over to Mr. Brewster, who kept them under his pillow the first night. -On his departure, the Netherlands honoured Mr. Davison with a gold -chain; he gave it into the keeping of Mr. Brewster, and when they -arrived in England commanded him to wear it as they rode through the -country, until they arrived at court. He remained with him through -his troubles, when later, he was dismissed in connection with the -death of the Queen of Scots, and for some good time after, doing him -much faithful service. - -Afterwards Mr. Brewster went and lived in the country, much respected -by his friends and the gentlemen of the neighbourhood, especially -the godly and religious. He did much good there, in promoting and -furthering religion, not only by his practice and example and the -encouragement of others, but by procuring good preachers for the -places thereabouts, and persuading others to help and assist in such -work, generally taking most of the expense on himself,—sometimes -beyond his means. Thus he continued for many years, doing the best -he could, and walking according to the light he saw, till the Lord -revealed Himself further to him. In the end, the tyranny of the -bishops against godly preachers and people, in silencing the former -and persecuting the latter, caused him and many more to look further -into things, and to realize the unlawfulness of their episcopal -callings, and to feel the burden of their many anti-Christian -corruptions, which both he and they endeavoured to throw off; in -which they succeeded, as the beginning of this treatise shows. - -After they had joined themselves together in communion, as was -mentioned earlier, he was a special help and support to them. On -the Lord’s day they generally met at his house, which was a manor -of the bishop’s, and he entertained them with great kindness when -they came, providing for them at heavy expense to himself. He was -the leader of those who were captured at Boston in Lincolnshire, -suffering the greatest loss, and was one of the seven who were kept -longest in prison and afterwards bound over to the assizes. After -he came to Holland he suffered much hardship, having spent most -of his means, with a large family to support, and being from his -breeding and previous mode of life not so fit for such laborious -employment as others were. But he always bore his troubles with -much cheerfulness and content. Towards the latter part of those -twelve years spent in Holland, his circumstances improved, and he -lived well and plentifully; for through his knowledge of Latin he -was able to teach many foreign students English. By his method they -acquired it quickly and with great fluency, for he drew up rules to -learn it by, after the manner of teaching Latin; and many gentlemen, -both Danes and Germans, came to him, some of them being sons of -distinguished men. By the help of some friends he also had means to -set up a printing press, and thus had employment enough, and owing -to many books being forbidden to be printed in England, they might -have had more work than they could do. But on moving to this country -all these things were laid aside again, and a new way of living must -be framed, in which he was in no way unwilling to take his part and -bear his burden with the rest, living often for many months without -corn or bread, with nothing but fish to eat, and often not even that. -He drank nothing but water for many years, indeed until five or six -years before his death; and yet by the blessing of God he lived in -health to a very old age. He laboured in the fields as long as he -was able; yet when the church had no other minister he taught twice -every Sabbath, and that both powerfully and profitably, to the great -edification and comfort of his hearers, many being brought to God by -his ministry. He did more in this way in a single year, than many who -have their hundreds a year do in all their lives. - -As for his personal qualities, he was favoured above many; he was -wise and discreet and well-spoken, having a grave and deliberate -utterance, with a very cheerful spirit. He was very sociable and -pleasant among his friends, of an humble and modest mind and a -peaceable disposition, undervaluing himself and his own abilities, -and sometimes overvaluing others. He was innocent in his life and -conversation, which gained him the love of those without, as well -as those within; nevertheless he would tell them plainly of their -faults, both public and privately, but in such a way that it was -usually well taken. He was tender-hearted and compassionate with -those in misery, especially when they were of good birth and rank -and had fallen into want and poverty, either for religion’s sake or -through the oppression of others; he would always say that of all -men such deserved to be most pitied. None displeased him more than -those who would haughtily and proudly exalt themselves, having risen -from nothing, and having little else to commend them than a few fine -clothes, or more means than others. When preaching, he deeply moved -and stirred the affections, and he was very plain and direct in what -he taught, being thereby the more profitable to his hearers. He had a -singularly good gift of prayer, both public and private, in ripping -up the heart and conscience before God, in the humble confession -of sin, and begging the mercies of God in Christ for the pardon of -it. He always thought it better for ministers to pray oftener, and -divide their prayers, than to be long and tedious—except on special -occasions, such as days of humiliation and the like; because he -believed that heart and spirit, especially in the weak, could with -difficulty continue so long to stand bent, as it were, towards -God,—as is meet in prayer,—without flagging and failing. In the -government of the church, which was proper to his office as elder, he -was careful to preserve good order, and purity both in doctrine and -communion, and to suppress any error or contention that might begin -to arise; and accordingly God gave success to his endeavours in this, -all his days, and he was given to see the fruit of his labours. But I -must break off, though I have only touched the heads of a few things. - -I cannot but take occasion here to wonder at the marvellous -providence of God, that, notwithstanding the many changes these -people went through, and the many enemies they had, and the -difficulties they met with, so many of them should live to very -old age. It was not only their reverend elder—for one swallow -makes no summer, as they say—but many more of them, some dying -about and before this time, and some still living, who reached -sixty or sixty-five years of age, others seventy and over, and -some nearly eighty, as he was. It must needs be accounted for by -more than natural reasons, for it is found in experience that -change of air, hunger, unwholesome food, much drinking of water, -sorrows and troubles, etc., are all enemies to health, causing many -diseases, loss of natural vigour and shortness of life. Yet all -those unfavourable conditions were their lot. They went from England -to Holland, where they found both worse air and diet than where -they came from; thence, enduring a long imprisonment, as it were, -aboard ship, they came to New England; and their way of living here -has already been shown, and what crosses, troubles, fears, wants, -and sorrows, they were liable to. In a sense they may say with the -Apostle (II Cor. xi, 26, 27) that they were “in journeyings often, -in perils of water, in perils of robbers, in perils by their own -nation, in perils by the heathen, in perils in the wilderness, in -perils on the sea, in perils among false brethren; in weariness and -painfulness, in watchings often, in hunger and thirst, in fastings -often, in cold and nakedness.” What was it then that upheld them? It -was God’s visitation that preserved their spirits—(Job x, 12): “Thou -hast granted me life and favour, and thy visitation hath preserved -my spirits.” He that upheld the Apostle upheld them: they were -“persecuted, but not forsaken; cast down, but not destroyed;”—(II -Cor. iv, 9)—“as unknown, and yet well known; as dying, and behold we -live; as chastened, and not killed” (II Cor. vi, 9). God, it seems, -would have all men behold and observe such mercies and works of His -providence as towards His people, that they in like cases might be -encouraged to depend upon God in their trials, and also bless His -name when they see His goodness towards others. Man lives not by -bread alone. It is not by good and dainty fare, by peace and rest -and heart’s ease, in enjoying the contentment and good things of -this world only, that health is preserved and life prolonged. God in -such examples would have the world see and behold that He can do it -without them; and if the world will shut its eyes and take no notice -of it, yet He would have his people see and consider it. Daniel was -better off with pulse, than others with the king’s dainties. Jacob, -though he went from his own nation to another people, and passed -through famine, fear, and many afflictions, yet lived till old age, -and died sweetly, and rested in the Lord, as numberless other of -God’s servants have done, and still shall do through God’s goodness, -notwithstanding all the malice of their enemies: “When the branch of -the wicked shall be cut off before his day”—(Job xv, 32)—“and bloody -and deceitful men shall not live out half their days.” (Psa. lv, 23.) - - * * * * * - -Owing to the plotting of the Narragansetts, ever since the Pequot -war, the Indians had formed a general conspiracy against the English -in all parts, as was partly discovered the year before, and now -confirmed by various discoveries and the free confessions of several -Indians from different places. They therefore sought means to prevent -the trouble and secure themselves, which ultimately resulted in the -formation of closer union and confederation defined by articles from -which the following extracts are taken. - - _Articles of Confederation between the Colonies under the - Governments of Massachusetts, New Plymouth, Connecticut, New Haven, - and those in combination therewith._ - - Whereas we all came into these parts of America with one and - the same end and aim, namely to advance the kingdom of Our Lord - Jesus Christ and to enjoy the liberties of the gospel in purity - and peace; and whereas in our settling, by a wise providence of - God, we find ourselves further dispersed along the sea-coasts - and rivers than was at first intended, so that we cannot, as - desired, conveniently live under one government and jurisdiction; - and whereas we live surrounded by people of several tribes and - strange languages, who may hereafter prove injurious to us and our - posterity, ... we therefore conceive it our bounden duty without - delay to enter into an immediate consociation among ourselves - for mutual help and strength in our future concerns, so that in - national and religious affairs, as in other respects, we may be - and continue one, according to the tenor and true meaning of the - ensuing articles. - - I. Wherefore it is fully agreed and concluded by and between - the parties or jurisdictions above named, and they jointly and - severally by these presents do conclude and agree, that they all - be, and henceforth be called by the name of, the United Colonies of - New England. - - 2. The said United Colonies, for themselves and their posterity - jointly and severally, hereby enter into a firm and perpetual - league of friendship and amity, for offence and defence, mutual - advice and succour, upon all just occasions, both for preserving - and propagating the truth of the Gospel, and for their own mutual - safety and welfare. - - 3. It is further agreed that the colonies which at present are, - or hereafter shall be begun, within the limits of Massachusetts - shall be forever under Massachusetts, and shall have separate - jurisdiction among themselves in all cases as a complete body; and - that New Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven shall each of them - similarly have separate jurisdiction and government within their - limits.... - - 4. It is by these confederates agreed that the expense of all - just wars, whether offensive or defensive, upon what party or - member of this confederation soever they fall, shall, both in men, - provisions, and all other disbursements be borne by all the parties - of this confederation, in different proportions, according to their - different abilities, ... according to the different numbers which - from time to time shall be found in each jurisdiction upon a true - and just count, ... and that according to the different expenses - of each jurisdiction and colony, the whole advantage of the war—if - it please God to bless their endeavours—whether in lands, goods, - or persons, shall be proportionately divided amongst the said - confederates. - - 5. It is further agreed that if these jurisdictions, or any - colony under or in combination with them, be invaded by any enemy - whatsoever, upon notice and request of any three magistrates of - the jurisdiction so invaded, the rest of the confederates without - any further meeting or expostulation shall forthwith send aid to - the confederate in danger, but in different proportions; viz., - Massachusetts a hundred men sufficiently armed and provided, and - each of the rest 45 so armed and provided,—or any lesser number if - less be required, according to this proportion; ... but none of - the jurisdictions to exceed these numbers till by a meeting of the - commissioners for this confederation further aid appear necessary; - and this proportion to continue till upon knowledge of greater - numbers in each jurisdiction, which shall be brought before the - next meeting, some other proportion be ordered.... - - 6. It is also agreed that for the management of all affairs - concerning the whole confederation, two commissioners shall be - chosen by and out of each of these four jurisdictions; namely, two - for Massachusetts, two for New Plymouth, two for Connecticut, and - two for New Haven, being all in church fellowship with us, who - shall bring full power from their General Courts, respectively - to hear, examine, weigh, and determine all affairs of war or - peace, leagues, aids, expenses, etc., ... not intermeddling - with the government of any of the jurisdictions, which by the - third article is reserved entirely to themselves. But if these - eight commissioners when they meet shall not all agree, any six - of the eight agreeing shall have power to settle and determine - the business in question. But if six do not agree, then such - propositions, with their reasons, so far as they have been debated, - shall be referred to the four General Courts, viz.: Massachusetts, - New Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven; and if at all the said - General Courts the business so referred be concluded, then it - shall be prosecuted by the confederates and all their members. It - is further agreed that these eight commissioners shall meet once - every year, besides special meetings, to consider and conclude all - affairs belonging to this confederation, which meeting shall always - be on the first Thursday in September; and that the next meeting - after the date of these presents, which shall be accounted the - second meeting, shall be at Boston in Massachusetts, the third at - Hartford, the fourth at New Haven, the fifth at New Plymouth, and - so on, successively,—if in the meantime some central place be not - agreed upon as more convenient for all the jurisdictions. - - 7. It is further agreed that at each meeting of these eight - commissioners, whether ordinary or extraordinary, six of them - agreeing may choose a president from among themselves, whose duty - shall be to direct the proceedings of that particular meeting; but - he shall be invested with no such power or respect as might hinder - the propounding or progress of any business, or in any way turn the - scales, otherwise than in the preceding article is agreed. - - 8. It is also agreed that the commissioners for this confederation - hereafter at their meetings, whether ordinary or extraordinary, as - they may have commission or opportunity, shall endeavour to frame - agreements in cases of a civil nature, in which all the colonies - are interested, for the preservation of peace among themselves, and - preventing as much as possible all causes of war or dispute with - others.... - - 9. And since the justest wars may have dangerous consequences, - especially for the smaller settlements in these United Colonies, it - is agreed that neither Massachusetts, New Plymouth, Connecticut, - nor New Haven, nor any member of any of them, shall at any - time hereafter begin, undertake, or engage themselves, or this - confederation or any part thereof, in any way whatsoever (sudden - exigencies excepted), without the consent and agreement of six of - the forementioned eight commissioners.... - - 10. That on special occasions, when meetings are summoned by three - magistrates of any jurisdiction, if any of the commissioners do not - come, due notice having been given or sent, it is agreed that four - of the commissioners shall have power to direct a war which cannot - be delayed, and to send for due proportions of men out of each - jurisdiction; but not less than six shall determine the justice of - the war, or allow the demands or bills of expenses, or cause any - levies to be made for it. - - 11. It is further agreed, that if any of the confederates shall - hereafter break any of these articles of agreement, or in any way - injure any one of the other jurisdictions, such breach of agreement - or injury shall be duly considered by the commissioners for the - other jurisdictions; that both peace and this present confederation - may be entirely preserved without violation. - - 12. Lastly, this perpetual confederation and its several articles, - being read and seriously considered both by the General Court - of Massachusetts and by the commissioners for New Plymouth, - Connecticut, and New Haven, is fully allowed and confirmed by three - of the afore-named confederates, viz., Massachusetts, Connecticut, - and New Haven; the commissioners for New Plymouth having no - commission to conclude, request time to advise with their General - Court.... - - * * * * * - - At a meeting of the commissioners for the confederation held at - Boston on the 7th of September, it appearing that the General - Court of New Plymouth, and the several townships thereof, have - read, considered, and approved these articles of confederation, - as appears by commission from their General Court bearing date - the 29th of August, 1643, to Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. William - Collier, to ratify and confirm the same on their behalfs; we - therefore the commissioners for Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New - Haven, do also, for our several governments subscribe to them. - - JOHN WINTHROP, Gov. of Mass. GEORGE FENWICK - THOMAS DUDLEY EDWARD HOPKINS - THEOPH. EATON THOMAS GREGSON - -At their first meeting held at Boston on the above mentioned -date, amongst other things they had the following matter of great -importance to consider. The Narragansetts, after subduing the -Pequots, thought they were going to rule over all the Indians -round them; but the English, especially those of Connecticut, were -friendly with Uncas, sachem of the Monhigg tribe, which lived near -them, as the Narragansetts did near those of Massachusetts. Uncas -had been faithful to them in the Pequot war, and they had agreed to -support him in his just liberties, and were willing that such of the -surviving Pequots as had submitted to him, should remain with him and -live quietly under his protection. This greatly increased his power -and importance, and the Narragansetts could not endure to see it. -So Miantinomo, their chief sachem, an ambitious man, tried secretly -and by treachery according to the Indian way, to make away with him, -hiring some one to kill him. They tried to poison him; that not -succeeding, they planned to knock him on the head in the night in -his house, or to shoot him,—and such like devices. But none of these -plots taking effect, Miantinomo made open war upon Uncas, though it -was contrary to his agreements with the English and the Monhiggs. -He suddenly came upon him with 900 or 1000 men, without proclaiming -war. Uncas at that time had not half so many; but it pleased God to -give him the victory, and he slew many of the Narragansetts, and -wounded many more; but most important of all, he took Miantinomo -prisoner. But as he was a great man, and the Narragansetts a powerful -people who would be sure to seek revenge, he did nothing until he -had taken the advice of the English; so by the help and direction of -those of Connecticut, he kept him prisoner until this meeting of the -confederation. The commissioners weighed the cause between Uncas and -Miantinomo, and the evidence being duly considered, the commissioners -saw that Uncas would not be safe while Miantinomo lived. So they -concluded that he might justly put such a false and blood-thirsty -enemy to death; but in his own jurisdiction, not on English ground. -They advised that in his execution all mercy and toleration should -be shown, contrary to the practise of the Indians who use tortures -and all kinds of cruelty. Furthermore, as Uncas had hitherto shown -himself a friend to the English, and had consulted them in this, if -the Narragansett Indians, or others, unjustly attacked Uncas for this -execution, the commissioners promised that the English would assist -and protect him as far as they could against violence, upon notice -and request. - -Uncas followed this advice, and accordingly executed Miantinomo, in -a fair manner, with due respect for the honour of his position. But -what followed on the Narragansetts’ part will appear later. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIV - -Suggested removal of the Church of New Plymouth to Nauset—The -Narragansetts continue their attack on Uncas and the Monhiggs—Truce -arranged by the English: 1644. - - -Mr. Edward Winslow was chosen governor this year. - -Many having left here, owing to the district being so limited and -barren, and their finding better accommodation elsewhere,—and several -others looking for opportunity to go, the church began seriously -to consider whether it were not better to remove jointly to some -other place, than to be thus weakened, and, as it were, insensibly -dissolved. Much consultation took place, and opinions varied. Some -were for staying together here, arguing that people could live here -if only they were content, and that it was not so much for necessity -that they removed, as for enriching themselves. Others were resolute -upon removal, and signified that here they could not stay, and that -if the church did not remove they must. This swayed many to agree to -removal, rather than that there should be a total dissolution, if -a place could be found suitable to accommodate the whole body more -conveniently and comfortably, and with room for development should -others join them for their greater strength and better subsistence. -With these provisos the majority consented to removal to a place -called Nauset, which had been superficially viewed, and the good-will -of the owners obtained. They began too late to see the error of -their previous policy, for they found they had already given away -the best and most convenient places to others, and now were in want -of such situations themselves; for Nauset was about 50 miles from -here, on the outskirts of the country, and remote from all society. -Furthermore, on closer examination, they found it would prove so -limited, that it would not suffice to accommodate the whole body, -much less be capable of any expansion. So in a short time they would -be worse off there than they were now. This made them change their -resolution; but such as were resolved upon removal took advantage of -the agreement made, and went on notwithstanding; nor could the rest -hinder them, since they had already made some beginning. Thus was -this poor church left like an ancient mother, grown old, and forsaken -of her children,—though not in their affections, yet as regards their -bodily presence and personal helpfulness. Her ancient members being -most of them worn away by death, and those of later times being, like -children, transferred to other families, she, like a widow, was left -only to trust in God. Thus she who had made many rich, herself became -poor. - -Soon another broil was begun by the Narragansetts. Though they had -unjustly made war upon Uncas, as before described, the winter before -this they earnestly urged the Governor of Massachusetts to permit -them to make war again in revenge for the death of their sagamore, -claiming that Uncas had first received and accepted ransom for -Miantinomo, and then put him to death. But the Governor refused -the presents they brought, and told them it was they themselves -who had done wrong and broken the conditions of peace; neither he -nor any of the English would allow them to make any further war -upon Uncas, and that if they did so the English must assist him and -oppose them; but if when the commissioners met, the matter having -had a fair hearing, it could be proved that he had received this -ransom, they would make Uncas return it. Notwithstanding this, at -the spring of the year they gathered in great power, and fell upon -Uncas, killing many of his men and wounding more, besides receiving -some loss themselves. Uncas then called for aid from the English. -They told him what the Narragansetts objected; he denied it. They -told him it must come to trial, and if he was innocent, should the -Narragansetts refuse to desist, they would assist him. So at this -meeting they sent both to Uncas and the Narragansetts, and required -their sagamores to come, or send deputies to the commissioners, who -had now met at Hartford, promising a fair and impartial hearing of -all their grievances, and that all wrongs should be redressed. They -also promised that they should come and return without any danger or -molestation. Upon which the Narragansetts sent one sagamore and some -other deputies, with full power to do what was thought right. Uncas -came in person, accompanied by some of his chiefs. After discussion, -the commissioners made the following declaration to the Narragansett -deputies: - - 1. That they did not find any proof of a ransom being agreed upon. - - 2. It did not appear that any wampum had been paid as a ransom, or - any part of a ransom for Miantinomo’s life. - - 3. That, had they in any way proved their charge against Uncas, the - commissioners would have required him to make due satisfaction. - - 4. That if hereafter they could produce satisfactory proof, the - English would consider it, and proceed accordingly. - - 5. The commissioners required that neither they nor their allies, - the Nyanticks, should make war or injurious assault upon Uncas or - any of his tribe, until they could show proof of the ransom being - given,—unless he should first attack them. - - 6. That if they attacked Uncas, the English had undertaken to - assist him. - -Hereupon the Narragansett sachem, consulting with the other deputies, -undertook on behalf of the Narragansetts and Nyanticks that no -hostile acts should be committed upon Uncas or any of his tribe -till after the next planting of corn; and that thereafter, before -they made war they would give 30 days’ notice to the Governor of -Massachusetts or Connecticut. The commissioners, approving of -this offer, required Uncas, as he expected the continuance of the -favour of the English, to observe the same terms of peace with the -Narragansetts and their people. - -The foregoing conclusions were then subscribed by the commissioners -for the several jurisdictions, on the 19th of Sept., 1644: Edward -Hopkins, President; Simon Bradstreet, William Hathorne, Edward -Winslow, John Brown, George Fenwick, Theoph. Eaton, Thomas Gregson. - -The Narragansett deputies further promised that if, contrary to this -agreement, any of the Nyantick Pequots made any attack upon Uncas -or any of his people, they would deliver them to the English for -punishment, and that they would not attempt to incite the Mohawks -against Uncas during this truce. Their names were subscribed with -their marks: Weetowish; Pampiamett; Chinnough; Pummunis. - - - - -CHAPTER XXV - -The Narragansetts renew their attacks on Uncas and threaten the -English—Preparation for War by the Colonies—Declaration of War by -the English—Peace arranged and General Treaty signed by the United -Colonies of New England and the Narragansetts and Nyanticks: 1645. - - -This year the commissioners were summoned to meet at Boston before -their ordinary time, partly in regard to some differences between -the French and the Government of Massachusetts, about their aiding -Governor La Tour against Monsieur d’Aulney; and partly about the -Indians, who had broken the agreements of peace concluded last year. -This meeting was held at Boston on July 28th. - -Besides some underhand attacks made on both sides, the Narragansetts -gathered a great power and fell upon Uncas and killed many of his -men and wounded many more, far exceeding him in number, and having -got a large number of arms. They did this without the knowledge and -consent of the English, contrary to the former agreement, and were -determined to continue the war, notwithstanding anything the English -said or did. So, encouraged by their recent victory, and by a promise -of assistance from the Mohawks—a strong, warlike, and desperate -tribe,—they had already devoured Uncas and his people in their hopes, -and would surely have done so in fact if the English had not quickly -gone to his aid. But the English of Connecticut sent him 40 men, as a -garrison for him, till the commissioners could meet and take further -steps. - -Having thus met, they forthwith sent three messengers, Sergeant -John Davis, Benedict Arnold, and Francis Smith, with full and ample -instructions both to the Narragansetts and Uncas, requiring them -either to come in person or send qualified deputies; and if they -refused or delayed, to warn them that the English were determined to -oppose these hostile invasions, and that they had sent their men to -defend Uncas, and to know of the Narragansetts whether they would -stand by the former peace. - -The messengers returned from the Narragansetts, not only with -slights, but with a threatening answer. They also brought a letter -from Mr. Roger Williams, assuring them that war would shortly break -out, and the whole country would be aflame; and that the sachems -of the Narragansetts had concluded a neutrality with the English -of Providence and Aquidnett Island. Whereupon the commissioners, -considering the great danger and provocations offered, and the -necessity we should be put to of making war on the Narragansetts, -and being cautious to have the way clear in a matter of such wide -public concern to all the colonies, thought fit to advise with such -of the magistrates and elders of Massachusetts as were at hand, and -also with some of the chief military commanders there; who being -assembled, it was then agreed: - - 1. That our engagement bound us to aid and defend Uncas. - - 2. That this aid could not be confined to defence of him and his - fort or habitation, but must be extended to the security of his - liberty and property. - - 3. That this aid must be speedy, lest he should be swallowed up in - the meantime. - - 4. The justice of the war being clear to ourselves and the rest - then present, it was thought meet that the case should be stated, - and the reasons and grounds of the war declared and published. - - 5. That a day of humiliation should be appointed, which was the - fifth day of the week following. - - 6. It was also agreed by the commissioners that the total - number of men to be raised throughout the colonies should be - 300—Massachusetts 190, New Plymouth 40, Connecticut 40, New Haven - 30; and that considering Uncas was in instant danger, 40 men - should forthwith be sent from Massachusetts for his relief—for - the 40 previously sent from Connecticut, had orders to stay only - one month, and their time having expired, they returned; and the - Narragansetts hearing of it, took the advantage and came suddenly - upon him and gave him another blow, to his further loss, and were - ready to do so again; but the 40 men from Massachusetts having - arrived, they drew off. - -The declaration of war which they published I shall not transcribe, -as it is very long and is already in print. I will only note the -insolent reception of it by the Narragansetts, and the answers to -the three messengers sent from the commissioners to deliver it. They -received them with scorn and contempt, and told them they resolved -to have no peace without the head of Uncas; that it mattered not -who began the war, they were determined to continue it; that if -the English did not withdraw their garrison from Uncas, they would -procure the Mohawks against them. Ultimately they threatened that -they would lay the English cattle in heaps as high as their houses, -and that no Englishman should stir outside his door so much as -to relieve himself, but he should be killed. When the messengers -demanded guides to pass on through their country to deliver the -message of the commissioners to Uncas, they refused them, and -in scorn offered them an old Pequot woman. Nay, the messengers -personally were in danger; for while the interpreter was speaking -with them about the answer he should take back, some natives came and -stood behind him with hatchets, according to their murderous manner; -but one of his comrades gave him warning, and so all three broke off -and came away. These and similar affronts so terrified the Indians -they had with them, that they ran away, and left them to get home as -best they could. - -So the confederation hastened the preparations, according to the -agreement, and sent to New Plymouth to despatch their 40 men with -all speed, to be stationed at Seekonk, lest it should be in danger -before the rest were ready. They were all well armed with snaphance -guns, under command of Captain Standish. Those from other places were -also led by able commanders, such as Captain Mason for Connecticut, -etc. Major Gibbons was made General, with such commissions and -instructions as were proper. - -Everything being ready,—some of the soldiers already started and the -rest ready to march,—the commissioners thought it right before any -hostile act was committed, to return a present which had previously -been sent to the Governor of Massachusetts from the Narragansett -sachems, and though not accepted by him, had been laid by to be -accepted or refused according to their behaviour. So it was sent back -by two messengers and an interpreter, who were further instructed -to inform the Narragansetts that the men the English had already -sent to Uncas and other parts, had express orders, so far, only to -stand upon his or their defence, and not to attempt any invasion -of the Narragansetts’ country; and that even yet, if they made due -reparation for what had past, and gave good security for the future, -they should find that the English were as desirous of peace and -as tender of Narragansett blood as ever. If therefore Pessecuss, -Jenemo, with the other sachems, would without further delay come -with them to Boston, the commissioners promised and assured them -free liberty to come and return without molestation. But deputies -would not now serve, nor would the preparations on hand be stayed or -the directions recalled till the aforementioned sagamores came, and -further consultation had taken place. If, on the other hand, they -would have nothing but war, the English were ready, and would proceed -accordingly. - -Pessecuss, Mixano, and Weetowish, three principal sachems of the -Narragansett Indians, and Awasequin, deputy for the Nyantics, with a -large train of men, a few days after, came to Boston. - -To omit all other circumstances, and the discussion which took place -between them and the commissioners, they came to the following -conclusion. - - 1. It is agreed between the commissioners of the United Colonies - and the Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores, that the latter - shall pay or cause to be paid at Boston, to the Massachusetts - commissioners, the full sum of 2000 fathom of good white wampum, - or a third part of black wampum, in four payments; namely, 500 - fathom within 20 days, 500 fathom within four months, 500 fathom - at or before next corn planting time, and 500 fathom within two - years from the date of these presents; which 2000 fathom the - commissioners accept as satisfaction for former expenses defrayed. - - 2. The aforesaid sagamores and deputy, on behalf of the - Narragansett and Nyantick Indians, hereby promise and covenant - that upon demand and proof they will restore to Uncas, the Monhigg - sagamore, all captives both men, women, and children; all canoes, - which they or any of their men have taken, or as many Narragansett - canoes, in good condition, in place of them; and will give full - satisfaction for all such corn as they or any of their men have - destroyed of his or his men’s, since last planting time; and the - English commissioners hereby promise that Uncas shall do likewise. - - 3. Whereas there are various disputes and grievances between the - Narragansett and Nyantick Indians, and Uncas and his men, which - in the absence of Uncas cannot now be determined, it is hereby - agreed that the Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores, either - come themselves, or send their deputies, to the meeting of the - commissioners for the Colonies, either at New Haven in September, - 1646,—or sooner, upon due notice, if the said commissioners meet - sooner,—fully instructed to make due proof of their injuries, - and to submit to the judgment of the commissioners in giving or - receiving satisfaction; and the said commissioners, not doubting - but Uncas will either come himself or send his deputies, promise to - give full hearing to both parties impartially, according to their - allegations and proofs. - - 4. The said Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores and deputies do - hereby promise and covenant to maintain a firm and perpetual - peace, both with all the English United Colonies and their - successors, and with Uncas the Monhigg sachem and his men; with - Ossamequine, Pumham, Sokanoke, Cutshamakin, Shoanan, Passaconaway, - and all other sagamores and their tribes who are in friendship - with or subject to any of the English; hereby engaging themselves, - that they will not at any time hereafter, disturb the peace of - the country by any attacks, hostile attempts, invasions, or other - injuries to any of the United Colonies or their successors, or - to the aforesaid Indians, either in their persons, buildings, - cattle, or goods, directly or indirectly; nor will they combine - with any other enemy against them; and if they know of any Indians - or others who are conspiring or intend harm to the said English, - or any Indians subject to or in friendship with them, they will - without delay acquaint and give notice thereof to the English - commissioners, or some of them. Or if any questions or disputes - shall at any time hereafter arise between them and Uncas, or any - Indians mentioned above, they will, according to former engagements - which they hereby confirm and ratify, first acquaint the English, - and request their judgment and advice therein, and will not attempt - or begin any war or hostile invasion, till they have liberty and - permission from the Commissioners of the United Colonies so to do. - - 5. The said Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores and deputies do - hereby promise that they will forthwith deliver and restore all - such Indian fugitives or captives as have at any time fled from the - English, and are now living among them, or give due satisfaction - for them to the commissioners for Massachusetts; and further, - that they will without delay pay or cause to be paid, a yearly - tribute, a month before harvest, every year after this, at Boston, - to the English Colonies, for all such Pequots as live among them, - according to the former treaty and agreement made at Hartford, - 1638, namely one fathom of white wampum for every Pequot man, and - half a fathom for each Pequot youth, and one hand length for each - male child; and if Weequashcooke refuse to pay this tribute for - any Pequots with him, the Narragansett sagamores promise to assist - the English against him. And they further undertake that they will - resign and yield up the whole Pequot country, and every part of it, - to the English Colonies, as due to them by conquest. - - 6. The said Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores and deputy do - hereby promise and covenant that within 14 days, they will bring - and deliver to the Massachusetts commissioners on behalf of - the Colonies, four of their children, viz., the eldest son of - Pessecuss, the son of Tassaquanawite, the brother of Pessecuss, the - son of Awashawe, and the son of Ewangso, a Nyantick, to be kept - as hostages or pledges by the English, till the aforementioned - 2000 fathom of wampum has been paid at the times appointed, and - the differences between themselves and Uncas have been heard and - settled, and until these articles have been underwritten at Boston - by Jenemo and Wipetock. And further, they hereby promise and - covenant, that if at any time hereafter any of the said children - shall escape or be taken away from the English, before the promises - be fully accomplished, they will either bring back and deliver - to the Massachusetts commissioners the same children, or if they - cannot be found, such and so many other children as shall be chosen - by the commissioners for the United Colonies, or their assigns, - within twenty days after demand; and in the meantime, until the - said four children be delivered as hostages, the Narragansett and - Nyantick sagamores and deputy do freely and of their own accord - leave with the Massachusetts commissioners, as pledges for present - security, four Indians, viz., Weetowish, Pummunish, Jawashoe, - Waughwamino, who also freely consent and offer themselves to stay - as pledges, till the aforesaid children are delivered. - - 7. The commissioners for the United Colonies do hereby promise and - agree that the four Indians now left as pledges shall be provided - for at the expense of the United Colonies, and that the four - children to be delivered as hostages shall be kept and maintained - at the same expense; that they will require Uncas and his men, - with all other Indian sagamores before named, to forbear all acts - of hostility against the Narragansett and Nyantick Indians for the - future, and further, all the promises being duly observed and kept - by the Narragansetts and Nyanticks and their tribes, they will - at the end of the two years restore the said children delivered - as hostages, and maintain a firm peace with the Narragansett and - Nyantick Indians and their successors. - - 8. It is fully agreed by and between the said parties, that if any - hostile attempts be made while this treaty is in hand, or before - notice of this agreement can be given, such attempts and the - consequences thereof shall on neither part be counted a violation - of this treaty, nor a breach of the peace here made and concluded. - - 9. The Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores and deputy hereby agree - and covenant to and with the commissioners of the United Colonies, - that henceforth they will neither give, grant, sell, nor in any - way alienate, any part of their country, nor any parcel of land - therein, to any of the English or others, without consent and - permission of the commissioners. - - 10. Lastly they promise that if any Pequot or other Indians be - found among them who have in time of peace murdered any of the - English, they shall be delivered to just punishment. - - In witness whereof the parties above named have interchangeably - subscribed these presents, the day and year above written. - - JOHN WINTHROP, President PESSECUSS his mark - HERBERT PELHAM MEEKESANO his mark - THOMAS PRINCE WEETOWISH his mark - JOHN BROWN AWASEQUIN his mark - GEORGE FENWICK ABDAS his mark - EDWARD HOPKINS PUMMUNISH his mark - THEOPH. EATON CUTSHAMAKIN his mark - STEPHEN GOODYEAR - -In drawing up this treaty and agreement between the commissioners of -the United Colonies and the sagamores and deputy of the Narragansett -and Nyantick Indians, Benedict Arnold was interpreter, upon his oath; -Sergeant Callicote, and his man, an Indian, were present; and Josias -and Cutshamakin, two Indians acquainted with the English language, -assisted,—making the whole treaty and every article clear to the -sagamores and deputy present. Thus was the war pending at this time -prevented. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVI - -Captain Thomas Cromwell settles in Massachusetts—His death—Edward -Winslow’s long stay in England: 1646. - - -About the middle of May this year, three men of war entered the -harbour. The Captain’s name was Thomas Cromwell, and he had captured -several prizes from the Spaniards in the West Indies. He had a -commission from the Earl of Warwick. Aboard his vessel were about 80 -strong young fellows, but very unruly, who, when they came ashore, so -distempered themselves with drink that they became like madmen; and -though some of them were punished and imprisoned, they could hardly -be restrained; but in the end they became more moderate and orderly. -They remained here about a month or six weeks, then going on to -Massachusetts; in the meantime scattering a great deal of money among -the people,—and even more sin than money, I fear, notwithstanding all -the care taken to prevent it. - -While they were here a sad accident occurred. One desperate fellow -amongst them started wrangling with some of his comrades. Captain -Cromwell commanded him to be quiet and cease his quarreling; but he -would not, and reviled him with bad language, and in the end half -drew his rapier intending to run at him; but the captain closed with -him and snatched the rapier from him and gave him a box on the ear; -even then he would not give over, but continued to assault him. -Whereupon the Captain gave him a blow with the hilt of the rapier, -just as it was in the scabbard. It chanced to hit his head, and the -small end of the bar of the rapier-hilt piercing his skull, he died -a few days after. But the captain was exonerated by court martial, -for it appeared that the fellow was so quarrelsome that he had -several times been chained under hatches to prevent him from hurting -his comrades, to which they testified. - -This Captain Cromwell made another voyage to the West Indies from -the Bay of Massachusetts, well manned and provisioned. He was out -three years and took many prizes, and returned rich to Massachusetts. -The same summer he had a fall from his horse; he fell on his rapier -hilt, and bruised himself so badly that he died shortly after. It was -remarked by some that this might show the hand of God, and that as -one of his men had died of the blow he gave him with the rapier hilt, -so his own death was caused by similar means. - -This year Mr. Edward Winslow went to England. Some discontented -persons in Massachusetts had endeavoured to disturb the peace, -and to undermine if not upset their government, by uttering many -slanders about them, and even intended to prosecute them in England -by petitioning and complaining to Parliament. Samuel Gorton and -his people also made complaints against them. So they chose Mr. -Winslow, as their agent, to defend them, and gave him commission -and instructions to that end. He managed things so well for them -that he cleared them of all blame and dishonour, and disgraced their -opponents. But owing to the great upheavals in the government there, -he was detained longer than was expected, and later he met with other -employments there, so that he has now been absent for four years, -which has been much to the loss of this government. - - - The names of those who came over first in the Mayflower, in the - year 1620 and were by the blessing of God the first beginners and - founders of the Settlements and Colonies of New England, with their - families: written down A. D. 1650. - -JOHN CARVER; Katherine, his wife; DESIRE MINTER; two men-servants, -JOHN HOWLAND and ROGER WILDER; a boy, WILLIAM LATHAM; a maid-servant; -a child who was put under his charge, called JASPER MORE. - - Mr. and Mrs. Carver, Wilder, and Jasper More all died here during - the first general sickness. Desire Minter returned to England; - Latham stayed twenty years and then returned; the maid-servant - married here, and died a year or two after. Howland married - Elizabeth Tillie. Both are living. They had ten children. - -WILLIAM BREWSTER; Mary, his wife; two sons, Love and Wrestling; a boy -in his charge called Richard More, and another of his brothers. - - The rest of his children were left behind, and came over - afterwards. Mr. Brewster lived here 23 or 24 years, being about - 80 when he died. His wife died some time before. Wrestling died - unmarried. Love had four children, and died in 1650. The eldest - son, who came after, had nine children, and is still living; and - the daughters, who came with him, married, and are dead. The - brother of Richard More died the first winter. Richard married and - has four or five children. - -EDWARD WINSLOW; Elizabeth, his wife; two men-servants, GEORGE SOWLE -and ELIAS STORY; a little girl in his charge, ELLEN, sister of -Richard More. - - Mr. Winslow’s wife died the first winter. He married later the - widow of Mr. White, and has two children living. Story and Ellen - More died soon after the ship’s arrival. George Sowle is living and - has eight children. - -WILLIAM BRADFORD; Dorothy, his wife. - - Their only child, a son, was left behind, and came over after. Mrs. - Bradford died soon after their arrival. Mr. Bradford married again, - and had four children. - -ISAAC ALLERTON; Mary, his wife; three children, Bartholomew, -Remember, and Mary; a servant boy, JOHN HOOK. - - Mrs. Allerton, and the boy, Hook, died in the first general - sickness. Bartholomew married in England. His daughter, Remember, - married at Salem and has three or four children living. Mary - married here and has four children. Mr. Allerton married, secondly, - a daughter of William Brewster, and had one son; he married a third - time, and left this place long ago. - -SAMUEL FULLER; a servant, WILLIAM BUTTON. - - His wife and a child were left behind, and came over afterwards. - Two more children were born here, and are living. Button died at - sea. Mr. Fuller died 15 years ago. - -JOHN CRACKSTON, his son, John. - - John Crackston died in the first sickness. His son died 5 or 6 - years after; he lost himself in the woods in winter, and his feet - were frozen, which brought on fever. - -MYLES STANDISH; Rose his wife. - - Mrs. Standish died in the first sickness. Captain Standish married - again, and has four sons living. - -CHRISTOPHER MARTIN; his wife, two servants, SOLOMON PROWER and JOHN -LANGMORE. - - All these died in the first sickness, soon after their arrival. - -WILLIAM MULLINS; his wife; two children, Joseph and Priscilla; a -servant, ROBERT CARTER. - - All but Priscilla died in the first sickness. She married John - Alden; both are living. They have eleven children. - -WILLIAM WHITE; Susanna, his wife; one son, Resolved; and one born -aboard ship called Peregrine; two servants, WILLIAM HOLBECK and -EDWARD THOMSON. - - Mr. White and his two servants died soon after their landing. His - widow married Mr. Winslow. His two sons are living. - -STEPHEN HOPKINS; Elizabeth, his wife; two children by a former wife, -Giles and Constanta; and two by this wife, Damaris and Oceanus—the -latter born on the voyage; two servants, EDWARD DOTY and EDWARD -LISTER. - - Mr. and Mrs. Hopkins lived here over twenty years, and had one - son and four daughters born here. Doty is living, and has seven - children by a second wife. Lister went to Virginia and died there. - -RICHARD WARREN. - - His wife and four daughters were left behind and came afterwards, - and two more were born here. Mr. Warren lived some four or five - years here. - -JOHN BILLINGTON; Ellen, his wife; two sons, John and Francis. -Billington was executed after he had been here ten years. His eldest -son died before him; his second is married. - -EDWARD TILLIE; Anne, his wife; two children (their cousins), HENRY -SAMSON and HUMILITY COOPER. - - Mr. and Mrs. Edward Tillie died soon after their arrival. Humility - Cooper returned to England and died there. Henry Samson is living - and has seven children. - -JOHN TILLIE; his wife; their daughter, Elizabeth. - - Mr. and Mrs. John Tillie died soon after their arrival. Elizabeth - married John Howland (see above). - -FRANCIS COOK; his son, John. - - Mrs. Cook and other children came over afterwards. Three more - children were born here. His son, John, is married. Mr. Cook is a - very old man, and has seen his children’s children have children. - -THOMAS ROGERS; Joseph, his son. - - Mr. Rogers died in the first sickness. His son, Joseph, is - living and has six children. The rest of his children came over - afterwards, and are married, and have many children. - -THOMAS TINKER; his wife; their son. - - All died in the first sickness. - -JOHN RIGDALE; Alice, his wife. - - Both died in the first sickness. - -JAMES CHILTON; his wife; their daughter, Mary. - - Another daughter, who was married, came after. Mr. and Mrs. Chilton - died in the first sickness. Mary Chilton married, and has nine - children. - -EDWARD FULLER; his wife; their son, Samuel. - - Mr. and Mrs. Fuller died soon after they came ashore. Samuel Fuller - is living, and has four children, or more. - -JOHN TURNER; two sons. - - All died in the first sickness. His daughter came some years after - to Salem, and is married. - -FRANCIS EATON; Sarah, his wife; their baby, Samuel. - - Mrs. Eaton died in the general sickness. Mr. Eaton married a second - and third time, having three children by his third wife. Samuel is - married and has a child. - -MOSES FLETCHER; JOHN GOODMAN; THOMAS WILLIAMS; DIGERIE PRIEST; EDMUND -MARGESON; RICHARD BRITTERIDGE; RICHARD CLARK; RICHARD GARDNER; PETER -BROWN; GILBERT WINSLOW. - - The first seven died in the general sickness. Digerie Priest’s wife - and children came afterwards, she being Mrs. Allerton’s sister. - Gardner became a sailor, and died in England, or at sea. Peter - Brown married twice, leaving four children; he died about sixteen - years since. Gilbert Winslow, after several years here returned to - England and died there. - -JOHN ALDEN. - - Mr. Alden was hired at Southampton as a cooper. Being a likely - young man, he was desirable as a settler; but it was left to his - own choice to stay here or return to England; he stayed, and - married Priscilla Mullins (see above). - -JOHN ALLERTON; THOMAS ENGLISH; WILLIAM TREVOR; and one, ELY. The -first two were hired as sailors, the one to stay here with the -shallop, the other to go back and help over those left behind; but -both died here before the Mayflower returned. The last two were hired -to stay here a year; both returned when their time was out. - - -Of these 100 or so of persons who came over first, more than half -died in the first general sickness. Of those that remained, some were -too old to have children. Nevertheless in those thirty years there -have sprung up from that stock over 160 persons now living in this -year 1650; and of the old stock itself nearly thirty persons still -survive. Let the Lord have the praise, Who is the High Preserver of -men. - - - - -INDEX - - - Abdas, 337. - - Accord Pond, 301. - - Adventurers, preliminaries with, 35 et seq.; - Dissolve partnership, 162, 174. - (_See also_ Weston, Sherley, Beauchamp, Andrews, Allerton, etc.) - - Albany, _see_ Fort Orange. - - Alden, John, arrest of, 255; - Mentioned, 307, 311, 312; - Family, 343. - - Alden, Robert, 176. - - Allerton, Isaac, letter to Carver and Cushman, 41; - Assistant to Governor, 85; - In England, 172, 182, 188, 201, 204, 211, 217; - Discharged, 224, 227; - Accounts confused, 231 et seq.; - White Angel let out to, 234; - Sold to, 241; - In debt to partners, 242 et seq., 253, 266, 295, 306; - Family, 341. - - Allerton, John, 343. - - Alltham, Emanuel, 176. - - Amsterdam, 14, 44, 45, 47. - - Andrews, Captain, 277. - - Andrews, Richard, 175, 189, 208, 227, 232, 266, 277, 302; - Beaver sent to, 295; - Land at Scituate, 298; - Settlement with, 307. - - Andrews, Thomas, 176. - - Anne, The, 119, 121, 151. - - Anthony, Lawrence, 176. - - Aquidnett Island, 294, 331. - - Argoll, Captain, 31, 32. - - Arminians, 17, 18. - - Arnold, Benedict, 331, 337. - - Ashley, Edward, 208, et seq.; - Sends beaver home, 216, 221; - Arrested, 222; - His death, 223; - Mentioned, 227, 231, 234. - - Atwood, John, Sherley’s agent, 305 et seq., 312. - - Awasequin, 334, 337. - - Awashawe, 335. - - - Babb, Captain, 277. - - Baker, Captain, 143. - - Baptism, 310. - - Barnstable, 302. - - Bass, Edward, 175. - - Beauchamp, John, one of original adventurers, 98, 100, 175, 176; - in new partnership, 189; - Co-agent for New Plymouth partners, 189; - Penobscot Patent in his name, 208; - Quarrels with Sherley, 277; - Beaver sent to, 295; - Settlement with, 306 et seq. - - Bellingham, Richard, 267, 269, 270. - - Billirike (Billerica), settlers from, 46. - - Billington, John, loses himself, 86; - Executed, 224; - Family, 342. - - Blackwell, Sir Francis, 31 et seq. - - Block Island, 281, 284. - - Blossom, Thomas, 252. - - Boston, in Lincolshire, 9. - - Boston, Mass., Joint Council of Colonies at, 258; - Commission of United Colonies at, 322. - (_See also_ Endicott, Winthrop, etc.). - - Bound Brook, 301. - - Bradford, William, letter to Carver and Cushman, 41, 42; - Illness, 77; - First chosen Governor, 85; - Patent at Kennebec in his name, 253; - Surrenders New Plymouth Patent, 302; - Family, 340. - - Bradstreet, Simon, 269, 329. - - Brewer, Thomas, 40, 176. - - Brewster, Jonathan, 272. - - Brewster, William, Elder of the Church, 8; - Goes to Holland, 14; - Correspondence with Sandys and Worstenholme, 27 et seq.; - To go to America, 35; - Services to the sick, 77; - Letters from Adventurers, 102 et seq.; - Mentioned, 108, 145, 189, 307; - From Robinson, 140; - Death of, 314; - Career, 315 et seq.; - Family, 340. - - Bristol, England, 218, 227, 230, 234. - - Britteridge, Richard, 343. - - Brook, Lord, 255. - - Brown, John, 329, 334. - - Brown, Peter, 343. - - Browning, Henry, 176. - - Button, William, dies, 63, 341. - - - Callicote, Sergeant, 337. - - Calvin, John, 4. - - Canterbury, Archbishop of, _see_ Laud, Archbishop. - - Capawack, Isle of, 82, 88, 104. - - Cape Ann, patent for, 136, 142; - Salt-pans at, 144; - Dispute over dock at, 162. - - Cape Cod, arrival at, 64, 67, 92; - Exploring the Bay of, 69; - Ships wrecked at, 82, 159, 178. - - Carter, Robert, 341. - - Carver, John, agent to England, 26, 27; - Letter from Robinson, 39; - From Leyden, 41; - From Cushman, 46; - From Robinson, 53; - From Weston, 90, 98, 99; - First Governor, 76; - Dies, 85; - Family, 340. - - Cattle, first at New Plymouth, 135; - Prices of, 296, 310. - - Charity, The, 135. - - Charles I’s Colonial Commission, 239, 263. - - Charles River, 299. - - Charlestown, 299. - - Charlton, 81. - - Chatham, _see_ Manamoick. - - Chauncey, Charles, invited to New Plymouth, 309. - - Chilton, James, and family, 343. - - Chinnough, 329. - - Christmas at New Plymouth, 74, 94, 95. - - Clark, Mr., pilot, 45. - - Clark, Richard, 343. - - Clifton, Rev. Richard, 8. - - Cobiseconte, 254. - - Coddington, Wm., 225, 269. - - Cohasset, 300, 301. - - Collier, William, 176, 231, 246; - Sherley’s agent, 305 et seq. - - Colonies of New England, Confederation of, 321. - - Commissioners for the Colonies, 239; - Winslow’s petition to, 263. - - Confederation of New England Colonies, 321. - - Connecticut River and Territory, 240, 260 et seq., 271, 279, 283 et - seq., 329. - - Cook, Francis, and family, 342. - - Cooke, Mr. Secretary, 239. - - Cooper, Humility, 342. - - Coppin, Robert, 72. - - Corbitant, 87 et seq. - - Cottington, Lord, 239. - - Cotton, John, 225. - - Coventry, Thomas, 176. - - Crabe, Rev. Mr., 47. - - Crackston, John, and family, 341. - - Cromwell, Capt. Thomas, 338, 339. - - Crose, Daniel, 293. - - Cushman, Robert, agent to England, 26, 27, 36; - Letters to Leyden, 31, 42 et seq.; - Letter from Leyden, 41; - To John Carver, 46; - To Southworth, 59; - Comes in the Fortune, 89; - Letters from, 104, 122, 136; - Mentioned, 39, 50-52, 98; - His death, 170. - - Cutshamakin, 335, 337. - - - Damariscove Islands, 97, 133, 156, 172. - - Dartmouth, England, 57, 59. - - d’Aulney, Monsieur, takes Penobscot, 267, 330. - - Davenport, Lieutenant, 289. - - Davison, William, Secretary of State, 315 et seq. - - Davis, Sergeant John, 331. - - De Rasieres, Isaac, 184, 192. - - Delfthaven, 49. - - Dennison, William, 233. - - Dermer, Captain, 80 et seq. - - Dorchester, 271. - - Dorset, Earl of, 239. - - Doty, Edward, 341. - - Dudley, Thomas, 225, 232, 256, et seq., 259, 269, 324. - - Dumer, Richard, 269. - - Dutch Colony, The, 139, 183 et seq., 196, 249, 261, 275 et seq. - (_See also_ Holland.) - - Dutch Captain at Hull, 10. - - Duxbury, 243, 310. - - - Earthquake, 296. - - Eastham, _see_ Nauset. - - Eaton, Francis, and family, 343. - - Eaton, Theoph., 324, 329, 337. - - Elizabeth, Queen, 4. - - Ely, sailor on Mayflower, 343. - - Endicott, John, arrival, 195 et seq.; - Letters to Governor Bradford, 213-4, 300, 301. - - English, Thomas, sailor on Mayflower, 343. - - Episcopius, 18. - - Ewangso, an Indian, 335. - - - Falcon, The, 276. - - Falkland, Viscount, 239. - - Farrer, Sir George, 42. - - Fells, Mr., 181. - - Fenwick, George, 324, 329, 337. - - Fitcher, Lieutenant, 194. - - Fletcher, Moses, 343. - - Fletcher, Thomas, 176. - - Florida, 24. - - Fort Orange (Albany), 192. - - Fortune, The, 91, 98. - - Freeman, Edmund, 306, 309. - - Friendship, The, 217, 223 et seq., 278, 308. - - Fuller, Edward, and family, 343. - - Fuller, Samuel, (son of Edward) 343. - - Fuller, Dr. Samuel, letter to Carver and Cushman, 41; - Letters from Cushman, 42 et seq.; - Mentioned, 63, 154, 213; - His death, 252; - Family, 341. - - - Galop, John, 290. - - Gardiner, Sir Christopher, 236 et seq. - - Gardner, Richard, 343. - - Gibbons, Major, 333. - - Gibbs, Mr., mate of Sparrow, 188. - - Girling, Captain, 267. - - Glover, Rev. Mr., 273. - - Goffe, Thomas, 176, 188. - - Goodman, John, 343. - - Goodyear, Stephen, 337. - - Gorges, Sir Ferdinand, 80, 127, 204, 239, 264. - - Gorges, Captain Robert, Governor-General, 126; - Arrests Weston, 127 et seq.; - Returns to England, 131. - - Gorton, Samuel, 339. - - Gosnold, Captain, 64. - - Gott, Charles, 214, 215. - - Graves, Captain, 277. - - Greene, William, 101, 102. - - Green’s Harbour, 243. - - Gregson, Thomas, 324, 329. - - Greville, Sir Fulke, 30. - - Griffin, Captain, 277. - - Grimsby, 10. - - Gudburn, Peter, 176. - - Guiana, 24, 37. - - - Hall, Mr., 276. - - Hanson, Captain, 130. - - Hartford, 323. - - Hatherley, Timothy, 176, 202, 208; - At New Plymouth, 217 et seq.; - Mentioned, 227, 229 et seq.; - Settles in New England, 242, 298. - - Hathorne, Wm., 329. - - Haynes, John, Governor of Mass., 269. - - Heath, Thomas, 176. - - Henry, Prince of Orange, 169. - - Hibbins, William, 312. - - Higginson, Francis, 214, 215. - - Hingham, 299 et seq. - - Hobbamok, 87 et seq., 96 et seq. - - Hobson, William, 175. - - Hocking, killed at Kennebec, 254 et seq. - - Holbeck, William, 341. - - Holland, Removal to, 9; - Settling in, 14 et seq.; - Brewster with Davison in, 316. - (_See also_ Amsterdam _and_ Leyden.) - - Holland, Robert, Letter from (R. H.), 163-165, 175. - - Hook, John, 341. - - Hooker, Rev. Thomas, 161. - - Hopkins, Edward, 324, 329, 337. - - Hopkins, Stephen, 86; - Family, 341. - - Houghe, Atherton, 269. - - Howland, John, falls overboard, 63; - Partner, 307; - Family, 340. - - Huddleston, Captain John, 106, 107. - - Hudson, Thomas, 176. - - Hudson Bay, 139. - - Hudson River, 64. - - Hull, 10. - - Humphrey, John, 269. - - Hunt, Captain Thomas, 80. - - Hurricane in New England, 270, 271. - - - Indians, their cruelty, 22; - First seen, 67; - First attack, 70 et seq.; - Mentioned, 79, 96, 111. - (_See also_ Mohawks, Monhiggs, Narragansetts, Neepnetts, Nyanticks, - Pequots, etc.) - - Irish colonists, 181. - - Isle of Shoals, 198. - - - Jackson, Thomas, 293. - - James, Cape, 64. - - James, Mr., a doctor, 294. - - James I., 7, 170, 240. - - James, The, 137. - - Jawashoe, 336. - - Jeffrey, Sergeant, 289. - - Jenemo, 333, 336. - - Johnson, Rev. Francis, 32. - - Johnson, Mr., of Massachusetts, 224, 225. - - Johnstone, Alderman, 31. - - Jones, Captain, 108. - - Josias, 337. - - - Kean, Robert, 175. - - Kennebec, First trade up the river, 167; - Patent for, 182, 200, 204, 233, 253; - Trading-house built at, 191; - Hatherley visits, 221; - Hocking killed at, 254 et seq.; - Massachusetts people trading at, 284; - Trading partnership rearranged, 296. - - King, William, 60. - - Knight, Eliza, 176. - - Knight, John, 176. - - Knowles, Myles, 176. - - - Langmore, John, 341. - - Langrume, Captain, 276, 277. - - Latham, William, 340. - - La Tour, Governor, 330. - - Laud, Archbishop, 264, 265. - - Lee, Lord, 291. - - Levett, Christopher, 126. - - Leyden, removal to, 9; - Life at, 14 et seq.; - Departure from, 49 et seq.; - Opposition to coming of rest of congregation, 101, 104, 135, 152, - 169; - Plans for their coming, 185, 199; - Sent over to New Plymouth, 201 et seq., 212. - - Lincoln, Countess of, 33. - - Lincolnshire, 7, 9. - - Ling, John, 176. - - Lister, Edward, 341, 342. - - London, Bishop of, 239. - - London, the plague in, 167, 276. - - London Bridge on fire, 246. - - Long Island Indians, 290. - - Low Countries (_see_ Holland). - - Ludlow, Mr., 289. - - Lyford, John, arrival at New Plymouth, his plottings, sentence, and - his end, 144 et seq. - - Lyon, The, 244. - - - Maggner, Captain, 31. - - Malabar, Cape, 64. - - Manamoick (Chatham), 81, 109, 179. - - Manoanscussett, 192. - - Manomet (Sandwich), 87; - Pinnace built at, 182; - Mentioned, 192, 271. - - Margeson, Edmund, 343. - - Marriage, the first, 85; - By magistrates, 265. - - Marshfield, 310. - - Martin, Christopher, 46 et seq., 59, 341. - - Martyr, Peter, 117. - - Mary, Queen of England, 4, 236. - - Mary, Queen of Scots, 316. - - Mary and Anne, The, 295. - - Mason, Captain, 239, 264, 265. - - Mason, Captain John, 289, 333. - - Massachusetts, Captain Dermer mentions, 81; - Weston’s colony, 105 et seq.; - Gorges’ settlement, 126 et seq.; - Morton, 193 et seq.; - the Church, 224; - Gardiner, 236; - Roger Williams, 248; - Trouble about settling on the Connecticut, 249 et seq., 271 et seq.; - Alden arrested, 255 et seq.; - New Plymouth seeks help against the French, 267 et seq.; - Trade with Pequots, 280; - Boundaries between Massachusetts and New Plymouth, 298 et seq.; - Trouble with Narragansetts, 321 et seq.; - Confederation of United Colonies, 321; - Treaty with same, 334. - - Massasoyt visits New Plymouth, 79; - Treaty, 79, 86; - Intercourse, 94, 96, 97; - Illness, 112. - - Masterson, Richard, 252. - - Maurice, Prince of Orange, 170. - - Mayflower, The, 45, 50, 57, 62, 202; - List of passengers in, 340 et seq. - - Maypole at Merry Mount, 195. - - Meekesano, 337. - - Merchant Adventurers, _see_ Adventurers. - - Merrimac River, 114. - - Merry Mount, 195. - - Miantinomo, 324, 325, 328. - - Milford Haven, 235. - - Millsop, Thomas, 176. - - Minter, Desire, 340. - - Mixano, 334. - - Mohawks, 289; - Kill Sassacus, 291; - Mentioned, 330. - - Monhegan, 104, 131, 171. - - Monhiggs, attacked by Narragansetts, 291 (_see also_ Uncas). - - Mononotto, 290. - - More, Ellen, Jasper, and Richard, 340. - - Morrell, Rev. William, 131. - - Morton, George, 40. - - Morton, Thomas, in Massachusetts, 194 et seq.; - Arrested, 198; - Allerton brings him to New Plymouth, 205, 206; - Imprisoned in Boston, 206; - Gives evidence against Winslow, 265. - - Mott, Thomas, 175. - - Mount Wollaston, 194 et seq. - - Mullins, William, 52; - and family, 341. - - Munisses Island, 281. - - - Namasket, 81. - - Namassakett, 87. - - Namskeket Creek, 180. - - Nantasket, 162, 197. - - Nanton, Sir Robert, 25. - - Narragansetts, 86; - Send challenge to settlers, 93 et seq., 107; - Wampum used by, 193; - Allies of the English against the Pequots, 280, 283 et seq.; - Plot against the English, 320 et seq.; - Treaty with, 334, 337. - - Nash, Mr., 41. - - Natawanute, 251. - - Naumkeag, _see_ Salem. - - Nauset (Eastham), 81, 87, 302. - - Neepnetts, The, 290. - - Nequamkeck, Falls of, 254. - - Newbald, Fria., 176. - - Newcomin, John, 224. - - New England, First patent for, etc., 37, 75, 80; - Second patent, 119; - Fishing rights of the Council of, 120; - Captain Gorges, Governor-General, 126; - Help of Council sought, 166, 167; - Confederation of Colonies of, 321. - - Newfoundland, 80. - - New Haven, 310, 322 et seq., 334. - - New Plymouth, discovery of the site, 67 et seq.; - Dermer’s description of (Patuxet), 81; - Boundary question settled, 298 et seq., 327; - Leading men move from, 310; - Suggested removal of the Church, 326 et seq. - - Newtown, 273. - - Norton, Captain, 260. - - Norton, Rev. John, 274. - - Nottinghamshire, 7. - - Novatians, 5. - - Nowell, Increase, 269. - - Nyanticks, The, allies of Narragansetts, 328, 329; - Treaty with the English, 334-337. - - - Oldham, John, in league with Lyford, 145 et seq.; - Sentenced and expelled, 154; - Returns, 158; - Confession, 159; - Killed, 159, 281. - - Oporto, 222. - - Orania (Orange), Fort, 192. - - Ossamequine, 335. - - - Paddy, William, 309. - - Pampiamett, 329. - - Paragon, The, 118 et seq. - - Partridge, Ralph, discusses baptism with Chauncey, 310. - - Passaconaway, 335. - - Patrick, Captain, 289. - - Patuxet (New Plymouth), 81. - - Peach, Arthur, 293. - - Pelham, Herbert, 337. - - Pemaquid, 270. - - Pemberton, John, 147. - - Pennington, William, 175. - - Penobscot, mentioned by Dermer, 81; - Trading-house at, 209, 221, 227; - Robbed by the French, 236, 267 et seq. - - Pequots, The, Wampum used by, 193; - In Connecticut, 249; - Seek friendship of Massachusetts, 280; - War with the English, 283 et seq.; - Under protection of Uncas, 324. - - Perkins, Mr., 5. - - Perrin, William, 176. - - Pessecuss, 333, 335, 337. - - Peters, Hugh, 312. - - Pickering, Edward, 39, 40, 99 et seq. - - Pierce, John, 52, 101, 105, 118; - Trouble with, about Patent, 118, 119. - - Pierce, Captain William, the Paragon in storm, 120; - the Anne, 121; - the Charity, 135; - Partner with Ashley, 208, 227, 242; - the Lyon, 244; - wrecked off Virginia, 245; - Beaver sent by, 277; - Takes Indians to West Indies, 290. - - Pinchon, William, 269. - - Piscataqua, 114, 131, 171, 182, 197; - Hocking’s death enrages settlement at, 254; - Lord Say and Lord Brook interested in, 255. - - Plague, The, _see_ London. - - Plymouth (England), ships put in at, 57; - Mayflower sails from, 62. - - Pocock, John, 175. - - Point Care, 64. - - Pokanokets, 81. - - Poliander, John, 18. - - Portsmouth, 120, 166. - - Pory, John, 108, 109. - - Powows, 82. - - Poynton, Daniel, 175. - - Priest, Digerie, 343. - - Prince, Thomas, chosen governor, 253, 293; - Mentioned, 257, 307, 308, 337. - - Providence, 331. - - Prower, Solomon, 341. - - Pumham, 335. - - Pummunish, 329, 336, 337. - - Puritans, origin of term, 5. - - - Quarles, William, 175. - - - Rasdell, Mr., 194. - - Rasieres, _see_ De Rasieres. - - Rayner, Rev. John, 282, 309. - - Rehoboth, 302. - - Revell, John, 176. - - Reynolds, Captain, 45; - The Speedwell, 57; - Mentioned, 104. - - Rigdale, John, and family, 342. - - Riggs, Sergeant, 289. - - Robinson, Rev. John, 14; - Goes to Holland, 22, 27; - Disputes with Arminius, 28; - Correspondence with Sandys, 40; - with Worstenholme, 43; - with John Carver, 39, 53; - Letter to Pilgrims, 54; - to Bradford, 139; - to Brewster, 140; - Death of, 169 et seq. - - Rogers, Thomas, and family, 342. - - Rookes, Newman, 175. - - - Sagadahoc, wreck at, 172. - - Salem (Naumkeag), 162, 197, 201; - The church at, 213, 224; - Roger Williams at, 248. - - Salt-making, 136, 143 et seq. - - Saly (Saller), 166. - - Samoset, 79. - - Samson, Henry, 342. - - Sanders, John, 110. - - Sandwich, 302 (_see also_ Manomet). - - Sandys, Sir Edwin, 27 et seq., 30, 31. - - Sassacus, 289, 291. - - Satucket, 81. - - Say, Lord, 255, 259. - - Scituate, 298-302, 310. - - Seekonk, 302, 333. - - Sharpe, Samuel, 175. - - Sherley, James, one of the original adventurers, a letter from, 135, - 136; - the principal adventurer in the new partnership, 175, 188 et seq., - 202, 218, 219, 228 et seq., 246 et seq.; - Withholds accounts, 266 et seq.; - Discharged as agent, 292; - Settlement with, 305 et seq. - - Shoanan, 335. - - Sibsie, Mr., 181. - - Skelton, Samuel, 214, 215. - - Smallpox among the Indians, 261. - - Smith, Francis, 331. - - Smith, John, 64; - His map, 299. - - Smith, Rev., John, 7, 14. - - Smith, Rev. Ralph, 212, 282. - - Smith, Sir Thomas, 31. - - Sokanoke, 335. - - Southampton, arrival at and departure from, 50, 56. - - Souther, Nathaniel, 309. - - Southworth, Edward, letter from Cushman, 59. - - Sowams, 80. - - Sowle, George, 340. - - Sparrow, The, 102. - - Speedwell, The, 49, 57. - - Squanto, 79 et seq.; - Death of, 109, 110. - - Standish, Myles, commands landing party, 67; - nurses the sick, 77; - Expeditions under, 109, 112, 198, 255, 268, 333; - Lyford’s aspersions on, 152; - In England, 166; - Mentioned, 186, 189; - Moves from New Plymouth, 311; - Family, 341. - - Stanton, Thomas, 289. - - Staresmore, Sabin (S. B.), 30. - - Stinnings, Richard, 293. - - Stone, Captain, 259 et seq., 280. - - Story, Elias, 340. - - Stoughton, Israel, 290, 300. - - - Talbot, The, 202. - - Tarantines, 88. - - Tassaquanawite, 335. - - Taunton, 302. - - Thomson, David, at Piscataqua, 131, 171, 172. - - Thomson, Edward, 341. - - Thorned, John, 176. - - Thornhill, Matthew, 176. - - Tilden, Joseph, 176. - - Tillie, Edward, and family, 342. - - Tinker, Thomas, and family, 342. - - Trask, Captain, 289. - - Trevor, William, 104, 343. - - Trumball, William, 240. - - Tucker’s Terror, 64. - - Turner, John, 45; - and family, 343. - - - Uncas, 291, 324, 327 et seq., 330, 334 et seq. - - United Colonies of New England, articles of agreement between, 321 et - seq. - - - Vane, Sir Harry, 283, 291. - - Vines, Richard, 231. - - Virginia, idea of settling in, 24 et seq., 59; - Council of Virginia Company, 25, 26, 30, 33, 75; - Soil compared with New England, 81; - Massacre in, 107; - Settlers bound for, stay at New Plymouth, 178 et seq.; - William Pierce wrecked off, 245. - - - Walloons, 17. - - Wampum, first trade in, 193. - - Ward, Thomas, 176. - - Warren, Richard, and family, 342. - - Warwick, Earl of, 204, 338. - - Waughwamino, 336. - - Weequashcooke, 335. - - Weesagascussett, 197. - - Weetowish, 329, 336, 337. - - Weld, Thomas, 312. - - West, Captain Francis, 120, 126. - - Weston, Andrew, 102. - - Weston, Thomas, the chief of the original London Adventurers, 33, 36 - et seq.; - Letters to John Carver, 90, 98, 99; - Letters to Governor Bradford, 100 et seq.; - New Plymouth receives his colonists, 105; - Settlement in Massachusetts, 105, 109 et seq.; - Comes over disguised, 114; - Generous treatment at New Plymouth, 114; - Tried and arrested by Captain Gorges, 126 et seq.; - His death, 131. - - Westminster, 276. - - Weymouth, 300, 301. - - White, Mr., 161. - - White, John, 175. - - White, Rev. Roger, letter from, 169. - - White, William, and family, 341. - - White Angel, The, purchase of, 218 et seq.; - let out to Allerton, 234; - sold to Allerton, 241; - settlement for, 307. - - Wilder, Roger, 340. - - Wilkinson, Captain Edward, 276, 277. - - Willett, Thomas, 267. - - Williams, Rev. Roger, 248 et seq., 294, 331. - - Williams, Thomas, 343. - - Wilson, Dr., 290. - - Wilson, John, 225. - - Wincot, Jacob, 33. - - Windbank, Master Secretary, 239. - - Winnisimmet, 197. - - Winslow, Edward, letter to Carver and Cushman, 41; - Visits Massasoyt, 86; - Buys supplies from ships, 107; - Brings first cattle from England, 134; - His charges against Lyford in England, 158, 160 et seq.; - Trades up the Kennebec, 168; - In England investigating affairs, 227 et seq.; - Governor, 246, 275, 326; - His petition, 263 et seq.; - Imprisoned, 265; - Moves from New Plymouth, 311; - Remains in England four years, 339; - His family, 340. - - Winslow, Gilbert, 343. - - Winslow, Josias, Accountant, 236, 278, 306, 307. - - Winthrop, Governor John, Letters about Gardiner, 238, 239; - About Pequots, 280, 283, 288, 289; - Mentioned, 224, 258, 259, 269, 302, 324, 337. - - Wipetock, 336. - - Wollaston, Captain, 194 et seq. - - Worstenholme, Sir John, 28, 30, 31. - - Wright, Richard, 176. - - - Yarmouth, 302. - - Yeardley, Sir George, 31. - - Yorkshire, 7. - - Young, Joseph, 294. - - - Zealand, 10. - - - -FOOTNOTES: - -[1] NOTE (written by the author at a later date than the passage -to which it refers).—Little did I think that the downfall of the -Bishops, with their courts, canons, and ceremonies had been so near, -when first I began these scribbled writings,—which was about the -year 1630, and continued as leisure permitted,—or that I should have -lived to see and hear it. But it is the Lord’s doing, and ought to -be marvellous in our eyes.... Do you not now see the fruits of your -labours, O all ye servants of the Lord that have suffered for his -truth, and have been faithful witnesses of it, and ye little handful -amongst the rest, the least among the thousands of Israel? You have -not only had a seed-time, but many of you have seen the joyful -harvest. Should you not rejoice, then, yea, and again rejoice, and -say Hallelujah, Salvation, and Glory, and Honour, and Power be to the -Lord our God, for true and righteous are His judgments (Rev. xix., -1, 2).... The tyrannous bishops are ejected, their courts dissolved, -their canons forceless, their service cashiered, their ceremonies -useless and despised; their plots for Popery are prevented, all their -supersititions discarded and returned to Rome, whence they came, and -the monuments of idolatry rooted out of the land. Their proud and -profane supporters and cruel defenders (the bloody papists and wicked -atheists and their malignant consorts) are marvellously overthrown. -And are not these great things? Who can deny it? - -But who has done it? Who, even He that sitteth on the white horse, -Who is called faithful and true, and judgeth and fightest righteously -(Rev. xix., 11), Whose garments are dipped in blood, and His name was -called the Word of God, for He shall rule with a rod of iron; for it -is He that treadeth the winepress of the fierceness and wrath of God -Almighty. And He hath upon His garment, and upon His thigh, a name -written: The King of Kings, and Lord of Lords. - - Anno Domini, 1646. Hallelujah. - -[2] O sacred bond,—whilst inviolably preserved! How sweet and -precious were its fruits! But when this fidelity decayed, then their -ruin approached. Oh that these ancient members had not died (if -it had been the will of God); or that this holy care and constant -faithfulness had still remained with those that survived. But, alas, -that still serpent hath slyly wound himself to untwist these sacred -bonds and ties. I was happy in my first times to see and enjoy the -blessed fruits of that sweet communion; but it is now a part of my -misery in old age to feel its decay, and with grief of heart to -lament it. For the warning and admonition of others, and my own -humiliation, I here make note of it. - -(This note was inserted by the author in his manuscript at a later -date.) - -[3] “This decree, or law, about marriage, was published by the States -of the Low Countries, A. D. 1590: That those of any religion, after -lawful and open publication, coming before the magistrates, in the -Town or State-House, were to be orderly by them married, one to -another,” (Petet’s Hist., fol. 1029). And this practise was continued -by the Colony, and has been followed by all the famous churches of -Christ in these parts to this time,—A. D. 1646. - -[4] But he did not leave his own men a bite of bread! - -[5] He means Mr. John Robinson. - -[6] This was John Oldham, and his like. - -[7] Mr. Weston’s men. - -[8] His commission was abused; he never had any authority for such -undertakings, as they well knew, nor had the adventurers in England -any authority to pay this money,—nor would they have paid a penny of -it if they had not had some other object in view. - -[9] There was cause enough for these fears, which were concerned -with the underhand work of some enemies to the churches here, which -resulted in the issue by the King of a new “Commission for Regulating -Colonies,” signed April 28th, 1634. - -[10] By this means they furnished them with supplies, and have -continued to do so. - -[11] But they were taken to the West Indies. - - - - - TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE - - Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been - corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within - the text and consultation of external sources. - - Some hyphens in words have been silently removed, some added, - when a predominant preference was found in the original book. - - Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text, - and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained. - - Pg xi: ‘Uncas and hreaten’ replaced by ‘Uncas and threaten’. - Pg xv: ‘some definantly’ replaced by ‘some defiantly’. - Pg xxvi: ‘pastor at Leydon’ replaced by ‘pastor at Leyden’. - Pg 2: ‘in some meaure’ replaced by ‘in some measure’. - Pg 59: ‘Our pinace will not’ replaced by ‘Our pinnace will not’. - Pg 149: ‘as the hedghog in’ replaced by ‘as the hedgehog in’. - Pg 155: ‘had disparged them’ replaced by ‘had disparaged them’. - Pg 165: ‘load with corfish’ replaced by ‘load with codfish’. - Pg 166: ‘cargo of corfish’ replaced by ‘cargo of codfish’. - Pg 176: ‘it was absoluely’ replaced by ‘it was absolutely’. - Pg 182: ‘perpetuanes and other’ replaced by ‘perpetuanas and other’. - Pg 188: ‘agent, Mr. Allertion’ replaced by ‘agent, Mr. Allerton’. - Pg 189: ‘of New Pymouth’ replaced by ‘of New Plymouth’. - Pg 209: ‘None of us woud’ replaced by ‘None of us would’. - Pg 254: ‘fifteen Engish miles’ replaced by ‘fifteen English miles’. - Pg 267: ‘Monsieur d’Aulnay’ replaced by ‘Monsieur d’Aulney’. - Pg 352: ‘Masachusetts, 105’ replaced by ‘Massachusetts, 105’. - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF THE -PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT, 1608-1650 *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following -the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use -of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for -copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very -easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation -of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project -Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away--you may -do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected -by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark -license, especially commercial redistribution. - -START: FULL LICENSE - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project -Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project -Gutenberg™ electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™ -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the -person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph -1.E.8. - -1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™ -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the -Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™ -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when -you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country other than the United States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work -on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the -phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and - most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no - restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it - under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this - eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the - United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where - you are located before using this eBook. - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project -Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg™ -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™ -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg™ License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format -other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain -Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works -provided that: - -• You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation.” - -• You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™ - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™ - works. - -• You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - -• You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of -the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set -forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™ -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right -of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you “AS-IS”, WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™ -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™ - -Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™'s -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at -www.gutenberg.org - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, -Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up -to date contact information can be found at the Foundation's website -and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without -widespread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. - -Most people start at our website which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org - -This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. diff --git a/old/69871-0.zip b/old/69871-0.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 12c7ac7..0000000 --- a/old/69871-0.zip +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/69871-h.zip b/old/69871-h.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index c255ce9..0000000 --- a/old/69871-h.zip +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/69871-h/69871-h.htm b/old/69871-h/69871-h.htm deleted file mode 100644 index 7fc46a5..0000000 --- a/old/69871-h/69871-h.htm +++ /dev/null @@ -1,16869 +0,0 @@ -<!DOCTYPE html> -<html lang="en"> -<head> - <meta charset="UTF-8"> - <title> - Bradford’s history of the Plymouth settlement, by William Bradford—A Project Gutenberg eBook - </title> - <link rel="icon" href="images/cover.jpg" type="image/x-cover"> - <style> - -body { - margin-left: 10%; - margin-right: 10%; -} - - h1,h2 { - text-align: center; /* all headings centered */ - clear: both; - margin-top: 1.5em; - margin-bottom: 1em; - word-spacing: 0.2em; - letter-spacing: 0.1em; - line-height: 1em; - font-weight: normal; -} - -h1 {font-size: 160%;} -h2 {font-size: 160%; line-height: 1.7em;} - -p { - margin-top: .51em; - text-align: justify; - margin-bottom: .49em; - text-indent: 1em; -} - -.p1 {margin-top: 1em;} -.p2 {margin-top: 2em;} -.p4 {margin-top: 4em;} -.p6 {margin-top: 6em;} -.p10 {margin-top: 10em;} - -.p1b {margin-bottom: 1em;} - -.negin1 {padding-left: 1em; text-indent: -1em; text-align: justify;} -.negin2 {padding-left: 4em; text-indent: -2em; padding-right: 2em; text-align: justify;} -.negin2a {padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -2em; padding-right: 1em; padding-bottom: .7em; text-align: justify;} -.negin2b {padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em; padding-top: 1em; text-align: justify;} -.negin2c {padding-left: 2em; text-indent: -2em; text-align: justify;} - -.noindent {text-indent: 0em;} - -div.chapter {page-break-before: always;} -h2.nobreak {page-break-before: avoid;} - -x-ebookmaker-drop, .x-ebookmaker-drop {} - -.pfs240 {font-size: 240%; text-align: center; text-indent: 0em; word-spacing: 0.3em;} -.pfs180 {font-size: 180%; text-align: center; text-indent: 0em; word-spacing: 0.3em;} -.pfs150 {font-size: 150%; text-align: center; text-indent: 0em; word-spacing: 0.3em;} -.pfs120 {font-size: 120%; text-align: center; text-indent: 0em; word-spacing: 0.3em;} -.pfs100 {font-size: 100%; text-align: center; text-indent: 0em; word-spacing: 0.3em;} -.pfs80 {font-size: 80%; text-align: center; text-indent: 0em; word-spacing: 0.3em;} - -.fs60 {font-size: 60%; font-style: normal;} -.fs80 {font-size: 80%; font-style: normal;} -.fs90 {font-size: 90%; font-style: normal;} -.fs120 {font-size: 120%; font-style: normal;} - -.bold {font-weight: bold;} - - -/* for making 2 and 3 column text */ -div.textcol2 {display: inline-block; vertical-align: top; width: 45%; - margin-bottom: .2em; margin-left: 1em;} -div.textcol2 p {margin-top: .3em; margin-bottom: .3em;} - -div.textcol3 {display: inline-block; vertical-align: top; width: 30%; - margin-bottom: .5em; margin-left: 1em;} -div.textcol3 p {margin-top: .3em; margin-bottom: .3em;} - - -/* for horizontal lines */ -hr { - width: 33%; - margin-top: 1.5em; - margin-bottom: 1em; - margin-left: 33.5%; - margin-right: 33.5%; - clear: both; -} - -hr.tb {width: 30%; margin-left: 35%; margin-right: 35%;} -hr.chap {width: 65%; margin-left: 17.5%; margin-right: 17.5%;} -hr.r5 {width: 5%; margin-left: 47.5%; margin-right: 47.5%; - margin-top: .5em; margin-bottom: .7em;} -hr.r10 {width: 10%; margin-left: 45%; margin-right: 45%;} - -.x-ebookmaker hr.chap {width: 0%; display: none;} - - -/* for inserting info from TN and Errata changes */ -.corr { - text-decoration: none; - border-bottom: thin dashed blue;} - -.x-ebookmaker .corr { - text-decoration: none; - border-bottom: none;} - - -/* for different code on screen versus handhelds */ -.screenonly { display: block; } - -.x-ebookmaker .screenonly { display: none; } - - -/* for basic lists */ -ul.index { list-style-type: none; } -li.ifrst { margin-top: 1.5em; text-indent: -2em; padding-left: 1em;} -li.indx { margin-top: .5em; text-indent: -2em; padding-left: 1em;} -li.isub1 {text-indent: -2em; padding-left: 2em;} - - -/* for tables */ -table { - margin-left: auto; - margin-right: auto;} - -table.autotable { border-collapse: collapse; } - -td {padding: .3em .3em .2em .3em;} - -.tdl {text-align: justify; padding-left: 1.5em; text-indent: -1em;} -.tdr {text-align: right;} -.tdc {text-align: center;} - -.tdrb {text-align: right; vertical-align: bottom;} -.tdrt {text-align: right; vertical-align: top;} - -.bt {vertical-align: middle; border-top: solid thin;} - -.wd20 {width: 20%;} - - -/* for spacing */ -.pad1 {padding-left: 1em;} -.pad2 {padding-left: 2em;} -.pad3 {padding-left: 3em;} - -.pad50pc {padding-left: 50%;} - -.pagenum { /* uncomment the next line for invisible page numbers */ - /* visibility: hidden; */ - position: absolute; - color: #A9A9A9; - left: 92%; - font-size: small; - text-align: right; - font-style: normal; - font-weight: normal; - font-variant: normal; - text-indent: .5em; -} - - -/* blockquote (/# #/) */ -.blockquot { margin: 1.5em 5% 1em 5%; font-size: 90%;} - - -/* general placement and presentation */ -.center {text-align: center; text-indent: 0em;} -.right {text-align: right; margin-right: 1em;} - -.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} - -.lsp {letter-spacing: 0.1em;} -.lht {line-height: 1.5em;} - - -/* Images */ - -img { - border: none; - max-width: 100%; - height: auto; -} - -img.w100 {width: 100%;} - - -.figcenter { - margin: auto; - text-align: center; - page-break-inside: avoid; - max-width: 100%;} - - -/* Footnotes */ -.footnotes {border: dashed 1px; margin-top: 2em; margin-bottom: 3em; - padding-bottom: 1em;} - -.footnote {margin-left: 10%; margin-right: 10%; font-size: 90%;} -.footnote p {text-indent: 0em;} -.footnote .label {position: absolute; right: 84%; text-align: right;} - -.fnanchor { - vertical-align: super; - font-size: .8em; - text-decoration: none; -} - - -/* Transcriber's notes */ -.transnote {background-color: #E6E6FA; - color: black; - font-size:small; - padding:0.5em; - margin-bottom:5em; - font-family:sans-serif, serif;} - -.transnote p {text-indent: 0em;} - - -/* Illustration classes */ -.illowp75 {width: 75%;} -.illowe10 {width: 10em;} - - </style> -</head> -<body> -<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Bradford's history of the Plymouth settlement, 1608-1650, by William Bradford</p> -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Bradford's history of the Plymouth settlement, 1608-1650</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-left:2em; text-indent:0; margin-top:0; margin-bottom:1em;'>Rendered into Modern English by Harold Paget</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: William Bradford</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Editor: Harold Paget</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: January 24, 2023 [eBook #69871]</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p> - <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: Steve Mattern, John Campbell and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)</p> -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT, 1608-1650 ***</div> - - -<div class="transnote"> -<p><strong>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE</strong></p> - -<p>The original manuscript of this history was written between 1630 and -1655, but was not published and was lost for many years. It was -rediscovered and an edition was published in 1856, and another edition -published in 1901. Both were printed closely following the mediaeval English -of the manuscript.</p> - -<p>This book is a rework of that 1901 edition into modern English by Harold -Paget. His Introduction gives an account of the loss and eventual return -of the manuscript to Massachusetts.</p> - -<p>In this etext footnote anchors are denoted by <span class="fnanchor">[number]</span>, -and the footnotes have been placed at the end of the book.</p> - -<p>Some minor changes to the text are noted at the <a href="#TN">end of the book.</a> -<span class="screenonly">These are indicated by a <ins class="corr">dashed blue</ins> underline.</span></p> -</div> - - -<div class="figcenter illowp75" id="cover"> - <img class="w100" src="images/cover.jpg" title="Original cover" alt="Original cover"> -</div> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"></div> - -<h1 class="p4"> -BRADFORD’S HISTORY<br> -<span class="fs60">OF THE</span><br> -PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT -</h1> - - -<hr class="p4 chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"></div> - -<p class="pfs240">BRADFORD’S HISTORY</p> -<p class="pfs120">OF THE</p> -<p class="pfs240">PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT</p> -<p class="p1 pfs150">1608-1650</p> - -<p class="p2 pfs120">Rendered into Modern English by</p> -<p class="pfs150">HAROLD PAGET</p> - -<div class="figcenter illowe10" id="colophon"> - <img class="p2 w100" src="images/colophon.jpg" alt="(Publisher colophon)"> -</div> - -<p class="p2 pfs120">NEW YORK<br> -<span class="fs120 lsp">E. P. DUTTON & COMPANY</span><br> -681 FIFTH AVENUE</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"></div> - -<p class="p1 center"> -Copyright, 1909<br> -By THE JOHN McBRIDE CO.</p> - -<hr class="r5"> - -<p class="center"> -Copyright, 1920<br> -By E. P. DUTTON & COMPANY</p> - -<hr class="r5"> - -<p class="pfs80"><em>All Rights Reserved</em></p> - -<p class="p10 pfs80"><em>Printed in the United States of America</em></p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"></div> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_v"></a>[Pg v]</span><br></p> - -<p class="pfs120 bold lht">Some Dates in the History of England, Holland, -Spain, and America, which bear upon the -Contents of this Book</p> - -<table class="autotable"> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Discovery of America</td> -<td class="tdrb">1492</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Henry VIII of England</td> -<td class="tdrb wd20">1509-1547</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Act of Supremacy (Secession of England from Rome)</td> -<td class="tdrb">1534</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Edward VI of England</td> -<td class="tdrb">1547-1553</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Mary I of England</td> -<td class="tdrb">1553-1558</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Philip, son of Charles V of Spain, marries Mary I of England</td> -<td class="tdrb">1554</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Charles V of Spain hands over sovereignty of the Netherlands to his son Philip</td> -<td class="tdrb">1555</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Charles V of Spain resigns his crowns to his son, Philip II</td> -<td class="tdrb">1556</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Elizabeth of England</td> -<td class="tdrb">1558-1603</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Philip II returns from Netherlands to Spain</td> -<td class="tdrb">1559</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Spanish Oppression of Netherlands reformers</td> -<td class="tdrb">1565</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Netherlands rebel against Spain</td> -<td class="tdrb">1566</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Netherlands form Republic (Union of Utrecht)</td> -<td class="tdrb">1579</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">William I of Orange accepts sovereignty of Holland: murdered: his son Maurice elected Captain-General</td> -<td class="tdrb">1584</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">England joins Holland against Spain</td> -<td class="tdrb">1586</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Defeat of Spanish Armada by England</td> -<td class="tdrb">1588</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Philip II of Spain dies: Philip III succeeds</td> -<td class="tdrb">1598</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">James I of England</td> -<td class="tdrb">1603-1625</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Pilgrim Fathers fly from England to Holland</td> -<td class="tdrb">1608</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Truce of 12 years between Holland and Spain</td> -<td class="tdrb">1609</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Landing of Pilgrim Fathers in New England</td> -<td class="tdrb">1620</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Philip IV of Spain: truce with Holland expires</td> -<td class="tdrb">1621</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Prince Maurice of Orange dies: his half-brother, Frederick Henry, succeeds</td> -<td class="tdrb">1625</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Charles I of England</td> -<td class="tdrb">1625-1649</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Charter granted to Massachusetts</td> -<td class="tdrb">1629</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Puritan Emigration to New England increases</td> -<td class="tdrb">1630</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Archbishop Laud attacks English Puritans</td> -<td class="tdrb">1633</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Writs for ship-money issued to English maritime towns</td> -<td class="tdrb">1634</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Marriage of William, son of Prince of Orange, to Mary, daughter of Charles I of England</td> -<td class="tdrb">1641</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">William II of Orange succeeds Frederick Henry</td> -<td class="tdrb">1647</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Treaty between Holland and Spain</td> -<td class="tdrb">1648</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Commonwealth of England</td> -<td class="tdrb">1649-1660</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">English Navigation Acts lead to war with Holland</td> -<td class="tdrb">1651</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Blake defeats Van Tromp</td> -<td class="tdrb">1653</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">Charles II of England</td> -<td class="tdrb">1660-1687</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">The Dutch lose New Amsterdam to England: renamed New York</td> -<td class="tdrb">1664</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">James II of England</td> -<td class="tdrb">1685-1689</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl">William (of Orange) III and Mary II of England</td> -<td class="tdrb">1689-1702</td> -</tr> -</table> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"></div> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vi"></a>[vi]</span><br> - <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_vii"></a>[vii]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CONTENTS">CONTENTS</h2> -<hr class="r10"> - -<table class="autotable"> -<tr> -<td colspan="3"><p class="negin2"><span class="smcap">Book</span> I—1608-1620. Persecution and Flight from England—Settlement -in Holland—Passage to England and -Voyage to America—Landing at Cape Cod and New Plymouth</p></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdl fs80" colspan="2">CHAPTER</td> -<td class="tdr fs80">PAGE</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">I.</td> -<td class="tdl">Suppression of Religious Liberty in England—First Cause of the Foundation of the New Plymouth Settlement</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_1">1</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">II.</td> -<td class="tdl">Flight to Holland (Amsterdam and Leyden): 1607-1608</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_9">9</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">III.</td> -<td class="tdl">Settlement at Leyden: 1609-1620</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_14">14</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">IV.</td> -<td class="tdl">Reasons which led the Congregation at Leyden to Decide upon Settlement in America</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_19">19</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">V.</td> -<td class="tdl">Decision to make New England the place of Settlement in preference to Guiana or Virginia—Endeavour to obtain a Patent from the King of England: 1617-1620</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_24">24</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">VI.</td> -<td class="tdl">Agreement between the Congregation at Leyden and the Merchants and Adventurers in London for the accomplishment of the Settlement in New England: 1620</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_35">35</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">VII.</td> -<td class="tdl">Departure from Leyden—Arrival and Preparations at Southampton—Letter of Farewell from John Robinson to the whole party of Pilgrims: July and August, 1620</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_49">49</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">   VIII.</td> -<td class="tdl">Departure from Southampton, and Delay of both Ships at Dartmouth and Plymouth: August and September, 1620</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_57">57</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">IX.</td> -<td class="tdl">The Mayflower sails from Plymouth—Voyage—Arrival at Cape Cod: September-November, 1620</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_62">62</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">X.</td> -<td class="tdl">The Pilgrims seek a Site for their Settlement, and discover the Harbour of New Plymouth: November-December, 1620</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_67">67</a></td> -</tr> -</table> - -<table class="p1 autotable"> -<tr> -<td colspan="3"><p class="negin2"><span class="smcap">Book</span> II—1620-1646. History of the Settlement at New Plymouth</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">I.</td> -<td class="tdl">Deed of Government drawn up—Death of half their number—Squanto—Compact with the Indians—Captain Dermer’s description of New Plymouth: 1620</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_75">75</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">II.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_viii"></a>[viii]</span></td> -<td class="tdl">The Mayflower returns—Death of John Carver—William Bradford, Governor—Trade with the Massachusetts—The First Marriage—Friendship with Massasoyt - confirmed—Hobbamok—Expedition against Corbitant—The First Harvest—Arrival of Robert Cushman with 35 settlers—Fortune returns, laden—The Narragansetts’ - challenge—Christmas Day: 1621</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_84">84</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">III.</td> -<td class="tdl">Weston abandons the Settlement—Dissensions among the Adventurers in England—Weston’s plan for a Colony, and arrival of Sixty Settlers for it—News from - Captain Huddleston of massacre in Virginia—Fort built at New Plymouth—Death of Squanto—Weston’s Colony in difficulties: 1622</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_96">96</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">IV.</td> -<td class="tdl">Rescue of Weston’s Settlement—Weston arrives at New Plymouth—His reception and ingratitude—Individual planting of corn substituted for communal—Hardships—John - Pierce and the Patent—Sixty new Settlers—Compact between the Colony and private Settlers—Captain Robert Gorges, Governor-General of New England—Weston charged - and arrested—Fire at New Plymouth: Storehouse threatened: 1623</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_111">111</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">V.</td> -<td class="tdl">Changes in form of Government—Pinnace wrecked—Private Settlers make trouble—Winslow returns from England with the first Cattle—Faction among Adventurers in - England—Objections of the Colony’s opponents—Letters from John Robinson—Opposition to sending the Leyden people—One acre apportioned for permanent holding - to each Settler—Ship-building and Salt-making—Trouble with Lyford and Oldham—Pinnace salvaged and rigged: 1624</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_133">133</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">VI.</td> -<td class="tdl">Oldham and Lyford expelled—Lyford’s Past—Reply of Settlement to Adventurers’ Charges—Support from friendly group of Adventurers—Loss of two ship-loads of - cargo—Captain Standish in England: 1625</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_158">158</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">VII.</td> -<td class="tdl">Standish returns from England—Death of John Robinson and Robert Cushman—Purchase of trading goods at Monhegan—Isaac Allerton goes to England—Small ship built: 1626</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_169">169</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">VIII.</td> -<td class="tdl">Allerton brings back Proposed Composition between Adventurers in England and the Settlement—Division of land and live-stock among the Colonists—Hospitality - <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_ix"></a>[ix]</span>given to Fells-Sibsie Settlers—Pinnace and Depot at Manomet—Allerton returns to England—Greetings between Dutch Colony at New Amsterdam and Plymouth - Settlement—Leading Colonists become responsible for purchase of Adventurers’ shares in England and buy rights of the Settlements’ trading from the general - body of Colonists for six years: 1627</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_174">174</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">IX.</td> -<td class="tdl">Allerton in England negotiates partnership between leading New Plymouth colonists and some of the previous London adventurers—Patent for Kennebec River - procured—Further Dutch intercourse—Trade in Wampum begun—Troubles with Morton in Massachusetts—John Endicott’s arrival—Morton trades guns and ammunition - to the Indians—Morton apprehended—Troubles begin with Isaac Allerton: 1628</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_188">188</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">X.</td> -<td class="tdl">Arrival of the Leyden people—Allerton in England tries to get the Kennebec Patent enlarged—Morton’s return—Further trouble with Allerton—The partnership - with Ashley—The Penobscot trading-house—Purchase of a fishing ship suggested—John Endicott at Salem—The Church at Salem: 1629</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_201">201</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">XI.</td> -<td class="tdl">Ashley’s beginnings—Arrival of Hatherley on the Friendship and Allerton on the White Angel—Hatherley examines the affairs of the Colony—Failure of Allerton’s - fishing voyage on the White Angel—Ashley apprehended and sent to England—Discharge of Allerton from his Agency—The first Execution—Day of Humiliation - appointed for Boston, Salem, Charlestown, and New Plymouth: 1630</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_216">216</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">XII.</td> -<td class="tdl">Mr. Winslow in England about the White Angel and Friendship accounts—The White Angel let out to Allerton—Allerton’s extravagance as agent—Josias Winslow - sent from England as accountant—Penobscot robbed by the French—Sir Christopher Gardiner in New England—The Order of the Privy Council about New England: 1631</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_227">227</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">XIII.</td> -<td class="tdl">Sale of the White Angel to Allerton—The White Angel sold in Spain—Hatherley settles in New England—Rapid increase of the Colonists’ Prosperity—Divisions - in the Church of New Plymouth—Wreck of William Pierce in the Lyon: 1632</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_241">241</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">XIV.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_x"></a>[x]</span></td> -<td class="tdl">Trouble about the accounts of the partnership—Roger Williams—Establishment of a trading-house on the Connecticut River—Trouble with the Dutch there—Fever - at New Plymouth—Scourge of Flies: 1633</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_246">246</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">XV.</td> -<td class="tdl">Hocking Shot at Kennebec—Lord Say and the Settlement at Piscataqua—Mr. Alden imprisoned at Boston—The case of Hocking submitted to a Tribunal of the - combined Colonies—Captain Stone and the Dutch Governor—Stone killed by Indians—Smallpox among the Indians: 1634</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_253">253</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">XVI.</td> -<td class="tdl">Edward Winslow in England—Petition to the Commissioners for the Colonies in America—Winslow imprisoned—The London partners withhold the accounts of the - partnership—The French capture the trading-house at Penobscot—Attack on the French fails—Phenomenal Hurricane—Settlement of people from Massachusetts - on the Connecticut River—Mr. Norton minister at New Plymouth: 1635</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_263">263</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">XVII.</td> -<td class="tdl">Consignments of Fur to England—The plague in London—Disorganization of the accounts—Dispute between the London partners—The Pequot Indians get - unruly—Oldham killed—John Raynor minister: 1636</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_275">275</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">XVIII.</td> -<td class="tdl">The war with the Pequot Indians—Co-operation between the Colonies—The Narragansett Indians allies of the English—The Pequot Fort attacked and - taken—The Pequots routed and subdued—The Narragansett Indians jealous of the Monhiggs under Uncas—James Sherley discharged from his agency in London: 1637</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_283">283</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">XIX.</td> -<td class="tdl">Trial of three Murders—Rise in value of Livestock—Earthquake: 1638</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_293">293</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">XX.</td> -<td class="tdl">Settlement of boundaries between New Plymouth and Massachusetts—First steps towards winding up the partnership by a composition: 1639-1640</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_298">298</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">XXI.</td> -<td class="tdl">Further steps towards the Composition between the London and New Plymouth partners—Dispute with Rev. Charles Chauncey about Baptism—Fall in value of - live-stock—Many leading men of New Plymouth move from town: 1641</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_305">305</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">XXII.</td> -<td class="tdl">Conclusion of Composition between London and New Plymouth partners: 1642</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_312">312</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">XXIII.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xi"></a>[xi]</span></td> -<td class="tdl">Death of Mr. William Brewster—His Career—Remarkable longevity of the principal men among the Pilgrims—Confederation of the United Colonies of New - England—War between the Narragansetts and Monhiggs—Uncas permitted by the English to execute Miantinomo: 1643</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_314">314</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">XXIV.</td> -<td class="tdl">Suggested removal of the Church of New Plymouth to Nauset—The Narragansetts continue their attack on Uncas and the Monhiggs—Truce arranged by the - English: 1644</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_326">326</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">XXV.</td> -<td class="tdl">The Narragansetts renew their attack on <ins class="corr" id="tn-xi" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'Uncas and hreaten'"> - Uncas and threaten</ins> the English—Preparation for War by the Colonies—Declaration of War by the English—Peace - arranged and General Treaty signed by the United Colonies of New England and the Narragansetts and Byanticks: 1645</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_330">330</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdrt">XXVI.</td> -<td class="tdl">Captain Thomas Cromwell settles in Massachusetts—His death—Edward Winslow’s long stay in England: 1646</td> -<td class="tdrb"><a href="#Page_338">338</a></td> -</tr> -</table> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"></div> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xii"></a>[xii]</span><br> - <span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xiii"></a>[xiii]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="INTRODUCTION">INTRODUCTION</h2> -<hr class="r10"> - - -<p>During the last four hundred years the peoples of the -Western world have been busily engaged in converting -their governments—often forcibly—to practical Christianity, -in regard to their domestic affairs.</p> - -<p>The new era, upon which we now enter after the Great -War, opens with a crusade for the application of Christianity -to international relationships.</p> - -<p>If the modern student sets up before his mental vision -a moving panorama of the history of Europe through the -Middle Ages, the most striking general feature is undoubtedly -the irresistible course of the growing stream -of Freedom, touching and fructifying every section and -institution of human life—the inevitable outcome of the -evolution of Christianity made manifest in things temporal, -and breaking through the ecclesiastical bounds so -long set for it, as exclusively pertaining to things spiritual.</p> - -<p>The gospel of Jesus Christ had hitherto been regarded -as a religious stream pure and simple, from which might -be drawn, by priestly hands alone, refreshment for the -spiritual life of man, offered to him in the sacerdotal -cup, in such quantity and with such admixture of doctrine -as seemed fitted to his spiritual needs, by those ordained -to take charge of that department of his existence—the -servants of the Mediæval Church.</p> - -<p>Little by little Christianity discovers itself as no single<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xiv"></a>[xiv]</span> -stream of sacred water, limited by the shores of a prescribed -religious territory. Here and there in the wider -landscape it is gradually pushing a way out into the unconsecrated -ground of the temporal domain, welling -up through the ancient crust of Feudalism—bursting -through it, submerging it, carrying it away, now gently -and almost imperceptibly piecemeal, now in sweeping and -irresistible torrents, passionate against its long subjection -and suppression. This activity recognizes no national or -geographical limits—it reveals itself now here, now there, -fertilizing far distant spots of varying soil—some instantly -generous to its live-giving influence, some slow to respond.</p> - -<p>Now watch its effect upon the inhabitants of the territories -through which it newly flows. Some, watching its -uprising through the barren soil, stand amazed—doubtful. -See them slowly approach it, and gaze upon it, awe-struck; -they stoop, timorously—and drink; they pause—and stoop -to drink again. Presently their singing eyes declare the -secret they have won from it; a moment or two of forgetful, -selfish joy—and they turn away and hurry to impart -the wonderful discovery to their comrades. So by degrees -they come, a straggling, jostling, motley crowd—some -doubting, some fearing, some realizing.</p> - -<p>Now see their priests hurrying, perturbed, to behold the -rumoured wonder. What! The sacred river has burst its -banks! Hasten to guard it from the profane thirst of the -multitude, and confine it to its sacred keeping!</p> - -<p>Impossible! Its upwelling pools and flowing tributaries -are already too many—the priestly keepers now too few to -preserve the discovered waters. For, as they stand watching, -troubled and amazed, behold the streamlets spreading -themselves ever further, breaking forth unbidden, in every -direction.</p> - -<p>They consult together. What shall be done? Counsel<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xv"></a>[xv]</span> -must be taken of their superiors, for this is too much for -the lesser orders to cope with.</p> - -<p>And so, as we watch the scene, we listen to the busy -plans of princes of church and state, of Popes and Kings. -Some would set about damming up these new unbiddable -by-streams at their places of egress; others would divert -their courses, turning them back into the parent-current.</p> - -<p>Too late! too late!</p> - -<p>Proclaim then, broadcast, that the people shall not drink -at these waters, on pain of damnation. Meanwhile, hasten -to secrete them again by some means—for if the once rare -and sacred treasure, jealously guarded, comes, by superabundance, -to be common and general, what function is -left for the votaries consecrated to its preservation?</p> - -<p>But—oh horrible!—here is a dignitary of the state, there -even a personage of the church, who will not be led to -further the vast scheme of secluding the waters of these -newborn rivulets from the vulgar gaze or the profane thirst -of the laity. There follow sharp rebukes and rebellious -retorts, inquisitions and excommunications; factions breed, -and wrangling takes the place of deliberation.</p> - -<p>Slowly the scene’s central interest changes for us, and -we find we are watching, not the miraculous birth of many -waters, but battling crowds of angry partisans, surging this -way and that. Now a little band of stalwarts, who strive -to keep the stream open to their fellows, is routed and dispersed; -now their following increases, and in due time -their supporters are rallied again—sometimes to a temporary -victory, with short lived reward and quick reverse, -sometimes to repeated disaster and defeat. But ever the -waters inevitably remain only half-guarded, and by ones -and threes the people find their way to them, some -stealthily, <ins class="corr" id="tn-xv" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'some definantly'"> -some defiantly</ins>, and drink of them—and are -sealed. The little bands of stalwarts grow to great followings,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xvi"></a>[xvi]</span> -and their trend is as irresistible as the source of their -inspiration.</p> - -<p>Once again the scene changes. As our eyes wander over -it, we see that it is not now a matter of mere civil warfare -in isolated spots; it is the nations themselves that rage -furiously together; the western world is one great battle-ground -for the opposing forces. Treaties and wars, alliances -and royal marriages, all are but the flotsam and jetsam -on the surface of this ever increasing, ever multiplying -river,—sublime in the far-flung grandeur of its streamlets -and tributaries, its still deeps and its raging cataracts—not -one department of the whole landscape of human life, -in all its variety, but reveals its vague new workings or its -established deep-set currents.</p> - -<p>Ah! At last we realize it: this is indeed the river of -Freedom, washing away, bearing away, surely, irresistibly—quietly -if it may, turbulently if it must—the worn-out -earth-crust of the moribund Feudal world, giving place -to the bloom and blossom of a new era in the history of -Christ’s Kingdom on Earth and declaring the triumph for -all time of Soul-Freedom for His people.</p> - -<p>It was He Himself, the arch-heretic, Who first broke -from the doctrinal curriculum of the priestly caste of His -day, to spread His gospel of Freedom to life’s wayfarers—saint -and sinner alike. The sword that He brought to break -the head of the deadening, self-sufficient, Pharisaical peace, -hung suspended the while over the world, awaiting the -moment to strike. The sword has descended, and has -severed the bonds of the centuries which roll away to give -place to the new dispensation. Ex oriente lux! To-day -the East itself is just awakening to the dawning of the new -day. Almost we hear a voice from heaven, declaiming over -the dust of the mediæval world: “Now is Christ risen from -the dead, and is become the first fruits of them that slept.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xvii"></a>[xvii]</span></p> - -<p>My object in limning the foregoing sketch has been to -present to the mind of the reader a setting for the ensuing -remarks concerning “The History of the Plymouth Settlement,” -as recorded contemporaneously by Governor -Bradford, the first cause of which enterprise was one of -the most important episodes in the widespread movement -whose course we have just been observing,—the episode -which, above all others of that epoch, has produced the -weightiest consequences in the history of the world.</p> - -<p>America was discovered by Columbus in 1492; Spain -planted colonies on its shores in the 16th Century; English -trading settlements were established in Virginia and elsewhere -in the latter half of the same century. It is no mere -claim of priority that lends historic importance to the foundation -by the Pilgrim Fathers of the English colony at New -Plymouth. The materialization of their objects was accomplished -by the same means as formed the basis of the earlier -colonies: a trading enterprise supported by merchants in -the home country.</p> - -<p>What, then, gives this particular project a prominence -and significance which so utterly dwarfs its predecessors? -It was the motive of its Founders. And what was that -motive? Freedom of religious thought and practice, in the -first place; of civil rights, in the second. It was the sublime -ideal of this little band of Englishmen which gave to -the New Plymouth colony (the nucleus of the other New -England colonies) the honour and glory of setting its characteristic -impress upon the greatest of the new nations of -the world—the United States of America.</p> - -<p>The ideal aimed at we have probably grasped from our -preliminary sketch of the general movement of western -civilization out of the shackles of feudalism towards religious -and civil freedom. But the sacrifice involved in its<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xviii"></a>[xviii]</span> -consummation,—do we realize its significance? Let us -try to think what it means.</p> - -<p>Picture to yourself a group of citizens and their families, -of good standing and of average education. In defiance -of established law and order, and of the accepted, orthodox -view of it, this little body of people pursues an ideal, vital -to the peace of their souls, with a tenacity which implies -certain loss of personal freedom and confiscation of property, -with risk of death. Rather than be compelled to abandon -the pursuit of their ideal, these people voluntarily exile -themselves from England, thereby depriving themselves of -loved homes and dear friends and worldly possessions. -After a few years of severe hardships in Holland, their -newly adopted country, the seed they are nurturing is -threatened once again. It must be preserved at all costs. -They gather it up and bear it across the seas—fearful seas—and -plant it once more, forming a little settlement in the -savage, distant land of North America. For years they defend -their treasure there against every conceivable attack -by Nature and by man, encouraged solely by the consciousness -that the plant they are tending is God’s Truth—Freedom -for each man to honour and worship God as he sees -Him.</p> - -<p>First picture this to yourself as if it were an incident -of modern occurrence, and try to realize what would be its -significance. Then turn your eyes upon our Pilgrims, and -watch them through their persecution in mediæval England; -their flight to Holland; their hard sojourn there; -their voyage across the wide seas of those days, and their -settlement at New Plymouth—“in a country devoid of all -civilized inhabitants, given over only to savage and brutish -men, who range up and down, little differing from the -wild beasts themselves.... What, then, could now sustain -them but the spirit of God, and His grace? Ought<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xix"></a>[xix]</span> -not the children of their fathers rightly to say: Our fathers -were Englishmen who came over the great ocean, and -were ready to perish in this wilderness; but they cried -unto the Lord, and He heard their voice, and looked on -their adversity.... Let them therefore praise the Lord, -because He is good, and His mercies endure forever. -Yea, let them that have been redeemed of the Lord, show -how He hath delivered them from the hand of the oppressor. -When they wandered forth into the desert-wilderness, out -of the way, and found no city to dwell in, both hungry and -thirsty, their soul was overwhelmed in them. Let them -confess before the Lord His loving kindness, and His wonderful -works before the sons of men.”</p> - -<p>As we read this pæan of praise, penned by Bradford -some ten or twelve years after their arrival, the reality of -a sublime human sacrifice begins to shape itself in the mind, -and our wonder rests upon the spiritual grandeur of the -offering, rather than upon its world-wide consequences—of -which the tale is not yet told.</p> - -<p>It was from such a body of Englishmen, with their -burning ideals and consuming purpose, that a new national -ideal emanated, and a new nation ultimately sprang, since -typically identified with their devotion to Freedom. The -eyes of liberal Europe were upon this little handful of unconscious -heroes and saints, taking courage from them, step -by step. The same ideals of Freedom burned so clear and -strong in future generations of these English colonists that -they outpaced the march of the parent nation towards the -same goal—and so, the episode we have just been contemplating -resulted in due course in the birth of the United -States of America; in the triumph of democracy in England -over the vain autocracy of a foreign-born king and his -corrupt government; and, above all, in the firm establishment -of the humanitarian ideals for which the English-speaking<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xx"></a>[xx]</span> -races have been the historic champions, and for -which the Pilgrims offered their sacrifice upon the altar of -the Sonship of Man.</p> - -<p>In the words of Governor Wolcott, at the ceremony of -the gift of the manuscript of Bradford’s History, by England -to America: “They stablished what they planned. -Their feeble plantation became the birthplace of religious -liberty, the cradle of a free Commonwealth. To them a -mighty nation owns its debt. Nay, they have made the -civilized world their debtor. In the varied tapestry which -pictures our national life, the richest spots are those where -gleam the golden threads of conscience, courage, and faith, -set in the web by that little band. May God in his mercy -grant that the moral impulse which founded this nation -may never cease to control its destiny; that no act of any -future generation may put in peril the fundamental principles -on which it is based—of equal rights in a free state, -equal privileges in a free church, and equal opportunities -in a free school.”</p> - -<p>For some years many have trembled for the fruits of the -Pilgrims’ sacrifice. It seemed that the press of the children’s -hurrying feet had raised such a dust as to obscure -from them their forefather’s glorious visions and ideals. A -striking absence of spiritual aspiration and a dire trend -towards gross materialism seemed, for a time, all too characteristic -of America. But to such as doubted or feared -have come, recently, a wonderful reassurance and a renewed -faith in the eternal efficacy of so sublime an offering. It is -the sons of those men—their spiritual offspring—who have -arisen in their millions,—here in America, there in old -England,—to defend the World’s freedom. The Dean of -Westminster voiced England’s feeling, and that of the -world, when in the Memorial Service at Westminster -Abbey for the Officers and Men of the United States Army<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xxi"></a>[xxi]</span> -and Navy who fell in the War, he gave thanks to God in -the following words:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>Their deaths have sealed the unwritten but inviolable Covenant -of our common Brotherhood. Their deaths have laid the enduring -foundations of the world’s hope for future peace. For their -sakes we raise this day our proud thanksgiving in the great Abbey -which enshrines the illustrious dust of the makers of the English-speaking -peoples. Let us render our humble and joyful praise to -Almighty God that in their response to the clarion call of freedom -and of justice the two Commonwealths have not been divided.</p> - -<p>Nor have our American brothers laid down their lives in vain. -They came in their hundreds of thousand from the other side of -the Atlantic to vindicate the cause of an outraged humanity and -a menaced liberty. The freewill offering of their sacrifice has been -accepted. They have been summoned to some other and higher -phase in the life of heavenly citizenship.</p> - -<p>The mystery of suffering, sorrow and pain awaits its Divine interpretation -hereafter. Not yet can we hope to see through the -mist that veils the future. But the Cross is our pledge of the -fruitfulness of self-sacrifice.</p> - -<p>May America and Great Britain go forward charged with the -privilege of a common stewardship for the liberties of mankind! -May the glorious witness of these brave lives, whom we commemorate -to-day, enrich us, whose course on earth is not yet run, -with the inspiring vision of the sanctity and self-abnegation of -true patriotism! The warfare against the countless forms of -violence, injustice, and falsehood will never cease: may the example -of our brothers exalt and purify our aims!</p> -</div> - -<p>A few words as to the vicissitudes of the precious manuscript -of this book.</p> - -<p>As the author tells us, he began to write down this -record of the affairs of the New Plymouth Settlement in -the year 1630, ten years after their arrival, continuing the -writing of it from time to time up to the year 1650, when -he compiled the Register of Passengers on the <i>Mayflower</i>, -their marriages, the birth of their descendants, and their -deaths. In form, the original manuscript is a parchment-bound -folio, measuring about 11 inches high, 8 inches wide, -and 1½ inches thick.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xxii"></a>[xxii]</span></p> - -<p>Some inscriptions on fly leaves in it, give, tersely, its -ownership up to 1728. “This book was writ by Governor -William Bradford, and given by him to his son Major -William Bradford, and by him to his son Major John -Bradford: writ by me, Samuel Bradford, March 20th, -1705.”</p> - -<p>An entry by Thomas Prince, dated June 4th, 1728, intimates -that Major John Bradford turned over the manuscript -to him for the New England Library of Prints and -Manuscripts, which he had been collecting since 1703, -when he entered Harvard College. Since then it is supposed -that sundry authors have drawn upon its material, -and that Governor Hutchinson had access to it when he -wrote the second volume of his History, published in 1767.</p> - -<p>From this time all traces of its presence in New England -disappear, and it was not until almost a century later that -it was discovered and identified in the Library of the Bishop -of London, at Fulham Palace. It is supposed that the manuscript -found its way to England some time between the -years 1768 and 1785, being deposited under the title of -“The Log of the Mayflower,” at Fulham Palace as the -Public Registry for Historical and Ecclesiastical Documents -relating to the Diocese of London, and to the Colonial -and other Possessions of Great Britain beyond the seas—New -Plymouth being, ecclesiastically, attached to the Diocese -of London.</p> - -<p>When compiling his “History of the Protestant Episcopal -Church in America,” published in 1844, Samuel Wilberforce, -Bishop of Oxford, and later of Winchester, delved -into the archives of Fulham Palace, and brought under -contribution a number of unpublished manuscripts, from -which he gave extracts. In 1855 this work fell into the -hands of John Wingate Thornton, and, through him, came -under the eye of Barry, the author of “The History of Massachusetts,”<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xxiii"></a>[xxiii]</span> -who recognized that the passages quoted in -Wilberforce’s work must come from none other than Bradford’s -long-lost annals. Charles Deane was consulted -and communicated with Joseph Hunter in England, who -visited Fulham Palace Library, and established incontestably -the identity of “The Log of the Mayflower” with Bradford’s -History. It is still unknown exactly how it found -its way to London—but in all probability it was brought -over during the War of Independence.</p> - -<p>From time to time, after its discovery, representations -were made to the custodians of the manuscript that it -should be restored to America, where its value was inestimable, -as one of the earliest records of her National History—in -the words of Senator Hoar: “The only authentic -history of what we have a right to consider the most important -political transaction that has ever taken place on -the face of the earth.” Ultimately, the Hon. Thomas F. -Bayard, the first United States Ambassador to England, -instigated by Senator Hoar, put the matter before the -Bishop of London—Creighton—at Fulham, with the result -that, after due legal sanction by the Constitutional and -Episcopal Court of London, the manuscript was conveyed -by Mr. Bayard to America, and formally handed over to -Governor Roger Wolcott, on July 12th, 1897, for the State -Archives of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts, subject -to the production of a photographic facsimile being deposited -at Fulham, and to the original manuscript being reasonably -accessible for investigation. Its present resting -place is the Massachusetts State Library.</p> - -<p>No words could more vividly depict the feelings in the -hearts of Bradford’s descendants, on the return to American -soil of this precious relic by the free gift of England, than -those of Senator Hoar, which I now quote:</p> - -<p>“I do not think many Americans will gaze upon it without<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xxiv"></a>[xxiv]</span> -a little trembling of the lips and a little gathering of mist -in the eyes, as they think of the story of suffering, of sorrow, -of peril, of exile, of death, and of lofty triumph, which -that book tells,—which the hand of the great leader and -founder of America has traced on those pages. There is -nothing like it in human annals since the story of Bethlehem. -These English men and English women going out from their -homes in beautiful Lincoln and York, wife separated from -husband and mother from child in that hurried embarkation -for Holland, pursued to the beach by English horsemen; -the thirteen years of exile; the life at Amsterdam -‘in alley foul and lane obscure’; the dwelling at Leyden; -the embarkation at Delfthaven; the farewell of Robinson; -the terrible voyage across the Atlantic; the compact in -the harbour; the landing on the rock; the dreadful first -winter; the death roll of more than half the number; the -days of suffering and of famine; the wakeful night, listening -for the yell of the wild beast and the war-whoop of -the savage; the building of the State on those sure foundations -which no wave nor tempest has ever shaken; the -breaking of the new light; the dawning of the new day; -the beginning of the new life; the enjoyment of peace with -liberty,—of all these things this is the original record by -the hand of our beloved father and founder.”</p> - -<p>After its discovery and identification, an edition was published -in the year 1856, under the editorship of Charles -Deane, by the Massachusetts Historical Society, based on -a transcript made from the original document in London. -A photographic facsimile of the manuscript was issued in -1896, in both London and Boston; and upon receipt of the -original by the Commonwealth of Massachusetts in 1897, -a resolution was passed providing for the printing and publication -of a carefully collated edition, together with a report -of the proceedings connected with its return from England<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xxv"></a>[xxv]</span> -to America. This edition was duly issued in 1901, and it -is from that as a basis that I have prepared the present -modernization. My purpose is obvious. To many, the -reading of the mediæval English of the original, to which -all preceding editions have adhered, would be so laborious -as to preclude them from becoming acquainted with it. -I have endeavoured to preserve, as far as possible, the -atmosphere of the time, while accurately rendering the -thought in current language.</p> - -<hr class="tb"> - -<p>As for the writer himself, William Bradford, who, on -the death of John Carver, the first Governor of the colony, -a few months after their arrival, succeeded him in the -Governorship, and remained the guiding genius of its destinies -for over thirty years—his character, despite his utter -self-repression throughout his writings, can be clearly read -between the lines; his marvelous breadth of charity and -tolerance; his strong, simple piety; his plain, unselfconscious -goodness—all the grandest characteristics of the -best traditions of puritanism seem concentrated in him.</p> - -<p>But little is known of his life in England. He was born -at the village of Austerfield, near Scrooby, in Nottinghamshire, -and the baptismal entry in the registers of the -church is dated March 19th, 1590. His family was of -yeoman stock. The first Mrs. Bradford (Dorothy May) -was drowned in the harbour soon after the arrival of the -<i>Mayflower</i>, by falling overboard. The second wife was a -Mrs. Alice Southworth, a widow, to whom, it is supposed -Bradford had been attached before his and her first marriage. -He wrote his proposal of marriage to her in England, -and she came out to him, with two Southworth children. -William Bradford died, May 9th, 1657, at 69 years -of age.</p> - -<p>His dealings in the external affairs of the colony were<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xxvi"></a>[xxvi]</span> -largely with that class of hypocritical charlatan which successfully -turns to perverse account the generous religious -impulses of those with whom they hold intercourse. Yet -his firm hold on faith, hope, and charity never failed him; -he always ascribed to them, until clear proof of dishonour -was revealed, the best of motives; taking account of the -possibility of misunderstanding; or, in the last resort, -making allowance for human weakness in the face of temptation, -and forgiving unto seventy times seven. His was -the spirit given to Newton, who as he watched a murderer -being led to the gallows, exclaimed: “There goes John -Newton, but for the Grace of God”; or to Cromwell, in -his typical exhortation,—“I beseech you, in the name of -Christ, think it possible you may be mistaken.”</p> - -<p>The reverse side of the picture shows us, indeed, the -horrible hypocrisy of the pseudo-puritans of the Weston-Sherley -type, who whenever ill-fortune overtook them -called upon the name of the Lord in true Pharisaic fashion,—as -if to bribe by flattery a frivolous Providence,—playing -upon the finest qualities of forbearance and disinterestedness -of such men as Bradford and his colleagues, to get advantage -of them and rob them usuriously. Such parasites -on the true growth of puritanism brought it into disrepute -with the undiscriminating of those times,—nor have the -results of their evil work (in very truth, the Sin against -the Holy Ghost!) yet disappeared; for we find it in the -supercilious and suspicious attitude of the orthodox towards -dissent in any form, to this day.</p> - -<p>The strong grasp of the intellectual and practical side -of his and the other Pilgrims’ ideals of religious liberty,—for -which, no doubt, they owed a deep debt to that splendid -apostolic figure, their old <ins class="corr" id="tn-xxvi" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'pastor at Leydon'"> -pastor at Leyden</ins>, John Robinson,—is -evidenced by the clear exposition of their claims, -in the answer they gave to charges against them of dissembling<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xxvii"></a>[xxvii]</span> -in their declaration of conformity to the practices of -the French Reformed Churches, and of undue license in -differing from those professed forms of worship:</p> - -<p>“In attempting to tie us to the French practices in every -detail, you derogate from the liberty we have in Christ -Jesus. The Apostle Paul would have none follow him but -wherein he followed Christ; much less ought any Christian -or Church in the world do so. The French may err, we -may err, and other Churches may err, and doubtless do -in many circumstances. That honour of infallibility belongs, -therefore, only to the word of God and pure testament -of Christ, to be followed as the only rule and pattern -for direction by all Churches and Christians. It is great -arrogance for any man or Church to think that he or they -have so sounded the word of God to the bottom as to be -able to set down precisely a Church’s practices without -error in substance or circumstance, and in such a way that -no one thereafter may digress or differ from them with -impunity.”</p> - -<p>On the other hand, it is interesting to mark Bradford’s -disparagement of Utopian schemes of communal, or socialistic, -forms of government. Here is his conservative argument, -based on the experience of the first few years of their -colonization:</p> - -<p>“The failure of this experiment of communal service, -which was tried for several years, and by good and honest -men, proves the emptiness of the theory of Plato and other -ancients, applauded by some of later times,—that the taking -away of private property, and the possession of it in -community by a commonwealth, would make a state -happy and flourishing; as if they were wiser than God. -For in this instance, community of property (so far as it -went) was found to breed much confusion and discontent, -and retard much employment which would have been to<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_xxviii"></a>[xxviii]</span> -the general benefit and comfort.... If (it was thought) -all were to share alike, and all were to do alike, then all -were on an equality throughout, and one was as good as -another; and so, if it did not actually abolish those very -relations which God himself has set among men, it did at -least greatly diminish the mutual respect that is so important -should be preserved amongst them. Let none argue -that this is due to human failing rather than to this communistic -plan of life in itself. I answer, seeing that all men -have this failing in them, that God in His wisdom saw -that another plan of life was fitter for them.”</p> - -<p>Thus in civil as in religious matters, Bradford’s sure -instinct led him always to follow the guidance of a wise -and benevolent Providence, working for the rational -and natural evolution of mankind, which humanity could -expedite only by a plain, unsophisticated reliance upon -truth and goodness, as incarnate in the divine character -and life of Christ.</p> - -<hr class="tb"> - -<p>If we of to-day, whether American or British, fail to appreciate -the almost unearthly value of Bradford’s History, -it is because we ourselves are still too close to the opening -of that era in modern civilization,—yet in its early stages -of development,—with which it is concerned. I believe that, -among the world’s archives of contemporary chronicles of -the human race, future generations will attribute to his -annals a value far higher than that which we at present -ascribe to any similar historic record except the Gospels -themselves.</p> - -<p>Certainly it is fitting in the present communion of interests -of the Anglo-Saxon peoples, that we should refresh -ourselves at the glorious founts of freedom which constitute -their common heritage.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span class="smcap">Harold Paget.</span><br> -</p> - -<div class="fs90 pad1"> -Silver Mine, Conn. 1920. -</div> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"></div> - -<p class="p4 pfs180 lsp">BRADFORD’S HISTORY</p> -<p class="pfs100">OF THE</p> -<p class="pfs180">PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT</p> - - -<hr class="p6 chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_1"></a>[Pg 1]</span><br></p> -<div class="chapter"></div> - -<p class="p2 pfs180 lsp">BRADFORD’S HISTORY</p> -<p class="pfs150">of the PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT</p> - -<p class="p1 pfs120">BOOK I</p> -<p class="pfs120">1608-1620</p> - -<p class="negin2a">PERSECUTION AND FLIGHT FROM ENGLAND—SETTLEMENT -IN HOLLAND (AT AMSTERDAM AND LEYDEN)—CROSSING TO ENGLAND AND VOYAGE TO -AMERICA—LANDING AT CAPE COD AND NEW PLYMOUTH.</p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs90 bold" id="CHAPTER_Ia">CHAPTER I</h2> - - -<p class="p1b bold">Suppression of Religious Liberty in England—First Cause -of the Foundation of the New Plymouth Settlement.</p> - -<p>First I will unfold the causes that led to the foundation -of the New Plymouth Settlement, and the motives of those -concerned in it. In order that I may give an accurate account -of the project, I must begin at the very root and -rise of it; and this I shall endeavour to do in a plain -style and with singular regard to the truth,—at least as -near as my slender judgment can attain to it.</p> - -<p>As is well known, ever since the breaking out of the light -of the gospel in England, which was the first country to be -thus enlightened after the gross darkness of popery had -overspread the Christian world, Satan has maintained -various wars against the Saints, from time to time, in different -ways,—sometimes by bloody death and cruel torment, -at other times by imprisonment, banishment, and other<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_2"></a>[2]</span> -wrongs,—as if loth that his kingdom should be overcome, -the truth prevail, and the Church of God revert to their -ancient purity, and recover their primitive order, liberty, -and beauty. But when he could not stifle by these means -the main truths of the gospel, which began to take rooting -in many places, watered by the blood of martyrs and blessed -from heaven with a gracious increase, he reverted to his -ancient stratagems, used of old against the first Christians. -For when, in those days, the bloody and barbarous persecutions -of the heathen Emperors could not stop and subvert -the course of the gospel, which speedily overspread -the then best known parts of the world, he began to sow -errors, heresies, and discord amongst the clergy themselves, -working upon the pride and ambition and other frailties -to which all mortals, and even the Saints themselves <ins class="corr" id="tn-2" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'in some meaure'"> -in some measure</ins>, are subject. Woful effects followed; not -only were there bitter contentions, heartburnings, and -schisms, but Satan took advantage of them to foist in a -number of vile ceremonies, with many vain canons and decrees, -which have been snares to many poor and peaceable -souls to this day.</p> - -<p>So, in the early days, Christians suffered as much from -internal dissension as from persecution by the heathen and -their Emperors, true and orthodox Christians being oppressed -by the Arians and their heretical accomplices. -Socrates bears witness to this in his second book. His -words are these: “Indeed, the violence was no less than -that practised of old towards the Christians when they -were compelled to sacrifice to idols; for many endured various -kinds of torment—often racking and dismemberment -of their joints, confiscation of their goods, or banishment -from their native soil.”</p> - -<p>Satan has seemed to follow a like method in these later -times, ever since the truth began to spring and spread after<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_3"></a>[3]</span> -the great defection of that man of sin, the Papal Antichrist. -Passing by the infinite examples throughout the -world as well as in our country, when that old serpent -found that he could not prevail by fiery flames and the -other cruel torments which he had put in use everywhere -in the days of Queen Mary and before, he then went more -closely to work, not merely to oppress but to ruin and destroy -the kingdom of Christ by more secret and subtle -means, and by kindling flames of contention and sowing -seeds of strife and bitter enmity amongst the reformed -clergy and laity themselves.</p> - -<p>Mr. Fox records, that besides those worthy martyrs and -confessors who were burned and otherwise tormented in -Queen Mary’s days, as many as 800 students and others -fled out of England, and formed separate congregations at -Wesel, Frankfort, Basel, Emden, Marburg, Strasburg, -Geneva, etc.</p> - -<p>Amongst these bodies of protestant reformers—especially -amongst those at Frankfort,—arose a bitter war of contention -and persecution about the ceremonies and the service -book and other such popish and anti-Christian stuff, -the plague of England to this day. Such practises are like -the high places in Israel, which the prophets cried out -against; and the better part of the reformers sought to root -them out and utterly abandon them, according to the purity -of the gospel; while the other part, under veiled pretences, -sought as stiffly to maintain and defend them, for their -own advancement. This appears in the account of these -contentions published in 1575—a book that deserves to be -better known.</p> - -<p>The one party of reformers endeavoured to establish the -right worship of God and the discipline of Christ in the -Church according to the simplicity of the gospel and without -the mixture of men’s inventions, and to be ruled by the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_4"></a>[4]</span> -laws of God’s word dispensed by such officers as Pastors, -Teachers, Elders, etc., according to the Scriptures.</p> - -<p>The other party,—the episcopal,—under many pretences, -endeavoured to maintain the episcopal dignity after the -popish manner,—with all its courts, canons, and ceremonies; -its livings, revenues, subordinate officers, and other means -of upholding their anti-Christian greatness, and of enabling -them with lordly and tyrannous power to persecute the -poor servants of God. The fight was so bitter, that neither -the honour of God, the persecution to which both parties -were subjected, nor the mediation of Mr. Calvin and other -worthies, could prevail with the episcopal party. They proceeded -by all means to disturb the peace of this poor persecuted -church of dissenters, even so far as to accuse (very -unjustly and ungodly, yet prelate-like) some of its chief -members with rebellion and high-treason against the Emperor, -and other such crimes.</p> - -<p>And this contention did not die with Queen Mary, nor -was it left beyond the seas. At her death the episcopal -party of the Protestants returned to England under gracious -Queen Elizabeth, many of them being preferred to -bishoprics and other promotions, according to their aims -and desires, with the result that their inveterate hatred towards -the holy discipline of Christ in his church, represented -by the dissenting part, has continued to this day; -furthermore, for fear it should ultimately prevail, all kinds -of devices were used to keep it out, incensing the Queen -and State against it as a danger to the commonwealth; -arguing that it was most needful that the fundamental -points of religion should be preached in these ignorant and -superstitious times, and that in order to win the weak and -ignorant it was necessary to retain various harmless ceremonies; -and that though reforms were desirable, this was -not the time for them. Many such excuses were put forward<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_5"></a>[5]</span> -to silence the more godly, and to induce them to yield -to one ceremony after another, and one corruption after -another. By these wiles some were beguiled and others -corrupted, till at length they began to persecute all the -zealous reformers in the land, unless they would submit -to their ceremonies and become slaves to them and their -popish trash, which has no ground in the word of God, but is -a relic of that man of sin. And the more the light of the -gospel grew, the more they urged subjection to these corruptions,—so -that, notwithstanding all their former pretences, -those whose eyes God had not justly blinded easily -saw their purpose. In order the more to cast contempt -upon the sincere servants of God, they opprobriously gave -them the name of “Puritans,” which it is said the novations -assumed out of pride. It is lamentable to see the effects -which have followed. Religion has been disgraced, the godly -grieved, afflicted, persecuted, and many exiled, while others -have lost their lives in prisons and other ways; on the other -hand, sin has been countenanced, ignorance, profanity, and -atheism have increased, and the papists have been encouraged -to hope again for a day.</p> - -<p>This made that holy man, Mr. Perkins, cry out in his exhortation -to repentance, upon Zeph. ii. “Religion,” said -he, “has been amongst us these thirty-five years; but the -more it is disseminated, the more it is condemned by many. -Thus, not profanity or wickedness, but Religion itself -is a byword, a mocking stock, and a matter of reproach; -so that in England at this day the man or woman who -begins to profess religion and to serve God, must resolve -within himself to sustain mocks and injuries as though -he lived among the enemies of religion.” Common experience -has confirmed this and made it only too apparent.<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_6"></a>[6]</span></p> - -<p>But to come to the subject of this narrative. When by -the zeal of some godly preachers, and God’s blessing on -their labours, many in the North of England and other -parts become enlightened by the word of God and had their -ignorance and sins discovered to them, and began by His -grace to reform their lives and pay heed to their ways, the -work of God was no sooner manifest in them than they -were scorned by the profane multitude, and their ministers -were compelled to subscribe or be silent, and the poor people -were persecuted with apparators and pursuants and the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_7"></a>[7]</span> -commissary courts. Nevertheless, they bore it all for several -years in patience, until by the increase of their troubles they -began to see further into things by the light of the word of -God. They realized not only that these base ceremonies -were unlawful, but also that the tyrannous power of the -prelates ought not to be submitted to, since it was contrary -to the freedom of the gospel and would burden men’s consciences -and thus profane the worship of God.</p> - -<p>On this subject a famous author thus writes in his Dutch -commentaries: “At the coming of King James into England, -the new King found established there the reformed -religion of Edward VI., but retaining the spiritual office -of the bishops,—differing in this from the reformed -churches in Scotland, France, the Netherlands, Emden, -Geneva, etc., whose reformation is shaped much nearer to -the first Christian churches of the Apostles’ times.”</p> - -<p>Those reformers who saw the evil of these things, and -whose hearts the Lord had touched with heavenly zeal for -his truth, shook off this yoke of anti-Christian bondage -and as the Lord’s free people joined themselves together -by covenant as a church, in the fellowship of the gospel to -walk in all His ways, made known, or to be made known -to them, according to their best endeavours, whatever it -should cost them, the Lord assisting them. And that it -cost them something, the ensuing history will declare.</p> - -<p>These people became two distinct bodies or churches and -congregated separately; for they came from various towns -and villages about the borders of Nottinghamshire, Lincolnshire, -and Yorkshire. One of these churches was led by -Mr. John Smith, a man of able gifts, and a good preacher, -who was afterwards made pastor; but later, falling into -some errors in the Low Countries, most of its adherents -buried themselves,—and their names! To the other church, -which is the subject of this discourse, belonged besides<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_8"></a>[8]</span> -other worthy men, Mr. Richard Clifton, a grave and -reverend preacher, who by his pains and diligence had done -much good, and under God had been the means of the -conversion of many; also that famous and worthy man, -Mr. John Robinson, who was afterwards their pastor for -many years, till the Lord took him away; also Mr. William -Brewster, a reverend man, who was afterwards chosen an -Elder of the church, and lived with them till old age. But -after the events referred to above, they were not long permitted -to remain in peace. They were hunted and persecuted -on every side, until their former afflictions were but -as fleabitings in comparison. Some were clapped into -prison; others had their houses watched night and day, and -escaped with difficulty; and most were obliged to fly, and -leave their homes and means of livelihood. Yet these and -many other even severer trials which afterwards befell -them, being only what they expected, they were able to bear -by the assistance of God’s grace and spirit. However, being -thus molested, and seeing that there was no hope of their -remaining there, they resolved by consent to go into the -Low Countries, where they heard there was freedom of -religion for all; and it was said that many from London and -other parts of the country, who had been exiled and persecuted -for the same cause, had gone to live at Amsterdam -and elsewhere in the Netherlands. So after about a year, -having kept their meeting for the worship of God every -Sabbath in one place or another, notwithstanding the diligence -and malice of their adversaries, seeing that they -could no longer continue under such circumstances, they -resolved to get over to Holland as soon as they could—which -was in the years 1607 and 1608. But of this, more -will be told in the next chapter.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_9"></a>[9]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs90 bold" id="CHAPTER_IIa">CHAPTER II</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">Flight to Holland (Amsterdam and Leyden): 1607-1608</p> - - -<p>For these reformers to be thus constrained to leave their -native soil, their lands and livings, and all their friends, -was a great sacrifice, and was wondered at by many. But -to go into a country unknown to them, where they must -learn a new language, and get their livings they knew not -how, seemed an almost desperate adventure, and a misery -worse than death. Further, they were unacquainted with -trade, which was the chief industry of their adopted -country, having been used only to a plain country life and -the innocent pursuit of farming. But these things did not -dismay them, though they sometimes troubled them; for -their desires were set on the ways of God, to enjoy His -ordinances; they rested on His providence, and knew Whom -they had believed.</p> - -<p>But this was not all; for though it was made intolerable -for them to stay, they were not allowed to go; the ports -were shut against them, so that they had to seek secret -means of conveyance, to bribe the captains of ships, and -give extraordinary rates for their passages. Often they -were betrayed, their goods intercepted, and thereby were -put to great trouble and expense. I will give an instance -or two of these experiences.</p> - -<p>A large number of them had decided to take passage from -Boston in Lincolnshire, and for that purpose had hired a -ship wholly to themselves, and made agreement with the -captain to be ready at a convenient place on a certain day -to take them and their belongings. After long waiting<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_10"></a>[10]</span> -and great expense—he had not kept day with them—he -came at last and took them aboard at night. But when -he had secured them and their goods he betrayed them, -having arranged beforehand with the searchers and other -officers to do so. They then put them in open boats, and -there rifled and ransacked them, searching them to their -shirts for money,—and even the women, further than became -modesty,—and took them back to the town and made -a spectacle of them to the multitude that came flocking on -all sides to see them. Being thus rifled and stripped of -their money, books, and other property, they were brought -before the magistrates, and messengers were sent to inform -the Lords of the Council about them. The magistrates -treated them courteously, and showed them what favour -they could; but dare not free them until order came from -the council-table. The result was, however, that after a -month’s imprisonment, the majority were dismissed, and -sent back to the places whence they came; but seven of -the leaders were kept in prison, and bound over to the -Assizes.</p> - -<p>Next spring there was another attempt made by some -of the same people, with others, to get over from a different -place. They heard of a Dutchman at Hull who had a ship -of his own belonging to Zealand, and they made an agreement -with him, and acquainted him with their plight, hoping -to find him more reliable than the English captain had -been; and he bade them have no fear. He was to take -them aboard between Grimsby and Hull, where there was -a large common a good way from any town. The women -and children, with all their effects, were sent to the place -at the time arranged in a small bark which they had hired; -and the men were to meet them by land. But it so happened -that they all arrived a day before the ship came, and -the sea being rough, and the women very sick, the sailors<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_11"></a>[11]</span> -put into a creek hard by, where they grounded at low water. -The next morning the ship came, but they were stuck fast -and could not stir till about noon. In the meantime, the -captain of the ship, seeing how things were, sent his boat -to get the men aboard whom he saw were ready walking -about the shore. But after the first boatful was got aboard -and she was ready to go for more, the captain espied a large -body of horse and foot, armed with bills and guns and other -weapons,—for the country side had turned out to capture -them. The Dutchman, seeing this, swore his country’s -oath, “sacramente,” and having a fair wind, weighed anchor, -hoist sail, and away! The poor men already aboard -were in great distress for their wives and children, left -thus to be captured, and destitute of help,—and for themselves, -too, without any clothes but what they had on their -backs, and scarcely a penny about them, all their possessions -being aboard the bark, now seized. It drew tears -from their eyes, and they would have given anything to be -ashore again. But all in vain, there was no remedy; they -must thus sadly part. Afterwards they endured a fearful -storm at sea, and it was fourteen days or more before they -reached port, in seven of which they saw neither sun, moon, -nor stars, being driven near the coast of Norway. The -sailors themselves often despaired, and once with shrieks -and cries gave over all, as if the ship had foundered and -they were sinking without hope of recovery. But when -man’s hope and help wholly failed, there appeared the -Lord’s power and mercy to save them; for the ship rose -again, and gave the crew courage to manage her. If modesty -permitted, I might declare with what fervent prayers -the voyagers cried to the Lord in their great distress,—even -remaining fairly collected when the water ran into -their mouths and ears; and when the sailors called out, -“We sink, we sink,” they cried (if not with miraculous,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_12"></a>[12]</span> -yet with sublime faith): “Yet Lord, Thou canst save; yet -Lord, Thou canst save!” Upon which, the ship not only -righted herself, but shortly afterwards the violence of the -storm began to abate, and the Lord filled their afflicted -minds with such comfort as but few can understand, and -in the end brought them to their desired haven, where the -people came flocking, astonished at their deliverance, the -storm having been so long and violent.</p> - -<p>But to return to the rest where we left them. The other -men, who were in greatest danger, made shift to escape -before the troops could surprise them, only sufficient staying -to assist the women. But it was pitiful to see these -poor women in their distress. What weeping and crying -on every side: some for their husbands carried away in the -ship; others not knowing what would become of them and -their little ones; others again melted in tears, seeing their -poor little ones hanging about them, crying for fear and -quaking with cold! Being thus apprehended, they were -hurried from one place to another, till in the end the officers -knew not what to do with them; for to imprison so many -innocent women and children only because they wished to -go with their husbands, seemed unreasonable and would -cause an outcry; and to send them home again was as difficult, -for they alleged, as was the truth, that they had -no homes to go to,—for they had sold or otherwise disposed -of their houses and livings. To be short, after they had -been thus turmoiled a good while, and conveyed from one -constable to another, they were glad to be rid of them on -any terms; for all were wearied and tired of them. Though -in the meantime, they, poor souls, endured misery enough. -So in the end, necessity forced a way for them.</p> - -<hr class="tb"> - -<p>But not to be tedious, I will pass by other troubles which -they endured in their wanderings and travels, both on land<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_13"></a>[13]</span> -and sea. I must not omit, however, to mention the fruit of -it all. For by these public afflictions, their cause became -famous, and led many to inquire into it; and their Christian -behaviour left a deep impression on the minds of many. -Some few shrank from these first conflicts, and no wonder; -but many more came forward with fresh courage and -animated the rest. In the end, notwithstanding the storms -of opposition, they all got over, some from one place, some -from another, and met together again with no small rejoicing.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_14"></a>[14]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs90 bold" id="CHAPTER_IIIa">CHAPTER III</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold center">Settlement at Leyden: 1609-1620</p> - - -<p>Having reached the Netherlands, they saw many fine -fortified cities, strongly walled, and guarded with troops -of armed men; and they heard a strange and uncouth language, -and beheld the different manners and customs of -the people, with their strange fashions and attire—all so -far differing from their own plain country villages wherein -they were bred and had lived so long, that it seemed they -had come into a new world. But these were not the things -they gave much attention to. They had other work in -hand, and another kind of war to wage. For though they -saw fair and beautiful cities, flowing with abundance of all -sorts of wealth and riches, it was not long before they saw -the grim and grisly face of poverty coming upon them like -an armed man, with whom they must buckle and encounter, -and from whom they could not fly; but they were armed -with faith and patience against him and all his encounters; -and though they were sometimes foiled, yet, by God’s assistance, -they prevailed and got the victory.</p> - -<p>When Mr. Robinson, Mr. Brewster, and the other principal -members had arrived,—they were among the last, having -stayed to help the weakest over,—such things were -deliberated as were necessary for their settling and for the -best ordering of the church affairs. When they had lived -at Amsterdam about a year, Mr. Robinson, their pastor, -together with the most discerning of the others, seeing that -Mr. John Smith and his followers had already fallen out -with the church which was there previously, and that -nothing could avail to end the quarrel, and also that the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_15"></a>[15]</span> -flames of contention were likely to break out in the parent -church itself (as afterwards, alas, came to pass); they -thought it best to move, before they were in any way involved, -though they knew it would be to their worldly disadvantage, -both at present and probably in the future,—as -indeed it proved to be.</p> - -<p>For these and other reasons, then, they removed to -Leyden, a fair and beautiful city, of a sweet situation, -made famous by its university, in which recently there -had been so many learned men. However, lacking seafaring -trades, which Amsterdam enjoys, it was not so -favourable in providing means of livelihood. But being settled -here, they fell to such trades and employments as they -best could, valuing peace and their spiritual comfort above -any other riches whatever; and at length they came to -raise a competent and comfortable living, though only by -dint of hard and continual labour.</p> - -<p>Thus, after numerous difficulties, they continued many -years in good circumstances, enjoying together much sweet -and delightful intercourse and spiritual comfort in the ways -of God, under the able ministry and prudent government -of Mr. Robinson, and Mr. William Brewster, who before -had been his assistant in place of an Elder, to which position -he was now called and chosen by the church. So they -grew in knowledge and other gifts and graces of the spirit -of God, and lived together in peace and love and holiness; -and many came to them from different parts of England, -so that there grew up a great congregation. And if any -differences arose or offences broke out,—as cannot but be -even amongst the best of men,—they were always so met -with and nipped in the head betimes, that love, peace, and -communion continued; or, in some instances, the church -was purged of those who were incurable and incorrigible, -when, after much patience used, no other means would<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_16"></a>[16]</span> -serve. Indeed, such was the love and respect that this -worthy man, Mr. John Robinson, had to his flock, and his -flock to him, that it might be said of them, as it once was of -the famous Emperor Marcus Aurelius and the people of -Rome, that it was hard to judge whether he was more delighted -in having such a people or they in having such a -pastor. His love was great towards them, and his care -was always bent to their best good both for soul and body; -for, besides his singular ability in divine things (wherein -he excelled), he was also very able in directing their civil -affairs and foreseeing dangers and troubles; so he was very -helpful to their material well-being, and was in every way -a common father to them. None offended him more than -those who kept apart from the rest, and neglected the common -good; or those who were rigid in matters of outward -order and would inveigh against the evil of others, and yet -were remiss themselves and not too careful to maintain -virtuous conversation. The congregation, too, ever had a -reverent regard for him and held him in precious estimation, -as his worth and wisdom deserved; and highly as they esteemed -him whilst he lived and laboured amongst them, it -was even more so after his death, when they came to feel -the want of his help, and saw by woful experience what a -treasure they had lost. But to return. I know not but it -may be spoken to the honour of God, and without prejudice -to any, that such was the true piety, the humble zeal, and -fervent love, of this people, whilst they thus lived together, -towards God and His ways, and the single-heartedness and -sincere affection of one towards another, that they came as -near the primitive pattern of the first churches as any other -church of these later times has done.</p> - -<p>It is not my purpose to treat of what befell them whilst -they lived in the Low Countries,—which would require a -large treatise of itself,—but to show the beginnings of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_17"></a>[17]</span> -New Plymouth Settlement. But since some of their adversaries, -upon their departure from Leyden of their own free -will, uttered slanders against them, as if the country had -been weary of them and had driven them out, as the -heathen historians asserted of Moses and the Israelites when -they went out of Egypt, I will mention a particular or two -to show the contrary, and the good acceptation they had -in the place where they lived.</p> - -<p>First, though many of them were poor, there were none -so poor but that if they were known to be of that congregation, -the Dutch (either bakers or others) would trust -them to any reasonable extent when they lacked money -to buy what they needed. They found by experience how -careful they were to keep their word, and saw how diligent -they were in their callings, that they would even compete -for their custom, and employ them in preference to others.</p> - -<p>Again, about the time of their departure, or a little before, -the magistrates of the city, gave this commendable -testimony of them in the public place of justice in reproof -to the Walloons, who were of the French church there. -“These English,” said they, “have lived among us these -twelve years, and yet we never had any suit or accusation -against any of them; but your strifes and quarrels are continual.”</p> - -<p>At this time occurred the great trouble with the Arminians, -who molested the whole state, and this city in particular, -where the chief university was situated. So there -were daily hot disputes in the schools thereabouts, and the -students and other learned people were divided in their -opinions between two professors of divinity, the one daily -teaching in favour of the Arminian faction, and the other -against it. Things grew to such a pass, that few of the -followers of the one professor would hear the other teach. -But Mr. Robinson, though he preached thrice a week himself<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_18"></a>[18]</span> -and wrote several books, besides his many other duties, -went constantly to hear their readings, the one as well as -the other; so he became well-grounded in their controversy -and saw the force of all their arguments, and knew the -shifts of the opponent, and being himself very able, none -was fitter to buckle with them than himself,—as appeared -by various disputes. In fact, he began to be a terror to the -Arminians, so that Episcopius, the Arminian professor, put -forth his best strength and advanced various Theses which -he asserted he would defend against all comers in public -dispute.</p> - -<p>Now Poliander, the other professor, and the chief preachers -of the city, requested Mr. Robinson to take up his challenge, -but he was loth to do so, being a stranger. However -the others importuned him, and told him that such was the -ability and nimbleness of the opponent, that the truth would -suffer if he did not help them. So he acquiesced and prepared -himself accordingly; and when the day came, the -Lord so helped him to defend the truth and foil his adversary, -that he put him to an apparent nonplus in public -audience. And he did the same thing two or three times -upon similar occasions. This, while it made many praise -God that the truth had so famous a victory, procured him -much honour and respect from those learned men and others -who loved the truth. So far from being weary of him and -his people, or desiring their absence, had it not been for -fear of giving offence to the government of England, they -would have conferred upon him some public honour. Indeed, -when there was talk of their departure to America, -several men of prominence in the country tried to induce -them to become naturalized, and even made them large -offers to do so. Though I might mention many other -similar examples to show the untruth of this slander, these -suffice, for it was believed by few and was raised in malice.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_19"></a>[19]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs90 bold" id="CHAPTER_IVa">CHAPTER IV</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">Reasons which led the Congregation at Leyden to decide -upon Settlement in America.</p> - - -<p>After they had lived here for some eleven or twelve -years,—the period of the famous truce between the Low -Countries and Spain,—several of them having died, and -many others being now old, the grave mistress, Experience, -having taught them much, their prudent governors began -to apprehend present dangers and to scan the future and -think of timely remedy. After much thought and discourse -on the subject, they began at length to incline to the idea -of removal to some other place; not out of any new-fangledness -or other such giddy humour, which often influences -people to their detriment and danger, but for many important -reasons, the chief of which I will here briefly touch -upon.</p> - -<p>First, they saw by experience that the hardships of the -country were such that comparatively few others would -join them, and fewer still would bide it out and remain -with them. Many who came and many more who desired -to come, could not endure the continual labour and hard -fare and other inconveniences which they themselves were -satisfied with. But though these weaker brethren loved the -members of the congregation, personally approved their -cause, and honoured their sufferings, they left them, weeping, -as it were;—as Orpah did her mother-in-law, Naomi; -or as those Romans did Cato at Utica, who desired to be -excused and borne with, though they could not all be Catos. -For, though many desired to enjoy the ordinances of God<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_20"></a>[20]</span> -in their purity, and the liberty of the gospel, yet, alas, they -preferred to submit to bondage, with danger to their conscience, -rather than endure these privations. Some even -preferred prisons in England to this liberty in Holland, -with such hardships. But it was thought that if there could -be found a better and easier place of living, it would attract -many and remove this discouragement. Their pastor would -often say, that if many of those who both wrote and -preached against them were living where they might have -liberty and comfortable conditions, they would then practice -the same religion as they themselves did.</p> - -<p>Secondly, they saw that though the people generally bore -these difficulties very cheerfully, and with resolute courage, -being in the best strength of their years; yet old age began -to steal on many of them, and their great and continual -labours, with other crosses and sorrows, hastened it before -their time; so that it was not only probable, but certain, -that in a few more years they would be in danger of scattering -by the necessities pressing upon them. Therefore, according -to the divine proverb (Prov. xxii, 3), that a wise -man seeth the plague when it cometh, and hideth himself; -they, like skillful and hardened soldiers, were wary of being -surrounded by their enemies, so that they could neither fight -not flee, and thought it wiser to dislodge betimes to some -place of better advantage and less danger, if any such could -be found.</p> - -<p>Thirdly, as necessity was a task-master over them, so -they themselves were forced to be, not only over their servants, -but in a sort over their dearest children; which not a -little wounded the hearts of many a loving father and -mother, and produced many sad and sorrowful effects. -Many of their children, who were of the best disposition -and who had learned to bear the yoke in their youth and -were willing to bear part of their parents’ burden, were<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_21"></a>[21]</span> -often so oppressed with their labours, that though their -minds were free and willing, their bodies bowed under the -weight and became decrepit in early youth,—the vigour of -nature being consumed in the very bud, as it were. But -still more lamentable, and of all sorrows most heavy to -be borne, was that many of the children, influenced by these -conditions, and the great licentiousness of the young people -of the country, and the many temptations of the city, were -led by evil example into dangerous courses, getting the -reins off their necks and leaving their parents. Some became -soldiers, others embarked upon voyages by sea and -others upon worse courses tending to dissoluteness and the -danger of their souls, to the great grief of the parents and -the dishonour of God. So they saw their posterity would -be in danger to degenerate and become corrupt.</p> - -<p>Last and not least, they cherished a great hope and inward -zeal of laying good foundations, or at least of making -some way towards it, for the propagation and advance of -the gospel of the kingdom of Christ in the remote parts of -the world, even though they should be but stepping stones to -others in the performance of so great a work.</p> - -<p>These, and some other similar reasons, moved them to -resolve upon their removal, which they afterwards prosecuted -in the face of great difficulties, as will appear.</p> - -<p>The place they fixed their thoughts upon was somewhere -in those vast and unpeopled countries of America, which -were fruitful and fit for habitation, though devoid of all -civilized inhabitants and given over to savages, who range -up and down, differing little from the wild beasts themselves. -This proposition when made public, found many -different opinions, and raised many fears and doubts. The -hopeful ones tried to encourage the rest to undertake it; -others more timid, objected to it, alleging much that was -neither unreasonable nor improbable. They argued that it<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_22"></a>[22]</span> -was so big an undertaking that it was open to inconceivable -perils and dangers. Besides the casualties of the seas, they -asserted that the length of the voyage was such that the -women, and other weak persons worn out with age and -travail, could never survive it. Even if they should, they -contended that the miseries which they would be exposed to -in such a country, would be too hard to endure. They -would be liable to famine, nakedness, and want. The -change of air, diet, and water would infect them with sickness -and disease. Again, all those who surmounted these -difficulties, would remain in continual danger from the -savages, who are cruel, barbarous, and treacherous, furious -in their rage, and merciless when they get the upper hand,—not -content to kill, they delight in tormenting people in the -most bloody manner possible; flaying some alive with the -shells of fishes, cutting off the members and joints of others -piecemeal, broiling them on the coals, and eating collops of -their flesh in their sight whilst they live,—with other cruelties -too horrible to be related.</p> - -<p>And the very hearing of these things could not but move -the very bowels of men to grate within them and make -the weak to quake and tremble. It was further objected that -it would require greater sums of money to prepare for such -a voyage, and to fit them with necessaries, than their -diminished estates would amount to. Many precedents of -ill success and lamentable miseries befallen others in similar -undertakings were alleged,—besides their own experience -in their removal to Holland, and how hard it was for them -to live there, though it was a neighboring country and a -civilized and rich commonwealth.</p> - -<p>It was replied that all great and honourable actions are -accompanied with great difficulties, and must be both met -and overcome with answerable courage. It was granted -the dangers were great, but not desperate; the difficulties<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_23"></a>[23]</span> -were many, but not invincible. For, many of the things -feared might never befall; others by provident care and -the use of good means might in a great measure be prevented; -and all of them, through the help of God, by fortitude -and patience, might either be borne or overcome. -True it was that such attempts were not to be undertaken -without good ground and reason, rashly or lightly; or, as -many had done, for curiosity or hope of gain. But their -condition was not ordinary; their ends were good and -honourable; their calling, lawful and urgent; therefore they -might expect the blessing of God on their proceedings. Yea, -though they should lose their lives in this action, yet might -they have the comfort of knowing that their endeavour was -worthy.</p> - -<p>They were now living as exiles in poor circumstances; -and as great miseries might befall them here as there, for -the twelve years’ truce was now over, and there was nothing -but beating of drums and preparation for war. The -Spaniard might prove as cruel as the savage of America, -and the famine and pestilence as sore in Holland as across -the seas. After many other things had been alleged on -both sides, it was fully decided by the majority to undertake -the enterprise, and to prosecute it by the best means they -could.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_24"></a>[24]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs90 bold" id="CHAPTER_Va">CHAPTER V</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">Decision to make New England the place of Settlement, in -preference to Guiana or Virginia—Endeavour to obtain a -Patent from the King of England: 1617-1620</p> - - -<p>After humble prayers to God for His protection and -assistance, and a general conference, they consulted what -particular place to pitch upon. Some had thought of -Guiana; some of those fertile places in hot climates; others -were for some parts of Virginia, where the English had -already made entrance. Those for Guiana alleged that the -country was rich, fruitful, and blessed with a perpetual -spring, where vigorous nature brought forth all things in -abundance and plenty, without need of much labour, and -that the Spaniards, having much more than they could -possess, had not yet settled there, or anywhere very near.</p> - -<p>To this it was objected that though the country was fruitful -and pleasant, and might yield riches and easy maintenance -to the possessors, other things considered, it would -not be so fit for them. First, such hot countries are subject -to horrible diseases and many noisome pests, which other -more temperate places are free from, and they would not -agree so well with our English bodies. Again, if they lived -there and did well, the jealous Spaniards would never leave -them in peace, but would dispossess them as they did the -French in Florida,—and the sooner because they would -have no protection, and their own strength would be insufficient -to resist so potent an enemy and so near a neighbour.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_25"></a>[25]</span></p> - -<p>On the other hand, against Virginia it was objected that -if they lived among the English who had settled there, or -so near them as to be under their government, they would -be in as great danger of persecution for their religion as -if they lived in England,—and it might be, worse; while, -if they lived too far off, they would have neither help nor -defence from them.</p> - -<hr class="tb"> - -<p>At length the conclusion was reached that they should -live as a separate body, by themselves, under the general -government of Virginia; and that through their friends -they should sue his majesty to be pleased to allow them -freedom of religion. That this might be granted they were -led to hope by some prominent persons of rank and influence, -who had become their friends.</p> - -<hr class="tb"> - -<p>Whereupon, two members of the congregation were sent -to England at the expense of the rest, to arrange the -matter. They found the Virginia company anxious to -have them, and willing to grant them a patent, with as -ample privileges as they themselves had or could grant and -to give them the best assistance they could. Some of the -principal officers of the Virginia Company did not doubt -that they could obtain the King’s grant of liberty of religion, -confirmed under his broad seal. But it proved a harder -piece of work than they expected; and, though many means -were used to accomplish it, it proved impossible. Many of -high standing used their influence to obtain it,—though one of -the King’s chief secretaries, Sir Robert Nanton, was against -them,—and others urged the Archbishop to give way to it; -but it proved all in vain. They succeeded, however, in -sounding his majesty’s mind, and found that he would connive -at them, and not molest them, provided they behaved -peaceably. But to allow or tolerate their claim to religious<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_26"></a>[26]</span> -freedom by his public authority, under his seal, was found -to be impossible. This was all the leading officials of the -Virginia Company or any of their best friends could do; -though they persuaded the Congregation at Leyden to proceed -with the undertaking, believing that they would not be -troubled. With this answer the messengers returned.</p> - -<p>This damped their enthusiasm, and caused some distraction. -Many feared that if they should unsettle themselves -and count upon these hopes, it might prove dangerous and -be a sandy foundation. Indeed it was thought they might -better have taken this understanding for granted, without -making suit at all, than to have it thus rejected. But some -of the chief members thought otherwise, and that they might -well proceed, and that the King would not molest them, -even though, for other reasons, he would not confirm it by -any public act. And it was further contended that if there -was no security in the promise thus intimated, there would -be no great certainty in its further confirmation; for if, -afterwards, there should be a desire to wrong them, though -they had a seal as broad as the house floor, it would not -serve their turn, for means would be found to reverse it. -With this probability of success they urged that they should -trust to God’s providence for the outcome, as they had -done in other things.</p> - -<p>Upon this resolution other messengers were despatched -to close with the Virginia Company as well as they could -and to procure a patent with as good and ample conditions -as possible; also to arrange with such merchants and other -friends as had manifested interest, to participate in the -accomplishment of this voyage. For these ends they were -instructed upon what lines to proceed,—otherwise to conclude -nothing without further orders.</p> - -<p>Here it will be necessary to insert a letter or two bearing -on these proceedings.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_27"></a>[27]</span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Sir Edwin Sandys in London to John Robinson and William -Brewster at Leyden</em>:</p> - -<p>After my hearty salutations.... The agents of your congregation, -Robert Cushman and John Carver, have been in communication -with some of the more important members of his majesty’s -counsel for Virginia; and by presentation of the seven articles subscribed -with your names have given them such satisfaction as has -decided them to further your wishes as well as possible, for your -own and the public good. Several particulars we will leave to the -faithful report of your agents, who have carried themselves here -with a discretion that is as creditable to themselves as to those they -represent. Having requested time to confer with those who are -interested in this undertaking, about several particulars, it has been -very willingly assented to and so they now return to you. If, therefore, -it may so please God to direct you that on your parts there -occur no just impediments, I trust by the same direction it shall -appear, that on our part all reasonable assistance will be given. And -so I leave you, with your undertaking (which I hope is indeed -the work of God), to the gracious protection and blessing of the -Highest.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 6em;">Your very loving friend,</span><br> -EDWIN SANDYS.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>London, Nov. 12th, 1617.</em></p> -</div> - - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>John Robinson and William Brewster at Leyden to Sir Edwin -Sandys in London</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Right Worshipful,</p> - -<p>Our humble duties, with grateful acknowledgment of your singular -love, especially shown in your earnest endeavour for our good -in this weighty business about Virginia. We have set down our request -in writing, subscribed as you wished by the majority of the -congregation and have sent it to the Council of the Virginia Company -by our agent, John Carver, a deacon of our Church, whom a -gentleman of our congregation accompanies.</p> - -<p>We need not urge you to any more tender care of us, since, under -God, above all persons and things in the world, we rely upon you, -expecting the care of your love, the counsel of your wisdom, and -the countenance of your authority. Notwithstanding, for your encouragement -in the work we will mention these inducements to our -enterprise:</p> - -<p>1. We verily believe and trust that the Lord is with us, unto -Whom and Whose service we have given ourselves in many trials; -and that He will graciously prosper our endeavours according to -the simplicity of our hearts therein.</p> - -<p>2. We are well weaned from the delicate milk of our mother<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_28"></a>[28]</span> -country, and inured to the difficulties of a strange and hard land, -which by patience we have largely overcome.</p> - -<p>3. The people are for the most part as industrious and frugal, -we think we may safely say, as any company of people in the world.</p> - -<p>4. We are knit together as a body in a most strict and sacred -bond and covenant of the Lord, of the violation whereof we make -great conscience, and by virtue whereof we hold ourselves straitly -tied to all care of each other’s good.</p> - -<p>5. Lastly, we are not like some, whom small things discourage, or -small discontents cause to wish themselves at home again. We -know what we can expect both in England and in Holland, and -that we shall not improve our material well-being by our departure; -whereas, should we be forced to return, we could not hope to regain -our present position, either here or elsewhere during our lives, -which are now drawing towards their periods.<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a></p> - -<p>These motives we have been bold to put to you, and, as you think -well, to any other of our friends of the Council. We will not be -further troublesome, but with our humble duties to your Worship, -and to any other of our well-willers of the Council, we take our -leaves, committing you to the guidance of the Almighty.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 4.5em;">Yours much bounden in all duty,</span><br> -<span style="margin-right: 1.5em;">JOHN ROBINSON.</span><br> -WILLIAM BREWSTER.<br> -</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>Leyden, Dec. 15th, 1617.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>For further light on these proceedings, here follow some -other letters and notes.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Mr. John Robinson and Mr. William Brewster at Leyden to Sir -John Worstenholme in London</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Right Worshipful,</p> - -<p>With due acknowledgment of our gratitude for your singular care -and pains in the business of Virginia, we have sent enclosed, as is<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_29"></a>[29]</span> -required, a further explanation of our judgments in the three points -specified by some of his majesty’s Honourable Privy Council; and -though we are grieved that such unjust insinuations are made -against us, we are glad of the opportunity of clearing ourselves -before such honourable personages. The declarations we have enclosed. -The one is more brief and general, which we think fitter to -be presented; the other is somewhat more comprehensive, expressing -some small accidental differences, which if you think well you -can send instead of the former. Our prayer to God is, that your -Worship may see the fruit of your endeavours, which on our parts -we shall not fail to further. And so praying you, as soon as convenient, -to give us knowledge of the success of the business with his -majesty’s Privy Council, and accordingly what your further pleasure -is, so we rest,</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 5em;">Your worshipful in all duty,</span><br> -<span style="margin-right: 1.5em;">JOHN ROBINSON.</span><br> -WILLIAM BREWSTER.<br> -</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>Leyden, Jan. 27th, 1617.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>The first brief declaration was this:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>As regards the Ecclesiastical ministry, namely of pastors for -teaching, elders for ruling, and deacons for distributing the -churches’ contribution, as also for the two sacraments,—baptism -and the Lord’s supper,—we agree wholly and in all points with the -French Reformed Churches, according to their public Confession of -Faith.</p> - -<p>The Oath of Supremacy we shall willingly take, if it be required -of us, and if it be not sufficient that we take the Oath of Allegiance.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 1.5em;">JOHN ROBINSON.</span><br> -WILLIAM BREWSTER.</p> -</div> - -<p>The second and ampler declaration was this:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>As regards the Ecclesiastical ministry, etc., as in the former -declaration, we agree in all things with the French Reformed -Churches, according to their public Confession of Faith; though -some small differences may be found in our practices,—not at all in -the substance of the things, but only in some accidental circumstances.</p> - -<p>1. Their ministers pray with their heads covered; ours uncovered.</p> - -<p>2. We choose none for governing elders but such as are able to -teach; which ability they do not require.</p> - -<p>3. Their elders and deacons are annual, or at most for two or -three years; ours perpetual.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_30"></a>[30]</span></p> - -<p>4. Our elders deliver admonitions and excommunications for -public scandals, publicly, before the congregation; theirs more privately, -in their consistories.</p> - -<p>5. We administer baptism only to infants of whom one parent, -at least, is of some church, which some of their churches do not -observe; though in this our practice accords with their public confession, -and with the judgments of the most learned amongst them.</p> - -<p>Other differences worth mentioning, we know of none. Then -about the Oath of Supremacy, as in the former declaration.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 7em;">Subscribed,</span><br> -<span style="margin-right: 1.5em;">JOHN ROBINSON.</span><br> -WILLIAM BREWSTER.</p> -</div> - - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Part of a letter from the messenger in England, who delivered the -foregoing, to Mr. John Robinson and Mr. William Brewster -at Leyden</em>:</p> - -<p>Your letter to Sir John Worstenholme I delivered into his own -hands almost as soon as I received it, and stayed with him whilst -he opened and read it. There were two papers enclosed, which he -read to himself, and also the letter; and while reading it he asked -me: “Who will make them?” (viz., the ministers). I answered -that the power of making ministers rested with the church; that -they were ordained by the imposition of hands, by its fittest members; -that it must rest either with the church or with the pope, and -the pope is antichrist. “Ho!” said Sir John, “what the pope holds -good,—as the Trinity,—we do well to assent to; but we will not -enter into dispute now.” As for your letters, he said he would not -show them, lest he should spoil all. He had expected that you -would be of the Archbishop’s mind in regard to the appointment -of ministers; but it seems you differed. I could have wished to -know the contents of your two enclosures, at which he stuck so -much,—especially the larger.</p> - -<p>I asked his Worship what good news he had for me to write to-morrow. -He told me very good news, for both the King’s majesty -and the bishops had consented. He said he would go to the Chancellor, -Sir Fulk Greville, this day, and next week I should know -more. I met Sir Edwin Sandys on Wednesday night; he wished -me to be at the Virginia Court next Wednesday, where I purpose -to be. I hope next week to have something certain to communicate. -I commit you to the Lord.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 1.5em;">Yours,</span><br> -S. B.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>London, Feb. 14th, 1617.</em></p> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_31"></a>[31]</span></p> - -<p>These things being lengthily discussed, and messengers -passing to and fro about them, they were long delayed by -many rubs. At the return of the messengers to England -they found things far otherwise than they expected. The -Virginia Council was now so disturbed with quarrels among -themselves, that no business could well go forward. This -will appear in one of the messenger’s letters which follows:</p> - - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Robert Cushman in England to the Congregation at Leyden</em>:</p> - -<p>I intended long since to have written to you, but could not -effect it; but I doubt not that Mr. B. has written to Mr. Robinson. -The main hindrance to the Virginia business is the dissensions in -the Council of Virginia. The cause of the trouble is, that, recently, -Sir Thomas Smith, weary of his many offices, wished the Company -of Virginia to relieve him of being its treasurer and governor,—he -having 60 votes, Sir John Worstenholme 16 votes, and Alderman -Johnstone 24. But Sir Thomas Smith, finding his honours -diminished, was very angry, and raised a faction to contest the -election, and sought to tax Sir Edwin Sandys, the new Governor, -with many things which would both disgrace him and deprive him -of his office as Governor. In these contentions they still stick, -and what will result we are not yet certain. Most likely Sir -Edwin will win, and if he does, things will go well in Virginia; -if otherwise, they will go ill. We hope in some two or three Court-days -things will be settled. Meanwhile, I intend to go down to -Kent, and come up again about 14 days or three weeks hence unless -these contentions or the ill tidings from Virginia (of which I will -now speak) should wholly discourage us.</p> - -<p>Captain Argoll came home from Virginia this week. Upon receiving -notice of the intentions of the Council, he left before Sir -George Yeardley had arrived there; so there is no small dissatisfaction. -But his tidings are ill. He says Mr. Blackwell’s ship did -not reach there till March, owing to northwest winds, which carried -them to the southward beyond their course. The captain of the -ship and some six of the sailors dying, it seems they could not -find the bay till after long beating about. Mr. Blackwell is dead, -and Mr. Maggner, the Captain; in fact Captain Argoll says 130 -persons on that ship died out of a total of 180. There were so many -that they were packed together like herrings. They were ill with -the flux, and they lacked fresh water; so here it is rather wondered -at that as many are alive, than that so many are dead. The merchants -here say it was Mr. Blackwell’s fault for packing so many<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_32"></a>[32]</span> -in the ship. There was much grumbling at the time, and Mr. -Blackwell was blamed for his disposition of them and his insults -to them. They say the streets of Gravesend rang with their quarreling, -crying out at each other: “Thou hast brought me to this;” -and, “I may thank thee for this!” Heavy news it is, and I wonder -how far it will discourage our project. No one here is much discouraged; -they seem only to wish to learn by other men’s misfortunes. -As we desire to serve one another in love, so take heed -of being enthralled by any imperious persons,—especially if they -seem to have an eye to their own advantage. It often troubles me -to think that in this business all of us must learn, and none can -teach; but better so, than to depend upon such teachers as Mr. -Blackwell was. He once laid a similar trap for Mr. Johnson and -his people at Emden,—which was their ruin. But though in that -instance he managed to pluck his neck out of the collar, at last his -foot is caught. No letters have arrived yet, as the ship Captain -Argoll came in is still on the west coast; all that we hear is his report; -it seems he came away secretly. The ship that Mr. Blackwell -went in will be here shortly. What Mr. Robinson once said -has come true: that we should hear no good of them.</p> - -<p>Mr. B. is not well; whether he will return to you or go north, -I do not know. For myself I hope to see an end of this business -ere I come, though I am sorry to be away from you. If things -had gone straight forward, I should have been with you within -these 14 days. I pray God direct us, and give us the spirit which -is fitting for such a business. Thus having summarily pointed at -things which Mr. Brewster I think has more largely written of to -Mr. Robinson, I leave you to the Lord’s protection.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 4.5em;">Yours in all readiness, etc.,</span><br> -ROBERT CUSHMAN.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>London, May 8th, 1619.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>A word or two, by way of digression, about this Mr. -Blackwell. He was an Elder of the church at Amsterdam,—a -man well known to most of them. He declined from the -truth with Mr. Johnson and the rest, and went with them -when they parted from the congregation in that woful manner, -which brought such great dishonour to God, scandal to -the truth, and ruin to themselves in this world. But, I hope, -notwithstanding, through the mercies of the Lord, their -souls are now at rest with Him in the heavens, and that they -have reached the haven of happiness; though some of their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_33"></a>[33]</span> -bodies were thus buried in the terrible seas, and others sank -under the burden of bitter afflictions.</p> - -<p>He, with some others, had prepared to go by way of -London to Virginia. Being a private meeting—I take it a -fast—in London, and being discovered, many of them were -arrested, Mr. Blackwell being one; but he so glozed with -the bishops, and either dissembled or flatly denied the truth -which he had formerly maintained, and very unworthily -betrayed another godly man who had escaped, so that he -might slip his own neck out of the collar, that he won the -bishop’s favour (but lost the Lord’s) and was not only -acquitted, but in open court the Archbishop praised him -highly, and gave him his solemn blessing to proceed on his -voyage. But if such events follow the Archbishop’s blessing, -happy are they that miss it; it is much better to keep a -good conscience and have the Lord’s blessing, whether in -life or death.</p> - -<p>But to return to the concerns of the congregation at Leyden. -At last, after all these occurrences, and their long -waiting, they had a patent granted them and confirmed -under the Virginia Company’s seal. But these divisions had -alienated many of their less constant supporters, and they -were thus disappointed of much of their hoped for and -proffered means. By the advice of some friends the patent -was not taken out in the name of any of their own members, -but in the name of Mr. J. Wincot (a religious gentleman -then in the service of the Countess of Lincoln), who intended -to go with them. But God so disposed things that -he never went, nor did they ever make use of this patent, -which had cost them so much labour and expense, as will -appear. The patent being sent over for those at Leyden to -consider, and also the propositions of such merchants and -friends as would go with them or participate in the adventure,—and -especially those (Mr. Thomas Weston, etc.),<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_34"></a>[34]</span> -on whom they chiefly depended for shipping and stores,—they -were requested to prepare with all speed. And this -matter of the patent is a true emblem of the uncertain things -of this world, which, when men have toiled to acquire them -vanish into smoke!</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_35"></a>[35]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs90 bold" id="CHAPTER_VIa">CHAPTER VI</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">Agreement between the Congregation at Leyden and the -Merchants and Adventurers in London for the accomplishment -of the Settlement in New England: 1620.</p> - - -<p>Upon the receipt of these papers through one of their -messengers, they had a solemn meeting and a day of humiliation -to seek the Lord’s direction; and their pastor took -this text, I Sam. xxiii., 3, 4: “And David’s men said unto -him, see, we be afraid here in Judah; how much more if -we come to Keilah against the host of the Philistines? -Then David asked counsel of the Lord again.” From this -text he taught things very aptly and befitting the present -occasion,—strengthening them against their fears and perplexities, -and encouraging them in their resolutions.</p> - -<p>Afterwards they decided what number and which of the -members should prepare to go first; for not all that were -willing to go could settle their affairs in so short a time; nor -if all could have been ready, would there have been means -of transport for them. Those that stayed, being the greater -number, required the pastor, Mr. Robinson, to stay with -them; and for other reasons he could not well go, and so it -was the more easily conceded. The others then desired the -elder, Mr. Brewster, to go with them, which was agreed to. -It was also decided by mutual consent that those who went -should be a separate church, distinct from those who stayed, -since, with such a dangerous voyage before them, and removal -to such a distance, it might happen that they should -never meet again, as a body, in this world. But there was -this proviso: that when any of the members at Leyden<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_36"></a>[36]</span> -came over to join the others, or when any of the others -returned, they should be received as members without any -further testimonial. It was also promised by the rest to -those that went first, that if the Lord gave them life and -opportunity, they would come to them as soon as they could.</p> - -<p>About this time, while they were troubled at the proceedings -of the Virginia Company, and the ill-news about Mr. -Blackwell and his fellow-colonists, and were busily enquiring -about the hiring or buying of shipping for their voyage, -some Dutchmen made them offers about going with them. -Also, Mr. Thomas Weston, a merchant of London, came -to Leyden about the same time, being well acquainted with -some of them, having assisted them in their former proceedings,—and -after much conference with Mr. Robinson -and other chief members, he persuaded them to go on, and -not to join with the Dutch, or to depend too much on the -Virginia Company; for if that failed them, he and some of -his merchant-friends would supplement their means and set -them forth. He advised them to prepare and fear neither -want of shipping nor of money; what they needed should be -provided. And, not so much for himself as for the satisfaction -of his friends, they were to draw up articles of -agreement, and make a proposition such as would be likely -to incline his friends to the venture. Upon which an agreement -was drawn up, and was shown to and approved by -him, and was afterwards sent to England by their messenger, -Mr. John Carver, who, together with Robert Cushman, -were to receive the money and make provision both for -shipping and other things for the voyage. They were -charged not to exceed their commission but to proceed according -to the agreement. Others at Leyden were chosen -to proceed with similar arrangements which were to be -made there. Those that were to go, prepared with all speed, -and sold their estates, putting their money into the common<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_37"></a>[37]</span> -stock, which was in charge of those appointed to make the -general provisions.</p> - -<p>About this time they heard both from Mr. Weston and -others, that sundry honourable lords had obtained a large -grant from the King, of the more northerly parts of the -country, arising out of the Virginia Company’s patent, but -wholly separated from its government, and to be called by -another name, viz., New England. To these parts, Mr. -Weston and the chief members began to feel that it was best -for them to go,—amongst other reasons, chiefly because of -the profit to be made from the fishing there.</p> - -<p>But in all business the executive part is most difficult,—especially -where the concurrence of many agents is necessary. -And so it was found to be in this undertaking: some -of those in England, who were to have gone, changed their -minds and would not go; other merchants and friends, who -had offered to invest their money in the project, withdrew, -making many excuses. Some wished them to go to Guiana; -others again would risk nothing if they did not go to Virginia; -some again—indeed those they had most relied on—utterly -disapproved of Virginia, and would do nothing if -they went there. In the midst of these distractions, those -at Leyden, who had disposed of their property and expended -their money, were in great straits and feared disastrous -results; but at length the majority inclined to the -New England Settlement.</p> - -<p>But now another difficulty arose. Mr. Weston and some -of his friends (either for their own advantage, or, as they -pretended, to make further inducements for others to join -them) insisted on altering some of the conditions that had -been agreed upon at Leyden. To these alterations the two -agents sent from Leyden (or at least one of them who is -most to be blamed for it) consented, fearing that otherwise -it would all be thrown up. They presumed to agree with the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_38"></a>[38]</span> -new terms, in some particulars overstepping their authority -and commission, and without giving due notice. Indeed, -the fact that it was concealed for fear of any further delay, -afterwards caused much trouble and contention.</p> - -<p>I will here insert a copy of these new conditions, as -follows.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="noindent"><em>July 1st, 1620.</em></p> - -<p>1. The adventurers and planters agree that every person who goes, -of sixteen years and upwards, be rated at £10; £10 to be reckoned -as a single share.</p> - -<p>2. That he who goes in person, and furnishes himself with £10, -either in money, or provisions, be accounted as having £20 in stock; -and in the division shall receive a double share.</p> - -<p>3. The persons transported, and the adventurers, shall continue -their joint stock and partnership together for seven years (unless -some unexpected impediment cause the whole company to agree -otherwise), during which time all profits and benefits go by trade, -traffic, trucking, working, fishing, or any other means, by any persons -or person, shall remain in the common stock until the division.</p> - -<p>4. That on their arrival there, they shall chose out such number -of fit persons as may man their ships and boats at sea; employing -the rest in their several faculties upon the land, such as building -houses, tilling and planting the ground, and making such commodities -as shall be most useful for the colony.</p> - -<p>5. That at the end of the seven years, the capital and profits, -viz., the houses, lands, goods and chattels, shall be equally divided -among the adventurers and planters; which done, every man shall -be free of any debt to any other of them, arising from this adventure.</p> - -<p>6. Whosoever shall come to the colony hereafter, or shall contribute -to the stock, shall at the end of the seven years be allowed -proportionately to the time of his doing so.</p> - -<p>7. He who shall take his wife and children, or servants, shall be -allowed for every person now aged sixteen years and upwards, a -single share in the division; or if he provide them with necessaries, -a double share; or if they be between ten and sixteen, two of -them to be reckoned as one person, both in transportation and -division.</p> - -<p>8. That such children as now go, and are under the age of ten -years, have no other share in the division, but fifty acres of unmanured -land.</p> - -<p>9. That such persons as die before the seven years be expired,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_39"></a>[39]</span> -their executors to have their part or share at the division, proportionately -to the time of their life in the colony.</p> - -<p>10. That all such persons as are of this colony, are to have -their food, drink, clothing, and all provisions, out of the common -stock and goods of the said colony.</p> -</div> - -<p>The principal difference between this and the former -agreement, consisted of these two points: that the houses -and improved lands, especially gardens and home-lots, -should remain undivided, and should belong wholly to the -planters at the seven years’ end; secondly, that they should -have two days a week for their own private employment, -for the greater comfort of themselves and their families. -But as letters are considered the best part of history by -some wise men, I will show their grievances on the score -by their own letters.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Mr. John Robinson at Leyden to Mr. John Carver in England</em>:</p> - -<p class="p1 noindent">My dear Friend and Brother.</p> - -<p>Whom, with yours, I always remember in my best affection, and -whose welfare I shall never cease to commend to God, by my best -and most earnest prayers.</p> - -<p>You thoroughly understand by our general letters the state of -things here, which indeed is very pitiful; especially the want of -shipping, and not seeing means of providing it; though, in addition, -there is great want of money for other needful things. Mr. -Pickering, you know before this, will not defray a penny here; -though Robert Cushman reckoned upon I know not how many -hundred pounds from him, and I know not whom else. But it -seems strange that we should be asked to take the risk of his and -his partners’ enterprise,—and yet Mr. Weston writes to him that -he has drawn upon him for £100 more. There is some mystery in -this, as indeed there seems to be in the whole affair. Besides this, -those who were to pay in such of their money as is yet in arrears, -refuse to do it till they see shipping provided, or steps taken for -its provision. Indeed, I think there is not a man here who would -pay anything, if he had his money in his purse again. We depended -on Mr. Weston alone, and upon such means as he would procure; -and when we had in hand another project with the Dutchmen, we -broke it off at his instance and upon the conditions propounded by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_40"></a>[40]</span> -him shortly after. He had our interests sincerely at heart, I know; -but he has not fulfilled his pledges thus far. That he ought first to -have put in his money is the opinion of many; but that I can well -excuse, he being a merchant, and having uses for it in the meantime -to his benefit; whereas, others, if it had been in their hands, -would have expended it. But that he should not have had shipping -ready before this, or at least definite provision for it, duly made -known to us, cannot in my conscience be excused. I have heard -that when he has been urged about the business, he has put it off -and referred it to others; or would go to George Morton and enquire -news of him about things, as if he himself had scarcely been -even an accessory to it. Whether some of his friends have failed -him, and so he is not able to go through with things; or whether -he fears it will be ready too soon and so increase the charge of -shipping; or whether he thought by holding back to put us in -straits, thinking that thereby Mr. Brewer and Mr. Pickering would -be induced to do more; or what other mystery is in it, we know -not. But certain we are that the arrangements made do not accord -with the requirements. Mr. Weston makes himself merry with -our endeavours to buy a ship; but we have done nothing about -this without good reason, nor about anything else that I know -of, except two. The one is that we employed Robert Cushman, -who though a good man and of special ability in his way is known -to be most unfit to deal for others, because of his singularity and -too great indifference to the circumstances,—for, as a matter of -fact, we have had nothing from him but terms and suggestions. -The other is that we have relied too much by implicit faith as it -were, upon generalities, without having the details of ways and -means for so important an affair settled between us. For shipping, -Mr. Weston it seems is set upon hiring, which I hope he may -soon accomplish. Of Mr. Brewer you know what to expect. I -do not think Mr. Pickering will take part except to buy, as specified -in former letters.</p> - -<p>About the conditions, you have our reasons for what is agreed -upon. And let this specially be borne in mind; that the greatest -part of the colony is likely to be employed constantly not upon -cultivating their own particular land, and building houses, but upon -fishing, trading, etc. So, though the land and houses would be -but a trifling advantage to the adventurers, the ultimate division of -them would be a great discouragement to the settlers who would -tend them with singular care, to make them comfortable, with -borrowed hours from their sleep. The same consideration of common -employment, constantly, by the majority, is good reason not -to deny to the planters the two days a week for private use. Consider -how unfitting you would find it that you and your likes should<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_41"></a>[41]</span> -serve a new apprenticeship of seven years, and not a day’s freedom -from task.</p> - -<p>Send me word what others are going; who that are possessed of -useful faculties; how many; and particulars of everything. I -know you do not lack a mind. I am sorry you have not been in -London all this while. Time will suffer me to write no more; fare -you and yours well, always in the Lord, in Whom I rest.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 6em;">Yours to use,</span><br> -JOHN ROBINSON.<br> -</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>June 14th, 1620.</em></p> -</div> - - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Several of them at Leyden to John Carver and Robert Cushman in -England</em>:</p> - - -<p class="negin2a">To their loving friends John Carver and Robert Cushman:<br> -Good Brethren,</p> - -<p>We received several letters at the coming of Mr. Nash and our -pilot, which was a great encouragement to us. Indeed, had you -not sent him, many would have been ready to lose heart, and give -up—partly because of the new conditions which have been accepted -by you, which all are against; and partly for lack of our own -ability to accomplish any of the important matters which you have -commissioned us to do here. As to the former, of which Robert -Cushman requests reasons for our dislike and promises to alter -them accordingly, saying that otherwise we must think he has no -brains,—we desire him to exercise them therein, referring him to -our pastor’s former reasons. But our desire is that you will not -bind yourselves and us to any such unreasonable stipulations, viz., -that the merchants shall have half the houses and lands at the -dividend; and that the settlers shall be deprived of the two days -a week for their own work, as agreed upon,—otherwise we -cannot conceive why any of us should take servants for our -own help and comfort, since we could demand no service of them. -This alteration we have gathered only by word from Mr. Nash, -and not from any letters of yours; so we hope you have not proceeded -far in so great a departure from the terms without our -concurrence. However, requiring you not to exceed the bounds of -your commission, which was to proceed upon the conditions agreed -upon and expressed in writing, we leave it,—not without wondering -that you yourselves, as you write, knowing how small a thing -disturbs our consultations, and hew few understand the business -aright, should trouble us with such matters as these.</p> - -<p>Salute Mr. Weston from us, in whom we hope we are not deceived. -Pray make known our present condition to him, and, if you -think good, show him our letters. At least tell him that, under<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_42"></a>[42]</span> -God, we rely much upon him and put our confidence in him; and -that as you well know, if he had not joined with us, we should not -have entered upon the enterprise, presuming that if he had not -seen means to accomplish it, he would not have begun it. So we -hope that he will so far help us that our expectations in him be not -disappointed. Thus beseeching the Almighty, Who is all-sufficient -to raise us out of this depth of difficulties, and to assist us herein, -and to supply means by His providence and fatherly care for us, -His poor children and servants, that we may with comfort behold -the hand of our God for good towards us in this our enterprise, -which we undertake in His name and fear; we take leave and -remain,</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 8em;">Your perplexed, yet hopeful brethren,</span><br> -SAMUEL FULLER         WILLIAM BRADFORD<br> -<span style="margin-right: 1em;">EDWARD WINSLOW      ISAAC ALLERTON</span><br> -</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>June 10th, 1620</em>.</p> -</div> - - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Robert Cushman in England to the foregoing at Leyden</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Brethren,</p> - -<p>I understand by letters that have come to me, that many of you -greatly dislike my proceedings. Sorry I am to hear it, yet content -to bear it, not doubting that partly by writing, and principally by -word when we come together, I can satisfy any reasonable man. -I have been persuaded by some, especially the bearer of this, to -come and make things clear to you; but as things now stand I -cannot be absent one day, without hazarding the whole voyage; nor -do I conceive that any great good would come of it. Take then, -brethren, this as a step to give you content. First, as to your dislike -of the alteration of one clause in the conditions: if you see -it aright, no blame can lie on me at all. The articles first brought -over by John Carver were never seen by any of the adventurers -here except Mr. Weston himself, when he had well considered it. -£500 was withdrawn by Sir George Farrer and his brother because -of it, and all the rest would have withdrawn (Mr. Weston excepted), -if we had not altered the clause. Now when we at Leyden -concluded upon certain points, as we did, we reckoned without our -host, which was not my fault. Besides, I showed you by letter the -equity of the new condition as against our inconveniences, which -might be set against all the inconveniences cited by Mr. Robinson, -and showed that without the alteration of that clause, we could -neither have means to get there, nor supplies for our subsistence -when we arrived. Yet, notwithstanding all those reasons, which -were not mine, but other men’s wiser than myself, without answer -to any one of them, many complaints are directed against me, of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_43"></a>[43]</span> -lording it over my brethren, and making conditions fitter for -thieves and bondslaves than honest men. And at last came a paper -of reasons against that clause in the conditions, which since they -were delivered to me open, my answer shall be open to you all.</p> - -<p>1. First, it is said that if there had been no division of houses -and lands, it would have been better for the poor:—</p> - -<p>True,—and that shows the inequality of the original conditions: -we should more respect him that ventures both his money and his -person, than him that ventures his person only.</p> - -<p>2. Consider, further, that we are not giving alms, but furnishing -a storehouse. No one will be poorer than his neighbour for -seven years; and, from the nature of the enterprise, if any of us -be rich, none of us can be poor. At any rate we must not in -such an undertaking start out with the cry,—Poor, poor; mercy, -mercy! Charity has its life in disasters, not in ventures.</p> - -<p>3. This will hinder the building of good houses, which is contrary -to sound politics:—</p> - -<p>So we would have it. Our purpose is, for the present, to build -such houses as, if need be, we may with little grief set fire to and -run away by the light. Our riches shall not be in pomp, but in -strength. If God sends us riches, we will employ them to provide -more men, ships, ammunition, etc. You will see it argued amongst -the best politicians, that a commonwealth is readier to ebb than to -flow when once fine houses and gay clothes appear.</p> - -<p>4. The government can prevent excess in building:—</p> - -<p>But if it be generally resolved on beforehand to build modest -houses, the Governor’s labour is spared.</p> - -<p>5. All men are not of one condition:—</p> - -<p>If by “condition” you mean “wealth” you are mistaken; if you -mean by “condition,” “qualities,” then I say that he who is not -content that his neighbour shall have as good a house, fare, means, -etc., as himself, is not of good quality. Such secluded persons as -have an eye only to themselves, are fitter to come where catching -is, than closing; and are fitter to live alone, than in any society, -either civil or religious.</p> - -<p>6. It will be of little value, scarcely worth £5:—</p> - -<p>True; it may not be worth half £5. If then so small a thing will -content them, why strive we thus about it, and give them occasion -to suspect us to be worldly and covetous? I will not say what I -have heard since these complaints first reached us here.</p> - -<p>7. Our friends that venture with us do not look to their own -profit, as did the old adventurers:—</p> - -<p>Then they are better than we, who for a little matter of profit are -ready to draw back. Look to it, brethren, you that make profit -your main end; repent of this, or go not, lest you be like Jonas<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_44"></a>[44]</span> -to Tarshis. Though some of them have no eye for profit, others -have; and why not they as much as we? Such ventures are undertaken -by all sorts of men, and we must try to content them all -if we can.</p> - -<p>8. It will break up the community, as may be shown by many -reasons:—</p> - -<p>That is only a statement; and I say again, it will best foster community, -as may be shown by many reasons.</p> - -<p>9. Great profit is likely to be made by trucking, fishing, etc.:—</p> - -<p>As it is better for them, so for us; for half is ours, besides -getting our living from it. And if profit comes largely in that way, -we shall labour less on the land, and our houses and lands will be -of less value.</p> - -<p>10. Our risk is greater than theirs:—</p> - -<p>True, but do they force us to it? Do they urge or egg us? Has -not the motion and resolution always been in ourselves? Do they, -any more than in seeing us resolute if we had means, help us to -means upon equal terms and conditions? If we do not wish to -go, they are content to keep their money. Thus I have pointed -out a way to loose those knots, which I hope you will consider -seriously, and let me have no more stir about them.</p> - -<p>Now, further, I hear a noise about slavish conditions being -made; but surely this is all that I have altered, and I have sent -you the reasons. If you mean about the two days a week for personal -occupations, you are misled. You can have three days a -week, as far as I care, if you wish; and when speaking to the adventurers -about times of working, they said they hoped we were -men of discretion and conscience, and fit to be trusted with that. -But indeed the grounds of our proceedings at Leyden were mistaken.</p> - -<p>As for those of Amsterdam, I thought they would as soon have -gone to Rome as with us; for our liberty is to them as rat’s-bane, -and their rigour as bad to us as the Spanish inquisition. If any -action of mine discourage them, let them withdraw. I will undertake -they shall have their money back at once, paid here. Or if the -congregation think me the Jonas, let them dismiss me before we -go; I shall be content to stay with good will, having but the clothes -on my back. Let us then have quietness, and no more of these -clamours; little did I expect these things which are now come -to pass.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 5.5em;">Yours,</span><br> -ROBERT CUSHMAN.</p> -</div> - -<p>Whether this letter of his ever came to their hands at -Leyden, I know not; I rather think it was intercepted by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_45"></a>[45]</span> -Mr. Carver and kept by him, for fear it should give offence. -But the letter which follows was received.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Robert Cushman in England in reply to the joint letter from -Leyden</em>:</p> - -<p>I received your letter yesterday through John Turner, with -another the same day from Amsterdam through Mr. W., savouring -of the place whence it came. And indeed, the many discouragements -I find here, together with the demurs there, made me -say I would give up my accounts to John Carver, and at his coming -acquaint him fully with all, and so leave it entirely with only -the poor clothes on my back. But gathering myself up, on further -consideration I resolved to make one trial more, and to acquaint -Mr. Weston with the unstable condition of things. He has been -very discontented with us of late, and has even said that but for -his promise he would have nothing more to do with the business; -but considering how far we have gone already and how it stood -with our credit, he pulled himself together, and coming to me two -hours after, he told me he would not yet abandon it. So we decided -to hire a ship, and have taken the option of one till Monday. -It is small, but except one that was too large for our purpose, -we could not get a larger; but it is a fine ship. Since our friends -over there are so close-fisted, we hope to secure her without -troubling them any further; and if the ship is too small, it is only -fitting that those who stumble at straws so early in the day, shall -rest them there awhile, lest worse blocks come in the way ere -seven years be ended. If you had faced this business so thoroughly -a month ago, and had written as you do now, we could have concluded -things with less difficulty. But it is as it is. I hope our -friends there, if they are quit of the ship-hire, will be induced to -venture the more. All that I now require is that salt and nets may -be bought there,—all the rest we will provide here; and if even that -be impossible, let them give you credit for a month or two, and -we will take steps to pay it all. Let Mr. Reynolds remain there, -and bring the ship to Southampton. We have hired another pilot -here, a Mr. Clark, who went last year to Virginia with a ship of -cattle.</p> - -<p>You shall hear more exactly by John Turner, who I think will -leave here on Tuesday night. I had thought to come with him to -answer the complaints; but if I had more mind to go and dispute -with them than I have care of this important project, I -should be like those who live by clamour and jangling. But neither -my mind nor my body is at liberty to do much, for I am fettered -with business, and had rather study to be quiet than to make answer -to their exceptions. Meanwhile entreat our friends not to be too<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_46"></a>[46]</span> -busy in questioning my actions before they know them. If I do -things that I cannot give reasons for, it seems you have sent a fool -about your business; in that case you had best return the reproof to -yourselves, and send another, and let me return to my combes. -The Lord, Who judges justly without respect of persons, see into -the equity of my cause and give us quiet, peaceable, and patient -minds in all these turmoils, and sanctify us unto all crosses whatsoever. -And so I take my leave of you all, in all love and affection.</p> - -<p>I hope we shall get all ready here in fourteen days.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 10em;">Your poor brother,</span><br> -ROBERT CUSHMAN.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>June 11th, 1620.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>There arose, also, a difference between the three that received -the money and made the provisions in England; for -besides the two formerly mentioned, sent from Leyden,—John -Carver and Robert Cushman,—there was one chosen -in England to join them in making provisions for the voyage. -His name was Mr. Martin; he came from Billirike -in Essex, whence several others came to join them, as well -as from London and other places. It was thought right -by those in Holland that these strangers who were to go -with them should appoint some one, not so much from any -great need of their help, as to avoid all suspicion or jealousy. -Indeed their care not to give offence, both in this and other -things, afterwards greatly inconvenienced them, as will appear. -However, it showed their equal and honest minds. -The provisions were made for the most part at Southampton, -contrary to Mr. Weston’s and Robert Cushman’s advice -(which generally concurred in these things). Reference to -these matters is made in the following letter from Robert -Cushman to Mr. Carver, and more will appear afterwards.</p> - - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Robert Cushman in London to John Carver at Southampton</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Loving Friend,</p> - -<p>I have received some letters from you, full of affection and complaints; -but what it is you want me to do I know not. You cry -out, Negligence, negligence, negligence: I marvel why so negligent<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_47"></a>[47]</span> -a man as myself was employed to undertake the business. Yet you -know that as far as my power permits, nothing shall be one hour -behind, I warrant you. You call upon Mr. Weston to help us with -more money than his share in the adventure; while he protests that, -but for his promise, he would not have done anything further. He -says we take a heady course; and he is offended that our provisions -are being made so far off, and that he was not made acquainted -with our quantity of things. He says that working thus, in three -places, so far distant, we shall, with going hither and thither, -wrangling and expostulating, let the summer slip by before we -start. And to tell the truth, there is already a flat schism among us. -We are readier to dispute than to undertake a voyage. I have -received from Leyden, since you went, three or four letters directed -to you; though as they only concern me I will not trouble you -with them.</p> - -<p>I have always feared the event of the Amsterdamers striking in -with us. I trow you must excommunicate me, or else go without -their company, or we shall not lack quarrelling; but let that pass. -We have reckoned, it seems, without our host; and counting upon -150 persons, we cannot raise above £1200 odd, besides some cloth, -stockings, and shoes, which are not counted; so we shall come -short at least three or four hundred pounds. I would have reduced -the beer and other provisions; and now we could get, both in Amsterdam -and Kent, beer enough; but we cannot accept it without -prejudice.</p> - -<p>You fear we have begun to build and shall not be able to make -an end. Our plans for provisioning not having been made in consultation, -we may justly fear the results. There was contention -amongst us three at the first. You wrote to Mr. Martin to prevent -the making of the provisions in Kent; which he did nevertheless, -and decided how much he would have of everything, irrespective -of us. However, your money which you must have there, we will -provide you with instantly. £500 you say will serve; as for the -rest, which will be required here and in Holland, we may go -scratch for it. As for Mr. Crabe, the minister, of whom you write, -he has promised to go with us; but I shall not be sure till I see -him shipped, for he is contentious on many points; still, I hope he -will not fail. Think the best of all, and bear with patience what -is wanting, and the Lord guide us all.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 8em;">Your loving friend,</span><br> -ROBERT CUSHMAN.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>London, June 10th, 1620.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>I have been more discursive on these subjects,—and shall -crave leave to be so concerning some similar occurrences<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_48"></a>[48]</span> -which will follow; though in other things I shall try to be -more concise. My object is that their children may see with -what difficulties their fathers had to wrestle in accomplishing -the first beginnings; and how God ultimately brought -them through, notwithstanding all their weakness and infirmities; -also that some use may be made of them later, by -others, in similar important projects. Herewith I will end -this chapter.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_49"></a>[49]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs90 bold" id="CHAPTER_VIIa">CHAPTER VII</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">Departure from Leyden—Arrival and Preparations at Southampton—Letter -of Farewell from John Robinson to the -whole party of Pilgrims: July and August, 1620.</p> - - -<p>At length after much discussion everything was got ready. -A small ship was bought and fitted out in Holland, intended -to help transport them, and then to remain in the country -for fishing and such other pursuits as might benefit the -colony. Another ship was hired at London, of about 180 -tons. When they were ready to depart, they had a day of -solemn humiliation, their pastor taking his text from Ezra -viii., 21: “And there at the river, by Ahava, I proclaimed a -fast that we might humble ourselves before our God, and -seek of Him a right way for us and for our children, and -for all our substance.” Upon this discourse he spent a -good part of the day very profitably. The rest of the time -was spent in pouring out prayers to the Lord with great -fervency and abundance of tears.</p> - -<p>The time having come when they must depart, they were -accompanied by most of their brethren out of the city to -a town several miles off, called Delfthaven, where the ship -lay ready to take them. So they left that good and pleasant -city, which had been their resting place for nearly twelve -years; but they knew they were pilgrims, and lifted up -their eyes to the heavens, their dearest country, and quieted -their spirits. When they came to the place, they found -the ship and everything ready, and such of their friends as -could not come with them followed them, and several came -from Amsterdam to see them shipped and to take leave of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_50"></a>[50]</span> -them. That night there was little sleep for most of them, -for it was spent in friendly entertainment and Christian -discourse and other real expressions of true Christian love. -The next day the wind being fair they went aboard and their -friends with them,—and truly doleful was the sight of that -sad and mournful parting. What sighs and sobs and -prayers rose from amongst them! What tears gushed from -every eye, and pithy speeches pierced each heart! Many of -the Dutch strangers who stood on the quay as spectators, -could not refrain from tears. Yet it was comfortable and -sweet to see such lively and true expressions of dear and -unfeigned love. But the tide which stays for no man called -them away, though loth to part; and their reverent pastor, -falling down on his knees, and all with him, with watery -cheeks commended them with most fervent prayers to the -Lord and His blessing. Then with mutual embraces and -many tears, they took their leave of one another,—which -proved to be the last leave for many of them.</p> - -<p>Thus, hoisting sail, with a prosperous wind they came in -short time to Southampton, where they found the bigger -ship from London lying ready with all the rest of the company. -After a joyful welcome and mutual congratulations -with other friendly entertainment, they came to the subject -of their business, and how to conclude it most expeditiously, -and discussed with their agents the alteration of the conditions. -Mr. Carver pleaded that he was employed here at -Southampton, and did not know what his colleague had done -in London. Mr. Cushman answered that he had done -nothing but what was essential, both in fairness and of -necessity, otherwise all would have been sacrificed and many -ruined. He stated that at the outset he had acquainted his -fellow-agents with what he had done, and that they had consented, -and left it to him to execute, to receive the money in -London and send it down to them at Southampton, where<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_51"></a>[51]</span> -they wished to buy provisions; which he accordingly did, -though it was against his advice and some of the merchants’. -As for giving them notice at Leyden, about this change he -could not, because of the shortness of time; again, he knew -it would trouble them and hinder the business, which had -already been too long delayed, considering the time of the -year, which he feared they would find to their cost.</p> - -<p>But these explanations did not content his hearers. Mr. -Weston also came up from London to see them embark, -and to have the conditions confirmed; but they refused, and -told him that he knew well that they were not according to -the first agreement, nor could they endorse them without the -consent of the rest in Holland. In fact they had special -orders when they came away, from the chief men of the -congregation, not to do it. At this he was much offended, -and told them in that case they must stand on their own -legs; so he returned to London in displeasure. They lacked -about £100 to clear their obligations; but he would not disburse -a penny, and left them to shift as they could. So -they were forced to sell some of their provisions, including -some three or four firkins of butter, which they were best -able to spare, having provided too much. Then they wrote -a letter to the merchants and adventurers about the changes -in the conditions as follows:</p> - - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>The Pilgrims at Southampton to the Merchants and Adventurers</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Beloved Friends,</p> - -<p>We are sorry that it should be necessary to write to you at all, because -we hoped to see most of you here; but especially we regret -that there should be these differences between us. Since we cannot -confer together, we think it proper to show you briefly the just -cause of our dissenting from the articles last made by Robert -Cushman, without our commission or knowledge. For, though he -might make good excuses to himself, it in no way justifies his -having done it. Our main differences lie in the fifth and ninth -articles, concerning the division of houses or lands, the possession<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_52"></a>[52]</span> -of which, as some you know, was one special motive amongst others -which induced us to go. This was thought so reasonable, that -when your chief partner in this venture (whom we have much cause -to respect) proposed conditions to us of his own accord, he added -this one. A copy of these conditions we have sent to you, including -some proposed by us; which being approved on both sides, and -a day set for the payment of the money, those of Holland paid -in theirs. After that, Robert Cushman, Mr. Pierce, and Mr. Martin -put them into better form, and wrote them in a book now extant; -and upon Robert’s showing Mr. Mullins a copy he paid in his -money. And we of Holland had never seen any other agreement -before our coming to Southampton, except for a private copy of -changed conditions which reached us, and at which we manifested -utter dislike; but having sold our estates and being ready to come, -it was too late to give up the voyage. We beseech you, therefore, -to judge impartially of things, and if a fault has been committed, -lay it where it should be, and not upon us.</p> - -<p>We never gave Robert Cushman commission to draw up a single -article for us, but only sent him to receive money upon the articles -before agreed on, and to arrange for the provisions till John Carver -came, and to assist him in it. However, since you conceive yourselves -wronged as well as we, we have made an addition to our -9th article, such as will almost heal the wound of itself. But that -it may appear to all that we are not lovers of ourselves only, but -desire also the good of our friends who have ventured their money -with our persons, we have added the last article to the rest, -promising you again by letter, on behalf of the whole company, -that if large profits should not arise during the seven years, we -will remain longer with you if the Lord give a blessing. We are -in such straits at present that we are forced to sell £60 worth of -our provisions to clear the Haven, and put ourselves upon bare -necessities, scarcely having any butter, no oil, not a soul to mend -a shoe, nor every man a sword to his side, lacking many muskets, -much armour, etc. And yet we are willing to expose ourselves to -such imminent dangers as are likely to ensue, and trust to the -good providence of God, rather than His name and truth should -be evil spoken of through us. Thus saluting all of you in love, -we take our leave and rest,</p> - -<p class="center"> -Yours, etc.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>Aug. 3rd, 1620.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>It was subscribed with the names of the chief members -of the congregation.</p> - -<p>At their parting Mr. Robinson wrote a letter to the whole<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_53"></a>[53]</span> -party of the pilgrims which, though it has already been -printed, I thought well to insert here; also a brief letter -written at the same time to Mr. Carver, in which the tender -love and godly care of a true pastor appears.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Mr. John Robinson in Holland to John Carver at Southampton</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">My dear Brother,</p> - -<p>I received enclosed in your last letter the note of information, -which I shall certainly keep and make use of, when occasion arises. -I have a true feeling of your perplexity of mind and toil of body; -but I hope that you, who have always been able so plentifully to -administer comfort to others in their trials, are so well furnished -for yourself that even far greater difficulties than you have yet -undergone (though I conceive them to have been great enough) -cannot oppress you, though they press you, as the Apostle says. -The spirit of a man, sustained by the spirit of God, will sustain his -infirmity, and, I doubt not, so will yours; and much the better -when you enjoy the presence and help of so many godly and wise -brethren, in bearing part of your burden, who will not admit into -their hearts the least thought or suspicion of the least negligence, -still less presumption, to have been in you, whatever they may -think of others. Now what shall I say and write to you and your -good wife, my loving sister? Even only this: I desire, and always -shall, from the Lord unto you as unto my own soul; and assure -yourself that my heart is with you, and that I will not delay -my bodily coming at the first opportunity. I have written a -large letter to the whole company, and am sorry that I shall -not be able to speak with them; the more so considering the -want of a preacher, which will be an additional spur to my -hastening after you. I do ever commend my best affection to you, -which if I thought you doubted, I would express in more words. -And the Lord in whom you trust, and whom you serve ever in this -business and journey, guide you with His hand, protect you with -His wing, and show you and us His salvation in the end, and bring -us in the meanwhile together in the place desired, if such be His -good will, for His Christ’s sake. Amen.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 12em;">Yours,</span><br> -JOHN ROBINSON.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>July 27th, 1620.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>This was the last letter that Mr. Carver lived to see from -him.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_54"></a>[54]</span></p> - - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Mr. John Robinson in Holland to the Pilgrims departing from -Southampton for New England</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Loving Christian Friends,</p> - -<p>I salute you all heartily in the Lord, as being they with whom I -am present in my best affections and most earnest longings, though -I am constrained for a time to be bodily absent from you. I say -constrained, God knowing how willingly, and much rather than -otherwise, I would have borne my part with you in this first brunt, -were I not by strong necessity held back for the present. Think of -me in the meanwhile as of a man divided in himself with great -pain, and (physical limitations set aside) as having his better part -with you. Though I doubt not that in your godly wisdom, you -foresee what is applicable to your present condition, I have thought -it but my duty to add some further spur, even to those who run -already,—not because you need it, but because I owe it in love and -duty.</p> - -<p>First, as we ought daily to renew our repentance with our God, -especially for our sins known, and generally for our unknown -trespasses, so doth the Lord call us in a singular manner, upon -such an occasion of difficulty and danger as lies before you, both -to more narrow search and careful reformation of our ways in His -sight lest He, calling to remembrance of our sins forgotten by -us or unrepented of, take advantage of us, and, as a judgment -upon us, leave us to be swallowed up in one danger or another. -Whereas, on the contrary, sin being taken away by earnest repentance, -and the pardon thereof from the Lord sealed up into -a man’s conscience by His spirit, great shall be his security and -peace in all dangers, sweet his comfort in all distresses, with happy -deliverance from all evil, whether in life or in death.</p> - -<p>Now next after this heavenly peace with God and our own conscience, -we are carefully to provide for peace with all men so far -as in us lieth especially with our associates; and for that we must -be watchful that we ourselves neither give, nor easily take, offence. -Woe be unto the world for offences; for though it be necessary -(considering the malice of Satan and man’s corruption) that offences -come, yet woe unto the man or woman either, by whom the offence -come, saith Christ (Math. xviii, 7). And if offences arising from -unseasonable actions, innocent in themselves, are more to be feared -than death itself, as the Apostle teacheth (I Cor. ix, 15), how -much more when arising from things simply evil, in which neither -honour of God nor love of man is thought worthy to be regarded. -Nor is it sufficient that we keep ourselves by the grace of God -from giving offence, except we be armed also against taking offence -when it is given by others. For how imperfect is the work of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_55"></a>[55]</span> -grace in him who lacks the charity that covers a multitude of -offence, as the scripture says. Neither are you exhorted to this -grace only upon the common grounds of Christianity. Persons -ready to take offence, either lack the charity which should cover -offences; or the wisdom duly to weigh human frailty; or lastly, -are gross though close hypocrites, as Christ our Lord teaches -(Math. vii, 1, 2, 3). In my own experience I have found few who -are quicker to give offence, than those who easily take it. They -who have nourished this touchy humour have never proved sound -and profitable members in societies.</p> - -<p>But there are, besides, many reasons why you, above others, -should use special care in this direction. You are, many of you, -strangers to each other and to the infirmities of one another, and -so stand in need of the more watchfulness, lest when unsuspected -qualities appear in men and women, you be inordinately affected -by them. This requires at your hands much wisdom and charity. -Further, the plans for your intended civil community will furnish -continual occasion of offence, and will be as fuel to the fire, unless -you diligently quench it with brotherly forbearance. And if taking -offence causelessly or easily at men’s doings should be so carefully -avoided, how much more is it to be heeded lest we take offence at -God himself,—which we do as often as we murmur at His providence -in our crosses, or bear impatiently such afflictions as He -pleases to visit upon us. Store up, therefore, patience against the -evil day, with which we take offence at the Lord Himself in His -holy and just works.</p> - -<p>A fourth thing is carefully to be provided for, to wit, that with -your employments, which will be common to all, you join affections -truly bent upon the general good, avoiding, as a deadly plague -of your comfort, all retiredness of mind for selfish advantage. Let -every one repress within himself, as so many rebels against the -common good, all private partialities, not consistent with the general -convenience and as one is careful not to have a new house shaken -with any violence before it is well settled and the parts firmly -knit, so be you, I beseech you brethren, much more careful, that -the house of God, which you are and are to be, be not shaken -with unnecessary novelties or other oppositions at the first settling -thereof.</p> - -<p>Lastly, whereas you are to become a body politic, administering -among yourselves civil government, and are furnished with persons -of no special eminence above the rest, from whom you will -elect some to the office of government, let your wisdom and godliness -appear, not only in choosing such persons as will entirely love -and promote the common good, but also in yielding them all due -honour and obedience in their lawful administrations; not beholding<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_56"></a>[56]</span> -in them the ordinariness of their persons, but God’s ordinance -for your good; nor being like the foolish multitude, who honour -a gay coat more than either the virtuous mind of the wearer or -the glorious ordinance of the Lord. But you know better, and -understand that the image of the Lord’s power and authority which -the magistrate bears, is honourable, in how humble persons soever. -And this duty you can the more willingly perform, because you are -at present to have only those for your governors as you yourselves -shall choose.</p> - -<p>Several other things of importance I could put you in mind of, -but I will not so far wrong your godly minds as to think you -heedless of these things, there being many among you well able -both to admonish themselves and others. These few things, therefore, -I do earnestly commend unto your care and conscience, joining -therewith my daily incessant prayers unto the Lord, that He -Who has made the heavens and the earth, the sea and all rivers -of waters, and Whose providence is over all His works, especially -over all His dear children for good, would so guide and guard -you in your ways, as inwardly by His spirit, so outwardly by the -hand of His power, that both you and we also may praise His -name all the days of our lives. Fare you well in Him in Whom -you trust, and in Whom I rest.</p> - -<p>An unfeigned well-willer of your happy success in this hopeful -voyage,</p> - -<p class="right"> -JOHN ROBINSON.</p> -</div> - -<p>This letter, though long, being so suitable to the occasion -I thought well to insert here.</p> - -<p>Everything being now ready, and all business completed -the company was called together, and this letter was read -to them, and was well received by all, and afterwards bore -fruit in many. Then they allotted the company to each ship -as they thought best, and chose governors and two or three -assistants, to take charge of the people on the way, and to -see to the distribution of their provisions, and such affairs. -Which done, they set sail from Southampton, about the 5th -of August; but what befell them further upon the coast of -England will appear in the next chapter.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_57"></a>[57]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs90 bold" id="CHAPTER_VIIIa">CHAPTER VIII</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">Departure from Southampton, and Delay of both Ships at -Dartmouth and Plymouth: August and September, 1620.</p> - - -<p>Having thus put to sea, they had not gone far when Mr. -Reynolds, the captain of the smaller ship, complained that -he found her so leaky that he dare not go further till she -was mended. So the captain of the bigger ship, Mr. Jones, -being consulted with, they both resolved to put into Dartmouth -and have her mended, which accordingly was done, -at great expense and loss of time and a fair wind. She -was here thoroughly searched from stem to stern, some -leaks were found and mended, and it was then believed -that she might proceed without danger. So with good hope -they put to sea again, thinking they would go comfortably -on, not looking for any more hindrances of this kind. But -after they had gone 100 leagues beyond Land’s End holding -together all the while, the captain of the small ship again -complained that she was so leaky that he must bear up or -sink at sea, for they could scarcely keep her afloat by pumping. -So they consulted again, and both ships resolved to -bear up again and put into Plymouth, which accordingly -was done. No special leak could be found, but it was judged -to be the general weakness of the ship, and that she would -not prove equal to the voyage. Upon which it was resolved -to dismiss her, and part of the company, and proceed with -the other ship; which, though it caused great discouragement, -was put into execution. So after they had taken out -such provisions as the other ship could well stow, and decided -what persons to send back, they made another sad<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_58"></a>[58]</span> -parting, the one ship going back to London, and the other -proceeding on her voyage. Those that went back were -mostly such as were willing to do so, either from discontent -or fear of the ill success of the voyage, seeing they had met -with so many crosses and the year was so far spent. Others, -owing to their weakness and having many young children, -were thought least useful and most unfit to bear the brunt -of this arduous adventure; to which work of God and the -judgment of their brethren they were contented to submit. -And thus, like Gideon’s army, this small number was -divided, as if the Lord thought these few too many for the -great work He had to do.</p> - -<p>It was afterwards found that the leakiness of the ship was -partly caused by being overmasted and too much pressed -with sail; for after she was sold and put into trim she made -many voyages, to the profit of her owners. But it was -partly due to the cunning and deceit of the captain and his -crew, who had been hired to stay a whole year at the Settlement, -and now, fearing want of victuals, they plotted this -stratagem to free themselves, as was afterwards confessed -by some of them. Yet in order to encourage the captain the -majority of those who had come from Leyden had been put -aboard this ship, to content him. But so strong was self-love -that he forgot all duty and former kindnesses, and -dealt thus falsely with them, though he pretended otherwise.</p> - -<p>Amongst those who returned was Mr. Cushman and his -family, whose heart and courage had failed them before. -He was assistant to Mr. Martin, who was governor in the -bigger ship. I insert here a passionate letter he wrote to -a friend in London from Dartmouth, whilst the ship lay -there mending, which, besides the expression of his own -fears, shows how the providence of God was working for -their good beyond man’s expectations, and other things -concerning their condition in these straits. And though it<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_59"></a>[59]</span> -discloses some infirmities in him (as who under temptation -is free), he afterwards continued to be a special instrument -for their good, and performed the offices of a loving friend -and faithful brother to them, and was a partaker of much -comfort with them.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Robert Cushman at Dartmouth to Edward Southworth, at Heanage -House, Duke’s Place, London.</em></p> - -<p>Loving Friend,</p> - -<p>My most kind remembrances to you and your wife, with loving -E. M., etc., whom in this world I never look to see again. For -beside the imminent dangers of this voyage, which are no less -than deadly, an infirmity has seized me which will not in all likelihood -leave me till death. What to call it I know not; but it is, -as it were, a bundle of lead crushing my heart more and more these -fourteen days, so that though I perform the actions of a living -man I am but as dead; but the will of God be done.</p> - -<p><ins class="corr" id="tn-59" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'Our pinace will not'"> -Our pinnace will not</ins> cease leaking, else I think we had been half -way to Virginia. Our voyage hither has been as full of crosses -as ourselves have been of crookedness. We put in here to trim -her, and I think if we had stayed at sea but three or four hours -more she would have sunk. And though she was twice trimmed -at Southampton she is still as open and leaky as a sieve. We lay -at Southampton seven days, in fair weather, waiting for her; and -now we lie here waiting for her in as fair a wind as can blow, -and so have done these four days, and are likely to lie four more, -and by that time the wind may have turned as it did at Southampton. -Our victuals will be half eaten up, I think, before we -leave the coast of England, and if our voyage last long we shall -not have a month’s victuals when we arrive. Nearly £700 has been -spent in Southampton, upon what I know not. Mr. Martin says -he neither can nor will give any account of it; and if he is called -upon for accounts he cries out that we are ungrateful for his -pains and care, and that we are suspicious of him. Also he insults -our poor people, and treats them with scorn and contempt, -as if they were not good enough to wipe his shoes. It would -break your heart to hear the mourning of our poor people. They -complain to me, and alas! I can do nothing for them. If I speak -to him he flies in my face as mutinous, and says no complaints -shall be heard or received but by himself, and they are forward, -waspish, and discontented people. There are others who would -gladly lose all they have put in, or make satisfaction for what they<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_60"></a>[60]</span> -have had, if they might only depart; but he will not listen to them -or allow them to go ashore lest they should run away. The sailors, -too, are so annoyed at his ignorant boldness, in meddling with -things he knows nothing of, that some threaten to do him mischief. -He makes himself a laughing stock.</p> - -<p>As for Mr. Weston, unless grace is with him he will hate us -ten times more than ever he loved us, for not confirming the -conditions. Now that they have met some reverses they begin to -see the truth, and say Mr. Robinson was at fault to tell them never -to consent to those conditions, or put me in office. But he and -they will rue it too late. Four or five of the chief of them from -Leyden came resolved never to go on those conditions. Mr. -Martin said he never received any money on those conditions, and -that he was not beholden to the merchants for a pin; that they -were blood-suckers, and I know not what. Simple man, he indeed -never made any conditions with the merchants, nor ever spoke -with them. But did all that money fly to Southampton, or was -it his own? Who would go and lay out money so rashly and -lavishly as he did, and never know how he comes by it or on what -conditions? Secondly, I told him of the alterations long ago, and -he was content; but now he domineers, and says I betrayed them -into the hands of slave-drivers; he is not beholden to them; he -can fit out two ships himself for a voyage—when he has only £50 -worth of shares in the venture, and if he gave in his accounts he -would not have a penny left, as I am persuaded.</p> - -<p>Friend, if ever we establish a colony, God works a miracle; -especially considering how scanty our provisions will be and most -of all how disunited we are among ourselves, and devoid of good -leaders. Violence will break all. Where is the meek and humble -spirit of Moses and of Nehemiah, who re-edified the walls of -Jerusalem and the state of Israel? Is not the sound of Rehoboam’s -bragging daily among us here? Have not the philosophers and all -wise men observed, that even in settled commonwealths violent -governors bring either themselves or people or both to ruin? How -much more in the building of commonwealths, when the mortar is -scarcely hardened which is to bind the walls. If I were to write -you everything that foreruns our ruin, I should overcharge my -weak head and grieve your tender heart; only this,—prepare for -evil tidings of us every day. But pray for us instantly. It may -be the Lord may yet be entreated.</p> - -<p>I see not how in reason we can escape the gasping of hunger-starved -persons; but God can do much, and His will be done. It -is better for me to die now than to bear it. Poor William King -and I strive who shall first be meat for the fishes; but we look -for a glorious resurrection, knowing Christ Jesus after the flesh<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_61"></a>[61]</span> -no more; but, looking unto the joy that is before us, we will endure -all these things and account them light in comparison of the joy -we hope for. Remember me in all love to our friends, as if I -named them, whose prayers I desire earnestly, and wish again to -see, but not till I can look them in the face with more comfort. -The Lord give us that true comfort which none can take from -us. I desired to send a brief account of our condition to some -friend. I doubt not but you will know when to speak a word -in season. What I have written is true, and much more which I -have foreborne to mention. I write it as upon my life and my -last confession in England. What you deem well to mention at -once, you may speak of; and what is best to conceal, conceal. -Excuse my weak manner, for my head is weak and my body is -feeble. The Lord make me strong in Him, and keep both you -and yours.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 5.5em;">Your loving friend,</span><br> -ROBERT CUSHMAN.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>Dartmouth, Aug. 17th, 1620.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>These being his fears at Dartmouth, they must needs be -much stronger when he arrived at Plymouth.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_62"></a>[62]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs90 bold" id="CHAPTER_IXa">CHAPTER IX</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">The Mayflower sails from Plymouth—Voyage—Arrival at -Cape Cod: September-November, 1620</p> - - -<p>These troubles being over, and all being together in the -one ship, they put to sea again on September 6th with a -prosperous wind, which continued for several days and was -some encouragement to them, though, as usual, many were -afflicted with sea-sickness. I must not omit to mention -here a special example of God’s providence. There was -an insolent and very profane young man,—one of the -sailors, which made him the more overbearing,—who was -always harassing the poor people in their sickness, and -cursing them daily with grievous execrations, and did not -hesitate to tell them that he hoped to help throw half of -them overboard before they came to their journey’s end. -If he were gently reproved by any one, he would curse and -swear most bitterly. But it pleased God, before they came -half seas over, to smite the young man with a grievous -disease, of which he died in a desperate manner, and so -was himself the first to be thrown overboard. Thus his -curses fell upon his own head, which astonished all his -mates for they saw it was the just hand of God upon him.</p> - -<p>After they had enjoyed fair winds and weather for some -time, they encountered cross winds and many fierce storms -by which the ship was much shaken and her upper works -made very leaky. One of the main beams amid-ships was -bent and cracked, which made them afraid that she might -not be able to complete the voyage. So some of the chief -of the voyagers, seeing that the sailors doubted the efficiency<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_63"></a>[63]</span> -of the ship, entered into serious consultation with the captain -and officers, to weigh the danger betimes and rather to -return than to cast themselves into desperate and inevitable -peril. Indeed there was great difference of opinion amongst -the crew themselves. They wished to do whatever could be -done for the sake of their wages, being now half way over; -on the other hand they were loth to risk their lives too -desperately. But at length all opinions, the captain’s and -others’ included, agreed that the ship was sound under the -water-line, and as for the buckling of the main beam, there -was a great iron screw the passengers brought out of Holland, -by which the beam could be raised into its place; and -the carpenter affirmed that with a post put under it, set firm -in the lower deck, and otherwise fastened, he could make it -hold. As for the decks and upper works, they said they -would calk them as well as they could; and though with the -working of the ship they would not long keep stanch, yet -there would otherwise be no great danger, if they did not -overpress her with sail.</p> - -<p>So they committed themselves to the will of God, and -resolved to proceed. In several of these storms the wind -was so strong and the seas so high that they could not carry -a knot of sail, but were forced to hull for many days. Once, -as they thus lay at hull in a terrible storm, a strong young -man, called John Howland, coming on deck was thrown -into the sea; but it pleased God that he caught hold of the -top-sail halliards which hung overboard and ran out at -length; but he kept his hold, though he was several fathoms -under water, till he was hauled up by the rope and then -with a boat-hook helped into the ship and saved; and though -he was somewhat ill from it he lived many years and became -a profitable member both of the church and commonwealth. -In all the voyage only one of the passengers died, and that -was William Button, a youth, servant to Samuel Fuller,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_64"></a>[64]</span> -when they were nearing the coast. But to be brief, after -long beating at sea, on November 11th they fell in with a -part of the land called Cape Cod, at which they were not a -little joyful. After some deliberation among themselves and -with the captain, they tacked about and resolved to stand -for the southward, the wind and weather being fair, to find -some place near Hudson’s River for their habitation. But -after they had kept that course about half a day, they met -with dangerous shoals and roaring breakers, and as they -conceived themselves in great danger,—the wind falling,—they -resolved to bear up again for the Cape, and thought -themselves happy to get out of danger before night overtook -them, as by God’s providence they did. Next day they got -into the bay, where they rode in safety.</p> - -<p>A word or two, by the way, of this Cape. It was first -thus named by Captain Gosnold and his people in 1602, -because they caught much of that fish there; and afterwards -was called Cape James by Captain Smith; but it retains the -former name among seamen. The point where they first -met with those dangerous shoals they called Point Care, or -Tucker’s Terror; but the French and Dutch to this day call -it Malabar.</p> - -<p>Having found a good haven and being brought safely in -sight of land, they fell upon their knees and blessed the God -of Heaven who had brought them over the vast and furious -ocean, and delivered them from all the perils and miseries -of it, again to set their feet upon the firm and stable earth, -their proper element. And no marvel that they were thus -joyful, when the wise Seneca was so affected with sailing -a few miles on the coast of his own Italy, that he affirmed -he had rather taken twenty years to make his way by land, -than to go by sea to any place in however short a time,—so -tedious and dreadful it was to him.</p> - -<p>But here I cannot but make a pause, and stand half<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_65"></a>[65]</span> -amazed at this poor people’s present condition; and so I -think will the reader, too, when he considers it well. Having -thus passed the vast ocean, and that sea of troubles -before while they were making their preparations, they now -had no friends to welcome them, nor inns to entertain and -refresh their weather-beaten bodies, nor houses—much less -towns—to repair to.</p> - -<p>It is recorded in scripture (Acts. xxviii) as a mercy to -the apostle and his shipwrecked crew, that the barbarians -showed them no small kindness in refreshing them; but -these savage barbarians when they met with them (as will -appear) were readier to fill their sides full of arrows than -otherwise! As for the season, it was winter, and those who -have experienced the winters of the country know them to -be sharp and severe, and subject to fierce storms, when it -is dangerous to travel to known places,—much more to -search an unknown coast. Besides, what could they see -but a desolate wilderness, full of wild beasts and wild men; -and what multitude there might be of them they knew not! -Neither could they, as it were, go up to the top of Pisgah, -to view from this wilderness a more goodly country to -feed their hopes; for which way soever they turned their -eyes (save upward to the Heavens!) they could gain little -solace from any outward objects. Summer being done, -all things turned upon them a weather-beaten face; and -the whole country, full of woods and thickets, presented a -wild and savage view.</p> - -<p>If they looked behind them, there was the mighty ocean -which they had passed, and was now a gulf separating -them from all civilized parts of the world. If it be said -that they had their ship to turn to, it is true; but what did -they hear daily from the captain and crew? That they -should quickly look out for a place with their shallop, where -they would be not far off; for the season was such that the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_66"></a>[66]</span> -captain would not approach nearer to the shore till a harbour -had been discovered which he could enter safely; -and that the food was being consumed apace, but he must -and would keep sufficient for the return voyage. It was -even muttered by some of the crew that if they did not -find a place in time, they would turn them and their goods -ashore and leave them.</p> - -<p>Let it be remembered, too, what small hope of further -assistance from England they had left behind them, to -support their courage in this sad condition and the trials -they were under; for how the case stood between the -settlers and the merchants at their departure has already -been described. It is true, indeed, that the affection and -love of their brethren at Leyden towards them was cordial -and unbroken; but they had little power to help them or -themselves.</p> - -<p>What, then, could now sustain them but the spirit of -God, and His grace? Ought not the children of their fathers -rightly to say: Our fathers were Englishmen who came -over the great ocean, and were ready to perish in this -wilderness; but they cried unto the Lord, and He heard -their voice, and looked on their adversity.... Let them -therefore praise the Lord, because He is good, and His -mercies endure forever. Yea, let them that have been redeemed -of the Lord, show how He hath delivered them -from the hand of the oppressor. When they wandered -forth into the desert-wilderness, out of the way, and found -no city to dwell in, both hungry and thirsty, their soul was -overwhelmed in them. Let them confess before the Lord -His loving kindness, and His wonderful works before the -sons of men!</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_67"></a>[67]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs90 bold" id="CHAPTER_Xa">CHAPTER X</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">The Pilgrims seek a Site for their Settlement, and discover -the Harbour of New Plymouth: November-December, 1620</p> - - -<p>They thus arrived at Cape Cod on the 11th of November, -and necessity called on them to look out for a place -of habitation. Having brought a large shallop with them -from England, stowed in quarters in the ship, they now -got her out, and set their carpenters to work to trim her -up; but being much bruised and battered in the foul weather -they saw she would be long mending. So a few of them -volunteered to go by land and explore the neighbouring -parts, whilst the shallop was put in order; particularly -since, as they entered the bay, there seemed to be an -opening some two or three leagues off, which the captain -thought was a river. It was conceived there might be some -danger in the attempt; but seeing them resolute, sixteen -of them, well armed, were permitted to go, under charge of -Captain Standish. They set forth on the 15th of November, -being landed by the ship’s boat, and when they had -marched about the space of a mile by the sea-side, they -espied five or six persons with a dog coming towards them. -They were savages; but they fled back into the woods, -followed by the English, who wished to see if they could -speak with them, and to discover if there were more lying -in ambush. But the Indians, seeing themselves followed, -left the woods, and ran along the sands as hard as they -could, so our men could not come up with them, but followed -the track of their feet several miles. Night coming on, they -made their rendezvous, and set sentinels, and rested in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_68"></a>[68]</span> -quiet. Next morning they again pursued the Indians’ -tracks, till they came to a great creek, where they had -left the sands and turned into the woods. But they continued -to follow them by guess, hoping to find their dwellings; -but soon they lost both the Indians and themselves, -and fell into such thickets that their clothes and armour -were injured severely; but they suffered most from want -of water. At length they found some, and refreshed themselves -with the first New England water they had drunk; -and in their great thirst they found it as pleasant as wine -or beer had been before. Afterwards they directed their -course towards the other shore, for they knew it was only -a neck of land they had to cross over. At length they got -to the sea-side, and marched to this supposed river, and -by the way found a pond of fresh water, and shortly after -a quantity of cleared ground where the Indians had formerly -planted corn; and they found some of their graves. -Proceeding further, they saw stubble where corn had been -grown the same year, and also found a place where a -house had lately been, with some planks, and a great kettle -and heaps of sand newly banked, under which they found -several large baskets filled with corn, some in the ear of -various colours, which was a very goodly sight they having -never seen any like it before. This was near the -supposed river that they had come to seek. When they -reached it, they found that it opened into two arms, with -a high cliff of sand at the entrance, but more likely to -be creeks of salt water than fresh, they thought. There -was good harbourage for their shallop, so they left it to be -further explored when she was ready. The time allowed -them having expired, they returned to the ship, lest the -others should be anxious about their safety. They took -part of the corn and buried the rest; and so, like the men -from Eschol, carried with them of the fruits of the land,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_69"></a>[69]</span> -and showed their brethren; at which the rest were very -glad, and greatly encouraged.</p> - -<p>After this, the shallop being ready, they set out again -for the better reconnoitering of the place. The captain -of the ship desired to go himself, so there were some thirty -men. However, they found it to be no harbour for ships, -but only for boats. They also found two of the Indians’ -houses covered with mats, and some of their implements -in them; but the people had run away and could not be -seen. They also found more corn, and beans of various -colours. These they brought away, intending to give them -full satisfaction when they should meet with any of them,—as -about six months afterwards they did.</p> - -<p>And it is to be noted as a special providence of God, -and a great mercy to this poor people, that they thus got -seed to plant corn the next year, or they might have -starved; for they had none, nor any likelihood of getting -any, till too late for the planting season. Nor is it likely -that they would have got it if this first voyage had not been -made, for the ground was soon all covered with snow and -frozen hard. But the Lord is never wanting unto His -in their great need; let His holy name have all the praise.</p> - -<p>The month of November being spent in these affairs, -and foul weather coming on, on the sixth of December -they sent out their shallop again with ten of their principal -men and some sailors upon further discovery, intending to -circumnavigate the deep bay of Cape Cod. The weather -was very cold, and it froze so hard that the spray of the -sea froze on their coats like glass. Early that night they -got to the lower end of the bay, and as they drew near the -shore they saw ten or twelve Indians very busy about something. -They landed about a league or two from them; -though they had much ado to put ashore anywhere, it was -so full of flats. It was late when they landed, so they<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_70"></a>[70]</span> -made themselves a barricade of logs and boughs as well -as they could in the time, and set a sentinel and betook -them to rest, and saw the smoke of the fire the savages -made that night. When morning came they divided their -party, some to coast along the shore in the boat, and the -rest to march through the woods to see the land, and, if -possible, to find a fit place for their settlement. They came -to the place where they had seen the Indians the night -before and found they had been cutting up a great fish -like a grampus, covered with almost two inches of fat, like -a hog. The shallop found two more of the same kind of -fish dead on the sands, a usual thing after storms there, -because of the great flats of sand. They ranged up and -down all that day, but found no people nor any place they -liked. When the sun got low they hastened out of the -woods to meet their shallop, making signs to it to come -into a creek hard by, which it did at high water. They -were very glad to meet, for they had not seen each other -since the morning. They made a barricade, as they did -every night, with logs, stakes, and thick pine boughs, the -height of a man, leaving it open to leeward; partly to -shelter them from the cold wind, making their fire in the -middle and lying around it; and, partly to defend them from -any sudden assaults of the savages, if they should try -to surround them. So being very weary, they betook them -to rest. But about midnight they heard a hideous cry, -and their sentinel called “Arm, arm!” So they bestirred -themselves and stood to their arms, and shot a couple of -muskets and then the noise ceased. They concluded it -was a pack of wolves, or some such wild beasts; for one -of the sailors told them he had often heard such noises in -Newfoundland. So they rested till about five o’clock in -the morning. After prayer they prepared for breakfast, -and it being day dawning, it was thought best to be carrying<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_71"></a>[71]</span> -things down to the boat. Some said it was not best -to carry the guns down; others said they would be the -readier, for they had wrapped them up in their coats to -keep them from the dew. But some three or four would not -carry their guns down to the boat till they went themselves. -However, as the water was not high enough, the others -laid theirs down on the bank of the creek, and came up to -breakfast. But soon, all of a sudden, they heard a great -and strange cry, which they knew to be the same as they -had heard in the night, though with various notes. One -of the company who was outside came running in and -cried: “Men; Indians, Indians”; and at that their arrows -came flying amongst them! The men ran down to the -creek with all speed to recover their guns, which by the -providence of God they succeeded in doing. In the meantime -two of those who were still armed discharged their -muskets at the Indians; and two more stood ready at the -entrance of the rendezvous, but were commanded not to -shoot till they could take fell aim at them; and the other -two loaded again at full speed, there being only four guns -there to defend the barricade when it was first assaulted.</p> - -<p>The cry of the Indians was dreadful, especially when -they saw the men run out of the rendezvous towards the -shallop to recover their guns, the Indians wheeling about -them. But some of the men, armed with coats of mail and -with cutlasses in their hands, soon got their guns and let fly -among them, which quickly stopped their violence. There -was one big Indian, and no less valiant, who stood behind -a tree, within half a musket-shot, and let his arrows fly at -them. He was seen to shoot three arrows, which were all -avoided. He stood three musket-shots, till one of them -made the bark and splinters of the tree fly about his ears, -at which he gave an extraordinary shriek, and away all -of them went. The men left some of the party to guard<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_72"></a>[72]</span> -the shallop, and followed the Indians about a quarter of a -mile, shouting once or twice, and shooting off two or three -guns, and then returned. They did this so that the natives -might not think they were afraid of them.</p> - -<p>Thus it pleased God to vanquish their enemies, and give -them deliverance; and by His special providence so to dispose -that not one of them was hit, though the arrows came -close to them, on every side, and some of their coats -which were hung up in the barricade were shot through and -through. Afterwards they gave God solemn thanks and -praise for their deliverance, and gathered up a bundle of -the arrows, and later sent them to England by the captain -of the ship. They called the place “The First Encounter.”</p> - -<p>Then they left, and coasted all along, but discovered no -likely place for a harbour. So they made all speed to a -spot which their pilot—a Mr. Coppin, who had been in -the country before—assured them was a good harbour, -which he had been in, and which they might fetch before -night. Of this they were glad, for the weather began to be -foul. After some hours’ sailing, it began to snow and rain, -and about the middle of the afternoon the wind increased, -and the sea became very rough. They broke their rudder, -and it was as much as two men could do to steer her with -a couple of oars. But the pilot bade them be of good cheer, -and said he saw the harbour; but the storm increasing and -night drawing on, they carried all the sail they could to -get in while they could see. Then their mast broke in -three pieces, and the sail fell overboard in a very heavy sea, -so that they were in danger of being wrecked; but by -God’s mercy they recovered themselves, and having the -tide with them, struck in towards the harbour. But when -they came to, the pilot found he had mistaken the place, and -said the Lord be merciful to them, for he had never seen the -place before; and he and the mate were about to run her<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_73"></a>[73]</span> -ashore, in a cove full of breakers, before the wind. But -one of the seamen, who steered, bade the rowers, if they -were men, about with her, or they would all be cast away; -which they did with speed. So he bid them be of good cheer -and row lustily for there was a fair sound before them, -and he did not doubt but they would find a place where -they could come to safely. Though it was very dark and -rained hard, they ultimately got under the lee of a small -island, and remained there safely all night; but they did -not know it was an island till morning. They were divided -in their mind; some wished to stay in the boat, for fear -there would be more Indians; others were so weak and -cold they could not endure it, but got ashore and with much -ado made a fire—everything being wet,—and then the rest -were glad enough to join them; for after midnight the -wind shifted to the northwest and it froze hard.</p> - -<p>But though this had been a night of much hardship and -danger, God gave them a morning of comfort and refreshment, -as He usually doth to His children; for the next day -was a fair sun-shining day, and they found they were on an -island secure from the Indians, where they could dry their -stuff, fix their arms, and rest themselves and give God -thanks for His mercies in their manifold deliverances. This -being the last day of the week they prepared to keep the -Sabbath there. On Monday they sounded the harbour -and found it fit for shipping; and marching inland they -found several cornfields and little running brooks,—a place, -as they supposed, fit for a settlement, at least it was the -best they could find, and considering the season of the -year and their present necessity they were thankful for it. -So they returned with this news to the rest of their people -aboard the ship, which cheered them greatly.</p> - -<p>On the 15th day of December they weighed anchor to -go to the place they had discovered, and came within two<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_74"></a>[74]</span> -leagues of it, but had to bear up again. On the 16th day -the wind came fair, and they arrived safe in the harbour. -Afterwards they took a better view of the place, and resolved -where to pitch their dwellings; and on the 25th day -they began to erect the first house for common use, to -receive them and their goods.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_75"></a>[75]</span><br></p> -<div class="chapter"></div> - -<p class="p1 pfs120">BOOK II</p> -<p class="p1 pfs120">1620-1646</p> -<p class="p1 pfs100">HISTORY OF THE SETTLEMENT AT NEW PLYMOUTH</p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs80 bold" id="CHAPTER_I">CHAPTER I</h2> - -<p class="p1b bold">Deed of Government drawn up—Death of half their number—Squanto—Compact -with the Indians—Captain Dermer’s description -of New Plymouth: 1620.</p> - - -<p>The rest of this work—if God give me life and opportunity—I -shall, for brevity’s sake, handle in the form of Annals, -noting only the principal doings, chronologically.</p> - -<p>First, I will turn back a little, and begin with a compact -or deed drawn up by them before they went ashore to -settle, constituting the first foundation of their government. -This was occasioned partly by the discontented and -mutinous speeches that some of the strangers amongst them -had let fall: that when they got ashore they would use their -liberty that none had power to command them, the patent -procured being for Virginia, and not for New England, -which belonged to another company, with which the Virginia -company had nothing to do. And, further, it was -believed by the leading men among the settlers that such a -deed, drawn up by themselves, considering their present -condition, would be as effective as any patent, and in some -respects more so.</p> - -<p>The form of the deed was as follows:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>In the name of God, Amen. We whose names are underwritten, -the loyal subjects of our dread sovereign lord, King James, by the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_76"></a>[76]</span> -grace of God, of Great Britain, France and Ireland, King, Defender -of the Faith, etc., having undertaken for the glory of God, and -advancement of the Christian faith, and honour of our king and -country, a voyage to plant the first colony in the northern parts of -Virginia, do by these presents solemnly and mutually in the presence -of God, and of one another, covenant and combine ourselves into a -civil body politic, for our better ordering and preservation, and the -furtherance of the ends aforesaid and by virtue hereof to enact, -constitute, and frame, such just and equal laws, ordinances, acts, -constitutions, and offices, from time to time, as shall be thought -most meet and convenient for the general use of the Colony, unto -which we promise all due submission and obedience. In witness -whereof we have here underscribed our names at Cape Cod, 11th -of November, in the year of the reign of our sovereign lord, King -James of England, France and Ireland the eighteenth, and of -Scotland the fifty-fourth.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>A. D. 1620.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>They then chose, or rather confirmed, Mr. John Carver, -a godly man and highly approved among them, as their -governor for that year. After they had provided a place for -their goods and common stores, which they were long in -unlading owing to want of boats, the severity of the winter -weather, and sickness, had begun some small cottages for -dwellings,—as time would admit they met and consulted of -law and order, both for civil and military government, as -seemed suited to their conditions, adding to them from -time to time as urgent need demanded. In these arduous -and difficult beginnings, discontent and murmuring arose -amongst some, and mutinous speech and bearing in others; -but they were soon quelled and overcome by the wisdom, -patience, and just and equal administration of things by the -Governor and the better part, who held faithfully together -in the main.</p> - -<p>But soon a most lamentable blow fell upon them. In two -or three months’ time half of their company died, partly -owing to the severity of the winter, especially during January -and February, and the want of houses and other comforts;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_77"></a>[77]</span> -partly to scurvy and other diseases, which their long -voyage and their incommodious quarters had brought upon -them. Of all the hundred odd persons, scarcely fifty remained, -and sometimes two or three persons died in a day. -In the time of worst distress, there were but six or seven -sound persons, who, to their great commendation be it -spoken, spared no pains night or day, but with great toil -and at the risk of their own health, fetched wood, made -fires, prepared food for the sick, made their beds, washed -their infected clothes, dressed and undressed them; in a -word did all the homely and necessary services for them -which dainty and queasy stomachs cannot endure to hear -mentioned; and all this they did willingly and cheerfully, -without the least grudging, showing their love to the friends -and brethren; a rare example, and worthy to be remembered. -Two of these seven were Mr. William Brewster, -their reverend elder, and Myles Standish, their captain and -military commander, to whom myself and many others were -much beholden in our low and sick condition. And yet the -Lord so upheld these men, that in this general calamity they -were not at all infected with sickness. And what I have -said of these few, I should say of many others who died in -this general visitation, and others yet living, that while they -had health or strength, they forsook none that had need of -them. I doubt not that their recompense is with the Lord.</p> - -<p>But I must not pass by another remarkable and unforgettable -occurrence. When this calamity fell among the -passengers who were to be left here to settle, they were -hurried ashore and made to drink water, so that the sailors -might have the more beer and when one sufferer in his -sickness desired but a small can of beer, it was answered -that if he were their own father he should have none. -Then the disease began to seize the sailors also, so that -almost half of the crew died before they went away, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_78"></a>[78]</span> -many of their officers and strongest men, amongst them the -boatswain, gunner, three quarter-masters, the cook and -others. At this the captain was somewhat struck, and sent -to the sick ashore and told the Governor that he could send -for beer for those that had need of it, even should he have -to drink water on the homeward voyage.</p> - -<p>But amongst the sailors there was quite a different bearing -in their misery. Those who before, in the time of their -health and welfare, had been boon companions in drinking -and jollity, began now to desert one another, saying they -would not risk their lives for the sick among them, lest -they should be infected by coming to help them in their -cabins; if they died, let them die! But the passengers who -were still aboard showed them what pity they could, which -made some of their hearts relent, such as the boatswain, -who was an overbearing young man, and before would often -curse and scoff at the passengers. But when he grew weak -they had compassion on him and helped him. Then he -confessed he did not deserve it at their hands, for he had -abused them in word and deed. “Oh,” said he, “you I -see now, show your love like Christians indeed to one another; -but we let one another lie and die like dogs.” -Another lay cursing his wife, saying if it had not been for -her he had never come on this unlucky voyage; and anon -cursed his fellows, saying he had done this or that for some -of them, he had spent so much and so much amongst them, -and they were now weary of him, and did not help him in -his need. Another made over to one of his mates all he -had, when he should die, if he would but help him in his -weakness. So his companion went and got a little spice -and prepared some food once or twice; and when he did -not die as soon as he expected, he went among his comrades -and swore the rogue would cheat him of his inheritance;<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_79"></a>[79]</span> -he would see him choke before he prepared him any more -food; and so the poor fellow died before morning!</p> - -<p>All this while the Indians came skulking about those who -were ashore and would sometimes show themselves aloof, -at a distance, but when any approached them, they would -run away. Once they stole away the men’s tools where -they had been at work, and were gone to dinner. About -the 16th of March a certain Indian came boldly among -them, and spoke to them in broken English, which they -could well understand, but were astonished at it. At -length they understood by speaking with him that he was -not of these parts, but belonged to the eastern country where -some English ships came to fish; and with some of these -English he was acquainted, and could name several of them. -From them he had got his knowledge of the language. He -became useful to them in acquainting them with many things -concerning the state of the country in the east parts where -he lived, as also of the people there, their names and number, -their situation and distance from this place, and who -was chief among them. His name was Samoset; he told -them also of another Indian, whose name was Squanto, a -native of this part, who had been in England and could -speak English better than himself. After some time of entertainment, -being dismissed with gifts, in a little while he -returned with five more, and they brought back all the tools -that had been stolen, and made way for the coming of their -great Sachem, called Massasoyt, who about four or five -days after, came with the chief of his friends and other -attendants, and with Squanto. With him, after friendly entertainment -and some gifts, they made a peace which has -now continued for twenty-four years.</p> - -<p>These were the terms:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>1. That neither he nor any of his, should injure or harm any of -their people.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_80"></a>[80]</span></p> - -<p>2. That if any of his did any harm to any of theirs, he should -send the offender, that they might punish him.</p> - -<p>3. That if anything were taken away from any of theirs, he -should cause it to be restored; and they should do the like to his.</p> - -<p>4. If any made unjust war against him, they would aid him; if -any made war against them, he should aid them.</p> - -<p>5. He should send to his neighboring confederates, to certify -them of this, that they might not wrong them, but might be likewise -comprised in the conditions of peace.</p> - -<p>6. That when their men came to them, they should leave their -bows and arrows behind them.</p> -</div> - -<p>After this he returned to his place, called Sowams, some -forty miles off, but Squanto stayed with them, and was -their interpreter, and became a special instrument sent of -God for their good, beyond their expectation. He showed -them how to plant their corn, where to take fish and other -commodities, and guided them to unknown places, and -never left them till he died. He was a native of these parts, -and had been one of the few survivors of the plague hereabouts. -He was carried away with others by one Hunt, a -captain of a ship, who intended to sell them for slaves in -Spain; but he got away for England, and was received by a -merchant in London, and employed in Newfoundland and -other parts, and lastly brought into these parts by a Captain -Dermer, a gentleman employed by Sir Ferdinand Gorges -and others, for discovery and other projects in these parts. -Of Captain Dermer I will say something, because it is mentioned,—in -a book published A. D. 1622, by the President -and Council of New England,—that he made peace between -the savages of these parts and the English, of which this -plantation, as it is there intimated, had the benefit. But -what kind of peace it was appears by what befell him and -his men.</p> - -<p>Captain Dermer had been here the same year that the -people of the Mayflower arrived, as appears in an account -written by him, and given to me by a friend, bearing date,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_81"></a>[81]</span> -June 30th, 1620; and as they came in the November following, -there was but four months’ difference. In this -account to his honoured friend, he makes the following -references to this very place:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>“I will first begin,” says he, “with the place from which Squanto -(or Tisquantem) was taken away, which in Captain Smith’s map is -called ‘Plymouth’; and I would that Plymouth had the same commodities. -I could wish that the first plantation might be situated -here, if there came to the number of fifty persons or upward; otherwise -at Charlton, because there the savages are less to be feared. -The Pokanokets, who live to the west of Plymouth, bear an inveterate -hatred to the English, and are of greater strength than all -the savages from there to Penobscot. Their desire of revenge was -occasioned by an Englishman, who having invited many of them on -board slaughtered them with small shot, when, as the Indians say, -they offered no injury on their part. Whether they were English -or no, it may be doubted; but they believe they were, for the French -have so assured them. For this reason Squanto cannot deny but -they would have killed me when I was at Namasket, had he not -interceded hard for me. The soil of the borders of this great bay -may be compared to most of the plantations which I have seen in -Virginia. The land is of various sorts. Patuxet is a stubborn but -strong soil; Nauset and Satucket are for the most part a blackish -and deep mould, much like that where the best tobacco in Virginia -grows. In the great bay itself is a quantity of cod and bass, or -mullet.”</p> -</div> - -<p>But above all, he commends the Pokanokets’ country for -the richest soil, and much open ground fit for English grain, -etc.</p> - -<p>“Massachusetts, about nine leagues from Plymouth, and -situated between both, is full of islands and peninsulas, for -the most part very fertile.”</p> - -<p>He was taken prisoner by the Indians at Manamoick, -a place not far off, now well-known. He gave them what -they demanded for his liberty, but when they had got what -they desired, they still kept him, and endeavoured to kill -his men; but he freed himself by seizing some of them, -whom he kept bound till they gave him a canoe-load of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_82"></a>[82]</span> -corn (of which, see Purch: lib. ix, fol. 1778). But this -was A. D. 1619.</p> - -<p>After the writing of the foregoing narrative, Dermer -went with Squanto to the Island of Capawack, which lies -south of this place on the way to Virginia. There he went -ashore amongst the Indians to trade, as he used to do, but -was betrayed and assaulted by them, and all his men were -killed except one who kept the boat. He himself got aboard -very sorely wounded, and they would have cut off his head -as he climbed into his boat, had not the man rescued him. -They got away, and made shift to reach Virginia, where he -died. This shows how far the natives were from peace, -and under what dangerous conditions this plantation was -begun, but for the powerful hand of the Lord, which protected -them. This was partly the reason why they kept -aloof, and were so long before they came to the English. -Another reason, as afterwards they themselves stated, was -that about three years before, a French ship was wrecked -at Cape Cod, but the men got ashore and saved their lives -and a large part of their provisions. When the Indians -heard of it, they surrounded them and never left watching -and dogging them till they got the advantage and killed -them, all but three or four, whom they kept, and sent from -one Sachem to another, making sport with them and using -them worse than slaves. Of these, Captain Dermer released -two. So the Indians thought that this ship had now come -to revenge these outrages. It was also later disclosed, that -before they came to the English to make friends, they got -all the Powows of the country together for three days to -curse and execrate them in a horrid and devilish manner -with conjurations, holding their assembly in a dark and -dismal swamp.</p> - -<p>But to return. The spring now approaching, it pleased -God the mortality began to cease among them, and the sick<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_83"></a>[83]</span> -recovered apace, which put new life into them all; though -they had borne their sad afflictions with as much patience -and contentedness as I think any people could do. But it -was the Lord who upheld them, and had beforehand prepared -them, many having long borne the yoke, yea, even -from their youth. Many other minor matters I will omit, -several of them having been published already in a journal -written by one of the company; and some other narratives -and descriptions of journeys, already published, to which -I refer those who wish to acquaint themselves more closely. -Having now come to the 25th of March, I will begin the -year 1621.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_84"></a>[84]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs80 bold" id="CHAPTER_II">CHAPTER II</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">The Mayflower returns—Death of John Carver—William -Bradford, Governor—Trade with the Massachusetts—The first -marriage—Friendship with Massasoyt confirmed—Hobbamok—Expedition -against Corbitant—The first harvest—Arrival of -Robert Cushman with 35 settlers—Fortune returns, laden—The -Narragansetts’ challenge—Christmas Day: 1621.</p> - - -<p>They now decided to send back the ship which had brought -them over, and which had remained till about this time or -the beginning of April. The reason, on their part, why she -had stayed so long, was the necessity and danger they were -under. It was well towards the end of December before she -could land anything, or they were in a condition to receive -anything ashore. And after that on the 14th of January, the -house they had built for a general rendezvous accidentally -caught fire, and some of them had to go aboard the ship for -shelter. Then the sickness began to fall among them sorely, -and the weather was so bad that they could not hasten their -preparations. Again the Governor and the chief members, -seeing so many fall sick and die daily, thought it unwise to -send the ship away, considering their condition and the danger -they were in from the Indians, till they could procure -some shelter; and therefore thought it better to incur further -expense for themselves and their friends, than to risk -everything. And though before, the captain and sailors had -hurried the passengers ashore, so that they could be gone; -now many of the crew being dead,—and some of the ablest -of them,—and of the rest many lay sick and weak, the captain -did not dare put to sea till he saw them begin to recover, -and the heart of winter over.</p> - -<p>The settlers, as many as were able, then began to plant<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_85"></a>[85]</span> -their corn, in which service Squanto stood them in good -stead, showing them how to plant it and cultivate it. He -also told them that unless they got fish to manure this exhausted -old soil, it would come to nothing, and he showed -them that in the middle of April plenty of fish would come -up the brook by which they had begun to build, and taught -them how to catch it, and where to get other necessary provisions; -all of which they found true by experience. They -sowed some English seed, such as wheat and pease, but -it came to no good, either because of the badness of the seed -or the lateness of the season or some other defect.</p> - -<p>This April, while they were busy sowing their seed, their -Governor, Mr. John Carver, one hot day, came out of the -field very sick. He complained greatly of his head and lay -down, and within a few hours his senses failed. He never -spoke again, and died, a few days after. His death was -much lamented, and depressed them deeply, with good -cause. He was buried in the best manner possible, with -some volleys of shot by all that bore arms; and his wife, a -weak woman, died five or six weeks after him.</p> - -<p>Shortly after, William Bradford was chosen governor in -his stead, and having not yet recovered from his illness, in -which he had been near the point of death, Isaac Allerton, -was appointed assistant to him. These two, by renewed -election each year, continued several years together. This -I here note, once for all.</p> - -<p>On May 12th the first marriage here took place, which, -according to the laudable custom of the Low Countries<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_86"></a>[86]</span> -in which they had lived, it was thought proper for the -magistrate to perform, as a civil institution upon which -many questions about inheritances depend, and other things -requiring their cognizance, as well as being consonant with -the scriptures (Ruth iv), and nowhere mentioned in the -gospels as a part of the minister’s duty.</p> - -<p>Having now made some progress with their affairs at -home, it was thought advisable to send a deputation to -their new friend Massasoyt, and to bestow upon him some -gratuity to bind him faster to them; also at the same time -to view the country, and see in what manner he lived, what -strength he had about him, and what was the way to his -place, if at any time they should have need. So on July -2nd they sent Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. Hopkins, with -the aforesaid Squanto for their guide. They gave Massasoyt -a suit of clothes, and a horseman’s coat, with some other -small things, which were kindly accepted, though they -found but short commons, and came home both weary and -hungry. The Indians in those times did not have nearly so -much corn as they have had since the English supplied them -with hoes, and set them an example by their industry in -preparing new ground therewith. Massasoyt’s place was -found to be forty miles off and the soil good. But his -people had died in great numbers during the recent plague -throughout these parts, about three years before the coming -of the English. Thousands of them died, until the living -were not able to bury the dead, and their skulls and bones -were found in many places lying still above ground, where -their houses and dwelling places had been,—a very sad -spectacle. But they brought word that the Narragansetts -lived just on the other side of the great bay, and were a -strong, populous tribe living close together, and had not -been attacked by this wasting plague.</p> - -<p>About the latter end of this month one John Billington<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_87"></a>[87]</span> -lost himself in the woods, and wandered up and down for -about five days, living on berries and what he could find. -At length he came across an Indian plantation, twenty miles -to the south, called Manamet. They conveyed him further -off to Nauset, among the Indians who had set upon the -landing party when they were coasting and whilst their -ship lay at the Cape, as before noted. But the Governor -caused him to be enquired for among the Indians, and at -length Massasoyt sent word where he was, and the Governor -sent a shallop for him, and had him delivered. The -Indians there also came and made their peace and full -satisfaction was given by the settlers to those whose corn -they had found and taken when they were at Cape Cod.</p> - -<p>Thus their peace and acquaintance was pretty well established -with the natives about them. Another Indian, -called Hobbamok came to live with them, a fine strong man, -of some account amongst the Indians for his valour and -qualities. He remained very faithful to the English till he -died. He and Squanto having gone upon business among -the Indians, a Sachem called Corbitant, allied to Massasoyt, -but never a good friend to the English to this day, met with -them at an Indian town called Namassakett, fourteen miles -west of this, and whether out of envy of them or -malice to the English began to quarrel with them, and -threatened to stab Hobbamok; but he, being a strong man, -cleared himself of him, and came running away, all sweating, -and told the Governor what had befallen him, and that -he feared they had killed Squanto, for they threatened them -both, for no other reason than that they were friends to the -English and serviceable to them. The Governor taking -counsel, it was decided not to pass it over, for if they -allowed their friends and messengers to be harmed, none -would associate with them or give them intelligence or do -them service afterwards; and next thing the Indians would<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_88"></a>[88]</span> -fall upon them, too. So it was resolved to send the Captain -and fourteen men, well armed, and to go and fall upon them -in the night; and if they found that Squanto was killed, to -cut off Corbitant’s head, but not to hurt any but those who -had a hand in it. Hobbamok was asked if he would go and -be their guide, and bring them there before day. He said he -would, and could show them the house where Corbitant -lived, and which he was. They set forth on the 14th of -August, and surrounded the house; and the Captain, giving -orders to let none escape, entered to search for him. But -he had gone away that day; so they missed him, but learned -that Squanto was alive, and that Corbitant had only threatened -to kill him, and made as if to stab him, but did not. -So they withheld their punishment, and did no more harm; -and the people came trembling and brought them the best -provisions they had, when they had been acquainted by -Hobbamok with their purpose. Three Indians, badly -wounded, broke out of the house, and tried to pass through -the guard. These they brought back with them, and had -their wounds dressed and cured, and then sent them home. -After this they had many greetings from various Sachems -and much firmer peace. Even the Indians of the Island of -Capawack sent to declare friendship; and Corbitant himself -used the mediation of Massasoyt to make his peace, but was -shy to come near them for a long time after.</p> - -<p>After this, on the 18th September, they sent out their -shallop with ten men and Squanto as guide and interpreter -to the Massachusetts, to explore the bay and trade with the -natives, which they accomplished, and were kindly received. -The Indians were much afraid of the Tarantines, a tribe to -the eastward, who used to come at harvest time and take -away their corn, and often kill some of them. They returned -in safety, and brought home a good quantity of -beaver, and reported on the place, wishing they could have<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_89"></a>[89]</span> -settled there. But it seems that the Lord, Who assigns to -all men the bounds of their habitations, had appointed it -for another use. And thus they found the Lord to be with -them in all their ways, and to bless their outgoings and -incomings, for which let His holy name have the praise -forever, to all posterity.</p> - -<p>They began now to gather in the small harvest they had, -and to prepare their houses for the winter, being well recovered -in health and strength, and plentifully provisioned; -for while some had been thus employed in affairs away from -home, others were occupied in fishing for cod, bass, and -other fish, of which they caught a good quantity, every -family having their portion. All the summer there was -no want. And now, as winter approached, wild fowl began -to arrive, of which there were plenty when they came here -first, though afterwards they became more scarce. As well -as wild fowl, they got abundance of wild turkeys, besides -venison, etc. Each person had about a peck of meal a week, -or now, since harvest, Indian corn in that proportion; and -afterwards many wrote at length about their plenty to their -friends in England,—not feigned but true reports.</p> - -<p>In November, about 12 months after their arrival, there -came a small ship unexpectedly, bringing Mr. Cushman -(so much spoken of before), and with him 35 persons to -remain and live in the plantation; at which they rejoiced -not a little. And the new arrivals, when they came ashore -and found all well, and saw plenty of victuals in every -house, were no less glad. Most of them were healthy young -men, many of them wild enough, who had little considered -what they were undertaking,—till they reached the harbour -of Cape Cod, and there saw nothing but a naked and barren -place. They then began to wonder what would become of -them, should the people be dead or cut off by the Indians. -So, hearing what some of the sailors were saying, they<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_90"></a>[90]</span> -began to plot to seize the sails, lest the ship should go, and -leave them there. But the captain, hearing of it gave them -good words, and told them that if any misfortune should -have befallen the people here, he thought he had food -enough to take them to Virginia, and whilst he had a bit, -they should have their share, which satisfied them. So they -were all landed; but they brought not so much as biscuit-cake, -or any other victuals with them, nor any bedding, -except some poor things they had in their cabins; nor pot -nor pan to cook any food in; nor many clothes, for many of -them had sold their coats and cloaks at Plymouth on their -way out. But some burching-lane suits were sent over in -the ship, out of which they were supplied. The plantation -was glad of this addition of strength, but could have wished -that many of them had been of better class, and all of them -better furnished with provisions; but that could not now be -helped.</p> - -<p>In this ship Mr. Weston sent a long letter to Mr. Carver, -the late Governor, now deceased, full of complaints and -expostulations about the former troubles at Southampton, -and keeping the ship so long in the country, and returning -her without lading, etc.,—most of which for brevity I -omit. The rest is as follows.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Mr. Weston in England to Mr. John Carver at New Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p>I never dared acquaint the adventurers with the alterations in the -conditions first agreed on between us, which I have since been very -glad of, for I am well assured that had they known as much as I -do, they would not have ventured a halfpenny of what was necessary -for this ship. That you sent no lading back with the ship is -strange, and very properly resented. I know your weakness was -the cause of it; and I believe more weakness of judgment than -weakness of hands. A quarter of the time you spent in discoursing, -arguing, and consulting, would have done much more; but that is -past.... If you mean, bona fide, to perform the conditions agreed -upon, do us the favour to copy them out fair, and subscribe them<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_91"></a>[91]</span> -with the names of your principal members and likewise give us -account, as particularly as you can, how our money was laid out. -Then I shall be able to give them some satisfaction, while I am -now forced to put them off with good words. And consider that the -life of this business depends on the lading of this ship. If you do -so satisfactorily, so that I may recoup the great sums I disbursed -for the former voyage, and must do for this one, I promise you I -will never forsake this enterprise, though all the other adventurers -should do so.</p> - -<p>We have procured you a charter, the best we could, which is -better than the former, and with less limitations. As for anything -else that is worth writing, Mr. Cushman can inform you. I pray -write instantly for Mr. Robinson to come to you. And so, praying -God to bless you with all graces necessary both for this life and -that to come, I rest,</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 4em;">Your very loving friend,</span><br> -THOS. WESTON.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>London, July 6th, 1621.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>This ship, called the Fortune, was speedily despatched, -laden with good clapboard, as full as she could stow, and -two hogsheads of beaver and otter skins, which they had -traded in exchange for a few trifling commodities brought -with them at first, being otherwise altogether unprovided -for trading; nor was there a man among them who had -ever seen a beaver skin till they came out, and were instructed -by Squanto. The freight was estimated to be -worth nearly £500. Mr. Cushman returned with the ship, as -Mr. Weston and the rest had commissioned him, for their -better information. And neither he nor the settlers doubted -that they would receive speedy supplies, considering that, -owing to Mr. Cushman’s persuasion, and to letters which -they received from the congregation at Leyden, urging them -to do so, they agreed to the aforesaid conditions, and signed -them. But it proved otherwise, for Mr. Weston, who had -made that large promise in his letter, that if all the rest -should drop out, he would never quit the business, but would -stick to them if they signed the conditions and sent some<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_92"></a>[92]</span> -lading on the ship,—and of this Mr. Cushman was equally -confident, confirming it by Mr. Weston’s own words and -serious protestations to himself before he left,—all this, I -say, proved but wind, for he was the first and only man that -forsook them, and that before he had so much as heard of -the return of the ship, or knew what had been done. So -vain is confidence in man! But of this, more in its place.</p> - -<p>A letter in answer to that written by Mr. Weston to Mr. -Carver was sent from the Governor, of which so much as -is pertinent to the thing in hand I will insert here:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Governor Bradford at New Plymouth to Mr. Weston in England</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Sir,</p> - -<p>Your long letter written to Mr. Carver, and dated July 6th, 1621, -I received on November 10th, wherein, after the apology made for -yourself, you lay many imputations upon him and us all. Touching -him, he is now departed this life, and is at rest in the Lord from all -these troubles and incumbrances with which we yet strive. He -needs not my apology; for his care and pains were so great for the -common good, both ours and yours, that, as it is thought, he -thereby oppressed himself and shortened his days; of whose loss we -cannot sufficiently complain. At great expense in this adventure I -confess you have been, and many losses may sustain; but the loss -of his and many other industrious men’s lives cannot be valued at -any price. Of the one there may be hope of recovery, but the other -no recompense can make good. However, I will not confine myself -to general statements, but will deal with your particular charges.</p> - -<p>You greatly blame us for keeping the ship so long in the country, -and then sending her away empty. She lay five weeks at Cape Cod, -whilst with many a weary step, after a long journey and the endurance -of many a hard brunt we sought out in the depth of winter -a place of habitation. Then we set about, as well as we could, to -provide shelter for ourselves and our goods upon which task many -of our arms and legs can tell us to this day that we were not negligent! -But it pleased God to visit us then with death daily, and -with a disease so disastrous that the living were scarcely able to -bury the dead, and the healthy not in any measure to tend the sick. -And now to be so greatly blamed for not freighting the ship touches -us near and discourages us much. But you say you know we shall -plead weakness; and do you think we had not cause? Yes, you tell<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_93"></a>[93]</span> -us you believe it—but that it was more weakness of judgment than -of hands! Our weakness herein is great, we confess; therefore we -will bear this rebuke patiently, with the rest, till God send us wiser -men. But those who told you we spent so much time in discoursing -and consulting, etc., their hearts can tell their tongues they lie. -They care not, so that they salve their own sores, how they wound -others. Indeed it is our calamity that we are, beyond expectation, -yoked with some ill-disposed people, who, while they do no good -themselves, corrupt and abuse others.</p> -</div> - -<p>The rest of the letter stated that they had subscribed to -the conditions according to his desire, and sent him the -previous accounts very exactly; also how the ship was -laden, and in what condition their affairs stood; that the -arrival of the new people would bring famine upon them unavoidably, -if they did not receive supplies, in time,—as Mr. -Cushman could more fully inform him and the rest of the -adventurers. Also that, seeing he was not satisfied in all -his demands, he hoped offences would be forgotten, and -he would remember his promise, etc.</p> - -<p>After the departure of this ship, which did not stay above -fourteen days, the Governor and his assistant having disposed -the new arrivals among several families as best they -could, took an exact account of all their provisions in store, -and proportioned the same to the number of persons, and -found that it would not hold out above six months at half -allowance, and hardly that. They could not well give less -this winter, till fish came in again. So they were presently -put on half allowance, one as well as another. It became -irksome, but they bore it patiently, hoping to receive fresh -supplies.</p> - -<p>Soon after this ship’s departure, the great Narragansett -tribe, in a braving manner, sent a messenger to them with -a bundle of arrows tied about with a great snake skin, which -their interpreters told them was a threatening challenge. -Upon which the Governor, with the advice of the others,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_94"></a>[94]</span> -sent them a round answer, that if they would rather have -war than peace, they might begin when they would; they -had done them no wrong, neither did they fear them, nor -would they find them unprepared. They sent the snake -skin back by another messenger with bullets in it; but they -would not receive it, and returned it again. These things -I need merely mention, because they are fully dealt with in -print by Mr. Winslow, at the request of some friends. The -reason was probably their own ambition, thinking, since -the death of so many of the Indians, to domineer and lord -it over the rest, and that the English would be a bar in -their way, Massasoyt having taken shelter already under -their wings.</p> - -<p>But this made the settlers more careful to look to themselves. -They agreed to enclose their dwellings in a good -strong stockade and make flankers in convenient places, -with gates to shut. These they locked every night, and a -watch was kept, and when need required there were also -outposts in the day-time. The colonists, at the Captain’s -and Governor’s advice, were divided into four squadrons, -and every one had his quarter appointed, to which to repair -at any sudden alarm; and in case of fire, a company with -muskets was appointed as a guard, to prevent Indian -treachery, whilst the others quenched it. This was accomplished -very cheerfully, and the town was enclosed by the -beginning of March, every family having a pretty garden -plot.</p> - -<p>Herewith I shall end this year—except to recall one more -incident, rather amusing than serious. On Christmas Day, -the Governor called the people out to work as usual; but -most of the new company excused themselves, and said it -went against their consciences to work on that day. So -the Governor told them, if they made it a matter of conscience, -he would spare them till they were better informed.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_95"></a>[95]</span> -So he went with the rest, and left them; but on returning -from work at noon he found them at play in the street, -some pitching the bar, some at stool-ball, and such like -sports. So he went to them and took away their games, and -told them that it was against his conscience that they should -play and others work. If they made the keeping of the day -a matter of devotion, let them remain in their houses; but -there should be no gaming and revelling in the streets. -Since then, nothing has been attempted in that way, at least -openly.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_96"></a>[96]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs80 bold" id="CHAPTER_III">CHAPTER III</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">Weston abandons the Settlement—Dissensions among the -Adventurers in England—Weston’s plan for a Colony, and -arrival of Sixty Settlers for it—News from Captain Huddleston -of massacre in Virginia—Fort built at New Plymouth—Death -of Squanto—Weston’s Colony in difficulties: 1622.</p> - - -<p>They had arranged with the Massachusetts to go again -and trade with them in the spring, and began to prepare for -the voyage about the latter end of March. But Hobbamok, -their Indian, told them that, from some rumours he had -heard, he feared they had joined the Narragansetts and -might betray them if they were not careful. He also intimated -some suspicion of Squanto, from what he had observed -of some private whisperings between him and other -Indians. But they resolved to proceed, and sent out their -shallop with ten of their chief men about the beginning of -April, both Squanto and Hobbamok with them, considering -the jealousy between them. But they had not been gone -long from the settlement, before an Indian belonging to -Squanto’s family came running in, apparently in great fear, -and told them that many of the Narragansetts with Corbitant, -and he thought also Massasoyt, were coming to attack -them; and he got away to tell them, not without danger. -And being examined by the Governor, he made as if the -enemy were at hand, and kept looking back as if they were -at his heels. At which the Governor ordered the settlers to -take arms and stand on their guard; and believing the boat -would be still within hearing, since it was calm, he caused a -warning piece or two to be shot off, which they heard and -returned. But no Indians appeared, and though watch was -kept all night, nothing was seen. Hobbamok was confident<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_97"></a>[97]</span> -of Massasoyt’s good faith and thought it was all false. But -the Governor had him send his wife privately to see what -she could observe, on pretence of other purposes, but nothing -was found and all was quiet. So they proceeded on -their voyage to the Massachusetts and had good trade, and -returned in safety blessed be God!</p> - -<p>But by what had passed they began to see that Squanto -sought his own ends and played his own game, by frightening -the Indians and getting gifts from them for himself, -making them believe he could stir up war against them if -he would, and make peace for whom he would. He even -made them believe the English kept the plague buried in -the ground, and could send it among them whenever they -wished, which terrified the Indians and made them more -dependent on him than on Massasoyt. This made him -envied, and was likely to have cost him his life; for, after -discovering this, Massasoyt sought it both privately and -openly. This caused Squanto to stick close to the English, -and he never dared leave them till he died. The colony -also made good use of the emulation between Hobbamok -and him, which made them behave more squarely, the -Governor seeming to countenance the one and the Captain -the other, by which they procured better intelligence and -made them both more zealous in their service.</p> - -<p>Now their provisions were practically all exhausted and -they looked anxiously for supplies, but none came. About -the latter end of May, however, they spied a boat at sea, -which at first they thought was some Frenchman; but it -proved to be a shallop which came from a ship which Mr. -Weston and another man had sent out fishing at a place -called Damariscove, 40 leagues to the eastward of them, -where that year many ships had come to fish. This boat -brought seven passengers and some letters, but no provisions -and no hope of any. Part of this letter I will give.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_98"></a>[98]</span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Mr. Weston in England to Mr. John Carver at New Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p>The Fortune, in which Mr. Cushman went,—who I hope is with -you, for we daily expect the ship back again,—left England at the -beginning of July with 35 persons, though not over well provided -with necessaries owing to the parsimony of the adventurers. I -have begged them to send you a supply of men and provisions before -she returns. They all answer they will do great things when -they hear good news—nothing before, so faithful, constant, and -careful of your good are your old and honest friends, that if they -hear not from you they are not likely to send you supplies.... -I will now explain the sending of this ship, hoping if you give me -credit, you will have a more favourable opinion of the project than -some here, whereof Pickering is one.... Mr. Beauchamp and I -have bought this little ship, and have fitted her out, partly, it may -be, to benefit the plantation, and partly to recoup ourselves for -former losses; though we are censured.... This is the reason we -have sent this ship and these passengers, on our own account; and -we desire you to entertain them and supply them, with such -necessaries as you can spare.... And among other things, pray -lend or sell them some seed corn, or if you have some of the salt -remaining from last year, let them have it for their present use, -and we will either pay you for it, or give you more when our salt -pan is at work, which we want to have set up in one of the little -islands in your bay.... We intend, if God please, and the others -will not join us, to send within a month another ship, which, having -discharged her passengers, will go to Virginia.... And perhaps -we shall send a small ship to remain with you on the coast, which -should be a great help to the plantation. In order that we may -accomplish our endeavours, which will be also for your good, pray -give them entertainment in your houses while they are with you, -so that they may lose no time, but may at once proceed to fell trees -and cleave them, so that lading may be ready, and the ship be not -delayed.</p> - -<p>Some of the adventurers have sent you herewith some directions -for your furtherance in the common enterprise,—like those whom -St. James speaks of, that bid their brother eat, and warm himself, -but give him nothing; so they bid you make salt, and uphold the -plantation, but send you no means wherewith to do it.... By the -next ship we intend to send more people on our own account, and -to take a patent; lest your people should be as inhuman as are some -of the adventurers, and should not permit us to dwell with them, -which would be such extreme barbarism that I will not let myself -think you have any such Pickerings among you. Yet to satisfy our<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_99"></a>[99]</span> -passengers I must perforce do it, and for some other reasons which -I need not write.... I find the rest so backward, and your friends -at Leyden so cold, that I fear you must stand on your own legs, -and trust (as they say) to God and yourselves.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 8em;">Subscribed,</span><br> -<span style="margin-right: 2em;">Your loving friend,</span><br> -THOS. WESTON.</p> -</div> - -<p>Several other things I pass over, being tedious and impertinent.</p> - -<p>All this was but cold comfort with which to fill their -hungry bellies and a slender performance of his recent -promise, and as little did it either fill or warm them as those -the Apostle James speaks of, to which he refers.</p> - -<p>There came by the same ship other letters, but of later -date, one from Mr. Weston and another from some of the -other adventurers, as follows.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Mr. Weston in England to Mr. John Carver at New Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Mr. Carver,</p> - -<p>Since my last, in order that we might more readily help the company, -at a meeting of some of the principal adventurers a proposition -was made and agreed to by all present, except Pickering, that -each man should further adventure the third part of what he had -formerly done. Some others followed Pickering’s example and -would adventure no more. Therefore, the greater part of the adventurers -being willing to support the enterprise, seeing no reason -why those who were willing, should carry on the business of those -who were unwilling, and whose backwardness discouraged those -who would go forward, and hindered other new adventurers from -joining, we, having well considered the matter, have resolved -according to the article in our agreement (that, by general consent, -the adventurers and settlers for just cause may break off their joint -stock), to break it off; and beg you to ratify and confirm the same -on your parts. This being done we shall the more willingly proceed -to provide you with necessary supplies. But in any case you must -agree to the articles and send them back under your hands and seals -by the first ship. So I end,</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 4em;">Your loving friend,</span><br> -THOS. WESTON.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>Jan. 17th, 1621.</em></p> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_100"></a>[100]</span></p> - -<p>Another letter was written by part of the company of the -adventurers to the same purpose, and subscribed with nine -of their names, of which Mr. Weston’s and Mr. Beauchamp’s -were two. This inconstancy and shuffling seemed -strange, and it appeared there was some mystery in the -matter. So the Governor concealed these letters from the -public and only imparted them to some trusted friends -for advice, who agreed with him that to inform them would -tend to disband and scatter them in their present necessity; -and if Mr. Weston and others like-minded should come -over with shipping, provisioned as his letters suggested, -most of the advantage would fall to him, to the prejudice -of themselves and their friends and the rest of the adventurers, -from whom as yet they had heard nothing. Indeed it -was doubted whether he had not sent over the people in -the former ship with this idea. However, they took compassion -on the seven whom this ship, fishing to the eastward, -had kept till planting time was over, so that it was too late -for them to set their corn, and who brought no food, for -they turned them ashore without any. Nor had the salt-pan -come; so they could not accomplish any of the things which -Mr. Weston had mentioned, and might have starved if the -plantation had not succoured them. Their wants were -supplied exactly as the rest of the settlers’. The ship went -down to Virginia, where they sold both ship and fish, of -the proceeds of which Mr. Weston received a very slender -share, it is understood.</p> - -<p>After this came another of his ships, bringing letters -dated the 10th April, from Mr. Weston, as follows.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Mr. Weston in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Mr. Bradford, these, etc.</p> - -<p>The Fortune has arrived, whose good news concerning you I am -very glad to hear. And though she was robbed on the way by the -French, yet I hope your loss will not be great, for the prospect of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_101"></a>[101]</span> -so great a return much encourages the adventurers, so that I hope -some matter of importance will be done by them.... As for myself, -I have sold my adventure and debts to them, so I am quit of -you, and you of me, for that matter.... And now, though I have -no position as an adventurer amongst you, I will advise you a little -for your good, if you like to avail yourselves of it. I know as well -as any the disposition of your adventurers, whom the hope of gain -has drawn on to what they have done; but I fear that hope will not -draw them much further. Besides, most of them are against sending -your friends at Leyden, in whose interests this business was -first begun; and some of the most religious (for instance a Mr. -Greene) takes exception to them. So that my advice is (you may -follow it if you please) that you forthwith break off your joint -stock, which you have the right to do both in law and conscience, -since the majority of the adventurers have sanctioned it in a former -letter. The resources you have there, which I hope will be to some -purpose by means of this spring’s trade, may, with the help of -some friends here, meet the expense of transporting the Leyden -contingent, and when they are with you I do not question but by -God’s help you will be able to subsist of yourselves. But I leave -you to your own discretion.</p> - -<p>I requested several of the adventurers, Mr. Pierce, Mr. Greene, -and others, if they had anything to send you,—such as food or -letters,—to send them by these ships; and wondering that they sent -not so much as a letter, I asked our passengers what letters they -had, and after some hesitation one of them told me he had one, -which was delivered him with great show of secrecy; and for its -greater security he was told to buy a pair of new shoes, and sew it -between the soles for fear of its being intercepted. I, taking the -letter, wondering what mystery might be in it, broke it open and -found this treacherous letter subscribed by the hands of Mr. -Pickering and Mr. Greene. Had it come to your hands without -comment, it might have injured, if not ruined, us all. For assuredly -if you had followed their instructions, and had treated us as unkindly -as they advise you to, distrusting us as enemies, etc., it -might have set us together by the ears to our destruction. For I -believe that in such a case, knowing the nature of past business -between us, not only my brother, but others also, would have been -violent and heady against you.... I meant to have settled the -people I before and now send you, with or near you, for mutual -security and defence and help on all occasions. But I find the -adventurers so jealous and suspicious that I have altered my -resolution, and have given orders to my brother and those with -him to do as he and they shall find fit.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 5em;">Your loving friend,</span><br> -THOS. WESTON.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>April 10th, 1621.</em></p> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_102"></a>[102]</span></p> - - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Part of Mr. Pickering’s and Mr. Greene’s letter to the Settlers at -New Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">To Mr. Bradford and Mr. Brewster, etc.</p> - -<p class="pad1">My dear love remembered to you all, etc.</p> - -<p>The company has bought out Mr. Weston, and are very glad they -are freed of a man who thought himself superior to the rest, and -not expressing so much fear of God as was meet. I need say no -more: a few words to the wise.</p> - -<p>Mr. Weston will not permit letters to be sent in his ships, nor -anything for your good or ours, since it would be contrary to his -interests. His brother Andrew, whom he sends as principal in one -of these ships, is a violent, heady young man, and set against you -there and the company here. He and Mr. Weston plot their own -ends, which tend to your and our undoing in respect of our estates -there. We are informed by credible testimony that his purpose is -to come out to your colony, pretending he comes for and from the -adventurers, and will try to get whatever you have in readiness -aboard his ships, as if they came from the company; and all will -then be so much profit to himself. Further, they intend to inform -themselves what special places or sources of profit you have discovered, -so that they may suppress and deprive you....</p> - -<p>The Lord, who is the watchman of Israel and sleepeth not, preserve -you and deliver you from unreasonable men. I am sorry that -there is cause to admonish you of these things concerning this man; -so I leave you to God, Who bless and multiply you into thousands, -to the advancement of the glorious gospel of Our Lord Jesus. -Amen. Farewell.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 2.5em;">Your loving friends,</span><br> -EDWARD PICKERING.<br> -<span style="margin-right: 1em;">WILLIAM GREENE.</span><br> -</p> - -<p>I pray conceal both the writing and delivery of this letter, but -make the best use of it. We hope to fit out a ship ourselves within -this month.</p> -</div> - -<p>The following are of the chief points of Mr. Weston’s -comments on the foregoing letter:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>Mr. Bradford, this is the letter I wrote you of, which to answer -in every particular were needless and tedious. My own conscience -and all our people can, and I think will, testify that my end in -sending the ship Sparrow was your good.... Now I will not deny -that there are many of our people rude fellows, as these men term<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_103"></a>[103]</span> -them; yet I presume they will be governed by such as I set over -them, and I hope not only to be able to reclaim them from their -profaneness, but, by degrees, draw them to God.... I am so far -from sending you rude fellows to deprive you either by fraud or -violence of what is yours, that I have ordered the captain of the -Sparrow to leave with you 2000 of bread, and a good quantity of -fish.<a id="FNanchor_4" href="#Footnote_4" class="fnanchor">[4]</a> ... But I will leave it to you to consider what evil this letter -might have done, had it come to your hands and taken the effect -its writers desired.</p> - -<p>Now if you be of the same mind as these men, deal plainly with -us, and we will seek our residence elsewhere. If you are as friendly -as we have thought you to be, give us the entertainment of friends -and we will take nothing from you, neither meat, drink, nor lodging, -without in some way or other paying you for it.... I shall leave -in the country a little ship, if God send her safe thither, with -sailors and fishermen, to stay there to coast and trade with the -savages and the old plantation. It may be we shall be as helpful -to you as you will be to us. I think I shall see you next spring; so -I commend you to the protection of God, Who ever keep you.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 2.5em;">Your loving friend,</span><br> -THOS. WESTON.</p> -</div> - -<p>Thus all their hopes in regard to Mr. Weston were laid -in the dust, and all his promised help turned into empty -advice, which they saw it was neither lawful nor profitable -for them to follow. And they were thus not only left destitute -of help in their extreme want, having neither food nor -anything to trade with, but others were preparing to glean -up what the country might have afforded for their relief. -As for the harsh censures and suspicions intimated in the -former and following letters, they desired to judge them as -charitably and wisely as they could, weighing them in the -balance of love and reason; and though they came in part -from godly and loving friends, they recognized that much -might arise from over-deep jealousy and fear, or from -provocation,—though they saw clearly that Mr. Weston -pursued his own ends and was embittered in spirit. After<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_104"></a>[104]</span> -the receipt of the former letters the Governor received one -from Mr. Cushman, who went home in the ship and was -always intimate with Mr. Weston,—as former passages -prove. It had seemed strange that nothing was heard from -him all this while; but it seems it was the difficulty of sending, -for this letter was directed as if from a wife in England -to her husband who was here, and was brought by him to the -Governor. It was as follows.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Robert Cushman in England to Governor Bradford at New -Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Beloved Sir,</p> - -<p>I heartily salute you, trusting you are well, and with many thanks -for your love. By God’s providence we got home safely on the 17th -Feb., being robbed by the French on the way and taken by them into -France, where we were kept 15 days and lost all that we had that -was worth taking. But thanks be to God we escaped with our lives -and our ship. It does not seem to have discouraged any here. I -purpose by God’s grace to see you shortly, I hope in June next or -before. In the meantime consider well the following. Mr. Weston -has quite broken off from our company, through some disagreement -that arose between him and some of the other adventurers, and has -sold all his adventurers and has now sent three small ships for his -particular colony. Of the biggest of these, which is 100 tons, Mr. -Reynolds is captain; Mr. Weston intends to come himself with the -others,—why I know not.</p> - -<p>The people they take are no men for us, so I beg you not to -entertain them nor to exchange men with them, except perhaps some -of your worst. He has taken out a patent for himself. If they -offer to buy anything of you let it be such as you can spare and let -them give full value for it. If they borrow anything of you let -them leave a good pawn.... It is probable he will settle southward -of the Cape, for William Trevor has lavishly told what he -knew (or imagined) of Capawack, Monhegan and the Narragansetts. -I fear these people will hardly deal as well with the savages as they -should. I advise you therefore to signify to Squanto that they are -a distinct body from us, and we have nothing to do with them; -that we must not be blamed for their faults,—much less can we -warrant their fidelity. We are about to recover our losses in -France. Our friends at Leyden are well, and as many as can will -come this time. I hope all will turn out for the best, so I pray you<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_105"></a>[105]</span> -not to be discouraged, but to meet these difficulties cheerfully and -with courage, in that place wherein God has set you until the day -of refreshing come. And the Lord God of sea and land bring us -comfortably together again, if it may stand with His glory.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 6.5em;">Yours,</span><br> -ROBERT CUSHMAN.</p> -</div> - -<p>On the other side of the leaf in the same letter, came -these few lines from Mr. John Pierce, in whose name the -patent here was taken, and of whom more will follow in its -place.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>John Pierce in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Worthy Sir,</p> - -<p>I desire you to take into consideration what is written on the -other side, and in no way to let your own colony be contaminated, -whose strength is but weakness and may therefore be more enfeebled. -As for the Letters of Association, by the next ship we -send I hope you will receive satisfaction; in the meantime whom -you admit I will approve. As for Mr. Weston’s company, I think -them so inferior for the most part that they do not seem fit for -honest men’s company. I hope they may prove otherwise. It is not -my purpose to write at length, but cease in these few lines, and so -rest,</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 3.5em;">Your loving friend,</span><br> -JOHN PIERCE.</p> -</div> - -<p>All this they considered carefully; but they decided to -give the men friendly entertainment, partly out of regard -for Mr. Weston himself, considering what he had done for -them, and partly out of compassion for the people, who -had come into a wilderness (as they themselves had before) -and were presently to be put ashore altogether ignorant of -what to do. The ship was then to carry other passengers to -Virginia. So, as they had received Mr. Weston’s former -company of seven men, and victualed them as their own -hitherto, they received these—about sixty strong men—and -gave them housing for themselves and their goods; and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_106"></a>[106]</span> -many of them who were sick had the best the place could -afford them. They stayed most of the summer, till the ship -came back again from Virginia; then by the direction of -those set over them, they moved to Massachusetts Bay, -where Mr. Weston had obtained a patent for some land on -the strength of reports which he had got in some of the -letters previously sent home. They left all their sick folk -here till they were settled and housed. But of the provisions -of this contingent the New Plymouth Colony accepted -none,—though they were in great want,—nor anything -else in return for any courtesy rendered by them; nor -did they desire it, for they were an unruly company, without -proper government, and would inevitably soon fall into want -if Mr. Weston did not come out to them. So, to prevent all -chance of subsequent trouble, they would accept nothing -from them.</p> - -<p>In these straits, deserted by those from whom they had -hoped for supplies, and famine beginning to pinch them -severely, the Lord, Who never fails His, provided assistance -beyond all expectation. A boat which came from the eastward -brought them a letter from a stranger whose name -they had never heard before, the captain of a fishing ship. -This letter was as follows.</p> - - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Captain John Huddleston to the Colony at New Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">To all good friends at New Plymouth, these, etc.,</p> - -<p class="pad1">Friends, Countrymen, and Neighbours,</p> - -<p>I salute you and wish you all health and happiness in the Lord. I -make bold to trouble you with these lines, because unless I were -inhuman I could do no less. Bad news spreads itself too far; but -still, I may inform you that I and many good friends in the south -colony of Virginia, have sustained such a loss as the lives of 400 -persons would not suffice to make good. Therefore I hope, although -not knowing you, that the old rule which I learnt at school may be -sufficient: that is,—Happy is he whom other men’s ills doth make to -beware! And now, again and again wishing all those that willingly<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_107"></a>[107]</span> -would serve the Lord all health and happiness in the world, and -everlasting peace in the world to come, I rest,</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 6.5em;">Yours,</span><br> -JOHN HUDDLESTON.</p> -</div> - -<p>By this boat the Governor returned a grateful answer, -and also sent a boat of their own with Mr. Winslow, to -procure what he could from the ships. He was kindly -received by the captain, who not only spared what provisions -he could but wrote to others to do the same. By this means -he got a good quantity and returned in safety. Thus the -plantation had a double benefit: first, they were refreshed at -the time by the food obtained; secondly, they knew the way -to those parts to their advantage thereafter. What this -small boat brought, divided among so many, came to but -little; still, by God’s blessing it sustained them until harvest. -It amounted to a quarter of a pound of bread a day for each -person; and the Governor had it given out daily, otherwise, -had it been in their own custody, they would have eaten it -up and then starved. In this way with what else they could -get they made fair shift till their corn was ripe.</p> - -<p>This summer they built a fort with good timber,—a -handsome building and a good defence, made with a flat -roof and battlement, on which their ordnance was mounted, -and where they kept constant watch, especially in time of -danger. It served them also as a meeting house and was -fitted accordingly for that use. It was a big undertaking for -them at this period of weakness and want; but the dangerous -times necessitated it; and the continual rumours about -the Indians here, especially the Narragansetts, and also the -news of the great massacre in Virginia, made all hands willing -to complete it.</p> - -<p>Now the welcome time of harvest approached, in which -all had their hungry bellies filled. But it amounted to but -little compared with a full year’s supply, partly because they<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_108"></a>[108]</span> -were not yet used to the culture of Indian corn (they had no -other), partly owing to their many other employments; but -chiefly their weakness for want of food prevented them -from cultivating it as they should have done. Again, much -was stolen even before it became eatable, and much more -afterwards—and though many were well whipped when -they were caught stealing a few ears of corn, hunger drove -others to it, whom conscience did not restrain. It was quite -clear that famine would prevail again next year if not prevented, -or if their supplies, to which they dare not trust, -should fail. Markets there were none to go to, except the -Indians; and even then they had no trading commodities. -Behold now another providence of God. A ship comes into -the harbour in charge of a Captain Jones, fitted out by some -merchants to discover all the harbours between here and -Virginia and the shoals of Cape Cod, and to trade along the -coast where they could. This ship had supplies of English -beads which were then good trade, and some knives,—though -the Captain would sell none except at high prices -and in large quantities. But they were so glad of the chance -that they were willing to buy at any rate,—even at a premium -of 100 per cent, if not more, and even then to sell -coat beaver at three shillings per pound, which a few years -after fetched twenty shillings. By this means they were -able again to trade for beaver and other things, and intended -to buy what corn they could.</p> - -<p>But I will here take the liberty of making a little digression. -There was aboard this ship a gentleman, by name Mr. -John Pory, who had been secretary in Virginia, and was -now going home as a passenger. After his departure he -wrote a letter to the Governor, in the postscript of which -were these lines:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>To yourself and Mr. Brewster I must acknowledge myself much -indebted, and would have you feel that his books are well bestowed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_109"></a>[109]</span> -on one who esteems them such jewels. My haste would not suffer -me to remember, much less to ask for, Mr. Ainsworth’s elaborate -work upon the five Books of Moses. Both his and Mr. Robinson’s -highly commend the authors, as conversant with the scriptures -above all others. And who knows what good it may please God -to work by them, through my unworthy hands, who finds such high -content in them. God have you all in His keeping.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 3em;">Your unfeigned and firm friend,</span><br> -JOHN PORY.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>Aug. 28th, 1622.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>This I insert here in honour of the author’s memory, -which this gentleman thus ingenuously acknowledges; and -he, upon his return, did the plantation much credit amongst -men of no mean rank. But to return.</p> - -<p>Shortly after harvest Mr. Weston’s people, who were now -settled in Massachusetts, and had, by disorder as it seems, -made havoc of their provisions, began now to realize that -want would press them. Finding that the people here had -bought trading commodities, and intended to trade for corn, -they wrote to the Governor and asked that they might join -them in trading, employing their small ship for the purpose; -and further requested them either to lend or to sell them -some of their trading commodities in return, and they would -undertake to make payment when Mr. Weston or their supplies -should come. The Governor agreed to do so upon -equal terms, intending to go round the cape southwards, -with the ship, where corn might be got. Captain Standish -was appointed to go with them, and Squanto as a guide and -interpreter, about the latter end of September; but the -winds drove them in; and putting out again, Captain Standish -fell ill with fever, so the Governor went himself. But -they could not get round the shoals of Cape Cod, for flats -and breakers, and Squanto could not direct them better. -The Captain of the boat dare not venture any further, so -they put into Manamoick Bay, and got what they could -there.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_110"></a>[110]</span></p> - -<p>Here Squanto fell ill of Indian fever, bleeding much at -the nose,—which the Indians take for a symptom of death,—and -within a few days he died. He begged the Governor -to pray for him, that he might go to the Englishmen’s God -in heaven, and bequeathed several of his things to some of -his English friends, as remembrances. His death was a -great loss.</p> - -<p>On this voyage they got in one place or another about -26 or 28 hogsheads of corn and beans, which was more than -the Indians could well spare hereabouts, for they sowed but -little till they got English hoes. So they had to return, disappointed -that they could not get round the Cape and were -not better laden. Afterwards the Governor took a few men -and went to inland places to get what he could, to be fetched -home in the spring, which was some help.</p> - -<p>In February a messenger came from John Sanders, who -was left in charge of Mr. Weston’s men at the Bay of -Massachusetts, bringing a letter telling of the great want -they had fallen into. He wished to borrow a hogshead of -corn from the Indians, but they would lend him none. He -asked whether he might not take it from them by force to -supply his men till he returned from the east, where he was -going. The governor and the rest dissuaded him strongly, -for it might exasperate the Indians and endanger their -safety, and all might smart for it. Already it had been -rumoured how they had wronged the Indians by stealing -their corn, etc., and that they were much incensed against -them. But so depraved were some of Mr. Weston’s people, -that they went and told the Indians that the Governor intended -to come and take their corn by force. This and -other things made them enter into a conspiracy against the -English, of which more in the next chapter. Herewith I -end this year.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_111"></a>[111]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs80 bold" id="CHAPTER_IV">CHAPTER IV</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">Rescue of Weston’s Settlement—Weston arrives at New Plymouth—His -reception and ingratitude—Individual planting of -corn substituted for communal—Hardships—John Pierce and -the Patent—Sixty new Settlers—Compact between the Colony -and private Settlers—Captain Robert Gorges, Governor-General -of New England—Weston charged and arrested—Fire -at New Plymouth: Storehouse threatened: 1623.</p> - - -<p>It may be thought strange that the Weston colony should -have fallen into such extremity in so short a time being fully -provided when the ship left them, in addition to their share -of the corn which was got by trade, besides much that they -got by one means or another from the Indians where they -lived. It must needs have been their lack of order, spending -excessively whilst they had it, and may be wasting part -among the Indians—for the chief man amongst them was -said to keep Indian women, how truly I know not. Then, -when they began to want many sold their clothes and bed-coverings; -others,—so depraved were they,—became servants -to the Indians, cutting them wood and fetching them -water for a capfull of corn; others fell to plain stealing -from the Indians of which they complained grievously. In -the end some starved and died with cold and hunger; one in -gathering shell-fish was so weak he stuck fast in the mud, -and was found dead in the place; at last most of them left -their dwellings, and scattered up and down in the woods and -by the water-side, a few here and a few there, wherever -they could find ground-nuts and clams.</p> - -<p>The Indians scorned them for such conduct, and began -to insult them in a most insolent manner. Often, while they<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_112"></a>[112]</span> -were cooking a pot of ground-nuts or shell-fish, when it was -ready, the Indians would come and eat it up; and at night -they would come and steal the blankets from such few as -had them, and let them lie in the cold. Their condition was -very lamentable, and in the end, in order to satisfy the -Indians, they were obliged to hang one of their men whom -they could not keep from stealing.</p> - -<p>While things went on thus, the Governor and the people -here had notice that their friend Massasoyt was sick, and -near to death. They visited him, and took whatever they -could to relieve him; and he recovered. He then discovered -a conspiracy amongst the Indians of Massachusetts, and -other neighbouring tribes with whom they had conspired, -to wipe out Mr. Weston’s people, in revenge for the continual -injuries they did them, taking opportunity of their -weakness to do it. And believing that the people at New -Plymouth would avenge their death, they decided to do the -same by them, and had solicited Massasoyt to join them. -He advised the New Plymouth settlement to prevent it, by -speedily capturing some of the chief of the conspirators -before it was too late, for he assured them of the truth -of it.</p> - -<p>This troubled them much, and they took it into serious -deliberation, and upon examination found other evidence -too long to relate. In the meantime one of Mr. Weston’s -people came from Massachusetts, with a small pack on his -back; and though he did not know a foot of the way, he -got here safe. He lost his way, which was well for him, for, -though pursued, he was missed. He told them here how -everything stood among them, and that he dared stay no -longer. He believed, by what he observed, they would all -be knocked on the head shortly.</p> - -<p>So the people at New Plymouth made the more haste, -and they despatched a boat with Captain Standish and some<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_113"></a>[113]</span> -men, who found them in a miserable condition out of which -he rescued them, and killed some few of the chief conspirators -among the Indians, and according to his order, -offered to bring the remnant of the Weston settlement here -if they thought well, in which case they should fare no -worse than the colonists themselves, till Mr. Weston or -some supplies came to them. Or, if they preferred any -other course, he was to give them any assistance he could. -They thanked him, but most of them begged he would give -them some corn so that they could go with their small ship -to the eastward, where they might hear of Mr. Weston or -get some supplies from him, since it was the time of the -year for the fishing ships to be out. If not, they would -work among the fishermen for their living, and get their -passage back to England if they heard nothing from Mr. -Weston in the meantime. So he put aboard what they had, -and he got them all the corn he could, scarcely leaving -enough to bring himself home, and saw them well out of the -bay, under sail at sea. Then he came back, not accepting a -penny worth of anything from them. I have but touched -these things briefly because they have been published in -print more completely already.</p> - -<p>This was the end of those who at one time boasted of -their strength,—all able, healthy men,—and what they -would do in comparison with the people here, who had many -women and children and weak ones among them and who -had said, on their first arrival, when they saw the want here, -that they would take a very different course and not to fall -into any such condition as these simple people had come to. -But a man’s way is not in his own hands. God can make -the weak to stand: let him also that standeth take heed lest -he fall!</p> - -<p>Shortly after, when he heard of the ruin and destitution -of his colony, Mr. Weston came over with some of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_114"></a>[114]</span> -fishermen, under another name, and disguised as a blacksmith. -He got a boat, and with a man or two came to see -how things were there. But on the way ashore he was -caught in a storm, and his shallop was sunk in the bay, -between Merrimac river and Piscataqua, and he barely escaped -with his life. Afterwards he fell into the hands of -the Indians, who robbed him of all that he had saved from -the wreck, and stripped him of all his clothes to his shirt. -At last he got to Piscataqua and borrowed a suit of clothes, -and so came to New Plymouth. A strange alteration there -was in him, to such as had seen him in his former flourishing -condition; so uncertain are the mutable things of this -unstable world! And yet men set their hearts upon them, -though they daily see their vanity.</p> - -<p>After many arguments and much discourse,—former -troubles boiling in his mind and wrankling there, as was -discerned,—he asked to borrow some beaver from them, and -told them he had hopes that a ship with good supplies was -on its way to him, and that then they should have anything -they stood in need of. They gave little credit to his report -of supplies, but pitied his condition and remembered former -courtesies. They pointed out to him their own wants, and -said they did not know when they might get any supplies. -He well knew, also, how the case stood between them and -the adventurers in England. They had not much beaver, and -if they should let him have it, it would be enough to cause -a mutiny among the people since there were no other means -of procuring them the food and clothes which they so much -wanted. Nevertheless, they told him they would help him, -considering his necessity; but that it must be done secretly -for the above reasons. So they let him have 100 beaver -skins, which weighed 170 lbs. odd. Thus they helped him -when all the world failed him; and with this he went again -to the ships, and supplied his small ship and some of his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_115"></a>[115]</span> -men, and bought provisions and fitted himself out; and it -was this supply alone which enabled him to pursue his -course thereafter. But he requited them ill, proving himself -a bitter enemy upon every opportunity, and never repaying -them to this day,—except in reproaches and calumnies.</p> - -<p>All this while no supplies were heard of, nor did they -know when they might expect any. So they began to consider -how to raise more corn, and obtain a better crop than -they had done, so that they might not continue to endure -the misery of want. At length after much debate, the -Governor, with the advice of the chief among them, allowed -each man to plant corn for his own household, and to trust -to themselves for that; in all other things to go on in the -general way as before. So every family was assigned a -parcel of land, according to the proportion of their number -with that in view,—for present purposes only, and making -no division for inheritance,—all boys and children being included -under some family. This was very successful. It -made all hands very industrious, so that much more corn -was planted than otherwise would have been by any means -the Governor or any other could devise, and saved him a -great deal of trouble, and gave far better satisfaction. The -women now went willingly into the field, and took their -little ones with them to plant corn, while before they would -allege weakness and inability; and to have compelled them -would have been thought great tyranny and oppression.</p> - -<p>The failure of this experiment of communal service, -which was tried for several years, and by good and honest -men proves the emptiness of the theory of Plato and other -ancients, applauded by some of later times,—that the taking -away of private property, and the possession of it in community, -by a commonwealth, would make a state happy and -flourishing; as if they were wiser than God. For in this -instance, community of property (so far as it went) was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_116"></a>[116]</span> -found to breed much confusion and discontent, and retard -much employment which would have been to the general -benefit and comfort. For the young men who were most -able and fit for service objected to being forced to spend -their time and strength in working for other men’s wives -and children, without any recompense. The strong man or -the resourceful man had no more share of food, clothes, etc., -than the weak man who was not able to do a quarter the -other could. This was thought injustice. The aged and -graver men, who were ranked and equalized in labour, food, -clothes, etc., with the humbler and younger ones, thought it -some indignity and disrespect to them. As for men’s wives -who were obliged to do service for other men, such as cooking, -washing their clothes, etc., they considered it a kind of -slavery, and many husbands would not brook it. This -feature of it would have been worse still, if they had been -men of an inferior class. If (it was thought) all were to -share alike, and all were to do alike, then all were on an -equality throughout, and one was as good as another; and -so, if it did not actually abolish those very relations which -God himself has set among men, it did at least greatly -diminish the mutual respect that is so important should be -preserved amongst them. Let none argue that this is due -to human failing, rather than to this communistic plan of -life in itself. I answer, seeing that all men have this failing -in them, that God in His wisdom saw that another plan of -life was fitter for them.</p> - -<p>But to return. After this had been settled, and their -corn was planted in this way, all their food supplies were -consumed, and they had to rely upon God’s providence, -often at night not knowing where to get a bit of anything -next day; and so, as one well observed, they had need -above all people in the world, to pray to God that He would -give them their daily bread. Yet they bore their want with<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_117"></a>[117]</span> -great patience and cheerfulness of spirit, and that for upwards -of two years; which reminds me of what Peter -Martyr writes in praise of the Spaniards, in his Fifth Decade, -page 208. “They,” says he, “led a miserable life five -days together, with the parched grain of maize only,” and -concludes, “that such pains, such labour, and such hunger, -he thought none living, who was not a Spaniard could have -endured.” But alas! these colonists, when they had maize,—that -is Indian corn,—thought it as good as a feast; and -not only lacked bread for days at a time, but sometimes for -two or three months continuously were without bread or any -kind of corn. Indeed, in another place,—his Second Decade, -page 94, the same writer mentions how some others -were even worse put to it, and ate dogs, toads, and dead -men,—and so died almost all. From these extremities the -Lord in His goodness kept these His people, and in their -great need preserved both their lives and their health; let -His name have the praise. Yet let me here make use of the -same writer’s conclusion, which in a manner may be applied -to the people of this colony: “That with their miseries they -opened a way to these new lands; and after these hardships, -with what ease other men came to inhabit them, owing it to -the calamities which these forerunners had suffered; so that -they who followed seemed to go, as it were, to a bride feast, -where all things are provided for them.”</p> - -<p>As for fishing, having but one boat left, and she not very -well fitted, they were divided into several crews, six or -seven to a crew, who went out with a net they had bought, -to catch bass and other fish, each party taking its turn. No -sooner was the boat emptied of what she had brought, than -the next crew took her, and went out with her, not returning -till they had caught something, even though it were five or -six days, for they knew there was nothing at home, and to -go home empty would be a great disappointment to the rest.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_118"></a>[118]</span> -They tried who could do best. If she stayed long or got -little, then all went to seeking shell-fish, which at low water -they dug out of the sands. This was what they lived on in -the summer time, till God sent them better; and in winter -there were ground-nuts and fowl to help them out. In the -summer now and then they got a deer, one or two of the -fittest being told off to hunt in the woods. What was got in -that way was divided among them.</p> - -<p>At length they received a letter from the adventurers, too -long and tedious to record here in full, which told of their -further crosses and frustrations, beginning in this manner.</p> - - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>The Adventurers in England to the Settlers at New Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Loving Friends,</p> - -<p>As your sorrows and afflictions have been great, so our crosses -and interruptions in our proceedings here have not been small. -After we had, with much trouble and expense, sent the Parragon -away to sea, and thought all the trouble was at an end, about fourteen -days after she returned leaking dangerously and battered with -storms, so that she had to be put into dock and have £100 spent on -her. All the passengers lay upon our hands for six or seven weeks, -and much discontent was occasioned. But we trust all will be well, -and result to our mutual advantage, if you can wait with patience -and have but strength to hold on to life. While these things were -happening, Mr. Weston’s ship came, and brought various letters -from you.... We rejoice to hear the good reports that many have -brought home about you....</p> -</div> - -<p>This letter was dated December 21st, 1622.</p> - -<p>This ship was brought out by Mr. John Pierce, and fitted -out at his own expense, in hope of doing great things. The -passengers and goods which the company had sent in her he -took aboard as freight, arranging to land them here. This -was the man in whose name the colony’s first patent was -taken out, because of the acquaintance of their friends with -him, though his name was only used in trust. But when he -saw that they were settled here thus hopefully, and by the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_119"></a>[119]</span> -success God gave them had obtained the favour of the -Council of New England, he goes to the Council, as if on -behalf of the settlers—asks them for another patent, much -more extensive, which he thus easily obtained. But he -meant to keep it to himself, and allow the colonists what he -pleased to grant them as his tenants, and sue to the courts -as chief lord, as will appear by what follows. But the Lord -prevented him; for after the first return of the ship, and -the expenses above mentioned, when she was fitted again, -he takes in more passengers, and those not very good, to -try and meet his losses, and sets out a second time. But -what the result was, will appear in another letter from one -of the chief members of the company, dated 9th of April, -1623, written to the Governor here, as follows:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="noindent">Loving Friend,</p> - -<p>When I sent my last letter, I hoped to have received one from -you by this time; though when I wrote in December I little thought -I should see Mr. John Pierce till he brought tidings of you. But it -pleased God that he brought us only the woful tidings of his return, -driven back by violent storms when he was half way over, wherein -the goodness and mercy of God appeared in sparing their lives,—in -all 109 souls! The loss is great to Mr. Pierce, and the company is -put to great expense....</p> - -<p>At last, with great trouble and loss, we have got Mr. John Pierce -to assign to the Company the grand patent, which he had taken in -his own name, the former grant being made void. I am sorry to -write that many here think that the hand of God was justly against -him, both the first and second time of his return; for it appears that -he, whom you and we so confidently trusted only to use his name -for the company, should actually aspire to be supreme over us all, -and to make you and us tenants at his will and pleasure, our patent -having been annulled by his means. I desire to judge charitably of -him; but his unwillingness to part with his royal lordship, and the -high rate he put it at, which was £500,—it cost him £50,—makes -many speak hardly of him. The company are out for goods in his -ship, with expense of passengers, £640....</p> - -<p>We have hired from two merchants a ship of 140 tons, called the -Anne, which is to be ready the last of this month, to bring sixty -passengers and 60 tons of goods....</p> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_120"></a>[120]</span></p> - -<p>This is their own judgment of the man’s proceedings. -I thought it better to describe them in their words than my -own. Yet, though no other compensation was got from -him than the reversion of this patent and the shares he had -in the adventure, he was never quiet, but sued them in the -chief courts of England, and when he was still frustrated, -brought it before Parliament. But he is now dead, and I -will leave him to the Lord.</p> - -<p>This ship was in greater extremity at sea, during her -second attempted passage, than one could often hear of—without -being wrecked—as I have been informed by Mr. -William Pierce who was then captain of her, and by many -others who were passengers on her. It was about the middle -of February. The storm lasted for fourteen days altogether; -but for two or three days and nights continuously it -was of fearful violence. After they had cut down their -mast, their round house and all their upper works were -swept away; three men had all they could do to keep the -helm, and the man who held the ship before the wind was -obliged to be bound fast to prevent him from washing away. -The seas so over-raked them, that many times those on the -deck did not know whether they were within board or -without; and once she was so foundered in the sea that they -all thought she would never rise again. But yet the Lord -preserved them, and brought them at last safe to Portsmouth, -to the wonder of all who saw what a state she was -in, and heard what they had endured.</p> - -<p>About the latter end of June there arrived a ship, with -Captain Francis West, commissioned to be Admiral of New -England, to restrain interlopers and such fishing ships as -came to fish and trade without a license from the Council of -New England, for which rights they were to be made to -pay a substantial sum of money. But he could do no good -with them; they were too strong for him, and he found the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_121"></a>[121]</span> -fishermen stubborn fellows; and their owners, upon complain -made to Parliament, procured an order that fishing -should be free. He told the Governor they spoke with a -ship at sea and were aboard her, which was coming to this -settlement, in which there were several passengers; he wondered -she had not arrived and feared some mischance, for -they parted company in a storm shortly after they had been -aboard. This report filled them with fear, though they still -had hopes. The captain of this ship had some two hogshead -of peas to sell, but seeing their need he held them at £9 -sterling a hogshead, and would not take under £8, and yet -he wanted to buy their beaver at less than the market rate. -So they told him they had lived so long without, they would -do so still, rather than give such an unreasonable price. So -he went on to Virginia.</p> - -<p>About fourteen days after, the ship called the Anne arrived, -of which Mr. William Pierce was captain; and about -a week or ten days later came the pinnace which they had -lost in foul weather at sea,—a fine new vessel, of about -forty-four tons, which the company had built to stay in the -country. They brought about sixty settlers for the colony, -some of them very useful persons, who became good members -to the body, and some were the wives and children of -those who were here already. Some of the new settlers -were so unruly, that they were obliged to go to the expense -of sending them home again the next year. Besides these -there were a number who did not belong to the general -body, but came on their own resources, and were to have -lands assigned to them, to work for themselves,—but subject -to the general Government. This caused some differences, -as will appear. I shall here again take the liberty to -insert a few things out of letters which came in this ship, -desiring to give account of things in their own words as -much as may be.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_122"></a>[122]</span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Robert Cushman in England to the Settlers at New Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Beloved Friends,</p> - -<p>I kindly salute you all, with trust of your healths and welfare. I -am sorry that no supplies have been sent to you all this time, and -in explanation I must refer you to our general letters. Nor have -we now sent you all that we would, for want of money. But there -are people more than enough,—though not all who are fit to go,—for -people come flying in upon us, but money comes creeping in. -Some few of your old friends have come.... So they come dropping -to you, and by degrees, I hope ere long, you will enjoy them all. -As people are pressing so hard upon us to go, and often they are -none of the fittest, I pray you write earnestly to the treasurer, and -direct what persons should be sent. It grieves me to see so weak -a company sent you, and yet had I not been here, they would have -been weaker. You must still call upon the company here to see that -honest men are sent you, and threaten to send back others.... In -no way are we in such danger as from corrupt and disorderly persons. -Such and such came without consent; but the importunity -of their friends got our Treasurer’s word in my absence. There is -no need why we should take lewd men for we have honest men -enough....</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 2em;">Your assured friend,</span><br> -R. C.</p> -</div> - - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Thirteen of the Adventurers in England to the Settlers at New -Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Loving Friends,</p> - -<p>We most heartily salute you in all love and hearty affection, -hoping that the same God Who has hitherto preserved you in such -a marvellous manner, continues your lives and health, to His own -praise and all our comforts. We are very sorry that you have not -been sent to all this time.... We have in this ship sent such -women as were willing and ready to go to their husbands and friends, -with their children.... We would not have you discontented because -we have not sent you more of your old friends, and especially -him on whom you most depend, John Robinson. Far be it from us -to neglect you or slight him. But as the original intent was, so the -results shall show that we will deal fairly, and squarely answer -your expectations to the full. There also come to you some honest -men to settle near you, on their own account, which, if we had not -allowed, would have been to wrong both them and you,—them, by -inconveniencing them, and you, because, being honest they will be -a support to the place and good neighbours to you. In regard to -these private planters we have made two stipulations:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_123"></a>[123]</span></p> - -<p>First, the trade in skins is to be confined to the colonists till the -dividends; secondly, while they may settle near you, it shall be at -such distance as is neither inconvenient to the apportionment of -your lands, nor to your easily assembling together in case of need.</p> - -<p>We have sent you several fishermen, with salt.... We have -sent you various other provisions, as will appear in your bill of -lading, and though we have not sent all we would, because our cash -is small, it is what we could.</p> - -<p>Although as it seems, you have discovered many more rivers and -fertile grounds than where you are, since by God’s providence, the -place fell to your lot, let it be accepted as your portion; and rather -fix your eyes upon what may be done there, than languish in hope -after things elsewhere. If your site is not the best, it is the better -because you will be envied or encroached upon less, and such as are -earthly minded will not settle too near your border. If the land -afford you bread, and the sea yield you fish, rest you awhile contented. -God will one day grant you better fare; and all men shall -know that you are neither fugitives nor discontents, but can, if -God so order it, take the worst to yourselves with content, and leave -the best to your neighbours with cheerfulness.</p> - -<p>Let it not grieve you that you have been instruments to break the -ice for others, who come after with less difficulty; the honour shall -be yours to the world’s end....</p> - -<p>We bear you always in our breasts, and our hearty affection is -towards you all, as are the hearts of hundreds more who have never -seen your faces, but who doubtless pray for your safety as their -own, as we do and ever shall—that the same God which has so -marvellously preserved you from seas, foes, and famine, will still -preserve you from all future dangers, and make you honourable -among men, and glorious in bliss at the last day. And so the Lord -be with you all, and send us joyful news of you, and enable us with -one shoulder so to accomplish and perfect this work, that much -glory may come to Him that confoundeth the mighty by the weak, -and maketh small things great. To Whose greatness be all glory, -for ever and ever.</p> -</div> - -<p>This letter was subscribed with thirteen of their names.</p> - -<p>The passengers, when they saw the poor condition of -those ashore, were much daunted and dismayed, and, according -to their different characters were, differently -affected. Some wished themselves in England again; -others began weeping, fancying what their own misery -would be from what they saw before them; others pitied<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_124"></a>[124]</span> -the distress they saw their friends had been in so long, -and still were under; in a word, all were full of sadness. -Some few of their old friends rejoiced to see them again, -and to know that it was no worse with them, for they could -not expect it to be better; and hoped that now they would -enjoy better days together. And it was certainly not unnatural -that the new arrivals should be thus affected; for -the settlers were in very poor case,—many were ragged in -apparel, and some little better than half naked; though -some few, who were well stocked before, were well enough -clothed. But as for food, they were all alike, except some -who had got a few peas from the ship that was last here. -The best dish they could present to their friends was a -lobster, or a piece of fish, without any bread, or anything -else but a cup of fair spring water. The long continuance -of this diet, and their labours, had somewhat abated -the freshness of their complexions. But God gave them -health and strength and showed them by experience the -truth of that word (Deut. viii, 3): “Man liveth not by -bread alone, but by every word that proceedeth out of the -mouth of the Lord doth a man live.”</p> - -<p>When I think how sadly the Scripture speaks of the -famine in Jacob’s time, when he said to his sons, “Go buy us -food, that we may live and not die” (Gen. xlii, 2, and xliii, -1); and that the famine was great in the land and yet -they had such great herds of cattle of various kinds, which -besides meat produces other foods, such as milk, butter -and cheese, etc., and yet it was counted a sore affliction; -when we think of this, then we see that the affliction of -these settlers must have been very great, who not only -lacked the staff of life, but all these things, and had no -Egypt to go to. But God fed them out of the sea for the -most part, so wonderful is His providence over His in all -ages; for His mercy endureth for ever.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_125"></a>[125]</span></p> - -<p>Now the original settlers were afraid that their corn, when -it was ripe, would have to be shared with the new-comers, -and that the provisions which the latter had brought with -them would give out before the year was over,—as indeed -they did. So they went to the Governor and begged him -that as it had been agreed that they should sow their corn for -their own use, and accordingly they had taken extraordinary -pains about it, they might be left to enjoy it. They would -rather do that than have a bit of the food just come in -the ship. They would wait till harvest for their own and -let the new-comers enjoy what they had brought; they -would have none of it, except what they could purchase -by bargain or exchange. Their request was granted them -and it satisfied both sides; for the new-comers were much -afraid the hungry settlers would eat up the provisions they -had brought, and then that they would fall into like conditions -of want.</p> - -<p>The ship was laden in a short time with clapboard, by -the help of many hands. They also sent in her all the beaver -and other furs they had, and Mr. Winslow was sent over -with her, to give information and to procure such things -as were required. Harvest time had now come, and then -instead of famine, God gave them plenty, and the face of -things was changed, to the rejoicing of the hearts of many -for which they blessed God. And the effect of their particular -planting was well seen, for all had, one way or another, -pretty well to bring the year about, and some of the abler -sort and more industrious had to spare, and sell to others,—in -fact, no general want or famine has been amongst them -since, to this day.</p> - -<p>Those that came on their own venture looked for greater -things than they found, or could attain to, such as building -great houses in pleasant situations, as they had fancied,—as<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_126"></a>[126]</span> -if they could be great men, and rich, all of a sudden; -but they proved castles in the air.</p> - -<p>The following were the conditions agreed on between the -colony and them:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>1. That the Governor in the name and with the consent of the -company embraces and receives them in all love and friendship; and -is to allot them competent places for habitations within the town; -and promises to show them all such other courtesies as shall be -reasonable for them to desire, or us to perform.</p> - -<p>2. That they on their parts be subject to all such laws and orders -as are already made, or hereafter shall be made, for the public good.</p> - -<p>3. That they be free and exempt from the general employments of -the said company (which their present condition of community requires), -except common defence, and such other employments as -tend to the perpetual good of the colony.</p> - -<p>4. Towards the maintenance of government, and public officers of -the said colony, every male above the age of 16 years shall pay a -bushel of Indian wheat, or the worth of it, into the common store.</p> - -<p>5. That according to the agreement the merchants made with -them before they came, they are to be debarred from all trade with -the Indians for all sorts of furs and such like commodities, till -the time of the communality be ended.</p> -</div> - -<p>About the middle of September Captain Robert Gorges -arrived in the Bay of Massachusetts, with sundry passengers -and families, intending to begin a plantation there; and -pitched upon the place that Mr. Weston’s people had forsaken. -He had a Commission from the Council of New -England, to be Governor-General of the country, and they -appointed for his counsel and assistance, Captain Francis -West,—the admiral aforementioned,—Christopher Levett, -Esquire, and the Governor of New Plymouth for the time -being, etc. They also gave him authority to choose such -other as he should see fit. Also, they gave (by their commission) -full power to him and his assistants, or any three -of them, whereof himself was always to be one, to do and -execute what should seem to them good, in all cases capital,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_127"></a>[127]</span> -criminal, and civil, etc. with various other instructions. Of -these and also his commission, it pleased him to let the -Governor here take a copy.</p> - -<p>He gave them notice of his arrival by letter, but before -they could visit him, he went eastward with the ship he -came in; but a storm got up, and as they lacked a good -pilot to harbour them there, they bore up for this harbour. -He and his men were kindly entertained here, and stayed -fourteen days.</p> - -<p>In the meantime Mr. Weston arrived with his small ship, -which he had now recovered. Captain Gorges, who informed -the Governor here that one purpose of his going -east was to meet with Mr. Weston, took this opportunity to -call him to account for some abuses he had to lay to his -charge. Whereupon he called Weston before him and some -other of his assistants, with the Governor of this place; -and charged him first with the ill carriage of his men in -Massachusetts, by which means the peace of the country -had been disturbed, and he himself and the people he had -brought over to settle there were much prejudiced. To this -Mr. Weston easily answered, that what had been done, was -in his absence, and might have befallen anyone; he left -them sufficiently provided, and supposed they would be -well governed; for any error committed he had sufficiently -smarted. This particular charge was passed by.</p> - -<p>The second charge was of a wrong done towards his -father, Sir Ferdinand Gorges, and to the State. The -offence was this: Mr. Weston had used him and others of -the Council of New England, to procure him a license for -the purchase and transportation to New England of many -pieces of great ordnance, on the plea of great fortifications -in this country, etc. Having obtained them, he went and -sold them beyond the seas for his private profit; at which, -he said, the State had been much offended, and his father<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_128"></a>[128]</span> -had been sharply rebuked, and he had order to apprehend -him for it. Mr. Weston excused it as well as he could, but -could not deny it, it being the main reason why he had left -England. But after much argument, by the mediation of the -Governor and some other friends here, he was inclined to be -lenient, though he foresaw the vexation of his father. -When Mr. Weston saw this he grew more presumptuous, -and made such provoking and cutting speeches, that the -Governor-General rose up in great indignation and distemper, -and vowed that he would either curb him or send -him home to England. At which Mr. Weston was somewhat -daunted, and came privately to the Governor here, to -know whether he would allow him to be apprehended. He -was told they could not prevent it, and blamed him much -that, after having pacified things, he should again break -out and by his own folly and rashness bring trouble upon -himself and them too. He confessed it was his temper, and -prayed the Governor to intercede for him, and smooth -things if he could. At last he did so with much ado; so -he was summoned again, and the Governor-General consented -to accept his own bond, to be ready to make further -answer, when either he or the Lords should send for him. -Finally, he took only his word, and there was a friendly -parting on all hands.</p> - -<p>But after he had gone, Mr. Weston, in lieu of thanks to -the Governor and his friends here, gave them this quip -behind their backs, for all their pains: That though they -were but young justices, they were good beggars. Thus -they parted for the time, and shortly after the Governor -took his leave and went to Massachusetts by land, very -grateful for his kind entertainment.</p> - -<p>The ship stayed here and fitted herself to go to Virginia, -having some passengers to deliver there, and with her there -returned several of those who had come over privately,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_129"></a>[129]</span> -some from discontent and dislike of the country, others -because of a fire that broke out, burning the houses they -lived in and all their provisions. The fire was caused by -some of the seamen, who were roystering in a house where -it first began. It being very cold weather, they had made a -great fire, which broke out of the chimney and set alight -the thatch, and burnt down three or four houses, and all -the goods and provisions in them. The house in which -it began was right against the common storehouse, in -which were all their provisions; and they had much difficulty -in saving it. If it had been lost, the plantation -would have been ruined. But through God’s mercy it -was saved by the great efforts of the people, and the care -of the Governor and some about him. Some advised that -the goods be thrown out; but then there would have been -much stolen by the rough crews of the two ships, who -were almost all ashore. But a reliable company was placed -within, so that if necessity required they could have got -them all out with speed, and others with wet cloths and -other means kept off the fire outside. For they suspected -some malicious dealing, if not plain treachery; though -whether it was only suspicion or no, God knows. But -this is certain, that when the tumult was greatest, a voice -was heard—from whom it was not known—that bid them -look well about them, for all were not friends near them. -And shortly after, when the worst of the fire was over, -smoke was seen to rise from a shed adjoining the end -of the storehouse, which was wattled up with boughs, the -withered leaves of which had caught fire. Those who ran -to put it out found a large firebrand, about a yard long, -lying under the wall on the inside, which could not possibly -have come there by accident, but must have been put -there intentionally, as all thought who saw it. But God -kept them from this danger, whatever was intended.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_130"></a>[130]</span></p> - -<p>Shortly after Captain Gorges, the Governor-General, had -got home to Massachusetts, he sent a warrant to arrest -Mr. Weston and his ship, and sent a seaman to sail her -thither, and one, Captain Hanson, of his suite, to be in -charge of him. The Governor and others were very sorry -to see him take this course, and took exceptions to the warrant, -as not legal or sufficient, and wrote to him to dissuade -him from this course, showing him that he would but entangle -and burden himself by doing this, and that he could -not do Mr. Weston a better turn, as things now stood with -him, for he had a great many men in his service in the ship -to whom he was deeply in debt for wages, and that he was -practically out of provisions, and winter was at hand: for -all of which Captain Gorges would be responsible if he -arrested his ship. In the meantime Mr. Weston had notice -to shift for himself; but it was supposed that he did not -know where to go or how to better himself, but was rather -glad of the issue, and so did not move. But the Governor-General -would not be dissuaded, and sent a very formal -warrant under his hand and seal, with strict orders, as they -would answer for it to the State; he also wrote that he had -better considered things since he was here, and he could not -answer for it to let him go, besides other things that had -come to his knowledge since, which Mr. Weston must account -for. So he was allowed to proceed; but he found in -the end that what had been told him was true; for when -an inventory was taken of what was in the ship, food was -found sufficient for only fourteen days, at a bare allowance, -and not much else of any worth, and the men clamoured so -for wages and rations in the meantime, that he was soon -weary. So in conclusion it turned to his loss, and the expense -of his provisions; and towards the spring they came -to an agreement, after they had been east, and the Governor-General -restored him his vessel again, and made satisfaction<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_131"></a>[131]</span> -in biscuit and meal and such like provisions for what -he had used of his, or what had been wanted or consumed. -So Mr. Weston came here again, and afterwards shaped -his course for Virginia, and so for the present I shall leave -him. He died afterwards at Bristol, at the time of the war, -of the sickness there.</p> - -<p>The Governor-General and some of his suite soon returned -to England, having scarcely saluted the country put -under his government, as he did not find the state of things -here correspond to his station and way of life. The people -dispersed; some went to England, others to Virginia, some -few remained and were helped with supplies from here. -The Governor-General had brought over a minister of religion -with him, one Mr. Morrell, who, about a year after -his return, took shipping from here. He had I know not -what power and authority of superintendence over other -churches granted him, and sundry instructions to that end; -but he never showed it or made use of it. It seems he saw -it was in vain, and he only spoke of it to some here at his -departure. This was the end of the second settlement -there. This year there were also some scattered beginnings -made in other places, as at Piscataqua by Mr. David -Thomson, at Monhegan and some other places by several -others.</p> - -<p>It remains now for me to speak a word about the pinnace -mentioned before, sent by the adventurers to be employed -in the country. She was a fine vessel, and bravely -fitted out; but I fear the adventurers were over proud of -her, for she had ill success. However, they made a great -mistake about two things in her. First, though she had a -competent master, she was badly manned, and all the crew -were upon shares, and none were to receive any wages but -the captain. Secondly, though mainly busied with trade, -they had sent nothing of any value to trade with. When<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_132"></a>[132]</span> -they came over they received bad advice from Mr. Weston -and others of the same stamp, until neither the captain -nor the governor could control them, for they declared -that they were abused and deceived; that they were told -they would sail as a man of war, and take I know not -whom,—French, Spaniards, etc. They would neither trade -nor fish without wages; in fine, they would obey no orders -of the captain, and it was feared they would either make -away with the vessel, or get off on the other ships and -abandon her. So Mr. Pierce and other friends persuaded -the Governor to change their conditions, and give them -wages; which was accordingly done. Then the vessel was -sent about the Cape to the Narragansetts to trade, but they -made a poor voyage of it. They got some corn and -beaver, but the Dutch had been used to trade with cloth, -and better commodities, and these had only a few beads -and knives, which were not valued by the Indians. On -her return home, at the very entrance into her own harbour, -she was almost wrecked in a storm, and was forced -to cut her main mast by the board, to save herself from -driving onto the flats that lie outside, called Brown Islands, -the force of the gale being so great that her anchors gave -way, and she was being driven right upon them; but when -her mast and tackling were gone, they were able to hold -her till the wind shifted.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_133"></a>[133]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs80 bold" id="CHAPTER_V">CHAPTER V</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">Changes in form of Government—Pinnace wrecked—Private -Settlers make trouble—Winslow returns from England -with the first Cattle—Faction among Adventurers in England—Objections -of the Colony’s opponents—Letters from John -Robinson—Opposition to sending the Leyden people—One -acre apportioned for permanent holding to each Settler—Ship-building -and Salt-making—Trouble with Lyford and -Oldham—Pinnace salvaged and rigged: 1624.</p> - - -<p>The time for the election of the officers for the year having -come, the number of people having increased and the -business of government accordingly, the Governor desired -them to change the officials and renew the election and give -the Governor more assistants for his help and advice, pointing -out that if it was an honour or advantage it was -only fit that others should share it; if it was a burden,—as -doubtless it was,—it was but fair that others should help -to bear it, and that this, in fact, was the purpose of the -annual elections. The outcome was that whereas before -there had been only one assistant they now chose five, giving -the Governor a double voice; and afterwards they increased -them to seven. This plan has been continued -to this day.</p> - -<p>Having at some trouble and expense new-masted and -rigged their pinnace, in the beginning of March they sent -her well-victualed to the eastward, fishing. She arrived -safely at a place called Damariscove, and was well harboured -where ships were accustomed to anchor, with some -other ships from England, already there. But shortly after -there arose such a violent and extraordinary storm, that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_134"></a>[134]</span> -the seas broke into the harbour in a way that had never been -known before, and drove her against great rocks, which beat -such a hole in her bulk that a horse and cart might have -been driven through, and then she drifted into deep water, -where she lay sunk. The captain was drowned; the rest -of the men, except one, with difficulty saved their lives; -all her provisions, salt, etc., were lost. And here I must -leave her to lie till afterwards.</p> - -<p>Some of those who still remained here on private venture, -began secretly to plot, in league with a strong faction of the -adventurers in England, on whom several of them depended. -By their whisperings they drew some of the weaker members -of the colony itself to their side, and made them so -discontented that at last nothing would satisfy them but -that they might be allowed to be on their own resources also, -and even made large offers to be freed from the community. -The Governor consulted with the ablest members of the -colony, and it was decided to permit them to separate -on the same terms as the other private settlers, with the -additional stipulation that they should be bound to remain -here till the general partnership was concluded; and that -they should pay into the common store one half of all the -goods and commodities they might accumulate beyond -their food, in consideration of expenses already incurred -for them; and some other similar details. When this liberty -was granted the defection soon stopped, for but few -took this course when they came to consider it, and the -rest soon wearied of it. It turned out that they had been -told by the other private settlers and Mr. Weston that no -more supplies would be sent to the general body, but that -the private settlers had friends at home who would do I -know not what for them.</p> - -<p>Shortly after, Mr. Winslow returned from England and -brought a pretty good supply of provisions, with a ship<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_135"></a>[135]</span> -sent for fishing,—an enterprise never successful with the -colony. He brought three heifers and a bull,—the first -cattle in the country,—some clothing and other necessaries. -He reported a strong faction amongst the adventurers -against the colonists, and especially against sending -the rest from Leyden. He related with what difficulty the -present supply was procured, and that by their strong and -long opposition his departure had been so delayed that not -only had they now arrived too late for the fishing season -here, but the best fishermen had gone to the west country -and he was forced to take the best captain and crew he -could procure. Some letters from the adventurers will -make these things clearer.</p> - - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>James Sherley in England to the Settlers at New Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Most worthy and loving Friends,</p> - -<p>Your kind and loving letters I have received with thanks.... It -has pleased God to stir up the hearts of the adventurers to raise -new stock for fitting out this ship, called the Charity, with men and -necessaries both for the settlement and fishing,—though with very -great difficulty, since we have amongst us some who undoubtedly -serve their private ends, and thwart the others here, and worthy -instruments of God’s glory elsewhere,<a id="FNanchor_5" href="#Footnote_5" class="fnanchor">[5]</a> rather than aiming at the -general good and furtherance of this noble enterprise. Still we -have many others,—I hope the majority,—very honest Christian -men, whose intent I am convinced, is wholly for the glory of Our -Lord Jesus Christ, the propagation of His gospel, and the hope of -gaining these poor savages to the knowledge of God. But as the -proverb says: One scabbed sheep may mar a whole flock,—so -these malcontented and turbulent spirits do what they can to draw -men’s hearts from you and your friends, and from the general -business,—even with a show of godliness and zeal for the plantation. -Whereas the aim is quite contrary, as some of the honester -hearted men (though lately of their faction) made clear at our last -meeting. But why should I trouble either you or myself with these -restless opposers of all goodness, who, I doubt not, will be continual -disturbers of our friendly meetings and love. On Thursday, -Jan. 8th, we had a meeting about the articles between you and us,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_136"></a>[136]</span> -at which they moved to reject what we had pressed you to grant in -our recent letters,—an addition to the period of our joint stock. -Their reason, as they stated, was that it troubled their conscience to -exact longer time from you than had been agreed upon at first. -That evening, however, they were so confused and wearied by their -own perverse contentions, that they even offered to sell their -adventures,—and some were willing to buy. But I, thinking it -would only raise scandal and false reports, and so do us more -harm, would not permit it. So on Jan. 12th we had another meeting. -But in the interim several of us had talked with most of -them privately, and had great combats and reasoning, pro and -con. But that night, when we met to read the general letter, we -had the friendliest meeting I ever knew, and our greatest enemies -offered to put up £50. So I sent for a bottle of wine—I would you -could do the like—which we drank friendly together. Thus God -can turn the hearts of men when it pleases Him.... Thus loving -friends, I heartily salute you in the Lord, hoping ever to rest,</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 2.5em;">Yours to my power,</span><br> -JAMES SHERLEY.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>Jan. 25th, 1623.</em></p> -</div> - - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Robert Cushman in England to the Settlers at New Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Beloved Sir,</p> - -<p>We have now sent you, we hope, men and means to accomplish -three things, viz., fishing, salt-making, and boat-making: if you can -master them your wants will be supplied. I pray you exert yourselves -to do so. Let the ship be loaded as soon as you can, and sent -to Bilbao. You must send some competent representative, whom, -once more, you must authorize to confirm the conditions. If Mr. -Winslow could be spared, I wish he could come again. The boat-builder -is believed to be one of the best in his trade, and will no -doubt be of much service. Let him have absolute command over -his assistants, and whomever you put under him. Let him build -you two catches, a lighter, and some six or seven shallops, as soon -as you can. The salt-maker is a skilful and industrious man. Put -some assistants under him who will quickly learn the secret of it. -The preacher we have sent is, we hope, an honest plain man, -though none of the most eminent and rare. About his appointment, -use your own liberty and discretion; he knows he has no authority -among you, though perhaps custom and habit may make him forget -himself. Mr. Winslow and myself gave way to his going, to satisfy -some here, and we see no reason against it except his large family -of children.</p> - -<p>We have taken a patent for Cape Ann....</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_137"></a>[137]</span></p> - -<p>I am sorry more discretion is not used by some in their letters -home.<a id="FNanchor_6" href="#Footnote_6" class="fnanchor">[6]</a> Some say you are starved in body and soul; others that -you eat pigs and dogs that have died; others that the reports of -the fertility of the country are gross and palpable lies, that there is -scarcely a fowl to be seen, or a fish to be caught, and so on. I -wish such discontented men were back again, rather than the whole -plantation shall be thus exposed to their passionate humours. -Hereafter I shall prevent some from going who are not better disposed; -in the meantime it is our cross, and we must bear it.</p> - -<p>I am sorry we have not sent you more provisions, but we have -run into so much expense to victual the ship, provide salt, fishing -implements, etc., that we could not afford other comforts, such as -butter, sugar, etc. I hope the return of this ship, and the James, -will put us in cash again. The Lord make you full of courage in -this troublesome business, which must now be stuck to, till God give -us rest from our labours. Farewell, in all hearty affection.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 2em;">Your assured friend,</span><br> -R. C.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>Jan. 24th, 1623.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>With the former letter from Mr. Sherley were sent -various charges against the colony, of which he writes thus: -“These are the chief objections which those just returned -raise against you and the country. I pray you consider -them, and answer them at your first convenience.”</p> - -<p>These objections were made by some of those who came -over on private enterprise, and had returned home as before -mentioned; they were of the same kind as those the last -letter mentions. I shall record them here, with the answers -made to them and sent over at the return of this ship. The -fault-finders were so confounded that some confessed, and -others denied what they had said and ate their words; some -have since come over again, and have lived here to convince -themselves sufficiently.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>Obj. 1. Diversity of religious beliefs.</p> - -<p>Ans: We know of no such diversity, for there has never been<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_138"></a>[138]</span> -any controversy, either public or private, to our knowledge, since we -came.</p> - -<p>Obj. 2. Neglect of family duties on the Lord’s day.</p> - -<p>Ans: We allow no such thing. They who report it, would have -showed their Christian love more if they had told the offenders of -it kindly, rather than thus to reproach them behind their backs. -But, to say no more, we wish they themselves had given a better -example.</p> - -<p>Obj: 3. Want of both the sacraments.</p> - -<p>Ans: The more is our grief that our pastor is kept from us, at -whose hands we might enjoy them. In Holland we used to have -the Lord’s supper every Sabbath, and baptism as often as there were -children to baptise.</p> - -<p>Obj. 4. Children are not catechised, or taught to read.</p> - -<p>Ans: Neither is true—several take pains with their own, as well -as they can. We have no common school, for want of a fit person -hitherto, or means to obtain one; though we hope now to begin.</p> - -<p>Obj. 5. Many of the private members of the colony will not -work for the community.</p> - -<p>Ans: This also is not wholly true: for though some do it unwillingly, -and others not honestly, still all do it. The worst of -them gets his own food, and something besides. We do not excuse -them, but try to reform them the best we can,—or else quit the -settlement of them.</p> - -<p>Obj. 6. The water is not wholesome.</p> - -<p>Ans: If they mean not so wholesome as the good wine and beer -in London, which they so dearly love, we will not dispute them; -but for water, it is as good as any in the world, so far as we know, -and it is wholesome enough for us who can be content with it.</p> - -<p>Obj. 7. The ground is barren, and grows no grass.</p> - -<p>Ans: Here, as everywhere, some ground is better, some worse. -The cattle find grass for they are as fat as need be; we wish we had -but one beast for every hundred that there is grass to keep. This -objection, like some others, is ridiculous to all here who see and -know the contrary.</p> - -<p>Obj. 8. The fish cannot be salted, to keep them sweet.</p> - -<p>Ans: This is as true as writing that there is scarcely a fowl to -be seen, or a fish to be caught; things likely to be true in a country -where so many ships come fishing yearly! They might as well say -that no ale or beer in London can be kept from going sour.</p> - -<p>Obj. 9. Many of them steal from one another.</p> - -<p>Ans: If London had been free from that crime, we should not -have been troubled with it here. It is well known that several -have smarted well for it—and so are the rest likely to do whenever -they are caught.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_139"></a>[139]</span></p> - -<p>Obj. 10. The country is over-run with foxes and wolves.</p> - -<p>Ans: So are many other good countries, too; but poison, traps, -and other such means will help to destroy them.</p> - -<p>Obj. 11. The Dutch are settled near Hudson’s Bay, and are likely -to overthrow the trade.</p> - -<p>Ans: They would come and settle here as well, if we and others -did not, or if we went home and left it to them. We rather commend -them, than condemn them for it.</p> - -<p>Obj. 12. The people are much pestered with mosquitoes.</p> - -<p>Ans: They are too delicate and unfit to begin new plantations -and colonies who cannot endure the biting of a mosquito. We would -wish such to keep at home,—at least till they be mosquito proof. -But this is as free as any, and experience teaches that the more the -land is tilled and the woods cut down, the fewer there will be,—and -in the end scarcely any at all.</p> -</div> - -<p>Having dispatched those objections, I will here insert -two letters from Mr. Robinson, their pastor; the one to the -Governor, the other to Mr. Brewster, their elder, which -will throw much light on what has gone before, and show -the tender love and care of a true pastor towards them.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>John Robinson at Leyden to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p>My loving and much beloved friend, whom God has hitherto preserved, -preserve and keep you still to His glory and the good of -many that His blessing may make your godly and wise endeavours -equal to the occasion. Of your love, too, and care for us here, we -have never doubted, and are glad to take full knowledge of it. -Our love and care to and for you is mutual, though our hopes of -coming to you are small, and weaker than ever. But of this at -large in Mr. Brewster’s letter, with whom you mutually communicate -your letters, I know, as I desire you may do these, etc.</p> - -<p>Concerning the killing of those poor Indians, of which we heard -at first by rumour, and since by more definite report, oh! how -happy a thing had it been if you had converted some, before you -had killed any. Besides, where blood once begins to be shed, it is -seldom staunched for a long time after. You will say they deserved -it. I grant it; but upon what provocation from those heathenish -Christians?<a id="FNanchor_7" href="#Footnote_7" class="fnanchor">[7]</a> Besides, you not being magistrates over them, had to -consider not what punishment they deserved, but what you were by -necessity constrained to inflict. Necessity of killing so many I<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_140"></a>[140]</span> -cannot see. Methinks one or two principals should have been -enough, according to the approved rule,—the punishment to a few, -and the fear to many. Upon this occasion let me be bold to exhort -you seriously to consider the disposition of your Captain, whom I -love, and am persuaded the Lord in great mercy and for much good -has sent to you, if you use him right. He is a man humble and -meek among you, and towards all, under ordinary circumstances, -but if this merely come from a humane spirit, there is cause to -fear that, on occasions of special provocation there may be wanting -that tenderness of the life of man, made after God’s image, which -is meet. It is also apt to be more glorious in men’s eyes, than -pleasing in God’s, or fit for Christians, to be a terror to poor barbarous -peoples; and indeed I am afraid lest, by this example, others -should be drawn to adopt a kind of ruffling course in the world. I -doubt not that you will take in good part these things that I write, -and if there is cause make use of them. We wish we were present, -to communicate our mutual help; but seeing that cannot be done, -we shall always long after you, and love you, and wait God’s -appointed time. The adventurers, it seems, have neither money to -send us, nor any great mind for us, for the most part. They deny -it to be any part of the agreement between us that they should -transport us, nor do I look for any further help from them till -means come from you. My wife with me, re-salutes you and yours. -Unto Him Who is the same to His in all places, and near to them -which are far from one another, I commend you, and all with you, -resting,</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 3.5em;">Yours truly loving,</span><br> -JOHN ROBINSON.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>Leyden, Dec. 19th, 1623.</em></p> -</div> - - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>John Robinson at Leyden to William Brewster at New Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Loving and dear friend and brother,</p> - -<p>What I most desired of God for you, namely, the continuance of -your life and health, and the safe coming of those sent to you, I -most gladly hear of, and praise God for it; and I hope Mrs. -Brewster’s weak state of health will be somewhat repaired by the -coming of her daughters, and the provisions sent in this and former -ships, which makes us here bear more patiently the deferring of -our desired transportation. I call it desired, rather than hoped for: -for first, there is no hope at all, that I know or can conceive of, of -any new stock being raised for that purpose; so that everything -must depend upon returns from you, which are surrounded by so -many uncertainties. Besides, though for the present the adventurers -allege nothing but want of money, which is an invincible obstacle,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_141"></a>[141]</span> -still if that be removed by you, other difficulties will be raised to -take its place. In order to understand this better, we must divide -the adventurers under three heads. Of these some five or six (as -I believe) are absolutely in favour of us, before all; another five -or six are openly our bitter adversaries; the rest—the main body,—are -I believe, honest minded, and friendly towards us; but they have -other friends (namely, the forward preachers) nearer to them than -we are, whose interests, in so far as they conflict with ours, they -would rather advance than ours. Now what a pull these men have -with the professors, you know; and I am convinced that they, of all -others, are unwilling I should be transported; especially such of -them as have an eye that way themselves, fearing that if I go there, -their market will be marred in many respects. As for these adversaries, -if they have but half as much wit as malice, they will -stop my going as soon as they see it is intended; and as one restive -jade can hinder, by hanging back, more than two or three can draw -forward, so it will be in this case. A clear proof of this they gave -in your messenger’s presence, binding the company to promise that -none of the money now subscribed should be expended to help any -of us over to you.</p> - -<p>Now as to the question propounded by you: I judge it not lawful -for you,—a ruling elder (Rom. xii, 7, 8; and I Tim. v, 17), as distinct -from the elders that teach and exhort and labour in the word -and doctrine, in whose duties the sacraments are included, to administer -them,—nor fitting, if it were lawful. Whether any learned -man will come out to you, I do not know; if so, you must Consilium -capere in arena. Be you most heartily saluted, and your wife -with you, both from me and mine. Your God and ours, and the -God of all His, bring us together if it be His will, and keep us in -the mean while, and always to His glory, and make us serviceable -to His majesty and faithful to the end. Amen.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 2.5em;">Your very loving brother,</span><br> -JOHN ROBINSON.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>Leyden, Dec. 20th, 1623.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>These matters premised, I will now proceed with my -account of affairs here. But before I come to other things -I must say a word about their planting this year. They felt -the benefit of their last year’s harvest; for by planting corn -on their own account they managed, with a great deal of -patience, to overcome famine. This reminds me of a saying -of Seneca’s (Epis. 123): that an important part of liberty<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_142"></a>[142]</span> -is a well-governed belly, and patience in want. The settlers -now began to consider corn more precious than silver; and -those that had some to spare began to trade with the others -for small things, by the quart, pottle, and peck, etc.; for they -had no money, and if they had, corn was preferred to it. In -order that they might raise their crops to better advantage, -they made suit to the Governor to have some land apportioned -for permanent holdings, and not by yearly lot, -whereby the plots which the more industrious had brought -under good culture one year, would change hands the next, -and others would reap the advantage; with the result that -the manuring and culture of the land were neglected. It -was well considered, and their request was granted. Every -person was given one acre of land, for them and theirs, and -they were to have no more till the seven years had expired; -it was all as near the town as possible, so that they might -be kept close together, for greater safety and better attention -to the general employments. This often makes me -think of what Pliny (lib. 18, cap. 2) says of the Romans’ -first beginnings in the time of Romulus—how everyone -contented himself with two acres of land, and had no more -assigned to them; and (cap. 3) how it was thought a great -public reward to receive a pint of corn from the people of -Rome. And long after, the most generous present given to -a Captain who had won a victory over their enemies, was as -much ground as he could till in one day; in fact a man -was not considered a good but a dangerous citizen, who was -not content with seven acres of land; also how they used to -pound their corn in mortars, as the settlers were forced to -do for many years, until they got a mill.</p> - -<p>The ship which brought these supplies was speedily unloaded, -and, with her captain and crew was sent out fishing -to Cape Ann, where they had got a patent, as mentioned -above. As the season was so far advanced, some of the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_143"></a>[143]</span> -planters were sent to help to build the landing stage, to their -own hindrance. Partly owing to the lateness of the year, -and more especially to the bad character of the captain, one -Baker, they made a poor voyage of it. He proved a very -drunken beast, and did little but drink and guzzle and consume -time and victuals, most of the crew following his -example; and though Mr. William Pierce was superintending -the business and was to captain the ship home, he could -do no good amongst them. The loss was great, and would -have been more, but that they did some trade for skins, -which was a help to them.</p> - -<p>The ship-builder who had been sent out to the colony was -an honest and very industrious man. He and his assistants -quickly built two good strong shallops, which afterwards did -them great service, and a strong lighter; and he had hewn -timber for two catches, when he fell sick with fever in the -hot season of the year, and though he had the best attention -the place could afford, he died. He was a very great loss, -and they were very sorry for his death.</p> - -<p>But the man sent out to make salt was an ignorant, foolish, -self-willed fellow. He boasted that he could do great -things in making salt-works; so he was sent to seek out fit -ground for the purpose; and after some search he told the -Governor that he had found a suitable place, with a good -bottom to hold water, and otherwise very convenient, which -he doubted not, in a short time could be brought to perfection, -and yield them great profit; but he must have eight -or ten men constantly employed. He was requested to make -sure the ground was good, and otherwise suitable, and that -he could bring it to perfection; otherwise he would incur -great expense by employing himself and so many men. But -he was, after some trial, so confident, that he caused them -to send carpenters to rear a great frame for a large house, -to receive the salt, and for other uses. But in the end it<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_144"></a>[144]</span> -all proved useless. So he found fault with the ground, in -which he said he had been mistaken; but if he might have -the lighter to carry clay, he was sure he could do it. Now, -though the Governor and some others saw that this would -come to little good, they had so many malignant spirits -amongst them who, in their letters to the adventurers, would -have blamed them for not letting him bring his work to perfection; -and the man himself, who by his bold confidence -and large promises had deceived the adventurers in England, -had so wound himself into the high esteem of some -here, that they decided to let him go on till everyone saw his -vanity. In the end all he could do was to boil salt in pans, -and yet tried to make those who worked with him believe -there was a great mystery in it, and used to make them do -unnecessary things as a blind, until they saw through his -deception. The next year he was sent to Cape Ann, and -the pans were set up where the fishing was; but before the -summer was out he had burnt the house, and the fire was -so fierce that it spoiled the pans,—at least some of them; -and this was the end of that expensive business.</p> - -<p>The third person of importance mentioned in the letters -was the minister whom they sent over, by name Mr. John -Lyford, of whom and whose doings I must be more lengthy, -though I will abridge as much as I can. When this man -first came ashore, he saluted them with such reverence and -humility as is seldom to be seen; indeed he made them -ashamed, he so bowed and cringed to them, and would have -kissed their hands if they had allowed him. He wept and -shed many tears, blessing God Who had brought him to see -their faces, admiring what they had done in their need, as if -he had been made all of love and was the humblest person -in the world. And all the while (if we may judge by his -after-behaviour) he was only like him mentioned in Psalm -x, 10: who croucheth and boweth, that heaps of poor may<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_145"></a>[145]</span> -fall by his might. Or like that dissembling Ishmael (Jer. -xli, 6), who, when he had slain Gedelia, went out weeping, -and met them who were coming to offer incense in the house -of the Lord, saying: Come to Gedelia—when he meant to -slay them.</p> - -<p>They gave him the best entertainment they could in all -simplicity, and a larger allowance of food out of the store -than any other had; and as the Governor in all weighty -affairs had consulted their elder, Mr. Brewster, and his -assistants, so now he called Mr. Lyford, too, to the council -with them, on the most important matters. After a short -time he desired to become a member of the church here, -and was accordingly received. He made a large confession -of his faith, and an acknowledgment of his former disorderly -walking, and his being entangled with many corruptions -which had been a burden to his conscience and -blessed God for this opportunity of freedom and liberty to -enjoy the ordinances of God in purity among His people, -with many similar expressions.</p> - -<p>I must speak here a word, too, of Mr. John Oldham, who -joined him in his after courses. He had been a chief stickler -in the former faction among the private settlers, and an -intelligencer to those in England. But now, since the coming -of the ship with supplies he opened his mind to some of -the chief members here, and confessed that he had done -them wrong both by word and deed in writing thus to -England; that he now saw the eminent hand of God was -with them, which made his heart smite him; and he assured -them that his friends in England should never use him -against them again. He begged them that former things -might be forgotten, and that they would look upon him as -one who desired to support them in every way,—and such -like expressions. Whether this was hypocrisy or some -sudden pang of conviction (which I rather think), God only<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_146"></a>[146]</span> -knows. However, they at once showed themselves ready to -embrace him in all friendliness, and called him to the council -with them, on all the chief affairs without any distrust at -all.</p> - -<p>Thus everything seemed to go very comfortably and -smoothly amongst them, at which they rejoiced. But it did -not last long, for both Oldham and Lyford grew perverse, -and showed a spirit of great malignancy, drawing as many -into faction as they could. No matter how vile or profane, -they backed the delinquents in all they did so long as they -would but uphold them and speak against the church here; -so that there was nothing but private meetings and whisperings -amongst them. Thus they fed themselves and others -with what they would accomplish in England through their -friends there, bringing others as well as themselves into a -fool’s paradise. However, they could not be so secret but -that much of their doings and sayings was discovered; -though outwardly they still showed a fair face.</p> - -<p>At length, when the ship was ready to go, it was discovered -that Lyford was long in writing, and sent many -letters and could not forbear to communicate with his intimates -such things therefrom as made them laugh in their -sleeves, thinking he had done their errands satisfactorily. -The Governor and some of his friends, knowing how matters -stood in England, and what harm this might do, took a -shallop and went out with the ship a league or two to sea, -and called for Lyford’s and Oldham’s letters. Mr. William -Pierce being captain of the ship, and knowing well the -mischief they made both here and in England, afforded -them all the assistance he could. He found above twenty of -Lyford’s letters, many of them long and full of slanders and -false accusations, tending not only to their prejudice but -even aiming at their ruin. Most of the letters they let pass, -but took copies of them; of some they sent true copies and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_147"></a>[147]</span> -kept the originals, lest he should deny that he had written -them. Amongst them they found copies of two which he -sent enclosed in a letter of his to Mr. John Pemberton, a -minister, and a great opponent of theirs. Of these two -letters of which he had taken the copies, one of them was -written by a gentleman in England to Mr. Brewster, the -other by Mr. Winslow to Mr. John Robinson in Holland, at -his coming away, as the ship lay at Gravesend. They were -lying sealed in the main cabin; and whilst Mr. Winslow was -busy about the affairs of the ship, this sly mischief-maker -opens them, makes copies, and seals them up again; and -not only sends the copies to his friend and their adversary, -but adds in the margin many scurrilous and flouting annotations!</p> - -<p>The ship went out towards evening, and in the night the -Governor returned. They were somewhat blank at it, but -after some weeks, as they heard nothing, they were as brisk -as ever, thinking nothing was known, and all had gone well -for them, and that the Governor had only gone to despatch -his own letters. The reason why the Governor and the rest -took no steps at once was in order to let things ripen so that -they might the better discover their intention and see who -were their adherents; for, amongst others they had found a -letter from one of their confederates, stating that Mr. Oldham -and Mr. Lyford intended a reformation in church and -commonwealth, and that as soon as the ship was gone, they -intended to join together and have the sacraments, etc.</p> - -<p>As for Oldham, few of his letters were found, for he was -so bad a scribe that his hand was scarcely legible; but he -was as deeply involved as the other. So, thinking they -were now strong enough, they began to pick quarrels at -everything. Oldham being told off to stand watch according -to order, refused to come, calling the captain a beggarly -rascal, resisting him, and drawing his knife on him, though<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_148"></a>[148]</span> -he had done him no wrong nor spoken to him improperly, -but had merely required him with all fairness to do his -duty. The Governor, hearing the tumult, sent to quiet it; -but Oldham ramped more like a furious beast than a man, -and called them all traitors, and rebels, and other such foul -language as I am ashamed to remember; but after he had -been clapped up awhile, he came to himself, and with some -slight punishment was let go upon his behaviour, pending -further censure.</p> - -<p>But to cut things short, at length it came to this, that -Lyford with his accomplices, without speaking one word to -either the Governor, the Church, or the elder, withdrew -themselves, and held a separate public meeting on the Lord’s -day; and with many such insolent doings, too long to relate -here, began to act publicly what they had been plotting -privately. It was thought high time to prevent further mischief -by calling them to account; so the Governor called a -court, and summoned the whole company to appear, and -charged Lyford and Oldham with their guilt. But they -were stubborn, and resolutely denied the charges, and required -proof. The court first alleged that from what had -been written to them from England, and from their practises -here, it was evident they were plotting against them, -and disturbing the peace, both in respect of their civil and -church estate, which was most injurious to the colony; -for both they and all the world knew that they had come -here to enjoy liberty of conscience and the free use of God’s -ordinances, and for that end had ventured their lives and -had already passed through so much hardship; and they -and their friends had borne the expense of these beginnings, -which was not small. They pointed out that Lyford for his -part was sent over at their expense, and that both he and his -large family were maintained by them; that he had joined -the church, and was a member of it; and for him to plot<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_149"></a>[149]</span> -against them and seek their ruin, was most unjust and perfidious. -As for Oldham, or any one who came over at his -own expense, and were on their own resources, they had -been received in courtesy by the plantation, coming to seek -shelter and protection under its wings, being unable to stand -alone; but <ins class="corr" id="tn-149" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'as the hedghog in'"> -as the hedgehog in</ins> the fable, whom the coney on -a stormy day invited in pity into her burrow, would not be -content to share it with her, but in the end with her sharp -pricks forced the poor coney out, so these men, with similar -injustice, endeavoured to do the like by those who entertained -them.</p> - -<p>Lyford denied that he had anything to do with the people -in England, or knew their plans, and pretended similar -ignorance of the other charges. Then his letters were produced -and some of them read, at which he was struck dumb. -But Oldham began to rage furiously, that they had intercepted -and opened the letters. Threatening them in very -high language, he stood up and in a most audacious and -mutinous manner called upon the people, saying,—My -masters, where are your hearts? Now show your courage; -you have often complained to me so and so; now is the time; -if you will do anything, I will stand by you, etc. Thinking -that everyone who, knowing his humour, had soothed and -flattered him, or otherwise in a moment of discontent -uttered anything to him, would now side with him in open -rebellion. But he was disappointed; not a man opened his -mouth, for all were struck silent by the injustice of the -thing.</p> - -<p>Then the Governor turned to Mr. Lyford, and asked him -if they thought he had done wrong to open his letters; but -he was silent and dare not say a word, knowing well what -they might reply. Then the Governor explained to the -people that he had done it as a magistrate, and was bound -to do it to prevent the mischief and ruin that this conspiracy<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_150"></a>[150]</span> -and plot of theirs might otherwise have brought to -the colony. But Lyford, besides his misbehaviour here, had -dealt treacherously with his friends that trusted him, and -stole their letters, and opened them, and sent copies of them -with disgraceful annotations to his friends in England. -Then the Governor produced them and his other letters -under his own hand, which he could not deny, and had them -read before all the people: at which all his friends were -blank, and had not a word to say.</p> - -<p>It would be too long and tedious to insert his letters here—they -would almost fill a volume—though I have them by -me. I shall only note a few of the chief things from them, -with the answers to them as they were then given, as -instances.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>1. He said that the church desired that no one should live here -except its members; nor would anyone willingly do so, if they had -but company with which to live elsewhere.</p> - -<p>Ans: Their answer was that this was false, in both its parts; for -they were willing and desirous that any honest men should live with -them, who would behave peaceably, and seek the common good,—or -at least do them no harm; and that there were many who would -not live elsewhere, so long as they were permitted to live with them.</p> - -<p>2. That if any honest men came over who were not dissenters, -they soon disliked them, etc.</p> - -<p>Ans: Their answer was as before, that it was a calumny, for -they had many amongst them whom they liked well, and were glad -of their company; and should be of any such who came to them.</p> - -<p>3. That they took exception to him for these two doctrines from -II Sam. xii, 7. First, that ministers must sometimes apply their -teaching in particular to special persons; secondly, that great men -may be reproved as well as humble.</p> - -<p>Ans: Their answer was that both these charges were without -truth or colour of truth—as was proved to his face—and that they -had taught and believed this long before they knew Mr. Lyford.</p> - -<p>4. That they tried to ruin the private settlers, as was proved by -this: they would not allow any of the colony either to buy or sell -with them, or to exchange one commodity for another.</p> - -<p>Ans: This was a most audacious slander, and void of all truth as -was proved to him before all, for any of them bought, sold or<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_151"></a>[151]</span> -exchanged with them as often as they pleased—and also both lent -and gave to them, when they wanted; and this the private settlers -themselves could not deny, but freely confessed in open court. But -the ground whence this slander arose made it much worse; for he -was at the council with them, when a man was called before them, -and was questioned for receiving powder and biscuit out of the -company’s supplies from the gunner of the small ship, which he had -arranged should be put in at his window in the night; and also for -buying salt of one who had no right to it. Lyford not only backed -this defaulter—who was one of these private settlers—by excusing -and extenuating him; but upon this ground he built this mischievous -and false slander; that because they would not suffer a private -settler to buy stolen goods, ergo, they sought their utter ruin: Bad -logic for a divine!</p> - -<p>5. Next he accused them of forcing men to become private -settlers, on their own resources, and then seeking to starve them, -and deprive them of all means of subsistence.</p> - -<p>Ans: To this it was answered, he did them manifest wrong, for -they had turned none upon their own resources who had not of -their own importunity and earnest desire urged and constrained -them to do it. They appealed to the persons themselves for the -truth of it, and they testified against him before all present, and -that they had no cause to complain of any hard or unkind usage.</p> - -<p>6. He accused them with unjust distribution, and wrote that it -seemed strange that some should be allowed 16 lbs. of meal per -week, and others only 4 lbs. And then adds floutingly: it seems -that some men’s bellies and mouths are very little and slender -compared with others!</p> - -<p>Ans: This might seem incomprehensible to those to whom he -wrote his letters in England, and who did not know the reason for -it; but to him and others it was well understood. The first comers -had no allowance at all, but lived on their own corn. Those who -came in the Anne the August before, and had to live thirteen -months on the provisions they brought, had as good an allowance of -meal and peas as would go round. A little while before harvest, -when fish and fruits were to be got, they had only 4 lbs., being at -liberty to make their own provisions in addition. But some of -those who came last, such as the ship-builder, the salt men, and -others who were to follow constant employment and had not an -hour’s time from their labour to provide food besides their allowance,—such -workers had at first 16 lbs. allowed them, and afterwards, -when fish and other food could be got, they had 14 lbs., 12 -lbs., or some of them 8 lbs., as occasion required. But those who -had time to plant corn for themselves, even though they received -but 4 lbs. of meal a week from the store, lived better than the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_152"></a>[152]</span> -others, as was well known. And it must be remembered that Lyford -and his family had always the highest allowance.</p> -</div> - -<p>He accused them of many other things in his letters such -as of great waste of tools and utensils—though he knew -that an honest man was appointed to look after these very -things; and of this, when it came to be examined, all the -instances he could give was, that he had seen an old hogshead -or two fall to pieces, and a broken hoe or two left carelessly -in the fields. But he had written such things as these -to cast disgrace and prejudice upon them thinking that what -came from a minister would pass for true. He told them -that Winslow had said that there were not above seven of -the adventurers who sought the good of the colony; and -he ended by saying that the faction here matched the Jesuits -for cunning.</p> - -<p>Finally he gave his friends advice and directions:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>1. First, that the Leyden company (Mr. Robinson and the rest) -must still be kept back, or all would be spoiled. Lest any of them -should be taken in privately somewhere on the coast of England, as -was to be feared, they must change the captain of the ship (Mr. -William Pierce), and put someone else in Winslow’s place as -agent, or it could not be prevented.</p> - -<p>2. He would have such further settlers shipped over as would -out-number those here; the private settlers should have votes in -all courts and elections, and be free to bear any office; and every -private settler should come over as an adventurer, even if he be -only a servant, someone else investing the necessary £10, the bill -being taken out in the servant’s name, and then assigned to the -party whose money it was, proper agreements being drawn between -them for the purpose. These things, said he, would be the means -of strengthening the private settlers.</p> - -<p>3. He told them that if that Captain they spoke of came over to -take command, he was sure he would be elected, for “this Captain -Standish looks like a silly boy, and is in utter contempt.”</p> - -<p>4. Then he argued that if by the aforementioned means they -could not get control, it would be better to settle elsewhere by -themselves, choosing the place they liked best within three or four -miles, and showing that there were far better places for a settlement -than this.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_153"></a>[153]</span></p> - -<p>5. Lastly, he concluded that if neither of these thing were accomplished, -they must join the main body here, perforce. Then he -added: “Since I began to write, some letters have come from your -company, giving sole authority in various things to the Governor -here; which, if it take place, then, Ve nobis. But I hope you will -be more vigilant hereafter, that nothing may pass in such a manner. -I suppose Mr. Oldham will write to you further about these things. -I pray you conceal me as the source of these disclosures, etc.”</p> -</div> - -<p>I have thus briefly touched some things in his letters and -shall now return to their proceedings with him. After reading -his letters before the whole company, he was demanded -what he could say in defence. But all the answer he made -was that Billington and some others had informed him of -many things, and had made sundry complaints,—which they -now denied. He was asked if that was sufficient ground -for him thus to accuse them and traduce them by letter, -never saying a word to his colleagues of the council. And -so they went on from point to point, and demanded that -neither he nor his confederates should spare them, if they -had any proof or witness of wrong doing on their part. He -said he had been misinformed, and so had wronged them. -And this was all the answer they could get; for none would -take his part, and Billington and others whom he named -denied his statements and protested he wronged them, and -that, on the other hand, he would have drawn them to such -and such things, which they had declined to do, though they -had sometimes attended his meetings. Then they taxed him -with dissembling about the church, professing to concur -with them in everything; and with the large confession he -made at his admittance, not considering himself a minister -till he had a new calling, etc. Yet now he separated himself -from them, and drew a number away and would administer -the sacraments by his episcopal calling, without ever speaking -a word to them, either as magistrates or as colleagues. -In conclusion, he was fully convicted, and, bursting into<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_154"></a>[154]</span> -tears, confessed: he feared he was a reprobate; his sins -were so great he doubted if God would pardon them; he was -unsavoury salt, etc.; he had so wronged them that he could -never make amends, confessing all that he wrote against -them was false and empty, both in matter and manner—and -all this as completely as words and tears could express.</p> - -<p>After their trial and conviction the court censured them -to be expelled the place; Oldham at once, though his wife -and family had leave to stay all the winter, or longer, till -he could make provision to remove them comfortably. Lyford -had leave to stay six months,—with some eye to remission -of the sentence if he behaved himself well in the meantime, -and his repentance proved sound. Lyford acknowledged -his censure was far less than he deserved.</p> - -<p>Afterwards he confessed his sin publicly, with tears, in -the church, more fully than before. I shall here record it, -taken down in his own words. He acknowledged that he -had done very evil, and had slanderously abused them. He -had thought that most of the people would take part with -him, and he would carry all with a strong hand against -them; that God might justly lay innocent blood to his -charge, for he knew what harm might have come of his -writings, and blessed God they were intercepted. He had -listened to any evil that was spoken, but shut his eyes and -ears against all good; and if God should make him a vagabond -on the earth, as was Cain, it was but just; for he had -sinned in envy and malice against his brethren. He confessed -three things to be the cause of his doings: pride, -vainglory, and self-love—amplifying these generalities with -many other sad expressions in particular.</p> - -<p>They began to conceive well of him again after his -repentance, and admitted him to preach amongst them as -before; and Samuel Fuller, a deacon, and some other tender-hearted -men amongst them, were so taken in by his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_155"></a>[155]</span> -signs of sorrow and repentance, that they said they would -fall upon their knees to have his sentence repealed.</p> - -<p>But what amazed them all in the end, and will amaze -all others who come to hear of it,—for a rarer precedent -can hardly be shown,—was, that after a month or two -notwithstanding all his former convictions, confessions, and -public acknowledgments, both in the face of the church -and the whole company, with so many sad tears and censures -of himself before God and man, he should try again -to justify what he had done.</p> - -<p>For he secretly wrote a second letter to the adventurers -in England, in which he justified all his former writings,—except -as regards some things in which he <ins class="corr" id="tn-155" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'had disparged them'"> -had disparaged them</ins>,—which, as it is briefer than the former, I will here -insert:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>John Lyford at New Plymouth to the Adventurers in England</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Worthy Sirs,</p> - -<p>Though the filth of my own doings may justly be cast in my face, -and with blushing cause my perpetual silence, yet that the truth may -not hereby be injured, yourselves any longer deluded, nor injurious -dealings be continued, with bold out-facings I have ventured once -more to write to you. First I freely confess I dealt very indiscreetly -in some of my particular letters which I wrote to private -friends, concerning the motives in coming here and the like, which -I do not seek to justify, though I was stirred up to it by seeing the -indiscreet courses of others, both here and with you there, for -effecting their designs. But I am heartily sorry for it, and do -to the glory of God and my own shame acknowledge it. The said -letters having been intercepted by the Governor, I am under sentence -of banishment; and but for the respect I have for you, and -some private matters, I should have returned by the pinnace to -England, for here I do not intend to remain, unless I receive better -encouragement from you than from the church (as they call themselves) -here. I expected to undergo some hardships before I came, -so I shall try cheerfully to bear with the conditions of the place, -though they are very poor; and they have changed my wages ten -times already. I suppose my letters,—or at least copies of them,—came -into your hands, as they here report. If so, pray take notice<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_156"></a>[156]</span> -of this: that I have written nothing but what is certainly true, and -could prove it to any indifferent man. My object was not to make -myself important, but to help several poor souls here, the care of -whom in part belongs to you, and who are destitute of the means of -salvation. The church itself is well provided for, the members -forming the minority of the colony, and monopolizing the ministry, -believing that the Lord has not appointed any ministry for the -conversion of those outside the church, so that some of the poor -souls have with tears complained of this to me, and I was censured -for preaching to all in general; though, in reality, they have had no -ministry here since they came, but such as might be performed by -any of you, whatever pretences they make; but they equivocate -about this, as about many other things. But I exceed the bounds I -set myself; therefore, awaiting further from you, if it come within -the time limited me, I rest, etc.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 6em;">Remaining yours ever,</span><br> -JOHN LYFORD, Exile.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>Aug. 22nd, 1624.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>They made brief answer to some things in this letter, -but referred chiefly to their former one to this effect: That -if God in His providence had not brought all this to their -notice, they might have been traduced, abused, calumniated, -overthrown, and undone; and never have known by whom -or for what. They desired but this just favour; that the -adventurers would be pleased to hear their defence, as well -as his accusations, and weigh them in the balance of justice -and reason, and then censure as they pleased.</p> - -<p>I have been longer on this subject than I desired, but not -longer than was necessary. But I will revert to other things.</p> - -<p>To return to the pinnace left sunk near Damariscove. -Some of the fishing boats’ captains said it was a pity that so -fine a vessel should be lost, and sent them word that if they -would bear the expense, they would show them how to float -her, and let them have their carpenters to mend her. They -thanked them, and sent men for the purpose and beaver to -defray the cost. So they got coopers to trim I know not -how many tons of casks, and having made them tight and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_157"></a>[157]</span> -fastened them to her at low water, they buoyed her up, and -hauled her ashore with many hands in a convenient place -where she could be worked at; and then set several carpenters -to work at her, and others to saw planks, and at last -fitted her, and got her home. But it cost a great deal of -money to recover her, and to buy rigging and sails for her, -both now and when she lost her mast before; so she proved -an expensive vessel to the poor plantation. So they sent -her home, and with her Lyford sent his last letter in great -secrecy; but the party entrusted with it gave it to the Governor.</p> - -<p>The winter passed in their ordinary pursuits, without any -special matter worth noting,—except that many who before -stood somewhat aloof from the church, now seeing Lyford’s -unjust dealing and malignity, came forward and were made -members, stating that it was not out of dislike of anything -that they had stood off so long, but a desire to fit themselves -better for such a state; and that they now saw that the Lord -called for their help.</p> - -<p>And so these troubles produced an effect on several here -quite contrary to what their adversaries had hoped; and it -was recognized as a great work of God, to draw men to him -by unlikely means, and such as, in reason, might have been -calculated to alienate them. And thus I shall end this year.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_158"></a>[158]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs80 bold" id="CHAPTER_VI">CHAPTER VI</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">Oldham and Lyford expelled—Lyford’s Past—Reply of -Settlement to Adventurers’ Charges—Support from friendly -group of Adventurers—Loss of two ship-loads of cargo—Captain -Standish in England: 1625.</p> - - -<p>At the spring of the year, about the time of their elections, -Oldham came back again, and, though his sentence -forbade his return without obtaining leave, his effrontery -and the ill counsel of others led him to ignore it, and at the -same time to give rein to his unruly passion beyond all -reason and decency, so that some strangers who came with -him were ashamed of his outrage, and rebuked him, but -all reproofs were but as oil to the fire, and enflamed his -anger the more. He called them all good-for-nothings, and -a hundred rebels and traitors, and I know not what. So -they locked him up till he was tamer, and then he was made -to pass down a line of guards, each of whom was ordered to -give him a thump on the breech with the butt-end of his -musket. Then he was conveyed to the water-side, where a -boat was ready to take him away, and they bid him go and -mend his manners.</p> - -<p>Whilst this was going on Mr. William Pierce and Mr. -Winslow came up from the shore, having arrived from -England; but the others were so busy with Oldham that -they never saw them until they thus came upon them. They -told them not to spare either him or Lyford, for both had -behaved villainously. But to make an end of Oldham I will -here briefly relate what befell him in the future. After the -removal of his family, he encountered difficulties and about<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_159"></a>[159]</span> -a year afterwards, towards winter, he sailed for Virginia; -but it pleased God that the ship was in great danger, and he -and the other passengers despaired of life, many resorting -to prayer and the examination of their consciences and confession -of such sins as burdened them. Mr. Oldham then -made a free and ample confession of the wrongs he had -done to the people and the church here saying that, as he -had sought their ruin, so God had now met with him and -might destroy him; aye, and he feared they all fared worse -on account of his presence. He prayed God to forgive him, -and made vows that if the Lord spared his life, he would -repent. This I learned by reliable report of some who are -still living at the Bay, and themselves shared the dangers -of the shoals of Cape Cod and heard his very words. It -pleased God to spare their lives, though they lost their -voyage; and ever after Oldham behaved decently to them, -acknowledging the hand of God to be with them. He -seemed to respect them honestly, and so far made his -peace with them that after a time he had liberty to come and -go at his pleasure. He went afterwards to Virginia, and -there fell very ill; but he recovered and came back again to -his family at the Bay, and lived there till many people had -come over. At length, going trading in a small vessel among -the Indians, and being weakly manned, upon some quarrel -they knocked him on the head with a hatchet, so that he fell -down dead and never spoke again. Two little boys that -were related to him were saved, though injured, and the -vessel was recovered from the Indians by another inhabitant -of the Bay of Massachusetts. Oldham’s death was in fact -one cause of the subsequent Pequot war.</p> - -<p>Now as to Mr. Lyford. His time having expired, his -sentence was to be carried out. He was so far from fulfilling -their hopes of amendment, that he had doubled his -offence, as shown. But behold the hand of God upon him,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_160"></a>[160]</span> -wherein the Psalmist is verified (Psa. vii, 15): He hath -made a pit and digged it, and is fallen into the pit he made. -He thought to bring disgrace upon them but instead he discloses -his own shame to all the world. When he was confronted -with his second letter, his wife was so stirred by his -doings that she could no longer conceal her grief, and -opened her mind to one of the deacons and some of her -friends, and later to Mr. Pierce, on his arrival. She said -that she feared some great judgment of God would fall upon -the family, because of her husband; and now that they were -about to remove she feared she would fall into the Indians’ -hands and be defiled by them as he had defiled other women, -recalling God’s threatened judgment upon David (II Sam. -xii, 11): I will raise up evil against thee out of thine -own house, and will take thy wives before thine eyes, -and give them unto thy neighbour. Then she disclosed -how he had wronged her, and that he had a bastard by -another woman before they were married. She had had -some inkling of it when he was courting her, and told him -what she had heard rumoured; but he not only stiffly denied -it, but to satisfy her took a solemn oath; so she consented to -marry him. Afterwards she found it was true, and reminded -him of his oath; but he prayed her to pardon him, -and pleaded that otherwise he would not have won her. -And yet even after this she could keep no maid-servant but -he would be meddling with them, and sometimes she had -taken him in the act. The woman was a respectable matron, -of good behaviour all the while she was here, and spoke out -of the sorrow of her heart, sparingly, but circumstantially. -What seemed to affect her most was his easy repentances, -followed by a speedy return to the old paths.</p> - -<p>This was all borne out by the reports of Mr. Winslow -and Mr. Pierce on their return. Mr. Winslow informed -them that they had had the same trouble with Lyford’s<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_161"></a>[161]</span> -friends in England as with himself and his friends here,—his -adherents crying out that to deal thus with a minister -and a godly man was a great scandal, and threatening to -prosecute them for it. So it was all referred to a further -meeting of most of the adventurers there, who agreed to -choose two eminent men as arbitrators. Lyford’s faction -chose Mr. White, a counsellor at law; the others chose the -Rev. Mr. Hooker, the minister. In the meantime God in -His providence had disclosed Lyford’s evil career in Ireland -to some friends of the company, who made it known to Mr. -Winslow, and mentioned two godly witnesses who would -testify upon their oath. The fact was, that when Lyford -was in Ireland, he had wound himself into the esteem of -several worthy reformers, who, burdened with the ceremonies -in England, found greater liberty of conscience there. -Amongst them were the two men who gave evidence; and -amongst others there was an honest young man who intended -to marry, and had set his affection on a certain girl who lived -there. But preferring the fear of God to all other things, -before he suffered his affection to run too far he resolved -to take Mr. Lyford’s advice and judgment about the girl,—since -he was the minister of the place,—and so spoke of it -to him. He promised to inform him faithfully, but wished -to get to know her better first, and have some private talk -with her. In conclusion he recommended her highly to the -young man as a very fit wife for him. So they were married. -But some time afterwards the woman was much -troubled in mind and afflicted in conscience, and did nothing -but weep and mourn; and it was long before her husband -could find out the cause. But at length she told him,—praying -him to forgive her,—that Lyford had overcome her -and defiled her before marriage. The circumstances I forbear; -suffice it, that though he satisfied his lust upon her, he -endeavoured to hinder conception. The young husband then<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_162"></a>[162]</span> -took some godly friends with him to confront Lyford with -this charge. At length he confessed it with a great deal of -seeming repentance and sorrow, but he was forced to leave -Ireland, partly for shame and partly for fear of further -punishment; and so, coming to England, unhappily he was -hit upon as a suitable minister for the colony and sent out to -them. The arbitrators with great gravity declared that his -recent offences there gave them cause enough to deal with -him as they had done; but these disclosures made him unfit -ever to bear ministry any more, what repentance soever he -should pretend.</p> - -<p>From here Lyford went to Nantasket, on the Bay of the -Massachusetts, where Oldham lived with some of his -friends. Thence he removed to Naumkeag, since called -Salem; but later, whether for hope of greater profit or what -I know not, he forsook the friends who had stuck to him, -and went down to Virginia, where shortly after he died; -and so I leave him to the Lord. His wife afterwards returned -to this country; thus much of this matter.</p> - -<p>Though the storm had blown over, the effects which -followed it were serious; for the company of adventurers -broke up in consequence, and the majority wholly deserted -the colony as regards any further supplies. Furthermore, -some of Lyford’s and Oldham’s friends fitted out a fishing -ship on their own account, and arriving ahead of the ships -that came to the plantation, took away their dock and other -necessary preparations that they had made for their fishing -at Cape Ann the year before at great expense and would not -restore it unless they would fight for it. However, the -Governor decided to send some of the settlers to help the -fishermen build a new one, and let them keep it. This fishing -ship also brought Lyford’s and Oldham’s contingent -some supplies, but of little value; but they were unsuccessful -in their fishing, and they could make no return for the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_163"></a>[163]</span> -supplies sent, so after this year their friends in England -never looked after them again.</p> - -<p>This ship also brought from some of the adventurers their -reasons for having abandoned the colony, and offers of reuniting -again upon certain conditions. They are long and -tedious, and most of them have already been touched upon.</p> - -<p>Their answer was in part as follows:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>In charging us with having dissembled with his majesty and the -adventurers in our original declaration of general agreement with -the French Reformed Church, you do us wrong, for we both hold -with and practice the beliefs of the French and other Reformed -Churches as published in the Harmony of Confessions, according -to our means, in effect and substance. But in attempting to tie us -to the French practices in every detail, you derogate from the -liberty we have in Christ Jesus. The Apostle Paul would have -none follow him but wherein he followed Christ; much less ought -any Christian or Church in the world to do so. The French may -err, we may err, and other Churches may err, and doubtless do in -many circumstances. The honour of infallibility, therefore, belongs -only to the word of God and the pure testament of Christ, to be -followed as the only rule and pattern for direction by all Churches -and Christians. It is great arrogance for any man or Church to -think that he or they have so sounded the word of God to the bottom -as to be able to set down precisely a Church’s practices without -error in substance or circumstance, and in such a way that no -one thereafter may digress or differ from them with impunity. -Indeed it is not difficult to show that the Reformed Churches differ -from each other in many details.</p> -</div> - -<p>The rest I omit for brevity’s sake; and so leave these men -and their doings, and return to the rest of the adventurers, -who were friends of the company and stuck to them. I will -first insert some of their letters; for I think it best to render -their minds in their own words:</p> - - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Letter to the Colonists at New Plymouth, from the Adventurers in -England who remained friendly to them</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">To our Loving Friends, etc.</p> - -<p>Though what we feared has happened, and the evil we tried to -avert has overtaken us, still we cannot forget you or our friendship<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_164"></a>[164]</span> -and fellowship of some years’ standing, and though its expression -has been small, our hearty affection towards you, unknown -by face, has been no less than to our nearest friends or even to -ourselves. And though your friend Mr. Winslow can tell you the -state of things here, lest we should seem to neglect you, to whom -by a wonderful providence of God we are so nearly united, we -have thought well to write and let you know what has happened -here and the reasons for it, and our intentions and desires concerning -you for the future.</p> - -<p>The old basis of partnership is entirely dissolved, and we are left -to bethink ourselves what course to take in the future, that your -lives and our money be not lost.</p> - -<p>The causes of these alterations are as follows: First and mainly, -the many losses and crosses at sea and the abuses of seamen have -incurred such heavy expenses for us that we could not continue -without impoverishing ourselves, unless our means had been greater -and our associates had stuck together. Secondly, there has been -a faction against you, which, though influenced to abandon you -mainly for want of money, pretended to charge you with being -Brownists, etc. But how you or we ought to turn all this to account -remains to be considered; for we know the hand of God to be in -all these things, and no doubt He would admonish us hereby to see -what is amiss.</p> - -<p>While we ourselves are ready to take every opportunity to further -so hopeful an enterprise, it must rest with you to put it on its feet -again. And whatever else may be said, let your honesty and conscience -remain approved, and lose no jot of your innocence amidst -your crosses and afflictions; and surely if you behave yourselves -wisely and go on fairly, you will need no other weapon to wound -your adversaries; for when your righteousness is revealed as the -light, they, who have causelessly sought your overthrow, shall cover -their faces with shame.</p> - -<p>We think it only right that everything belonging to the common -stock shall be kept together and increased, rather than dispersed -for any private ends whatever; and that after your necessities are -met, you shall send over such commodities as the country affords, to -pay the debts and clear the engagements here, which amount to not -less than £1400. Let us all endeavour to keep an honest course, and -see what time will bring forth, and what God in His providence will -work for us. We are still convinced that you are the people who -must make the settlement a success when all others fail and return; -and your experience of God’s providence and preservation of you is -such that we hope your hearts will not fail you, though your friends -should forsake you,—which we ourselves will not do whilst we live -and your honesty of purpose remains unchanged.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_165"></a>[165]</span></p> - -<p>We have sent you some cattle, clothes, stockings, shoes, leather, -etc. We have consigned them to Mr. Allerton and Mr. Winslow as -our agents, at whose discretion they are to be sold in exchange for -commodities. Go on, good friends, comfortably; pluck up your -spirits and quit yourselves like men in all your difficulties, that, -notwithstanding all the threats of men, your good work may continue; -for in as much as it is for the glory of God and the good of -our countrymen, it is a better course for a man to run than to live -the life of Methuselah in wasting the plenty of a tilled land or -eating the fruit of a grown tree.</p> - -<p>With hearty salutations to you all, and hearty prayers for you all, -we lovingly take our leaves, this 18th of Dec., 1624.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 4em;">Your assured friends to our power,</span><br> -J. S.  W. C.  T. F.  R. H. etc.</p> -</div> - -<p>This letter shows the state of affairs of the colony at -this time. They bought the goods, but at dear rates. -The adventurers put 40% on them for profit and risk outward -bound; and for risk on the goods sent back in payment, -homeward bound, they added another 30%,—in all -70 per cent. This seemed unreasonable to some, and too -oppressive, considering the case of the purchasers. The -cattle were most valuable; the other things were neither -of the best quality nor at the best prices.</p> - -<p>They also sent over two fishing ships on their own account. -One was the pinnace, which was wrecked the previous -year here, and saved by the planters, and which, -after she reached home, was attached by one of the company -for a private debt, and had now been sent out again -on his account. The other was a large ship, well fitted, -with an experienced captain and crew of fishermen, to -make a fishing cruise, and then to go to Bilbao or Sebastian -to sell her fish. The pinnace was ordered to <ins class="corr" id="tn-165" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'load with corfish'"> -load with codfish</ins>, and to bring home to England the beaver received -for the goods sold to the plantation. This big ship was -well laden with good dry fish, which at market prices would -have yielded £1800. But as there was a rumour of war<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_166"></a>[166]</span> -with France, the captain feared to carry out his orders, -and on getting over, put first into Plymouth, and afterwards -into Portsmouth, and so met with a heavy loss, being -obliged to sell at lower prices. The pinnace met with no -better success. She was laden with a <ins class="corr" id="tn-166" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'cargo of corfish'"> -cargo of codfish</ins> caught -on the banks, as full as she could float; and besides she -had some 800 lbs. of beaver, as well as other furs to a -good value, from the plantation. The captain seeing so -much lading, wished to put aboard the bigger ship, for -greater safety; but as Mr. Winslow, their agent in the business, -was bound in a bond of £500 to send it to London in -the small ship, there was some discussion between the captain -and him about it. But he told the captain he must -obey his orders about it, or ignore them at his peril. So -the furs went in the small ship, and he sent bills of lading -in both. The captain of the big ship was so careful, both -vessels being so well-laden, that he towed the small ship -at his stern all the way over. So they went joyfully home -together, and had such fine weather that he never cast her -off till they were well within the England channel, almost -in sight of Plymouth. But even there she was unhappily -taken by a Turkish man of war, and carried off to -Saller, where the captain and crew were made slaves, and -many of the beaver skins were sold for 4d. a piece. Thus -all their hopes were dashed, and the joyful news they meant -to carry home was turned to heavy tidings. Some thought -this was the hand of God in punishment for their too great -exaction of the poor colony; but God’s judgments are -unsearchable, nor dare I make bold with them. However, -it shows us the uncertainty of all human things, and how -foolish it is to take pleasure in them or trust to them.</p> - -<p>In the big ship Captain Standish was sent over from -the settlement, with instructions and letters both to their -friends of the company and to the honourable Council of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_167"></a>[167]</span> -New England. They requested the company, since they -only meant to let them have goods for sale, that they -might have them upon easier terms, as they would never be -able to bear such high interest or allow so much per cent; -and that they should send goods which were useful and -suitable to them. They wished the company to be informed -of the contents of the letter to the Council of New -England. This letter sought the Council’s favour and help, -and asked that the adventurers who had forsaken them -might be brought to order and not keep the colony bound -while they themselves went free; and that they might either -stand by their former agreement, or else reach some fair -conclusion by dividend or composition. But he arrived -at a very bad time, for the country was full of trouble, -and the plague very deadly in London, so that no business -could be done. However, he spoke with some of -the honoured Council, who promised all possible help to -the colony. Several of the friendly adventurers were so -reduced by their losses last year, and now by the ship -taken by the Turks, and the decreased profits on their -fish, and such multitudes in London were dying weekly -of the plague, that all trade was dead and little money -was available; so that with great difficulty he raised £150 -(and spent a good deal of it in expenses) at 50 per cent, -which he expended on trading goods and such other commodities -as he knew they needed. He returned as passenger -on a fishing ship, having made good preparations for the -settlement that was afterwards made with the adventurers.</p> - -<p>In the meantime it pleased the Lord to give the plantation -peace and health and contented minds, and so to bless -their labours that they had sufficient corn, and some to -spare for others, besides other food. After harvest this -year, they sent out a boat-load of corn 40 or 50 leagues to -the eastward, up a river called the Kennebec. The boat<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_168"></a>[168]</span> -they sent was one of the two shallops their carpenter had -built them the year before; for they had nothing bigger. -They laid a little deck over her midships to keep the corn -dry, but the men had to make the best of all weathers without -shelter,—and that time of year it begins to be rough. -But God preserved them and gave them success. They -brought home £700 worth of beaver, besides some other -furs, having little or nothing else for trading with but this -corn which they themselves had raised out of the earth. -This voyage was made by Mr. Winslow and some of the -old standers, for they had no sailors.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_169"></a>[169]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs80 bold" id="CHAPTER_VII">CHAPTER VII</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">Standish returns from England—Death of John Robinson -and Robert Cushman—Purchase of trading goods at Monhegan—Isaac -Allerton goes to England—Small ship built: 1626.</p> - - -<p>About the beginning of April they heard of Captain -Standish’s arrival, and sent a boat to fetch him home with -the things he had brought. He was welcome; but the -news he brought was sad in many regards; not only as -to the losses which their friends had suffered, but also the -tidings that Mr. John Robinson, their old pastor, was dead, -which saddened them much and not without cause. Their -adversaries had been long plotting to hinder his coming -hither; but the Lord had appointed him a better place. -An account of his death is given in these few lines written -to the Governor and Mr. Brewster.</p> - - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>A letter from Roger White at Leyden to Governor Bradford -and William Brewster at New Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Loving and kind Friends,</p> - -<p>I do not know whether this will ever come to your hands, or -miscarry as my other letters have done. But because of the Lord’s -dealing with us here, I have had a great wish to write to you, -knowing your desire to participate with us both in our joys and -sorrows, as we do with you. This is to give you to understand -that it has pleased the Lord to take out of this vale of tears your and -our loving and faithful pastor, and my dear and reverend brother, -Mr. John Robinson, who was ill for some eight days. He began -to sicken on Saturday morning; yet next day (being the Lord’s -day) he taught us twice. The week after he grew daily weaker, -but was without pain. The physic he took seemed to benefit him, -but he grew weaker every day, though he remained sensible to the -last. He fell sick on Feb. 22nd, and departed this life on March -1st. He suffered from a continual inward ague, but was free from<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_170"></a>[170]</span> -infection, so that all his friends came to see him. If either prayers or -tears or care could have saved his life, he had not gone hence. But -he having faithfully finished his course, and performed the work -which the Lord had appointed him here to do, now rests with the -Lord in eternal happiness. Since his going our Church lacks a -governor; yet we still continue by the mercy of God, and hold close -together in peace and quietness; and so hope to do, though we are -very weak. We wish (if such were the will of God) that you and -we were again united, either there or here; but seeing it is the will -of the Lord thus to dispose of things, we must labour with patience -to rest contented, till it please the Lord otherwise to dispose. As -for news, there is not much. In England we have lost our old -King James, who departed this life about a month ago; and here -they have lost the old prince, Grave Maurice; both having departed -this life since my brother Robinson. In England we have a new -king, Charles, of whom there is great hope; here they have put -Prince Henry in his brother’s place. Thus with my love remembered, -I take leave and rest,</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 2.5em;">Your assured loving friend,</span><br> -ROGER WHITE.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>Leyden, April 28th, 1625.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>Thus these two great princes and the colonists’ old pastor -left this world about the same time: Death makes no -difference.</p> - -<p>Captain Standish further brought them notice of the -death of their early friend, Mr. Cushman, whom the Lord -took away also this year, and who had been their right -hand with their friends, the adventurers, and for many -years had undertaken all their business with them to great -advantage. He had written to the Governor but a few -months before of the serious illness of Mr. James Sherley, -one of the chief friends of the plantation, who lay at the -point of death, praising his love and helpfulness in everything, -and much bemoaning the loss his death would be to -them, for he was the stay and life of the whole business; -also that he proposed to come over this year and spend -the rest of his days with them. But he who thus wrote -of another’s illness, knew not his own death was so near. -It shows that a man’s ways are not in his own power, but<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_171"></a>[171]</span> -in His hands, Who has the issue of life and death. Man -may propose, but God doth dispose.</p> - -<p>Their other friends from Leyden wrote many sad letters -to them, lamenting the heavy loss of their pastor, and -though they would gladly come to them, they saw no probability -of it, but concluded that all their hopes were at an -end; and besides, many, being aged, began to drop away -by death.</p> - -<p>They were greatly perplexed—and not without cause. -But they took courage, and the Lord so helped them, -Whose work they had in hand, that now when they seemed -at the lowest ebb they began to rise again; and being -stripped as it were of all human helps and props, by His -divine providence they were not only upheld and sustained, -but their example was both honoured and imitated by -others; as the sequel will show if the Lord spare me life -and time to unfold it.</p> - -<p>Having now no fishing business or other things to attend -to besides their trading and planting, they set themselves to -follow them with the best industry they could. The settlers -finding that their spare corn was a commodity worth six -shillings a bushel, spared no pains in sowing it. The Governor -and those appointed to manage the trade (for it was -still retained for the general benefit, and none were allowed -to trade for themselves) co-operated; so, lacking goods to -trade with, and hearing that a settlement which had been -at Monhegan and belonged to some merchants at Plymouth -was to break up, and many useful goods were to be sold, -the Governor and Mr. Winslow took a boat and some -hands and went there. Mr. David Thomson, who lived -at Piscataqua, learning their purpose, took the opportunity -to go with them; but lest their competition for the goods -should raise the prices, they agreed to buy them all and -divide them equally between them. They also bought<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_172"></a>[172]</span> -some goats, which they distributed amongst the colonists -as they thought fit in exchange for corn. Their share -of the goods came to above £400 sterling. That same -spring a French ship had been wrecked at Sagadahoc, -containing many Biscay rugs and other commodities, -which had fallen into the hands of these people and some -fishermen at Damariscove Islands who had been taken into -partnership; and these extras increased their share of the -purchase to £500. This they made shift to pay for, chiefly -with beaver and goods they had got the winter before, and -what they had obtained that summer. Mr. Thomson having -somewhat exceeded his resources, asked them to relieve -him of some of his purchase; but they declined to -take any but the French goods, and on the understanding -that the merchant who was selling them, and who was -a Bristol man, would take their bill to be paid next year; -to which both parties agreed. By this means they were -well furnished with articles for trading, and were able to -take up some of their previous engagement, such as the -money raised by Captain Standish and the balance of -former debts. With these goods and their corn when -harvested they traded profitably, and were able to meet -their engagements punctually and get some clothing for -the people, and still had some supplies in hand. But soon -they began to be emulated, and others went and supplied -the Indians with corn, and beat down the price, giving -them twice as much as they had done, and under-traded -them with other articles too.</p> - -<p>This year they sent Mr. Allerton to England, and gave -him instructions to settle with the adventurers upon as -good terms as he could, for which composition Captain -Standish had paved the way the year before. They enjoined -him not to conclude absolutely till they knew the -terms and had well considered them, but to arrange preliminaries<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_173"></a>[173]</span> -as well as he could, and refer the conclusion to -them. They also gave him commission under their hands -and seals to raise some money, provided it did not exceed -the sum specified, for which they engaged themselves, and -instructed him how to expend it for the use of the plantation.</p> - -<p>Finding that they ran great risks in going such long voyages -in a small open boat, especially during the winter, they -began to think how they could get a small pinnace. It -was the more necessary since others were paying the Indians -half as much corn again as they had formerly given, -and in such a small boat they could not carry a quantity -sufficient for their purposes. They had no ship-builder -among them, nor did they know how to get one at present; -but they had an ingenious man who was a house carpenter, -who had worked under the ship-builder who died, when he -was building their boats. So at their request he tried his -skill, and took one of the biggest of their shallops, sawed -her across the middle, lengthened her about five or six feet, -strengthened her with timbers, built her up, and decked her -and made her a convenient and serviceable vessel, suitable -for their use. They got her finished and fitted with sails -and anchors for the coming year; and she did them service -for seven years.</p> - -<p>Thus passed the affairs of this year.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_174"></a>[174]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs80 bold" id="CHAPTER_VIII">CHAPTER VIII</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">Allerton brings back Proposed Composition between Adventurers -in England and the Settlement—Division of land and -live-stock among the Colonists—Hospitality given to Fells-Sibsie -Settlers—Pinnace and Depot at Manomet—Allerton returns -to England—Greetings between Dutch Colony at New -Amsterdam and Plymouth Settlement—Leading Colonists -become responsible for purchase of Adventurers’ shares in -England and buy rights of the Settlements’ trading from the -general body of Colonists for six years: 1627.</p> - - -<p>At the usual season of the arrival of ships Mr. Allerton -returned, and brought some useful goods with him according -to the orders given him. As commissioned, he had -raised £200, which he got at 30 per cent. They got the -goods safely home and in good condition. He told them, -also, how with much ado he had arranged for a settlement -with the adventurers, with the help of several of their -faithful friends there. Of the agreement or bargain he had -brought a draft with a list of their names annexed, drawn -by the best counsel of law they could get, to make it binding. -The body of it I insert here.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="noindent">To all Christian people, greeting, etc.</p> - -<p>Whereas at a meeting on the 26th of October last, several persons -whose names to the one part of these presents are subscribed in a -schedule hereunto annexed, Adventurers to New Plymouth in New -England in America, agreed, in consideration of the sum of one -thousand and eight hundred pounds sterling to be paid (in manner -and form following) to sell and make sale of all the stocks, shares, -lands, merchandise, and chattels, whatsoever, to the said adventurers -and their fellow adventurers to New Plymouth aforesaid, in any -way accruing or belonging to the generality of the said adventurers -aforesaid; as well as for any sum or sums of money or merchandise<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_175"></a>[175]</span> -at any time heretofore adventured or disbursed by them howsoever; -for the better setting forth and expression of the said agreement -the parties to these presents subscribing, do for themselves -severally, and as much as in them is, grant, bargain, alien, sell, -and transfer, all the said shares, goods, lands, merchandise, and -chattels, to them belonging as aforesaid to Isaac Allerton, one of -the planters resident at New Plymouth aforesaid, assigned and -sent over as agent for the rest of the planters there, and to such -other planters at New Plymouth aforesaid as the said Isaac, his -heirs or assigns, at his or their arrival, shall by writing or otherwise -think fit to join or partake in the premises, their heirs and -assigns, in as large, ample, and beneficial manner and form, to all -intents and purposes, as the said subscribing adventurers here -could or may do or perform. All which stocks, shares, lands, etc., -to the said adventurers allotted, apportioned, or in any way belonging, -the said adventurers do warrant and defend unto the said -Isaac Allerton, his heirs and assigns, against them, their heirs and -assigns, by these presents. And therefore the said Isaac Allerton, -does, for him, his heirs and assigns, covenant, promise, and grant -to and with the adventurers whose names are hereunto subscribed, -their heirs, etc., well and truly to pay, or cause to be paid, to the -said adventurers, or 5 of them which were at that meeting aforesaid, -nominated and deputed, viz.: John Pocock, John Beauchamp, -Robert Kean, Edward Bass, and James Sherley, merchants, their -heirs, etc., to and for the use of the generality of them, the sum -of £1800 of lawful money of England, at the place appointed for -the receipts of money, on the west side of the Royal Exchange -in London, by £200 yearly, and every year, on the feast of St. -Michael, the first payment to be made A. D. 1628, ... Also the said -Isaac is to endeavour to procure and obtain from the planters of -New Plymouth aforesaid, security, by several obligations, or writings -obligatory, to make payment of the said sum of £1800 in -form aforesaid, according to the true meaning of these presents. -In testimony whereof to this part of these presents remaining with -the said Isaac Allerton, the said subscribing adventurers have set -their names, ... And to the other part remaining with the said -adventurers the said Isaac Allerton has subscribed his name, the -15th Nov., 1626, in the second year of his majesty’s reign.</p> - -<div class="textcol3"> -John White<br> -John Pocock<br> -Robert Kean<br> -Edward Bass<br> -William Hobson<br> -William Pennington<br> -</div> -<div class="textcol3"> -William Quarles<br> -Daniel Poynton<br> -Richard Andrews<br> -Newman Rookes<br> -Henry Browning<br> -Richard Wright<br> -</div> -<div class="textcol3"> -John Ling<br> -Thomas Goffe<br> -Samuel Sharpe<br> -Robert Holland<br> -James Sherley<br> -Thomas Mott<br><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_176"></a>[176]</span> -</div> -<div class="textcol3"> -Thomas Fletcher<br> -Timothy Hatherley<br> -Thomas Brewer<br> -John Thorned<br> -Myles Knowles<br> -William Collier<br> -John Revell<br> -Peter Gudburn<br> -</div> -<div class="textcol3"> -Emnu. Alltham<br> -John Beauchamp<br> -Thomas Hudson<br> -Thomas Andrews<br> -Thomas Ward<br> -Fria. Newbald<br> -Thomas Heath<br> -Joseph Tilden<br> -</div> -<div class="textcol3"> -William Perrin<br> -Eliza Knight<br> -Thomas Coventry<br> -Robert Alden<br> -Lawrence Anthony<br> -John Knight<br> -Matthew Thornhill<br> -Thomas Millsop<br> -</div> -</div> - -<p>This agreement was approved by all the plantation, and -consented to, though they did not know just how to raise -the payment, and meet other engagements, and supply the -yearly wants of the colony, since they were forced to -raise money or purchase goods at such high interest to -supply themselves with necessities. However, they undertook -it, and seven or eight of the chief members became -jointly bound for the payment of the £1800, on behalf of -the rest, at the days set. It was a great risk as things -stood at present. At the return of their agent <ins class="corr" id="tn-176" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'it was absoluely'"> -it was absolutely</ins> confirmed on both sides, and the bargain was fairly -engrossed on parchment, and many things put into better -form by the advice of the most learned counsel they could -get; and to prevent forfeiture of the whole, for non-payment -on any of the days, it ran thus: to forfeit thirty -shillings a week if they missed the time.</p> - -<p>Now there were some unsuitable people among them from -the first who came from England, and others sent later -by some of the adventurers, concerning whom the Governor -and Council had seriously to consider how to settle things -in regard to this new bargain, in respect of the distribution -of things both for the present and future. For the present, -unless peace and unity were preserved, they would be able -to do nothing, but would endanger everything. So they -decided to include all in the partnership—<em>i. e.</em> either heads -of families or single young men of ability who were free -and able to be helpful to the commonwealth; for, first,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_177"></a>[177]</span> -they had need of men for defence and carrying on business; -secondly most of them had borne their part in former -miseries, and ought to be allowed to partake of the greater -prosperity, if the Lord were pleased to give it.</p> - -<p>So they called the company together and conferred with -them, and came to the conclusion that the trade should be -managed as before, to help to pay the debts; and all -eligible persons should be enrolled as purchasers, single -freemen to have a single share, and every father of a family -to be allowed to purchase as many shares as there were -members of his family,—that is to say one for himself, one -for his wife, and one for every child that he had living with -him. As for servants, they had none, except what their -masters gave them out of theirs, or their deserts should -gain them from the company afterwards. The shares were -allotted accordingly, and everyone was to pay his proportion -towards the purchase and all other debts which the -profits derived from trading did not cover. This gave -satisfaction to all.</p> - -<p>The cattle they had were divided first, in this proportion: -a cow to six persons or shares, and two goats to the -same, the stock being first equalised in value according -to age and quality, and then drawn for by lots. Pigs, -though more numerous, were dealt with similarly. Then -they agreed that every person or share should have twenty -acres of land allotted to them, besides the single acres they -owned already. Those appointed to make the allotment -were instructed to begin first on one side of the town, up -to a certain distance, and then on the other side, similarly; -and to include only tillable land,—or at least such of it as -was along the water-side, as most of it was,—and to leave -the rest as common land. They were all to agree as to -the fitness of it before the lots were drawn, to avoid dissatisfaction -afterwards. For the same reason they agreed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_178"></a>[178]</span> -by mutual consent, before any lots were drawn, that those -whose land was nearest the town should choose a neighbour -or two whom they would allow to plant corn with them -for four years; and afterwards they should be allowed to -use as much of theirs for the same period if they wished. -Every plot of twenty acres was to be laid out five acres in -breadth along the water side and four acres in length, -excepting nooks and corners which were to be measured to -best advantage. But no meadows were to be laid out at -all; nor were they for many years after, because of the -scarceness of meadow land. If they had been given out -now, it would have hindered later developments; so each -season everyone was shown where to mow, according to -the proportion of cattle he had, and the fodder he required.</p> - -<p>This distribution gave general satisfaction, and settled -men’s minds. They gave the Governor and four or five -leading men among them the houses they lived in; the -other houses were valued, and equalised fairly, and everyone -kept his own; so that he who had a better house made -some allowance to him who had a worse, according to the -valuation.</p> - -<p>One thing which occurred at the beginning of the previous -winter I have deferred mentioning till now, so that -I might handle it altogether. A ship with goods and -many passengers aboard, bound for Virginia, lost herself -at sea, either through the incompetence of the captain, -or his illness,—for he was so ill with scurvy that he could -only lie at the cabin door and give directions,—and it -seemed he was poorly helped by the mate and the crew; -or perhaps the fear and unruliness of the passengers made -them steer a course between the southwest and the northwest, -so that they might make land the sooner. They -had been six weeks at sea, and had no water or beer or<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_179"></a>[179]</span> -wood left, having burnt up all their empty casks. One -of the passengers had a hogshead of wine or two, which -was almost used up, and they feared they would be starved -at sea or wiped out by disease,—and so they ran this -desperate course. But it pleased God that though they -either only just avoided the shoals of Cape Cod, or else -ran stumbling over them in the night they knew not how, -they made right towards a small blind harbour which lies -about in the middle of Manamoick Bay, to the south of -Cape Cod; and about high water they touched upon a -bar of sand that lies across it, but took no harm, the sea -being smooth; so they put out an anchor. But towards -the evening the wind sprang up at sea, and it was so rough -that their cable broke and they were beaten over the bar -into the harbour, where they saved their lives and their -cargo, though much was injured by salt water, for in the -storm they had sprung the butt-end of a plank or two and -beat out their oakum; but they were soon over, and ran -onto a dry flat within the harbour, close by the beach. -So at low water they got out their goods and dried those -that were wet, and saved most of their things without any -great loss; nor was the ship so badly damaged but that she -might be mended and made serviceable again. But though -they were glad that they had saved their lives, when they -had refreshed themselves a little they began to realize -their condition, and not knowing where they were or -what they should do they lost heart. Shortly after, they -saw some Indians coming to them in canoes, which made -them stand upon their guard. But when they heard some -of the Indians speak English to them, they were relieved, -especially when they asked if they were the Governor -of Plymouth’s men, or friends of theirs, and offered to -guide them to the English settlement or carry their letters.</p> - -<p>They feasted these Indians and gave them many presents,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_180"></a>[180]</span> -and sent two of their men and a letter with them -to the Governor, and begged him to send a boat to them -with some pitch and oakum and spikes and various other -necessaries to mend their ship. They also asked him to -help them with some corn and several other things they -wanted, to enable them to continue their voyage to Virginia. -They promised to pay for anything they received -in any goods which they had aboard. After the Governor -had been informed by the messengers of their condition, -he had a boat got ready with the supplies they needed, -and as the other more responsible members of the colony -were away trading, he went himself and took some trading -goods, too, to buy corn from the Indians. It was no -season of the year to go outside the Cape: but knowing -where the ship lay, he coasted along the lower side of the -Bay and put into a creek called Namskeket, where it is -not much above two miles overland to the bay where they -were; and he had Indians ready to carry over anything -to them. They were very glad of his arrival, and of the -things to mend their ship, and other necessaries. He also -brought them as much corn as they wanted; and some of -their sailors having run away among the Indians, he had -them sent back to the ship, and so left them well provided -and very grateful for the courtesies shown them.</p> - -<p>After the Governor left them, he went into some other -harbours near there, and loaded his boat with corn, which -he traded, and then went home. He had not been home -many days before he received word from them that in -a violent storm, owing to the bad mooring of the ship -after she had been mended, she was driven ashore again, -and so beaten that she was wholly unfit to go to sea. -So their request was that they might have leave to come -to them and live with them, till they could convey themselves -to Virginia. If they might have means to transport<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_181"></a>[181]</span> -their goods, they would pay for it and for anything else -with which the plantation could provide them. Considering -their distress all their requests were granted, and all -help rendered them,—their goods transported and they -themselves accommodated in their houses as well as they -could.</p> - -<p>The chief among these people were a Mr. Fells and a -Mr. Sibsie, who had a number of servants belonging to -them, many of them Irish. Some others had a servant or -two each; but most of the people were themselves servants -and were engaged by the two men mentioned above, -who owned most of the cargo. After they had arrived -and were settled, the masters asked for some land to -employ their servants upon, since it was likely to be the -latter end of the year before they could get passage for -Virginia, and they had now the winter before them. If -they had opportunity to take passage before the crop was -ripe, they would sell it standing. So they had ground -allotted in convenient places, and Fells and some of them -grew a great deal of corn which they sold at their departure. -This Fells, amongst his other servants, had a maid-servant -who kept his house and did his household affairs; -and, as was intimated by some who were with him, he was -suspected of keeping her as his concubine. Both of them -were questioned as to this, but nothing could be proved -and they stood upon their justification; so they were dismissed -with admonition. But afterwards it appeared she -was with child, so he got a small boat and ran away with -her for fear of punishment. First he went to Cape Ann, -and afterwards to the Bay of Massachusetts; but he could -get no passage and was nearly wrecked, so he was forced -to come back and submit himself. So they packed him -away and those that belonged to him at the first opportunity, -and dismissed all the rest as soon as they could,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_182"></a>[182]</span> -as there were many undesirable people among them, though -they were also some who behaved themselves very well -all the time they stayed. And the plantation benefited -by selling them corn and other provisions in exchange -for clothing of which they had a variety, such as cloth, -<ins class="corr" id="tn-182" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'perpetuanes and other'"> -perpetuanas and other</ins> stuffs, besides stockings and shoes -and such like goods, which the planters stood in need of. -So the advantage was mutual, and a couple of barks took -them away at the latter end of the summer. Several -of them have since acknowledged their gratitude from -Virginia.</p> - -<p>So that they might lose no opportunity of trading, the -settlers decided to build a small pinnace at Manomet, a -place on the sea 20 miles to the southward of them, towards -which ran a creek, so that they could convey their -goods to within four or five miles of it, and then transport -them overland to their vessel, and so avoid rounding Cape -Cod, with its dangerous shoals. By this means they could -make voyages southward in much shorter time and with -far less danger. For the safety of their vessel and goods -they built a house and kept some servants there, who also -planted corn and kept swine and were always ready to -go out with the bark when needed. It was a satisfactory -and profitable enterprise.</p> - -<p>With the return of the ships they sent Mr. Allerton to -England again, giving him full power under their hands -and seals to conclude the former bargain with the adventurers, -and sent them bonds for the payment of the money. -They also sent what beaver they could spare to meet some -of their engagements and to defray his expenses; but the -high rates of interest left them little margin. He had -orders to procure a patent for a suitable trading-house on -the river Kennebec; for the settlers at Piscataqua and other -places to the eastward of them, and also the fishing ships,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_183"></a>[183]</span> -competed with them for the trade of the Indians, and -threatened by procuring a grant to exclude them from -thereabouts,—and they found they were so well furnished -with goods for the purpose that they might take all the -trade from them. They thought it essential to prevent -this, and at least to preserve free-trade for themselves in -localities which they themselves had first discovered and -developed.</p> - -<p>This year they received letters and messengers from -the Dutch colony sent to them from the Governor there, -written both in Dutch and French. The Dutch had traded -to the south of them several years before they came, but -had made no settlement there till four or five years after -their arrival at New Plymouth. Their letters were as follows—it -being their custom to be full of complimental -titles.</p> - -<p>I shall render it in English, leaving out the superfluous -titles from the body of the letter.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>The Dutch colonists at Manhattan to the Settlers at New Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p>Noble, worshipful, wise and prudent Lords, the Governor and -Councillors residing at New Plymouth, our very dear friends:</p> - -<p>The Director and Council of New Netherlands wish to your -Lordships, worshipful, wise and prudent, happiness in Christ -Jesus Our Lord, with prosperity and health in soul and body.</p> - -<p>We have often before this wished for an opportunity to congratulate -you on your prosperous and praiseworthy undertakings, -and the Government of your colony there; the more so, since we -also have made a good beginning in the foundation of a colony -here, and because our native country is not far from yours, and -our forefathers many years ago formed friendship and alliance -with your ancestors both for war and trade, confirmed under the -hands of kings and princes. These have not only been confirmed -by the king now reigning, but it has pleased his majesty, upon -mature deliberation, to make a new alliance to take up arms against -our common enemy the Spaniard, who seeks to usurp the lands of -other Christian kings so that he may obtain his pretended monarchy -over all Christendom, and so rule at his pleasure over the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_184"></a>[184]</span> -consciences of so many hundred thousand souls; which God forbid!</p> - -<p>It appears that some of our people, who happened to go northward -in their boat, met some Indians, who told them that they -were within half a day’s journey of your plantation, and offered to -take letters to you; so we could not forbear to salute you with -these few lines, bearing our good will and service to you, in all -friendly kindness and neighbourhood. If it should happen that any -goods that come to us from our native country may be serviceable -to you, we shall feel ourselves bound to accommodate you either -for beaver or any other merchandise. Should we have no goods at -present that you want, if you care to sell us any beaver, or otter, -or such, for ready money, and let us hear in writing by this bearer, -whom we have instructed to wait three or four days for your -answer, we will depute some one to deal with you at any place you -may appoint. In the meantime we pray the Lord to take you, our -honoured friends and neighbours, into His holy protection.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 4em;">By the appointment of the Governor and Council, etc.</span><br> -ISAAC DE RASIERES, Secretary.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>From Manhattan, in the Fort of Amsterdam. March 9th, 1627.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>To this they answered as follows:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>From the Settlement at New Plymouth to the Dutch Colony at -New Amsterdam</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">To the honoured, etc.</p> - -<p>The Governor and Council of New Plymouth, wishes, etc. We -have received your letters, expressing your good-will and friendship -towards us, but with over high titles, more than is our right, or -it is fitting for us to receive. But for your good-will and congratulations -of our prosperity in these small beginnings of our -poor colony, we are much obliged to you, and acknowledge them -with many thanks, accepting them as a great honour to us and a -sure proof of your love and good neighbourhood.</p> - -<p>This is also to give your worships to understand, that it is no -small joy to us to hear that his majesty has not only been pleased -to confirm the ancient alliances and other contracts formerly made -by his predecessors of famous memory, but has himself (as you -say) strengthened them with a new bond, the better to resist the -pride of that common enemy, the Spaniard, from whose cruelty the -Lord keep us both, and our native countries. Now though this were -sufficient to unite us together in love and good neighbourhood in -all our dealings, many of us are under further obligations for the -courteous treatment we received in your country, having lived there<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_185"></a>[185]</span> -for many years in freedom, as many of our friends do to this day; -for which we and our children after us are bound to be grateful -to your nation, and shall never forget it, but shall heartily desire -your good and prosperity as our own, forever.</p> - -<p>Your friendly offer to accommodate us with any merchandise you -may have, either for beaver or otter or other wares, is also very -acceptable, and we doubt not we shall shortly have profitable trade -together. This year we are fully supplied with all necessaries, -clothing, etc., though later we shall hope to deal with you, if your -rates are reasonable. When you send to us again we shall like to -know what price you give for beaver per pound, and otter per -skin; and on what per cent you will deal for other commodities, and -what you can supply us with; also what other goods from us -would be acceptable to you, as tobacco, fish, corn, etc., and what -prices you will give, etc.</p> - -<p>We hope you will pardon us for our imperfect writing in your -language, and take it in good part; through want of practice we -cannot so well express what we understand, nor understand everything -as full we should. We humbly pray the Lord for His -mercy’s sake that He will take both us and you into His gracious -keeping and protection.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 5.5em;">By the Governor and Council of New Plymouth,</span><br> -Your Worships’ very good friends and neighbours, etc.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>New Plymouth, March 19th.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>After this there was much correspondence and other -intercourse, and they traded profitably together for several -years, till other things interrupted it, as will appear -afterwards.</p> - -<p>Before they sent Mr. Allerton to England this year, the -Governor and some of the principal members seriously -considered how best to discharge the many obligations -which lay so heavily upon them, and also how, if possible, -to bring over some of their friends at Leyden, who wished -so much to come to them, and whose company they desired -equally. To effect this, the leading men of the colony -resolved upon a venturesome course, not knowing -how to accomplish their objects otherwise. This was, that -they should purchase the trade of the settlement (now -owned jointly by the settlers, as a body, and by the adventurers)<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_186"></a>[186]</span> -for a certain period, and in that time to undertake -to pay the £1800, and all the rest of the debts of the plantation -then owing, which amounted to about £600 more; -the trade of the settlement to revert to the common ownership -at the end of the period. Upon coming to this resolution -they called the settlers together, and made it clear -to them what all their debts amounted to, and upon what -terms they would undertake to pay them in a given time. -But their other objects they were obliged to conceal, only -privately consulting some of their most trusted friends -about it. So after some discussion with the colonists, it -was agreed to, and the contract drawn up on the following -condition.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p><em>Articles of Agreement between the Colony of New Plymouth of -the one part, and William Bradford, Captain Myles Standish, Isaac -Allerton, etc., of the other part; and such others as they shall think -good to take as partners in the trade for beaver and other furs and -commodities, etc. Made July, 1627.</em></p> - -<p>1. First it is agreed and covenanted between the said parties, that -the aforesaid William Bradford, Captain Myles Standish, and Isaac -Allerton, etc., have undertaken and do by these presents covenant -and agree to pay, discharge, and acquit the said colony of all debts -due for the purchase or otherwise, on the date of these presents.</p> - -<p>2. The above said parties are to have and freely enjoy the pinnace -lately built, the boat at Manomet, and the shallop called the -bass-boat, with all implements belonging to them in the store of -the said company; with the whole stock of furs, fells, beads, corn, -wampum, hatchets, knives, etc., now in the store, or due to the same -upon account.</p> - -<p>3. That the above said parties have the whole trade to themselves, -their heirs and assigns, with all the privileges thereof, as the -said colony does now, and may use the same for six full years to -come, to begin the last day of September next ensuing.</p> - -<p>4. In further consideration of the discharge of the said debts, -each member of the colony promises and covenants yearly to pay -or cause to be paid to the above said parties during the full term -of the above said six years, three bushels of corn or six lbs. of -tobacco, at the choice of the parties.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_187"></a>[187]</span></p> - -<p>5. The said parties shall during the aforesaid term expend £50 -per annum in hose and shoes to be brought over for the colony’s -use, to be sold to them for corn at six shillings per bushel.</p> - -<p>6. That the end of the said term of six years, the whole trade -shall revert to the use and benefit of the said colony as before.</p> - -<p>7. Lastly, if the aforesaid parties, after they have acquainted -their friends in England with these covenants, do thereupon resolve -to perform them, and undertake to discharge the debts of the said -colony, according to the true meaning and intent of these presents, -they are then upon notice given to stand in full force; otherwise -all things to remain as they were formerly, and a true account to -be given to the said colony of the disposition of everything as usual.</p> -</div> - -<p>Mr. Allerton took a copy of this agreement to England, -and had orders to arrange with some of their special -friends there to join with them in this trade upon the above -conditions, and also to impart to them confidentially the -other object that induced them to take this course, that is, -to bring over some of their friends from Leyden, if possible; -and to tell them that if any of them would join with them -they would thankfully accept their partnership; and finally, -by letter, gave them some grounds for their hope of accomplishing -it advantageously for all concerned.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_188"></a>[188]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs80 bold" id="CHAPTER_IX">CHAPTER IX</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">Allerton in England negotiates partnership between leading -New Plymouth colonists and some of the previous London -adventurers—Patent for Kennebec River procured—Further -Dutch intercourse—Trade in Wampum begun—Troubles with -Morton in Massachusetts—John Endicott’s arrival—Morton -trades guns and ammunition to the Indians—Morton apprehended—Troubles -begin with Isaac Allerton: 1628.</p> - - -<p>After Mr. Allerton’s arrival in England, he informed the -adventurers of his commission to make the purchase of the -trade of the colony for six years, and upon delivery of -the bonds for the yearly payments it was finally concluded, -and a deed engrossed in parchment was delivered to him -under their hands and seals confirming it. He also arranged -with some special friends among them, as instructed, -to participate in the purchase, and to supply them with -money at better rates, etc. Concerning this I insert here -a letter from Mr. Sherley to the Governor throwing light on -what followed.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>James Sherley in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Sir,</p> - -<p>I have received yours of May 26th through Mr. Gibbs and Mr. -Goffe, with the barrel of otter skins, for which I got a bill of store, -and sold them for £78-12-0 sterling; and Mr. Allerton has received -the money as will appear by the account. It is true, as you write, -that your obligations are large, not only for the purchase but for the -working stock you will require, which you cannot raise at 6 or 8 per -cent. as here but must pay 30, 40 and even 50 per cent. Were not -your profits considerable, and God’s blessing on your honest endeavours -more than ordinary, you could not long be masters of your -affairs. And this, it seems, your honest and able <ins class="corr" id="tn-188" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'agent, Mr. Allertion'"> -agent, Mr. Allerton</ins>,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_189"></a>[189]</span> -has seriously considered. He tells me that you are willing -to permit me and some few others to join with you as partners -in the purchase; I thank you and all the rest, and gladly accept, -and though absent, shall willingly be at such expense as you and -the rest think proper. This year I am prepared to forego the £50 -due and the two years’ increase for the venture, which comes in -all to £80, without making any condition for the profit,—you with -the rest to bear the risk outward and homeward. I have persuaded -Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beauchamp to do the same, so that you -will not have to bear the high rate of the previous two years. -We leave it freely to yourselves to allow us what you please, and -according as God shall bless us. Whatever course I take, Mr. -Beauchamp is willing to do the same; and though he may have -seemed rather harsh before, you will find he is now new moulded. -I also see by your letter that you desire me to be your agent here. -I have ever found you such faithful, honest, and upright men, that -I have resolved to do you all the good that lies in my power; so -if you please to select so inadequate a man to perform your business, -I promise to do the best I can with the ability the Lord has -given me; and wherein I fail, blame yourselves that you did not -make a better choice. As I am not in good health, and we are all -mortal, I have advised Mr. Allerton to associate Mr. Beauchamp -with me as your deputy, which is both necessary and advisable for -you, and will cost you no more, for it is not the salary that induces -me to undertake your business. Thus commending you and yours -and all God’s people to the guidance and protection of the Almighty, -I ever rest,</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 3em;">Your faithful, loving friend,</span><br> -JAMES SHERLEY.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>London, Nov. 17th, 1628.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>With this letter he sent a draft of power of attorney -to be sealed and returned to them, authorizing them to -act as their agents. As some trouble arose about it afterwards, -I will insert it.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>To all to whom these presents shall come, greeting; know ye that -we, William Bradford, Governor <ins class="corr" id="tn-189" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'of New Pymouth'"> -of New Plymouth</ins>, in New England, -in America, Isaac Allerton, Myles Standish, William -Brewster, and Edward Winslow, of New Plymouth aforesaid, -merchants, do by these presents for us and in our names make, -substitute, and appoint James Sherley, goldsmith, and John Beauchamp, -salter, citizens of London, our true and lawful agents, -factors, substitutes, and assigns; as well to take and receive all<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_190"></a>[190]</span> -such goods, wares, merchandise whatsoever as to our said substitutes -or either of them, or to the city of London, or other -place of the Realm of England, shall be sent, transported, or come -from us or any of us; as also to vend, sell, barter, or exchange the -said goods, wares, and merchandise, so from time to time to be -sent to such person or persons upon credit, or otherwise in such -manner as to our said agents and factors jointly, or to either of -them severally, shall seem proper. And further we make and -ordain our said substitutes and assigns jointly and severally for us, -and to our uses, and accounts, to buy and consign for us and to -us to New England aforesaid, such goods and merchandise to be -provided here, and to be returned hence as by our said assigns, or -either of them, shall be thought fit. And to recover, receive, and -demand for us and in our names all such debts and sums of money, -as now are or hereafter shall be due, incident, accruing, or belonging -to us, or any of us, by any ways or means; and to acquit, discharge, -or compound for any debt or sum of money, which now or -hereafter shall be due or owing by any person or persons to us, or -any of us. And generally for us and in our names to do, perform, -and execute every act and thing which to our said assigns, or -either of them, shall seem proper to do, as fully and effectually, to -all intents and purposes, as if we or any of us were in person -present. And whatsoever our said agents and factors jointly or -severally shall do, or cause to be done, in or about the premises, -we will and do, and each of us does ratify, allow, and confirm, by -these presents. In witness whereof we have hereunto put our -hands and seals.</p> - -<p><em>Dated November 18th, 1628.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>This was accordingly confirmed by the above named, -and four more of the principal members, under their hands -and seals, and delivered to them. Mr. Allerton had formerly -received authority under their hands and seals for -transacting their business, raising money, etc., and this -deed he still retained while he was employed on these -affairs. Their complete trust in him and their other -friends made them remiss in cancelling such previous deeds, -which was a disadvantage to them later, as will appear in -due course.</p> - -<p>Mr. Allerton having settled everything satisfactorily, returned -to the colony in the early spring of the year with<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_191"></a>[191]</span> -their supplies for trading, the fishermen with whom he came -being accustomed to sail in the winter and get here betimes. -He brought a fair stock of goods for the settlement, not -subject to such high interest, and an account of the beaver -sold and of the money expended for goods and the payment -of other debts. He had discharged all engagements, -except to Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beauchamp, and Mr. Andrews; -and from them he also brought an account, which amounted -to not above £400, for which he had given bonds. He -had also made the first payment for the purchase, due -this year, viz., £200, and brought them the bond for it, -duly cancelled. So they had now no foreign debts except -£400, odd, and the balance of the yearly purchase money. -They had some other debts over here, but they were without -interest, and they were in a position to discharge them -when they were due. To this pass the Lord had brought -things for them.</p> - -<p>Mr. Allerton also brought them notice that their friends -referred to above, with some others who wished to join -them in the trading and in the purchase, intended that a -reasonable number of the congregation at Leyden should -be sent over next year without fail, if the Lord pleased -to bless their journey. He also brought them a patent -for Kennebec; but it was so inadequate that they were -obliged to endeavour to renew and enlarge it the next year, -and also that which they had at home, at great expense, -as will appear. Hitherto Mr. Allerton had done them good -and faithful service: would that he had so continued, or -that they had now ceased employing him any longer in -England. But of this more afterwards.</p> - -<p>Having procured a patent for Kennebec, they erected -a house in the most convenient place for trade up the river, -and stocked it with goods for that purpose, both for winter -and summer; not only with corn, but with such other<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_192"></a>[192]</span> -commodities as the fishermen had traded to them, such -as coats, shirts, rugs, blankets, biscuits, peas, prunes, etc. -What they could not procure from England they bought -from the fishing ships and so carried on their business as -well as they could.</p> - -<p>This year the Dutch visited them again. With kind -letters from the colony they sent a variety of goods, such -as sugar, linen, Holland finer and coarser stuffs, etc. -Their secretary de Rasieres came with them in their bark -to Manomet, to the house the settlers had established there. -He brought attendants, and his coming was heralded by -trumpets. He requested them to send a boat to take him -on to New Plymouth, as he could not travel so far overland. -So they sent a boat to Manoanscussett, and brought -him to the plantation with most of his people. After -some few days’ entertainment he returned to his bark, and -some of the leading settlers went with him and bought -some of his goods. After this beginning they often sent -over to them, and had intercourse for many years.</p> - -<p>Amongst other commodities they sold the Dutch a good -deal of tobacco in exchange for linen, stuffs, etc.; and -tobacco was profitably traded with them by the New -Plymouth colony, till the Virginians learned of the Dutch -settlement. But what become most profitable, in time, was -the beginning they then made in the trade for wampum. -They bought £50 worth of it from the Dutch who told -them how much they sold of it at Fort Orange, and assured -them they would find it so at Kennebec. At first -they could not sell it—in fact it was two years before they -cleared this small quantity. Afterwards, when the Indians -further inland began to know of it, for many years they -could scarcely get enough for them.</p> - -<p>This, with their other sources of supply, reduced their -trade with the fishermen, and in the main also with the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_193"></a>[193]</span> -scattered settlers. It was strange to see the great change -it wrought in a few years among the Indians themselves. -The natives of these parts and in Massachusetts hitherto -had none or very little of this wampum, except the Sachems -and some of the chiefs who wore a little of it for ornament. -It was, however, largely made and used by the Narragansetts -and Pequots, who grew rich and powerful while -the Indians here were poor and beggarly, and had no use for -it. Nor did the English of New Plymouth or any of the -other settlements, until told of it by the Dutch, so much -as know what it was, much less that it was a commodity -of such value. But after it grew to be valuable here, -the local Indians took to it too, and learned how to make -it, gathering the shells from the shores. It has remained -a current commodity now for about twenty years, and it -may prove a drug in time. In the meantime it makes the -tribes hereabouts rich and powerful and proud, and provides -them with arms and powder and shot, through the -depravity of some unworthy persons, both English, Dutch, -and French, and likely to be the ruin of many. Hitherto -the Indians round here had no guns or other arms but -their bows and arrows, nor for many years after; they -scarcely dared handle guns, they were so afraid of them; -and the very sight of one, though out of kilter, was a -terror to them. But the Indians to the East who had -dealings with the French got guns from them, and in time -our English fishermen, with equal covetousness, followed -their example. But upon complaint it pleased the king’s -majesty to prohibit it by a strict proclamation, commanding -that no sort of arms or munition should be traded to -the Indians by his subjects.</p> - -<p>Some three or four years before this there came over -one, Captain Wollaston, a man of fine qualities, with -three or four others of some distinction, who brought with<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_194"></a>[194]</span> -them a great many servants, with provisions and other -necessaries to found a settlement. They pitched upon a -place within Massachusetts, which they called, after their -Captain, Mount Wollaston. Among them was one, Mr. -Morton, who, it seems, had some small share with them -in the enterprise, either on his own account or as an agent; -but he was little respected amongst them and even slighted -by the servants. Having remained there some time, and -not finding things answer their expectations, Captain Wollaston -took the majority of the servants to Virginia, where -he hired out their services profitably to other employers. -So he wrote up to Mr. Rasdell, one of the chief partners -who was acting as their merchant, to bring another party -of them to Virginia for the same purpose. With the -consent of Rasdell he appointed one, Fitcher, as his deputy, -to govern the remnant of the colony till one of them -should return. But Morton, in the others’ absence, having -more craft than honesty—he had been a kind of pettifogger -of Furnival’s Inn—watched his opportunity when -rations were scarce with them, got some drink and other -junkets and made them a feast, and after they were -merry began to tell them he would give them good counsel. -“You see,” says he, “that many of your comrades have -been taken to Virginia; and if you stay till this Rasdell -returns you too will be carried off and sold as slaves with -the rest. So I would advise you to oust this Lieutenant -Fitcher; and I, having a share in this settlement, will -take you as partners, and you will be free from service, -and we will trade, plant, and live together as equals, and -support and protect one another”—and so on. This advice -was easily received; so they drove out Lieutenant -Fitcher and would not allow him to come amongst them, -forcing him to get food and other relief from his neighbours, -till he could get passage to England. They then<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_195"></a>[195]</span> -fell to utter licentiousness, and led a dissolute and profane -life. Morton became lord of misrule, and maintained, -as it were, a school of Atheism. As soon as they acquired -some means by trading with the Indians, they spent it -in drinking wine and strong drinks to great excess,—as -some reported, £10 worth in a morning! They set up -a Maypole, drinking and dancing about it for several days -at a time, inviting the Indian women for their consorts, -dancing and frisking together like so many fairies,—or -furies rather,—to say nothing of worse practices. It was -as if they had revived the celebrated feasts of the Roman -goddess Flora, or the beastly practices of the mad Bacchanalians. -Morton, to show his poetry, composed sundry -verses and rhymes, some tending to lasciviousness and -others to the detraction and scandal of some persons, -affixing them to his idle, or idol, Maypole. They changed -the name of the place, and instead of calling it Mount -Wollaston, they called it Merry Mount, as if this jollity -would last forever. But it did not continue long, for, -shortly after, Morton was sent back to England, as will -appear. In the meantime that worthy gentleman, Mr. -John Endicott, arrived from England, bringing over a -patent under the broad seal, for the government of Massachusetts. -Visiting this neighbourhood, he had the Maypole -cut down, and reprimanded them for their profaneness, -admonishing them to improve their way of living. In -consequence, others changed the name of their place again, -and called it Mount Dagon!</p> - -<hr class="tb"> - -<p>In order to maintain this riotous prodigality and excess, -Morton, hearing what profit the French and the fishermen -had made by trading guns, powder, and shot to the -Indians, began to practise it hereabouts, teaching them -how to use them. Having instructed them, he employed<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_196"></a>[196]</span> -some of them to hunt and fowl for him, until they became -far more able than the English, owing to their swiftness -on foot and nimbleness of body, being quick-sighted, and -knowing the haunts of all sorts of game. With the result -that, when they saw what execution a gun would do and -the advantage of it, they were mad for them and would -pay any price for them, thinking their bows and arrows -but baubles in comparison.</p> - -<p>And here I must bewail the mischief that this wicked -man began in this district, and which, continued by men -that should know better, has now become prevalent, notwithstanding -the laws to the contrary. The result is that -the Indians are stocked with all kinds of arms,—fowling-pieces, -muskets, pistols, etc. They even have moulds to make -shots of all sorts,—musket bullets, pistol bullets, swan and -geese shot and smaller sorts. It is well known that they -often have powder and shot when the English lack it and -cannot get it, it having been bought up and sold to those -who trade it to the Indians at a shilling per pound—for -they will buy it at any price. This goes on while their -neighbours are being killed by the Indians every day, or -are only living at their mercy. They have even been told -how gun-powder is made, and all the materials that are -in it, and that they are to be had in their own land; and I -am confident that if they could only get saltpeter they -would make gun-powder itself.</p> - -<p>Oh, the horror of this villainy! How many Dutch and -English have lately been killed by Indians, thus furnished; -and no remedy is provided,—nay, the evil has increased. -The blood of their brothers has been sold for profit; and -in what danger all these colonies are is too well-known. -Oh! that princes and parliaments would take some timely -steps to prevent this mischief and to suppress it, by exemplary -punishment of some of those gain-thirsty murderers,—for<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_197"></a>[197]</span> -they deserve no better title,—before their colonies -in these parts are wiped out by the barbarous savages, -armed with their own weapons by these traitors to their -country. But I have forgotten myself, and have been too -long on this digression; now to return.</p> - -<p>Morton having taught them the use of guns, sold them -all he could spare, and he and his associates determined -to send for large supplies from England, having already -sent for over a score by some of the ships. This being -known, several members of the scattered settlements hereabouts -agreed to solicit the settlers at New Plymouth, -who then outnumbered them all, to join with them to -prevent the further growth of this mischief, and to suppress -Morton and his associates. Those who joined in -this action, and afterwards contributed to the expense of -sending him to England, were from Piscataqua, Naumkeag, -Winnisimmett, Weesagascusett, Nantasket, and other -places where the English had settled. The New Plymouth -colonists thus addressed by their messengers and letters, -and weighing their reasons and the common danger, were -willing to help, though they themselves had least cause for -fear.</p> - -<p>So, to be short, they first decided to write to Morton -jointly, in a friendly and neighbourly way, requesting him -to desist, and sent a messenger with the letter to bring -his answer. But he was so overbearing that he scorned all -advice; he asked what it had to do with them; he would -trade guns to the Indians in spite of them all, with many -other scurrilous remarks, full of disdain. So they sent to -him again and bade him be better advised and more temperate -in his terms; that the country would not bear the injury -he was doing; it was against their common safety and -against the king’s proclamation. He answered as haughtily -as before, that the king’s proclamation was no law, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_198"></a>[198]</span> -asking what was the penalty! They replied: more than he -could bear,—his majesty’s displeasure. But he persisted, -and insolently said that the king was dead, and his displeasure -with him; that if they came to molest him, let them -look to themselves; he would be prepared for them.</p> - -<p>So they saw there was no way but to take him by force. -They resolved to proceed, and unanimously requested the -Governor of New Plymouth to send Captain Standish and -sufficient men to seize Morton. This was accordingly -done; but he defended himself stiffly, closed his doors, -armed his associates, and had dishes of powder and bullets -ready on the table; and if they had not been overarmed -with drink, more harm might have been done. They summoned -him to yield, but they got nothing but scoffs from -him. At length fearing they would wreck the house, -some of his crew came out,—intending not to yield, but -to shoot; but they were so drunk that their guns were too -heavy for them. He himself, with a carbine, overcharged -and almost half filled with powder and shot, tried to shoot -Captain Standish; but he stepped up to him and put aside -his gun and took him. No harm was done on either side, -except that one of his men was so drunk that he ran his -nose upon the point of a sword that some one held in front -of him on entering the house; but all he lost was a little -of his hot blood. Morton they took to New Plymouth, -where he was kept till a ship went from the Isle of Shoals -to England. In this he was dispatched to the Council of -New England, with letters giving information of his behaviour, -entrusted to a representative sent at their common -expense to inform their honours more particularly, -and to prosecute him. But Morton fooled this man after -he had left here, and though he went to England, nothing -was done to him,—he was not so much as rebuked, so far -as was heard,—and he returned the following year. Some<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_199"></a>[199]</span> -of the worst of the party were dispersed, and some of the -more decent were permitted to live in the house till he was -heard from. But I have been too long about so unworthy -a person and so bad a cause.</p> - -<p>This year Mr. Allerton brought over a young man as -minister to the colony, whether upon his own initiative -or at the instance of some friends there, I do not know; -but he was not sent by the orders of the church, for they -had been so bitten by Mr. Lyford that they wished to -know well whom they were inviting, beforehand. His -name was Mr. Rogers; but they discovered that he was -crazed in the brain; so they were obliged to go to the expense -of sending him back again the next year; besides -the cost of bringing him out, which was not small by Mr. -Allerton’s account, for provisions, clothing, bedding, etc. -Mr. Allerton was much blamed for bringing such a man -over, for they had expenses enough already.</p> - -<p>In previous years Mr. Allerton had brought over some -small quantities of goods upon his own account, and sold -them for his private benefit, which was more than any one -had hitherto ventured to do. But as he had done them -good service otherwise, and as he sold them among the -people of the colony and their wants were thereby supplied, -it was passed over. But this year he brought over a -greater quantity, and they were intermixed with the goods -of the colony, and all packed together, so that it could not -be said which were theirs and which were his; so if any mischance -had happened at sea, he could have laid the whole -loss on them, if he had wished. And it seemed to result -that what was most saleable and could be sold promptly, -he claimed was his! He also began to sell to others outside -the settlement, which, considering their agreement, -they disliked. But love thinks no evil, nor is suspicious; -so they took his fair words for excuse, and decided to send<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_200"></a>[200]</span> -him to England again this year, considering how well he -had done formerly and how well he stood with their friends -there; and particularly as some of their friends from Leyden -were to be sent for, the arrangements for which he could, -or might, assist in. It was also thought that, as the patent -for Kennebec must be extended, as well as the one here, -he would best be able to effect it, having begun it. So -they gave him instructions and sent him to England once -more. His instructions were to bring over no goods on -their account, except £50 worth of hose, shoes, and linen, -according to the conditions,—besides some trading goods -to a certain value; and in no case was he to exceed his instructions -or run them into further expense. He was to -arrange that their trading goods came over early, and whatever -was sent on their account should be packed by itself, -and marked with their mark; and no other goods were to -be mixed with them. In fact he requested them to give -him such instructions as they thought fit, and he would -follow them, to prevent any jealousy or further trouble. -So they thought they had provided satisfactory for everything.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_201"></a>[201]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs80 bold" id="CHAPTER_X">CHAPTER X</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">Arrival of the Leyden people—Allerton in England tries to -get the Kennebec Patent enlarged—Morton’s return—Further -trouble with Allerton—The partnership with Ashley—The -Penobscot trading-house—Purchase of a fishing ship suggested—John -Endicott at Salem—The Church at Salem: 1629.</p> - - -<p>Mr. Allerton arrived safely in England, and delivered -the letters to their friends there, acquainting them with -his instructions. He found them willing to join in the -trading-partnership, and in the expense of sending over -the Leyden people, some of whom had already left Holland -and were prepared to come over, so they were sent off -before Mr. Allerton was ready to leave. They took passage -on the ships that came to Salem, which brought over -many godly persons to begin the settlements and churches -of Christ there and in the Bay of Massachusetts. So -their friends here were rewarded for their long delay with -double blessing, in that they not only enjoyed them now, -when so recently all their hopes had seemed to be blasted; -but with them came other godly friends and Christian -brethren, to plant a still larger harvest unto the Lord, -for the increase of his churches and people in these parts. -It was to the astonishment of many and almost to the -wonder of the world, that from so small a beginning such -great things should ensue,—as in due time was manifested; -and that there should be a resting place for so many of the -Lord’s people here, when so sharp a scourge had come -upon their own nation. But it was the Lord’s doing, and it -ought to be marvellous in our eyes.</p> - -<p>I will here insert some of their friends’ letters, which -best express their own attitude towards these proceedings.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_202"></a>[202]</span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Two letters from James Sherley in England to Governor Bradford -at New Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Sir,</p> - -<p>With this there are many more of our friends from Leyden -coming over to you, whose arrival, though mostly a weak body, -is the fulfillment, in part, of our purpose, so strongly opposed by -some of the former adventurers. But God has His working in -these things, which man cannot frustrate. We have also sent -some servants in the ship Talbot, that sailed lately; but the Leyden -contingent come in the Mayflower. Mr. Beauchamp and myself, -with Mr. Andrews and Mr. Hatherley, have, with your good will, -joined your partnership, etc.</p> - -<p><em>May 25th, 1629.</em></p> -</div> - - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>Your power of attorney has been received, and the goods have -been sold by your friend and agent, Mr. Allerton, I having been -in Holland nearly three months, at Amsterdam and in other parts -of the Low Countries. I see, also, the agreement you have made -with the main body of the settlers, and think you have done very -well, both for them, for you, and for your friends at Leyden. -Mr. Beauchamp, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Hatherley, and myself so -thoroughly approve of it, that we are willing to join you, and, -God directing us, will assist you the best we possibly can. Indeed, -had you not taken this course, I do not see how you could ever -have accomplished the end originally aimed at. We know it must -cause further delay in realizing profits, for most of those who -we sent in May, and those now sailing, though honest and good -people, are not likely to be helpful at present—indeed, for some -time they will be an expense to you and us. Had you not taken -this wise and astute course, the main body of your colonists would -probably have grudged their coming. Again, as you say well in -your letter, the burden being now on the shoulders of only a few, -you will manage it the better, having no discontent or contradiction, -but all lovingly joined together in affection and counsel, so that -God will no doubt bless and prosper your honest labours and endeavours. -So in all respects I consider you have been marvellously -discreet and well-advised, and have no doubt it will give all -parties satisfaction—I mean all who are reasonable and honest -men, and make conscience of fulfilling their obligations to the -uttermost, not with regard to their own private interests so much -as the accomplishment of the good object for which this enterprise -was first started.... Thus desiring the Lord to bless and prosper -you and all yours, and all our honest endeavours, I rest,</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 2em;">Your unfeigned and ever loving friend,</span><br> -JAMES SHERLEY.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>London, March 8th, 1629.</em></p> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_203"></a>[203]</span></p> - -<p>I have mentioned here the coming of both these companies -from Leyden, though they actually came at two -different times. The former party, numbering 35 persons, -sailed in May, and arrived here about August, 1629; the -latter sailed at the beginning of March, and arrived here -the latter end of May, 1630. Their expenses, according -to Mr. Allerton’s accounts, came to above £550 (in addition -to their transportations from Salem and the Bay, -where they and their goods were landed), viz.: their transportation -from Holland to England, and their expenses -while there, and their passages out here, with clothing provided -for them. I find in the account for the one party -125 yards of kersey, 127 ells of linen, 66 pairs of shoes, -with many other particulars. The cost of the other party -is reckoned by families, some £50, some £40, some £30,—more -or less, according to numbers, etc. Besides all this -expense their friends here had to provide corn and other -provisions for them till they could reap a crop, which was -some time. Those that came in May had to be maintained -upwards of 16 to 18 months; the others proportionately. -All they could do in the meantime was to build houses -and prepare land for planting next season. The expenses -of maintaining them all this time was little less than the -former sum. I make special note of this for various -reasons: first, to show a rare example of brotherly love -and Christian care in performing their promises to their -brethren. Secondly, to prove that there was more than the -work of man in these achievements,—thus successfully to -have persuaded such able friends to join them in the enterprise, -and to stand by them so faithfully in the face of -such risks, most of them never having seen their faces to -this day; it must needs be, therefore, the special work of -God. Thirdly, that these poor people here in a wilderness -should, notwithstanding, be able in time to repay all their<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_204"></a>[204]</span> -engagements, and others unjustly put upon them through -unfaithful service, besides other great losses which they -sustained, all of which will be related if the Lord be pleased -to give me life and time. In the meantime I cannot help -but wonder at His ways and works towards His servants, -and humbly desire to bless His holy name for His great -mercies hitherto.</p> - -<p>The Leyden people having come over, and several members -of the general body of the settlers seeing how great -the expense was likely to be, began to murmur at it, notwithstanding -the burden lay on other men’s shoulders,—especially -at paying the three bushels of corn a year, according -to the agreement. But to satisfy them, it was promised -that if they could do without it they would not demand -it of them. And it never was paid, as will appear.</p> - -<p>Mr. Allerton’s proceedings about the enlarging and confirming -of the patents, both at home and at Kennebec, -are best explained in another letter of Mr. Sherley’s. -Though much time and money was expended, he left it -unaccomplished this year, and came without them.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>James Sherley in England to the New Plymouth Colony</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Most worthy and loving Friends,</p> - -<p>Some of your letters I received in July, and some since through -Mr. Pierce; but till our main business, the patent, was granted, I -could not settle my mind or pen to writing. Mr. Allerton was so -turmoiled about it, that I neither would nor could have undertaken -it, if I had been paid a thousand pounds; but the Lord so blessed -his labours that he obtained the love and favour of important men -of repute and position. He got granted from the Earl of Warwick -and Sir Ferdinand Gorges all that Mr. Winslow desired in -his letters to me, and more besides, which I leave him to relate. -Then he sued to the king to confirm their grant, and to make you -a corporation, and so to enable you to make and execute laws -as freely as the government of Massachusetts. This the king -graciously granted, referring it to the Lord Keeper to give order -to the solicitor to draw it up, if there were a precedent for it. So<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_205"></a>[205]</span> -the Lord Keeper furthered it all he could, and also the solicitor; -but as Festus said to Paul: With no small sum of money obtained -I this freedom. For, by the way, many riddles had to be solved, -and many locks must be opened with the silver, nay, the golden -key! Then it came to the Lord Treasurer, to have his warrant -for making you custom-free for a certain time; but he would not -do it, and referred it to the Council Table. And there Mr. Allerton -attended day by day, when they sat, but could not get his petition -read; and as Mr. Pierce was waiting with all the passengers at -Bristol, he was forced to leave the further prosecution of it to a -solicitor. But there is no fear nor doubt but that it will be granted,—for -the chief of them are friendly; but he should certainly return -by the first ship that comes, for if you had this confirmed, you -would be in a position to govern with the power befitting your -rank and the position God has called you to, and to stop the mouths -of the base and scurrilous individuals who are ready to question -and threaten you in every action. Besides, if you are freed of -customs dues for seven years inward and twenty-one outward, the -expense of the patent will be soon covered; and there is no doubt -of ultimately obtaining it. But such things must work by degrees,—they -cannot be hastened; so we (I write on behalf of all our -partners here) beg you to urge Mr. Allerton to come, and his -wife to spare him this one year more, to finish this important -business, which will be so much for your good, and I hope for that -of your posterity for many generations to come.</p> -</div> - -<p>Thus much of this letter; it was dated March 19th, -1629; but the fact of the matter was (as came out later), -it was Mr. Allerton’s object to have an opportunity to be -sent over again for purposes of his own; and with that -idea he requested them to write thus. The extension of the -patent might easily have been finished, omitting the clause -about the customs (which was Mr. Allerton’s and Mr. -Sherley’s device), it having passed the king’s hand. But -covetousness never brings anything home, as the proverb -says; and this opportunity being lost, it was never accomplished, -though a great deal of money was vainly and lavishly -expended on it. But of this more in its place.</p> - -<hr class="tb"> - -<p>I almost omitted to mention that this year Mr. Allerton -gave them great and just offence by bringing over the unworthy<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_206"></a>[206]</span> -Morton, who had been sent home only the year -before for his misdemeanours. He not only brought him -over, but into the very town (as if to beard them), and -lodged him at his own house, employing him as his secretary -till he was forced to send him away. So he returned -to his old nest in Massachusetts, where it was not long -before his misconduct gave them proper cause to apprehend -him, and he was again sent by them a prisoner to -England, where he lay a good time in Exeter Gaol. For, -besides his misdeeds here, he was strongly suspected of -the murder of a man who had ventured money with him, -when he first came to New England. A warrant had been -sent from the Lord Chief Justice to apprehend him, by -virtue of which the Governor of Massachusetts sent him -to England; and as punishment for his misdemeanours -there, they demolished his house, so that it might no longer -be a roost for such unclean birds to nestle in. But he got -free again, and wrote an infamous and scurrilous book full -of lies and slanders against many godly men of the country -in high position, and of profane calumnies against their -names and persons, and the ways of God. After several -years, when the war was at its height in England, he returned -to the country, and was imprisoned at Boston, for -the book and other things, having grown old in wickedness.</p> - -<p>As for the rest of Mr. Allerton’s instructions, enjoining -him not to exceed the £50 worth of goods before mentioned, -nor to bring any but trading commodities, he ignored -them, and brought over many other kinds of retail goods, -selling what he could by the way on his own account, -and delivering them the rest, which he said were theirs. -Of trading goods he brought scarcely any, making excuses -that they had expended so much on the Leyden people, -the patent, etc. As regards exceeding his instructions, -he laid the responsibility on Mr. Sherley, etc. He promised<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_207"></a>[207]</span> -that next year they should have whatever trading -goods they sent for. In this way he put them off, and -though Mr. Sherley had written somewhat bearing out his -statements, he was probably over-ruled by Mr. Allerton -to do so.</p> - -<p>The following is a still further extract from his former -letter, bearing on this:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>I see what you write in your letters concerning the paying of our -debts, which I confess are great, and need to be carefully watched. -But let us not fulfill the proverb; to spend a shilling on a purse -and put sixpence in it; nor think by the expenditure of £50 a year -to raise means to pay our debts; you need to be well supplied and -fully provided,—and, chiefly, lovingly to agree.</p> -</div> - -<p>This shows that there was a kind of concurrence between -Mr. Allerton and the adventurers in England about these -things, and that they had more regard for his opinion -than for the advice sent from here. This troubled them -greatly here, not knowing how to help it, and being loth -to make any breach. Another more private difficulty was -that Mr. Allerton had married the daughter of their reverend -elder, Mr. Brewster, who was beloved and honoured -by them, taking great pains in dispensing and teaching -the word of God to them, and whom they were loth to -grieve in any way; so they bore with much for that reason.</p> - -<p>Again, Mr. Allerton procured such letters from Mr. -Sherley, with such applause of his wisdom, care, and faithfulness, -that as things stood, none seemed so fit to send as -he. Besides, though private gain, I feel sure, was one -cause of Mr. Allerton’s doings, I think, or at least charity -leads me to hope, that he intended to deal faithfully with -his partners here in the main. But things fell out otherwise -and missed their aim, and the settlement in general -suffered considerably in consequence, as will appear.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_208"></a>[208]</span></p> - -<p>Along the same lines was another plan of Mr. Allerton’s -and his friends, unknown to the other partners here, until -it was so far proceeded with that they felt obliged to sanction -it and join with them, though they did not like it and -mistrusted the outcome. It is explained in another extract -from Mr. Sherley’s letter, as follows:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>I wish to acquaint you that we have thought good to become -partners in a separate venture with one Edward Ashley—a man I -think some of you know—but it only concerns the place for which -he has a patent in Mr. Beauchamp’s name. For this purpose we -have supplied him plentifully with provisions, etc. If you wish to -join us as partners in this, we are willing you should. Hearing -how anxious Bristol men were to join the enterprise and supply -him, expecting good profits, we thought it important that we should -not to miss such opportunity. He, on his side, like a shrewd man, -thought it better to join with those who already had a settlement -to back him there, than with strangers. It is not known that you -are in the partnership, but only we four, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Beauchamp, -myself, and Mr. Hatherley, who entered upon it in view -of the great loss we have already sustained in the first plantation -there. But as I said before, if you wish to join with us, we are -willing you should. Mr. Allerton had no power from you to make -this new contract, nor was he willing to do anything without your -consent. Mr. William Pierce joined with us because of landing -Ashley and his goods there. He has a new boat with him, and -boards to make another, with four or five strong fellows, one of -whom is a carpenter. In case you are not willing to join us, -fearing the expense and doubting the success, we beg you to afford -him all the help you can, either with men, goods, or boats, and -we will pay you for anything that he has. We wish you to keep the -accounts separate, even if you join us, because there are partners -in this enterprise who are not in the other; so charge him with -men’s wages, boat-hire, or goods; and anything you receive from -him, charge to the colony.</p> - -<p>And now loving friends and partners, if you join in Ashley’s -project, we having found the money to stock this business and the -other, it seems reasonable that you should bear your share of the -stock, if not in money, by security to that amount. I hope in -God, by His blessing and your honest endeavour, it may soon be -paid; but the term of the partnership is not long, so it behoves us -all to make the best use of the time that we possibly can, and let -every one put his shoulder to the burden and it will be lighter.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_209"></a>[209]</span> -I know you will consider this carefully, and return a satisfactory -answer. <ins class="corr" id="tn-209" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'None of us woud'"> -None of us would</ins> have risked this, except as a support -to your own enterprise.</p> - -<p>There is no likelihood of doing any good by attempting to buy -the debts for the purchase of the old adventurer’s shares. I know -some would not forego their interest, so let it run its course; it is -arranged they are to be paid yearly, and so I hope they will be, -according to agreement. The Lord grant that our loves and affections -may still be united and knit together; and so we rest your -ever loving friends,</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 3em;">JAMES SHERLEY.</span><br> -TIMOTHY HATHERLEY.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>Bristol, March 19th, 1629.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>This matter of buying the debts of the purchase was part -of Mr. Allerton’s instructions, and in many instances it -might have been done to advantage for ready cash; but -Mr. Sherley disliked it. The Ashley enterprise troubled -them much, for though he had ability enough to manage -the business, he was known to be a very profane young -man; and he had for some time lived among the Indians -as a savage, naked like them, adopting their manners and -customs, and in the meantime acquiring their language; -so they feared he might not keep straight, though he promised -better things. As soon as he landed at the place intended, -called Penobscot, some four score leagues from -this place, he wrote (and afterwards came) desiring to be -supplied with wampum, corn for the winter, and other -things. They bethought them that these were their chief -commodities, and would be continually needed by him, -and it would thus be greatly to the prejudice of their own -trade at Kennebec, if, though they did not join the partnership, -they should still have to supply him; on the other -hand, if they should both refuse to join the partnership -and to supply him, they would greatly offend their friends -in England, and might possibly lose them. Again, Ashley -and Mr. Allerton, laying their crafty wits together, might<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_210"></a>[210]</span> -get supplies elsewhere; and whether they joined in it or -not, they knew Mr. Allerton would do so, and then he -would swim, as it were, between both, to the prejudice of -both,—but especially of themselves. They had reason -to think this scheme was chiefly of his contriving, and -Ashley was a fit tool. So, to prevent worse mischief, they -resolved to enter the new partnership, and gave him supplies -of what they could, and kept a watch on his doings -as well as they could. To do so more effectively, they associated -with him, as an equal, as it were, and not merely -as a servant, a steady young man who had come from -Leyden; and as he was discreet, and could be trusted, -they were able to give him such instructions as kept Ashley -within bounds. So they replied to their friends in England -that they accepted their offer and joined with them -in Ashley’s enterprise, but told them what their fears were -in regard to him.</p> - -<p>When they had received full account of all the goods -sent over to them that year, they saw they were very short -of trading goods, and that Ashley was far better supplied -than themselves. They were even forced to buy supplies -from the fishermen, and such things as cotton, kersey, -and other cloth from Mr. Allerton himself, and so to dispose -of a large part of their beaver at reduced rates over -here, instead of sending it home to help discharge their -debts. This vexed them greatly, but Mr. Allerton assured -them that next year they should have whatever they wrote -for. Their engagements for this year were large indeed,—when -they came to know them, which was not till two years -after; and were increased by Mr. Allerton raising large -sums at Bristol at 50 per cent again, which he insisted he -was forced to do, otherwise he could have got no goods -transported by the fishing ships in the spring,—such was -their ill-will towards the trade of the colony. But whether<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_211"></a>[211]</span> -this was any more than an excuse, some of them doubted; -however, the burden lay on their shoulders, and they must -bear it,—as they did many other heavy loads before the -end.</p> - -<p>This necessity of paying 50 per cent, and the difficulty -of having their goods transported by the fishing ships -early in the year during the best season for trade, put them -upon another project. Mr. Allerton after the fishing season -was over, secured a bargain in salt, at a good fishing -place, and bought it. It came to about £113, and shortly -after he might have got £30 clear profit for it, without -any trouble. But Mr. Winslow and some of the other -partners coming that way from Kennebec in the bark, -met Mr. Allerton, and persuaded him not to sell the salt, -but suggested keeping it for themselves, and hiring a ship -in the west country to come fishing for them on shares, -as was the custom. Her salt being here already, and a -dock built where it lay safely housed, instead of bringing -salt, they might load her full of trading goods without -paying freight, and receive them in plenty of time, which -would be greatly to their advantage. On arrival at New -Plymouth this plan was discussed, and approved by all -but the Governor, who was against it, as they had always -lost by fishing; but the rest were strongly in favour of it, -believing that they might make good profits by the fishing; -and even if they should only save a little, or actually -lose something by it, the advantage of getting early supplies -would be ample return. So he gave way, and it -was referred to their friends in England, to allow or disallow -it. Of this, more in its place.</p> - -<p>Considering what had to be done about the patents and -in what state it had been left, and owing to Mr. Sherley’s -earnest wish to have Mr. Allerton come over to finish -it and complete the accounts, etc., it was decided to send<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_212"></a>[212]</span> -him over again this year,—though it was with some fear -and jealousy. However, he made them fair promises to -perform all their business according to their directions, and -to redeem his former errors. So he was accordingly sent -with full instructions, and with long letters to Mr. Sherley -and the rest, both about Ashley’s business and their own; -stating how essential it was that they be supplied with -trading commodities, what they had suffered through want -of them, and of what little use other goods were in comparison. -They fully explained about the fishing ship that -was to be hired and loaded with trading goods, to supply -both them and Ashley, and the advantages to be gained. -It was left to their decision to hire and fit her out, or not; -but under no circumstances to send one unless she were -loaded with trading goods. But what happened will appear -in the account of next year’s doings.</p> - -<p>I almost omitted another occurrence at the beginning of -this year. A Mr. Ralph Smith and his wife and family -had come over to the Bay of Massachusetts, and lived at -present with some straggling people at Nantasket. A boat -from here putting in there on one occasion, he earnestly -begged them to give him and his family passage to New -Plymouth, with such effects as they could take; he had -heard that it was likely he might procure house-room here -for some time, till he might decide to settle here if permitted, -or elsewhere, as God should dispose; he was weary -of being in that uncouth place, and in such a poor house -that it kept neither him nor his effects dry. So, as he -was a grave man and they understood he had been a minister, -they brought him, though they had no orders to do -so. He was kindly entertained here, and housed, and -later he had the rest of his goods and servants sent for -and exercised his gifts among them. Afterwards he was -chosen to the ministry and remained there several years.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_213"></a>[213]</span></p> - -<p>It was mentioned before, that several of those who came -from Leyden, sailed in ships that went to Salem, where -Mr. Endicott had chief command. Diseases which had -developed among the passengers at sea, infected those -ashore, and many died; some of scurvy, others of an infectious -fever which was amongst them for some time, though -our people, through God’s goodness, escaped it. Whereupon -Mr. Endicott wrote for help, understanding that one -of them at New Plymouth had some skill as a physician, -and had cured several of scurvy, and others of various -diseases, by letting blood and other means. So he sent to -the Governor here, requesting him to send him to them. -The Governor complied, and wrote to him, receiving a -letter in reply. This letter, though brief, shows the beginning -of their acquaintance; and as a manifestation of the -truth and of the ways of God, I thought it fitting and -profitable to insert it here.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Governor John Endicott at Salem to Governor Bradford at New -Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Right Worthy Sir,</p> - -<p>It is an unusual thing that servants of one master and of the -same household should be strangers! I assure you I do not desire it,—nay, -to speak more plainly, I cannot be so to you. God’s people -are all marked with one and the same mark, and sealed with one -and the same seal, and have in the main, one and the same heart, -guided by one and the same spirit of truth; and where this is, -there can be no discord,—nay, there must needs be sweet harmony. -And so I pray the Lord that we may, as Christian brethren, be -united with you by a heavenly and unfeigned love; bending all -our hearts and forces in furthering a work beyond our strength, -with reverence and fear, and fastening our eyes always on Him -Who is able to direct and prosper all our ways. I am much beholden -to you for your kind love and care in sending Mr. Fuller -among us, and rejoice at what I hear from him of your attitude -towards the outward form of God’s worship. It is, as far as I can -gather, no other than is warranted by the evidence of truth, and -the same which I have maintained and professed ever since the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_214"></a>[214]</span> -Lord in His mercy revealed Himself unto me,—though very different -from the common report of you that has been spread about. -But God’s children must look for no less here below; and it is -the great mercy of God that He strengthens them to go through -with it. I need not be tedious to you now, for, God willing, I -purpose to see your face shortly. In the meantime I humbly take -my leave of you, committing you to the Lord’s blessed protection, -and rest,</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 2em;">Your assured loving friend,</span><br> -JOHN ENDICOTT.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>Naumkeag, May 11th, 1629.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>A second letter received this year shows the progress -of their church affairs at Salem, which was the second -church erected in these parts. Afterwards the Lord established -many more in several places.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Charles Gott at Salem to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth:</em></p> - -<p class="noindent">Sir,</p> - -<p>I make bold to trouble you with a few lines to inform you how -it has pleased God to deal with us since you heard from us; how, -notwithstanding all the opposition here and elsewhere, it has pleased -God to lay a foundation which I hope is agreeable to His word -in every way. It pleased the Lord to move the heart of our -Governor to set apart July 10th as a solemn day of humiliation -for the choice of a pastor and a teacher. The first part of the day -was used for prayer and teaching, the latter part for the election, -which was held in this way. The persons nominated, who had -been ministers in England, were questioned concerning their calling. -They acknowledged there was a twofold calling; the one an inward -calling, when the Lord moved the heart of a man to take -that calling upon him, and fitted him with gifts for it; the second -an outward calling from the people, when a body of believers join -together in covenant, to walk in all the ways of God; every male -member having a free voice in the choice of the officers, etc. Now, -we being satisfied that these two men were so qualified, as the -apostle tells Timothy: A bishop must be blameless, sober, apt to -teach, etc.,—I think I may say, as the eunuch said to Philip: What -should hinder him from being baptised, seeing there was water, and -he believed. So these two servants of God, giving full satisfaction -by their answers and being thus fitted, we saw no reason why we -might not freely vote for their election. Mr. Skelton was chosen -pastor, and Mr. Higginson teacher; and they, accepting the choice,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_215"></a>[215]</span> -Mr. Higginson, with three or four of the gravest members of the -church, laid their hands on Mr. Skelton, with prayer. After this -there was imposition of hands on Mr. Higginson. Since then, -Thursday (being as I take it the 6th of August) has been appointed -for another day of humiliation, for the choice of elders and deacons, -and for ordaining them.</p> - -<p>And now, good Sir, I hope that you and the rest of God’s people -with you, who are acquainted with the ways of God, will say that -herein a right foundation was laid, and that these two blessed -servants of the Lord came in at the door, and not at the window. -Thus I have made bold to trouble you with these few lines, desiring -you to remember us.... And so rest,</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 2em;">At your service in what I may,</span><br> -CHARLES GOTT.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>Salem, July 30th 1629.</em></p> -</div> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_216"></a>[216]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs80 bold" id="CHAPTER_XI">CHAPTER XI</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">Ashley’s beginnings—Arrival of Hatherley on the Friendship -and Allerton on the White Angel—Hatherley examines -the affairs of the Colony—Failure of Allerton’s fishing voyage -on the White Angel—Ashley apprehended and sent to England—Discharge -of Allerton from his Agency—The first Execution—Day -of Humiliation appointed for Boston, Salem, Charlestown, -and New Plymouth: 1630.</p> - - -<p>Ashley, being well supplied, had quickly gathered a good -parcel of beaver, and like a crafty pate he sent it all home, -and would not pay for the goods he had from here, but -let them stand charged against him, and drew still more. -Though they knew his object well enough, they let him go -on, and wrote about it to England. However, owing to -the beaver they received there and sold (which appealed -to them as business men) and Mr. Allerton’s high praise -of him, they were more eager to supply him than the colony, -and even somewhat disparaged it in comparison.</p> - -<p>They were also forced to buy him a bark, and equip her -with a captain and men to transport his corn and provisions, -of which he used large quantities; for the Indians of those -parts grew no corn, and at harvest time, when the corn -here is ready, the weather is so bad and the season so -dangerous that a shallop is no good for the purpose.</p> - -<p>This spring the settlers looked anxiously for timely supplies -in the fishing ship which they expected, and for -which they had been at the expense of keeping a dock. -But no ship came, nor were any goods heard of. Later -they learned that supplies had been sent to Ashley by a -fishing ship, which puzzled them,—the more so that they<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_217"></a>[217]</span> -had received no letters from Mr. Allerton or Mr. Sherley. -However, they carried on their business as well as they -could. At last they heard of the arrival of Mr. Pierce at -the Bay of Massachusetts, with passengers and goods. -They sent a shallop at once, supposing he would have something -for them. But he told them he had nothing, and -that a ship had been sent out fishing, but after eleven weeks -beating at sea she met with such foul weather that she -was forced to return to England, and the season being -over she gave up the voyage. Nor had he heard much -about goods in her for the settlers, or that she belonged -to them, though he had heard something of that kind from -Mr. Allerton. But Mr. Allerton had bought another ship, -in which he was coming, which was to fish for bass to the -eastward, and was bringing goods, etc. These reports -troubled them and much astonished them. Mr. Winslow -having been eastward brought similar news with more particulars, -and that probably Mr. Allerton would not arrive -till late. At length, having an opportunity, they resolved -to send Mr. Winslow to England with what beaver they -had ready, to see how their business stood, being dubious -about it, especially Mr. Allerton’s behaviour. They wrote -letters, and gave him such instructions as they thought -proper—and if he found things unsatisfactory he was to -discharge Mr. Allerton from being agent and from dealing -any more for them in the business, and he was to see -how the accounts stood, etc.</p> - -<p>About the middle of summer arrives Mr. Hatherley, one -of the partners, at the Bay of Massachusetts, having come -over in the ship that was sent fishing, called the Friendship. -They sent to him at once, not doubting that now -their goods had come, and they would know how everything -stood. They found the news was true, that this -ship had been so long at sea and her provisions had been<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_218"></a>[218]</span> -so largely consumed or spoiled, that she abandoned the -voyage. He himself had been sent over by the rest of -the partners to see how things went here. He was at -Bristol with Mr. Allerton in the ship they had bought -called the White Angel, which was all ready to set sail, -when that night came a messenger to Mr. Allerton from -Barnstable, and told him of the return of the fishing ship -Friendship, and what had happened. He, not knowing -what to do, the ship lying there at his expense ready to -set sail, got Mr. Hatherley to go and discharge her and take -order for the goods. To be short, they found Mr. Hatherley -somewhat reserved and troubled, Mr. Allerton not being -there, and not knowing how to dispose of the goods till he -came; but he said he heard he had arrived by the White -Angel, to eastward, and expected to meet him there. He -told them there was not much for them in the Friendship,—only -two parcels of Barnstable rugs, and two hogsheads -of methylene in wooden flackets. When these flackets -came to be examined, only six gallons of the two hogsheads -remained, the rest having been drunk up under the name -“leakage.” For the rest, the ship was laden with goods -for various gentlemen and others who had come to settle -in Massachusetts, for which they had paid freight by the -ton. This was all the satisfaction they could get at present. -They took this small lot of goods and returned with the -news, and a letter as obscure, as follows:</p> - - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>James Sherley in England to the Colonists at New Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Gentlemen, Partners, and loving Friends,</p> - -<p>Briefly thus: we have this year fitted out both a fishing ship and a -trading ship. The latter we have bought, and so have disbursed a -great deal of money as will appear by our accounts. This trading -ship, the White Angel, is however to perform two duties: fishing -for bass and trading; and lest, while Mr. Allerton is employed -trading, the fishing might suffer by neglect of the sailors, we have<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_219"></a>[219]</span> -begged our mutual friend, Mr. Hatherley, to go over with him, -knowing he will be a comfort to Mr. Allerton, and that it will be -a joy to you to see a careful, loving friend, and one who is a -great stay to the business. If it should please God that one should -die,—as God forbid,—the survivor would keep the accounts and the -other matters straight. We have now spent large sums of money, -as they will acquaint you.... When it was only four or five -hundred pounds a piece, we did not trouble much about it, but left -it to you and your agent, who without flattery deserves infinite -thanks both from you and us for his pains.... But now that our -ventures are double, nay treble for some of us, we have decided -to send over our friend Mr. Hatherley, whom we pray you to entertain -kindly. The main object of sending him is to examine the -accounts and report on the condition of the business, about all of -which we beg you to inform him fully. I will not promise, but -shall endeavour to obtain the grant of your patent as desired, and -that ere long. Pray do not take anything unkindly; I have not -written out of suspicion of any unjust dealing. Be you all kindly -saluted in the Lord, so I rest,</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 2.5em;">Yours in what I may,</span><br> -JAMES SHERLEY.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>March 25th, 1630.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>It is not surprising that these things troubled them. -First, there was this fishing ship which had been fitted out, -laden with other goods and scarcely any of theirs, though -their main object was that he should bring them ample -supplies, and their special orders were not to fit out a ship -except for this purpose; and now to have the expenses -charged to their account, though clean contrary to their -orders, was a mystery they could not understand,—the -more serious seeing that she had lost both her voyage and -her provisions. Secondly, that another ship should be -bought, and sent out on business never thought of by any -here, much less intimated to their friends in England either -by word or letter, was equally inexplicable. Bass fishing -was never favoured by them, and as soon as ever they heard -of this project they foresaw loss. As for Mr. Allerton’s -trading for them, it never entered their thoughts. Thirdly, -that their friends should complain of disbursements, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_220"></a>[220]</span> -yet incur such great risks contrary to all orders, seemed -very strange,—all these important projects being wrapped -up in a brief and obscure letter. But amidst all their doubts -they must have patience till Mr. Allerton and Mr. Hatherley -arrived. In the meantime Mr. Winslow had gone to -England, and the rest of them were forced to follow their -employments as best they could.</p> - -<p>At length Mr. Hatherley and Mr. Allerton came, and -finding those at the settlement very depressed about it, -Mr. Allerton told them that the White Angel did not belong -to them, and had not been bought on their account; -they need not have anything to do with her unless they -wished. Mr. Hatherley confirmed this, and said that they -wanted him to put in his share but he had refused. However, -he questioned whether they would not charge her to -the general account, if there were a loss,—which he now -saw was likely,—seeing that Mr. Allerton had proposed -the undertaking. As for the fishing ship, he told them they -need not be anxious; and he produced her accounts, which -showed that her first fitting out did not much exceed £600. -On the failure of the first voyage, at her return, he had sold -goods out of her in England, and applied the money to -the second voyage, which, together with such goods and -implements as Mr. Allerton would need for fishing, such -as salt, nets, spikes, nails, etc., would amount to nearly -£400. As for this second voyage it would show a profit -on the freight of the goods, and the sale of some cattle -which would be paid for partly here and partly by bills in -England. So the total loss, which would not be much -above £200, would be all they would have to bear on this -account. Mr. Hatherley also told them he was sent over -as the agent of those in England, and that whatever he -and Mr. Allerton did jointly they would stand by; that -they would not sanction what Mr. Allerton did alone, unless<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_221"></a>[221]</span> -they wished; but what he (Mr. Hatherley) did alone -they would guarantee. So they sold him and Mr. Allerton -all the rest of their stock of goods, and gave them possession -of them; and a statement was drawn up in writing, and -confirmed under both Mr. Allerton’s and Mr. Hatherley’s -hands, to the above effect. Mr. Allerton being best acquainted -with the people, sold all such goods as he had no -need of for fishing, as nine shallop-sails made of good new -canvas, and the roads for them, all new, and several such -useful things, for beaver, by Mr. Hatherley’s permission. -Thus they thought they had well provided for themselves. -However those at the colony censured Mr. Allerton for -entering upon this project, doubting its success. Mr. -Allerton brought to the town, after he had sold what he -could elsewhere, a great quantity of other goods, besides -trading commodities; as linen, bed-ticks, stockings, tape, -pins, rugs, etc., and said they could have them if they -wished. But they told him they had forbidden him before -to bring any such things on their account, as it would -injure their trade and reduce their returns. But he and -Mr. Hatherley said if they would not take them they -would sell them themselves, and take corn for what they -could not sell otherwise. They told them they might, if -they had instructions to do so. These goods came to upwards -of £500.</p> - -<p>Mr. Allerton then went off on his bass fishing; and Mr. -Hatherley, as ordered, after examining the affairs of the -settlement, about all of which they informed him fully, -asked for a boat to go and visit the trading-house at Kennebec -and Ashley at Penobscot. They accordingly supplied -him with a boat and men for the voyage, and acquainted -him thoroughly with everything. He was fully -satisfied, and now saw plainly that Mr. Allerton played -his own game, not only to the great detriment of the partners<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_222"></a>[222]</span> -at the colony who employed and trusted him, but to -that of the partners in England also, by prejudicing them -against the settlement, assuring them that they would -never be able to recoup themselves for their great expenses -if they would not follow his advice and support his projects. -Mr. Hatherley disclosed, besides, a further scheme in connection -with this ship the White Angel. It appeared that -as she was well fitted with good ordnance, and known to -have made a great fight at sea in which she came off victorious, -they had agreed with Mr. Allerton that after she -had brought her cargo of goods here and had loaded with -fish, she would go to Oporto, and there be sold, freight, -ordnance, and all. But this was prevented partly by the -advice given by their friends here to Mr. Allerton and Mr. -Hatherley, showing how it might ruin their friends in England, -who were men of property, should it become known,—and -in the interests of the colony they utterly disallowed -it, and protested against it; and partly by their ill success, -for they had arrived too late to do any good with the -fishing, and had brought such a drunken crew that neither -Mr. Allerton nor any one else could keep them in order, as -Mr. Hatherley and every one could see to their shame.</p> - -<p>Ashley also was caught in a trap before Mr. Hatherley -returned, for trading powder and shot to the Indians. He -was apprehended by those in authority, who would have -confiscated over a thousand weight of beaver, but that the -Governor here showed a bond, under Ashley’s hand, to -the amount of £500, not to trade any arms or ammunition -to the Indians, or otherwise misbehave himself. It was -proved, besides, that he had committed uncleanness with -Indian women,—things feared at the outset. So their -goods were freed, but he was sent home in custody. To -make an end of him, after some time of imprisonment in -the Fleet, by means of friends he was set at liberty, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_223"></a>[223]</span> -intended to come over again, but the Lord prevented it; -for he had an offer made to him by some merchants to go -to Russia, owing to his skill in the beaver trade, which he -accepted, and on returning home was drowned at sea. This -was his end.</p> - -<p>Mr. Hatherley, fully conversant with the state of affairs, -was satisfied, and able to inform them how things stood -between Mr. Allerton and the colony. In fact he discovered -that Mr. Allerton had got the better of him, too, and -had taken possession of the things for which Mr. Hatherley -stood jointly responsible to the partners here, as concerned -the Friendship, besides most of the freight money, and -some of his own private property. About this, however, -more will appear in due course. He returned to England -and they sent a good quantity of beaver with him to the -rest of the partners; so both he and it were very welcome -to them.</p> - -<p>Mr. Allerton was busied with his own affairs and returned -with his White Angel, being no longer employed by -the settlement. But these troubles were not ended till -many years after, nor fully realized for a long time, being -folded up in obscurity and kept in the clouds to the great -loss and vexation of the colony. In the end, for peace’ -sake they were forced to bear the unjust burden of them -almost to their undoing, as will appear if God give me -life to finish this history.</p> - -<p>They sent letters by Mr. Hatherley to the partners in -England, to show them how they had settled with Mr. -Hatherley and Mr. Allerton for the Friendship’s account, -and that they both affirmed that the White Angel did not -belong to them in any way, and that therefore their account -must not be charged with it. They also wrote to -Mr. Winslow, their agent, that he, too, should protest -against it in their names, should any such thing be intended<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_224"></a>[224]</span> -and that they would never permit it. They also signified -that they dismissed Mr. Allerton wholly from being their -agent, or from having anything to do with any of their -business.</p> - -<p>This year John Billington the elder, one of those who -came over first, was arraigned, and both by grand and -petty jury found guilty of wilful murder by plain and -notorious evidence, and was accordingly executed.</p> - -<p>This, the first execution among them, was a great sadness -to them. They took all possible pains in the trial, -and consulted Mr. Winthrop, and the other leading men -at the Bay of Massachusetts recently arrived, who concurred -with them that he ought to die, and the land be -purged of blood. He and some of his relatives had often -been punished for misconduct before, being one of the -profanest families among them. They came from London, -and I know not by what influence they were shuffled -into the first body of settlers. The charge against him was -that he waylaid a young man, one John Newcomin, about -a former quarrel, and shot him with a gun, whereof he died.</p> - -<p>Having by good fortune a letter or two that came into -my hands concerning the proceedings of their reverend -friends at the Bay of Massachusetts, who had lately come -over, I thought it not amiss to insert them here, before -concluding this year.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="noindent">Sir,</p> - -<p>Being at Salem on Sunday, the 25th of July, after the evening -service Mr. Johnson received a letter from the Governor, Mr. John -Winthrop, saying that the hand of God was upon them at Boston -and those at Charlestown, visiting them with sickness and taking -many from amongst them, the righteous suffering with the wicked -in these bodily judgments. He desired the godly here to take into -consideration what was to be done to pacify the Lord’s wrath, etc. -It was concluded that the Lord was to be sought in righteousness; -and to that end, the 6th day (Friday) of this present week, has<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_225"></a>[225]</span> -been set apart that they may humble themselves before God and -seek Him in His ordinances. On that day such godly persons -as are amongst them, and known to each other, will at the end -of the service publicly make known their godly desire, and practice -it, viz., that they solemnly enter into covenant with the Lord to -walk in His ways. As those who have agreed to keep this day -live at three different places, each settlement having men of -ability among them, they decided to form themselves into three -distinct bodies, not intending to proceed hastily to the choice of -officers, or the admission of others to their society, except a few -well-known to them, promising afterwards to receive by confession -of faith such as appear to be qualified. They earnestly beg the -church at New Plymouth to set apart the same day, for the same -purpose, beseeching the Lord to withdraw the hand of correction -from them, and to establish and direct them in His ways. And -though the time be short we pray you to be instigated to this -godly work, as the cause is so urgent, whereby God will be honoured, -and they and we shall undoubtedly receive sweet comfort. -Be you kindly saluted, etc.</p> - -<p class="right"> -Your brethren in Christ, etc.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>Salem, July 26th, 1630.</em></p> -</div> - - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>A member of the New Plymouth Settlement, staying at Charlestown, -to a friend at New Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Sir,</p> - -<p>I have the sad news to impart that many here are sick and many -dead,—the Lord in mercy look upon them. Some here have -entered into church covenant. The first four were the Governor—Mr. -John Winthrop, Mr. Johnson, Mr. Dudley, and Mr. Wilson; -since then five more have joined, and others are likely to follow -daily. The Lord increase them both in number and in holiness, -for His sake. There is a gentlemen here, Mr. Coddington, a Boston -man, who told me that Mr. Cotton’s advice at Hampton was that -they should take counsel of those at New Plymouth, and should -do nothing to offend them. There are many honest Christians -desirous to see us, some because of the love they bear us and the -good opinion they have of us; others to see if we are so unworthy -as they have heard. We have a name for holiness, and love towards -God and his saints; the Lord make us more and more worthy -of it, and that it may be more than a name, or else it will do us -no good. Be you lovingly saluted, and all the rest of our friends. -The Lord Jesus bless us, and the whole Israel of God. Amen.</p> - -<p class="right"> -Your loving brother, etc.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>Charlestown, Aug. 2nd, 1630.</em></p> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_226"></a>[226]</span></p> - -<p>Thus out of small beginnings greater things have grown -by His hand Who made all things out of nothing, and -gives being to all things that are; and as one small candle -may light a thousand, so the light enkindled here has shone -to many, yea, in a sense, to our whole nation; let the glorious -name of Jehovah have all the praise.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_227"></a>[227]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs80 bold" id="CHAPTER_XII">CHAPTER XII</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">Mr. Winslow in England about the White Angel and Friendship -accounts—The White Angel let out to Allerton—Allerton’s -extravagance as agent—Josias Winslow sent from England -as accountant—Penobscot robbed by the French—Sir -Christopher Gardiner in New England—The Order of the Privy -Council about New England: 1631.</p> - - -<p>Ashley being taken away by the hand of God, and Mr. -Allerton discharged from his employment, their business -began to run smoothly again, since they were better able -to guide it, Penobscot being now wholly in their control; -for though Mr. William Pierce had a share in it, as things -stood he was glad to have his money repaid him and resign. -Mr. Winslow sent them over some supplies from -England as soon as he could, and when he arrived some -time later he brought a large supply of suitable goods -with him, by means of which their trading could be carried -on successfully. Neither his representations nor the letters -they wrote succeeded in preventing Mr. Sherley and the -rest from charging both the Friendship and the White -Angel to the general account, which was the cause of continual -contention thereafter.</p> - -<p>I will now insert a letter of Mr. Winslow’s on the subject.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Edward Winslow in England to Governor Bradford at New -Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Sir,</p> - -<p>It chanced by God’s providence that I received and brought -your letters per Mr. Allerton from Bristol to London; and I fear -what the outcome will be. Mr. Allerton intended to fit out the ship -again for fishing. Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beauchamp, and Mr. Andrews -disclaim responsibility, protesting that but for us they would never -have risked one penny; Mr. Hatherley takes no decided stand on -either side. As to what you write about him and Mr. Allerton<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_228"></a>[228]</span> -taking the White Angel upon themselves on behalf of the partners -here, the others insist that they never gave any such orders, nor -will they make it good; if those two like to be responsible for -the account, well and good. What the upshot will be, I do not -know. The Lord so direct and assist us that He may not be dishonoured -by our dissensions. I hear from a friend that I was -much blamed for telling what I heard in the spring about the -plans for selling the ship in Spain; but if I had not told you what -I heard so peremptorily reported,—and which I offered to prove -at Bristol,—I should certainly have been unworthy of my employment. -As to the power of attorney, given so long ago to Mr. -Allerton, what we feared has happened: Mr. Sherley and the -others have got it and will not surrender it, that being the instrument -of our agents’ credit to procure such sums. I expect bitter -words, hard thoughts, and sour looks from several for writing -this, as for reporting the former information. I would I had a -more thankful task, but I hope a good conscience will make it -comfortable, etc.</p> - -<p><em>Nov. 16th, 1631.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>Thus far he.</p> - -<p>The deed mentioned above was given under their hand -and seal when Mr. Allerton was first employed by them, -and its return was requested when they first began to suspect -him. He told them it was among his papers, but -he would find it and give it them before he went. When -he was ready to go it was demanded again. He said he -had not found it, but it was among his papers which he -was taking with him, and he would send it by the boat -coming from the eastward; and then again it could not be -found, but he would look it up at sea. Whether Mr. Sherley -had it before or after this is not certain; but having -it, he would not let it go, and keeps it to this day. So even -among friends men need to be careful whom they trust, -and not let things of this nature lie long unrecalled.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>James Sherley in England to Governor Bradford at New -Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Sir,</p> - -<p>I have received your letter through our friends Mr. Allerton and -Mr. Hatherley, who, blessed be God, have arrived safely at Bristol.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_229"></a>[229]</span> -Mr. Hatherley has come to London, but Mr. Allerton I have not -yet seen. We thank you, and are very glad you dissuaded him -from the Spanish voyage, and that he did not fulfill his intentions; -for we all utterly disliked the project, as well as the fishing of the -Friendship. We wished him to sell the salt, and were unwilling -to have him undertake so much business, partly because of previous -failure, and partly because we were loth to disburse so much money. -But he assured us this would repay us, and that the colony would -be long in doing so; nay, I remember that he even doubted if by -your trading there you could meet your expenses and pay us, -and for this very reason he induced us to undertake that business -with Ashley, though he was a stranger to us....</p> - -<p>As to the cost of the fishing ship we are sorry it proves so heavy, -and are willing to take our share of it. What Mr. Hatherley and -Mr. Allerton have proposed no doubt they themselves will make -good; we gave them no authority to make any composition to -separate you from us in this or any other scheme. Furthermore, -I think you have no cause to forsake us, for we involved you in -nothing but what your agent advocated and you in your letters -desired. If he exceeded your authority I hope you will not blame -us, much less leave us in the lurch, now that our money is expended.... But -I fear neither you nor we have been properly -dealt with; for, as you write, surely one half of £4000—nay a -quarter—in commodities, despatched in seasonable time, would -have provided you more effectively. Yet, in spite of all this and -much more that I might write, I cannot but think him honest, and -that his intentions were good; but the wisest may fail. Well, -now that it has pleased God to give us hope of agreeing, doubt not -but we shall all endeavour to adjust these accounts fairly, as soon -as we possibly can. I suppose you sent over Mr. Winslow and -we Mr. Hatherley to certify each other how the state of things -stood. We have received some satisfaction upon Mr. Hatherley’s -return, and I hope you will receive the same upon Mr. Winslow’s -return.</p> - -<p>Now to answer your letter more particularly; I shall be very -brief. The charging of the White Angel to your account could -not be more surprising to you than the purchase of her was to us; -for you commissioned<a id="FNanchor_8" href="#Footnote_8" class="fnanchor">[8]</a> that what he did you would stand by; we -gave him no such commission, yet for his credit and your sakes -paid the bills he charged us with.... As to my writing that she<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_230"></a>[230]</span> -was to fulfill two purposes, fishing and trading, believe me I never -so much as thought of any private trading, nor will I countenance -any; for I was always against it, and used these very words: It -will reduce the profits of the settlement and ruin it.</p> -</div> - -<p>The rest of the letter I omit as it is not very pertinent. -It was dated Nov. 19th, 1631. In another letter, dated -Nov. 24th, in answer to the general letter on the same subject, -there are these words:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>As to the White Angel about which you write so earnestly, saying -we thrust her upon you contrary to the intentions of the purchaser, -we say you forget yourselves and do us wrong. We will not take -upon us to divine what the thoughts or intentions of the purchaser -were; but what he spoke we heard, and that we will affirm and -make good against anyone, viz., that unless she were bought -Ashley could not be supplied, and if he were not supplied we could -not recoup ourselves for our losses on your account.</p> -</div> - -<p>From another of his dated Jan. 2nd, 1631:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>We propose to keep the Friendship and the White Angel, as -regards last year’s voyages, on the general account, hoping that -together they will produce profit rather than loss, and cause less -confusion in our accounts and less disturbance in our intercourse. -As for the White Angel, though we laid out the money and took -bills of sale in our own names, none of us had so much as a -thought of separating from you in any way this year, because we -did not wish the world (I may say Bristol) to see any breach -between Mr. Allerton and you, or between him and us, and so -disgrace him in his proceedings. We have now let him the ship -at £30 per month, by charter-party and secured him in a bond of -£1000 to perform the contract and bring her back to London, if -God please. What he takes in her for you shall be marked with -your mark, and bills of lading shall be taken and sent in Mr. -Winslow’s letter, who is this day riding to Bristol about it. So -in this voyage we deal with him as strangers, not as partners. -He has turned in three books of accounts, one for the company, -another for Ashley’s business, and the third for the White Angel -and Friendship. The books, or copies of them, we propose to -send you, for you may discover the errors in them more readily -than we could. It can be reckoned how much money he has had -from us, and you can charge him with all the beaver he had from<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_231"></a>[231]</span> -you. The total sum, as he has it, is £7103-7-1. Of this he has -expended, and given to Mr. Vines and others, about £543. You -will know from your books whether you had the goods he charges -to you. This is all I can say at present concerning the accounts. -He expected to complete them in a few hours; but he and Straton -and Fogg were over a month at them; but he could not wait till -we had examined them for fear of losing his fishing voyage,—which -I fear he has already done....</p> - -<p>We bless God Who put it into our minds to send to each other; -for had Mr. Allerton gone on in that risky and expensive way -one year more we should not have been able to meet his expenditure; -nay, both he and we must have lain in the ditch and -sunk under the burden.... Had there been an orderly course -taken and your business better managed, by the blessing of God -yours would have been the ablest colony we know of, undertaken by -Englishmen....</p> -</div> - -<p>Thus far of these letters of Mr. Sherley’s.</p> - -<hr class="tb"> - -<p>A few observations about former letters, and then I -will give the simple truth of the things in controversy between -them—at least as far as good evidence can show.</p> - -<p>1. It seems clear that Ashley’s business and the buying -of the ship and the resultant plans were first contrived by -Mr. Allerton.</p> - -<p>2. Though Mr. Allerton may not have intended to wrong -the plantation, his own private ends led him astray; for -it became known that in the first two or three years of his -employment as agent, he had made £400, and put it into -a brewery of Mr. Collier’s in London. Again, Mr. Sherley -and he had private dealings; and yet I believe, as he -mentioned above, that Mr. Sherley did not countenance -any private trading which he thought would injure the -colony.</p> - -<p>3. Considering all they had done for the settlement, in -former risks and recent disbursements, when Mr. Allerton’s -proposals turned out unsuccessful they thought it -fair that the colony should bear them, and so took advantage<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_232"></a>[232]</span> -of such power as Mr. Allerton formerly had as -their agent, to let these losses devolve upon them.</p> - -<p>4. As for Mr. Allerton, with pity and compassion I may -say with the apostle Timothy (I Tim. vi, 9, 10): “But -they that will be rich fall into temptation and a snare -... and pierce themselves through with many sorrows -... for the love of money is the root of all evil.” God -give him to see the evil of his ways, that he may find -mercy in repentance for the wrongs he has done.</p> - -<p>As to the two ships, the truth as far as could be learned -was this. The idea of fitting out the fishing ship—the -Friendship—came first from the colony, but was left to -them in England to carry out or not, as they thought -best. But when it was fully considered, and the plan seemed -hopeful and profitable, it was suggested: why might they -not do it for themselves to cover their losses, and -without letting the colony share in it. If their supplies -reached them in time, that was sufficient. So they hired -her and fitted her out, and freighted her as full as she -could carry with the goods of passengers belonging to -Massachusetts, which rose to a good sum of money, and -intended to send the New Plymouth settlement their goods -in the other ship. Mr. Hatherley confirmed the following -upon oath before the Governor and Deputy Governor -of Massachusetts, Mr. Winthrop and Mr. Dudley: that -the Friendship was not intended for the joint partnership, -but for the private account of Mr. James Sherley, Mr. -Beauchamp, Mr. Andrews, Mr. Allerton, and himself. This -deposition was taken under their hands at Boston, Aug. -29th, 1639, as may be seen besides other testimony.</p> - -<p>As for the White Angel, though she was first bought, -or at least the price arranged, by Mr. Allerton at Bristol, -Mr. Sherley need not have disbursed the money against -his will. That she was not intended for the general partnership<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_233"></a>[233]</span> -appears from various evidence. The bills of sale -were made out in their own names, without any reference -to the colony at all; namely, Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beauchamp, -Mr. Andrews, Mr. Denison, and Mr. Allerton,—Mr. -Hatherley would not join them in this.</p> - -<p>Mr. Allerton took oath to the same effect concerning -the White Angel before the Governor and Deputy, on -September 7th, 1639, and deposed that Mr. Hatherley and -himself, on behalf of them all, agreed to free all the rest -of the New Plymouth partners from the losses of the -Friendship for £200.</p> - -<p>Concerning Mr. Allerton’s accounts, they were so lengthy -and intricate that they could not understand them, much -less correct them, and it was two or three years before they -could unravel them even imperfectly. I know not why, -but he took upon himself to keep all the accounts, though -Mr. Sherley, their agent, was to buy and sell all their -goods, and did so usually; but it was Mr. Allerton who -passed in accounts for all disbursements,—goods bought -which he never saw, the expenses for the Leyden people -incurred by others in his absence, for the patents, etc.,—in -connection with all of which he made it appear that -the balance owing to him was over £300, and demanded -payment. However, on examination he was found to be -over £2000 debtor to them, besides I know not how much -that could never be cleared up, interest unaccounted, -etc. Then they were obliged to pass bills for expenses -that were intolerable. The fees for the patent came to -above £500—all for nothing; £30 given at a clap, and £50 -spent on a journey, etc. No wonder Mr. Sherley said -that if their business had been better managed they might -have been the richest English colony at that time. He -even screwed up his poor old father-in-law’s account to -above £200, when, alas! he, poor man, never dreamed that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_234"></a>[234]</span> -what he had received could be near that value, believing -that many of the things brought over had been given by -Mr. Allerton as presents to him and his children. Nor -did they come to nearly that value in fact, the prices being -inflated by interest.</p> - -<p>This year Mr. Sherley, too, sent over a cash account, -showing what Mr. Allerton had received from them and -disbursed, for which he referred to his accounts; besides -an account of beaver sold, which Mr. Winslow and others -had taken over, and a large supply of goods which Mr. -Winslow had brought back, and all the disbursements -for the Friendship and White Angel, and anything else -he could charge the partners with. In these accounts of -Mr. Sherley’s some things were obscure and some twice -charged. They made them debtor to the total amount of -£4770-19-2, besides £1000 still due for the purchase yet -unpaid, and notwithstanding all the beaver and goods that -both Ashley and they had shipped over.</p> - -<p>Into such huge sums had Mr. Allerton run them in two -years, for at the end of 1628 all their debts did not much -exceed £400, as will be remembered; now they amounted -to as many thousands! In 1629, when Mr. Sherley and -Mr. Hatherley were at Bristol, they wrote a long letter -in which they gave an account of the debts and the sums -that had been disbursed; but Mr. Allerton begged and -entreated them to omit it. So they blotted out two lines -in which the sums were mentioned, and wrote over them -so that not a word could be read, to which they have since -confessed. They were thus kept hoodwinked, until now -they found themselves deeply in debt.</p> - -<p>To mend matters, Mr. Allerton now wholly deserted -them; having brought them into the briars, he leaves them -to get out as best they can. But God crossed him mightily, -for having hired the ship from Mr. Sherley at £30 a month,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_235"></a>[235]</span> -he set out again with a drunken crew, and so overloaded -her that she could not bear sail, and they were forced to -put into Milford Haven and reload her, which lost them -the season and resulted in a less profitable voyage than the -year before. Having reached this country he sold trading -commodities to any that would buy, to the serious detriment -of the colony; but what was worse, what he could -not sell outright he sold on credit, and formed a disreputable -company of traders to cover every hole and corner,—even -up the Kennebec, to take away the trade from the -settlement’s house there, on the patent for which he had -wasted so much of their money. Not content with this, he -did all he could to reduce its value to the colony and ruin -them; he took partners, and set up a trading-house beyond -Penobscot, to cut off the trade there too. But the French, -seeing that it would injure them, came down on them before -they were well settled, and ousted them, killing two of their -men, and taking all the goods, to a considerable value, the -loss being mostly, if not all Mr. Allerton’s. The rest of -the men were sent into France and this was the end of -that project. Those to whom he sold on credit, being -loose and drunken fellows, for the most part cheated him -of all they got into their hands. Afterwards, when he -came to New Plymouth, the church called him to account -for these and other gross miscarriages. He confessed his -fault, and promised better ways, and that he would wind -himself out of the tangle as soon as he could, etc.</p> - -<p>This year Mr. Sherley must needs send them out a -new accountant. He had made mention of such a thing -the year before, but they wrote him that their expenses -were so great already that he need not increase them in -this way, and that if they were dealt with fairly and had -their accounts properly sent in from there, they could -keep their accounts here themselves. Nevertheless, he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_236"></a>[236]</span> -sent them over a man they could not well refuse, as he -was a younger brother of Mr. Winslow’s,—Mr. Josias -Winslow,—whom they had been at considerable expense -to instruct in London before he came. He came over in -the White Angel with Mr. Allerton, and there began his -first employment.</p> - -<p>This year their house at Penobscot was robbed by the -French, and all their goods of any value was taken, up -to £400 or £500 at least. The captain in charge of the -house, and some of the men with him, had gone westward -with their vessel to fetch a supply of goods which -had been brought over for them. In the meantime came -a small French ship into the harbour, and amongst the -company was a false Scot. They pretended they had -just come in from sea, and did not know where they were; -that their vessel was very leaky, and asked if they might -haul her ashore and mend her. They used many French -compliments, and in the end, seeing only three or four -servants, and understanding from this Scotchman that the -captain and the rest were away from home, they began -praising their guns and muskets that lay in racks on the -wall, and took them down to look at them, asking if they -were loaded. And when they had hold of them, one of -them presents a gun ready charged at the servants and -another a pistol, and bid them quietly deliver up their -goods. Some of the men were carried aboard, and others -had to help carry the goods. When they had taken what -they wanted, they set them at liberty and went their way, -with this mock: to tell their captain when he returned that -some of the Isle of Rey gentlemen had been there.</p> - -<p>This year Sir Christopher Gardiner, a descendent of -that Bishop of Winchester who was so great a persecutor -of God’s saints in Queen Mary’s days, and a great traveller, -who had received the honour of knighthood at Jerusalem,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_237"></a>[237]</span> -being made knight of the Sepulchre there, came into these -parts under pretence of forsaking the world and living a -godly life. He was not unwilling to perform any mean -employment, or to take any pains for his living; and some -time after he offered to join the churches in several places. -He brought over with him a servant or two and a comely -young woman, whom he called his cousin, but it was suspected -that, after the Italian manner, she was his concubine. -Having been living in Massachusetts, for some misbehaviour -which he should have answered for there, he fled from -authority and got among the Indians of these parts. He -was pursued, but they could not get him, though they -promised a reward if he were found. The Indians came to -the Governor here and told where he was, and asked if they -might kill him. He told them by no means, but if they -could capture him and bring him here, they would be paid -for their pains. They said he had a gun and a rapier and -he would kill them if they attempted it, and the Massachusetts -Indians had said they might kill him. But the Governor -told them they must not kill him, but watch their opportunity -and seize him. So they did; for coming upon him -by the riverside, he got into a canoe to escape and while -he was covering them with his gun to keep them off, the -stream carried the canoe against a rock and tumbled both -him and his gun and rapier into the water. But he got -out, and having a little dagger by his side, they dare not -close with him. So they got some long poles and soon -beat the dagger out of his hands, when he was glad to yield, -and they brought him to the Governor. But his arms and -hands were badly swollen and very sore with the blows they -had given him. So he treated him kindly and sent him -to a lodging where his arms were bathed and anointed, -and he was quickly well again. The Governor blamed the -Indians for beating him so much, but they said they only<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_238"></a>[238]</span> -whipped him a little with sticks! In his lodging, those who -made his bed, found a little note-book that had slipt out of -his pocket by accident, in which was a memorandum of the -day he was reconciled to the pope and the church of Rome, -and in what university he took his scapula, and such and -such degrees. This was handed over to the Governor here, -who sent the Governor of Massachusetts word of his -capture. He was sent for, and the notes were handed -over to the Governor there, who was very grateful. After -Sir Christopher got to England he showed his malice; but -God prevented him.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Governor Winthrop at Boston to Governor Bradford at New -Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p>Sir,</p> - -<p class="noindent">It has pleased God to bring Sir Christopher Gardiner safely to -us, with his dependents. And though I never intended to take any -harsh measures with him, but to treat him as his position demanded, -I let him know of your kind words about him, and that -he will speed the better for your mediation. It was a special -providence of God to bring those notes of his into our hands. -Please instruct all that are aware of them not to inform anyone, -for that may frustrate the use to be made of them. The Good -Lord our God Who has always ordered things for the good -of His poor churches here, direct us in this aright, and dispose it -to a good issue. I am sorry we put you to so much trouble about -this gentleman, especially at this busy time, but I knew not how -to avoid it. I must again beg you to let me know what expense -and trouble any of your people have been at on his account, that -it may be recompensed. So, with the true affection of a friend, -desiring all happiness to you and yours, and to all my worthy -friends with you, whom I love in the Lord, I commend you to -His grace and providence, and rest,</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 2.5em;">Your most assured friend</span><br> -JOHN WINTHROP.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>Boston, May 5th, 1631.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>Anent this I will take the liberty to show what occurred -through this man’s malice, complying with others. And -though I do not doubt it will be more fully dealt with by -honoured friends whom it more directly concerned and who<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_239"></a>[239]</span> -have more exact knowledge of the matter, I will give a -hint of it here, showing God’s providence in preventing -the injury that might have resulted. The information I -received was in a letter from my much honoured and beloved -friend, Mr. John Winthrop, Governor of Massachusetts.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Governor Winthrop at Boston to Governor Bradford at New -Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Sir,</p> - -<p>Upon a petition presented by Sir Christopher Gardiner, Sir -Ferdinand Gorges, Captain Mason, etc., against you and us, the -cause was heard before the lords of the Privy Council, and was -afterwards reported to the King, the success of which makes it -evident to all that the Lord has care of His people here. The -passages are admirable, but too long to write. I heartily wish for -an opportunity to impart them to you: they cover many sheets of -paper. But the conclusion was (against all expectation) an order -for our encouragement, and much blame and disgrace upon the -adversaries. This calls for much thankfulness from us all, which -we purpose, the Lord willing, to express in a day of Thanksgiving -to our merciful God. I do not doubt but that you will consider -whether it is not fitting for you to join in it. As He humbled us -by our recent correction, so He has now lifted us up by an -abundant rejoicing in our deliverance from so desperate a danger; -and the instrument whereby our enemies hoped to ruin us. He -has mercifully turned to our great advantage, as I shall further -acquaint you when opportunity serves.</p> -</div> - -<p>The following is the order of the Privy Council:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 6.5em;"><em>Jan. 19th, 1632.</em></span><br> -<em>AT THE COURT OF WHITEHALL</em></p> - -<p class="center"><em>Present</em></p> - -<div class="textcol2"> -<i lang="la">Sigillum</i> LORD PRIVY SEAL<br> -EARL OF DORSET<br> -LORD VISCOUNT FALKLAND<br> -LORD BISHOP OF LONDON<br> -</div> -<div class="textcol2"> -LORD COTTINGTON<br> -MR. TREASURER<br> -MR. VICE CHAMBERLAIN<br> -MR. SECRETARY COOKE<br> -</div> -<div class="center">MASTER SECRETARY WINDBANK</div> - -<p>Whereas his majesty has lately been informed of great distraction -and much disorder in that plantation in the parts of America<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_240"></a>[240]</span> -called New England, which if they be true and suffered to run on, -would tend to the great dishonour of this kingdom and the utter -ruin of that plantation. For prevention whereof and for the -orderly settling of the government according to the intention of -those patents which have been granted by his majesty and by his -late royal father King James, it has pleased his majesty that the -lords and others of his most honourable Privy Council should take -the same into consideration. Their lordships in the first place -thought fit to make a committee of this board to examine the -information; which committee, having called several of the principal -adventurers in the plantation, and heard those that are complainants -against them, most of the things informed being denied and remaining -to be proved by parties that must be called from that -place, which would require a long lapse of time; and at present -their lordships finding the adventurers occupied in the dispatch of -men, victuals, and merchandise for that place, all of which would -be at a standstill if the adventurers should be discouraged or -suspect that the state had no good opinion of the plantation; their -lordships, not laying the fault or fancies (if any be) of some individuals -upon the general government of the principal adventurers, -which in due time is to be further enquired into, have thought fit -in the meantime to declare that the appearances were so fair and -the hopes so great, and that the country would prove both so beneficial -to this kingdom and so profitable to the particular adventurers, -that the adventurers had cause to go on cheerfully with -their undertakings, and rest assured that if things were carried -on as was claimed when the patents were granted and as by the -patents is appointed, his Majesty would not only maintain the -liberties and privileges heretofore granted, but supply anything -further that might tend to the good government, prosperity, and -comfort of his people there of that place....</p> - -<p class="right"> -WILLIAM TRUMBALL.</p> -</div> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_241"></a>[241]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs80 bold" id="CHAPTER_XIII">CHAPTER XIII</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">Sale of the White Angel to Allerton—The White Angel sold -in Spain—Hatherley settles in New England—Rapid increase -of the Colonists’ Prosperity—Divisions in the Church of New -Plymouth—Wreck of William Pierce in the Lyon: 1632.</p> - - -<p>Mr. Allerton returned to England, little regarding his -bond of £1000 to perform his contract; for though bound -to take the ship to London, and to pay £30 per month for -her hire, he did neither, for he stopped at Bristol to fit her -out again there; and this he did three times. She had -been ten months on the former voyage, but he never paid -a penny for her hire. It would seem he knew well enough -how to deal with Mr. Sherley—he, though he must needs -foist her upon the general account, disposing of her as he -pleased. And though Mr. Allerton had thus broken his -contract in every way, Mr. Sherley goes and sells him both -the ship and all her accounts from first to last in a bond -for £2000,—in effect he might as well have given her to -him,—and not only this, but as good as gives him sanctuary, -for he allows him one year to prepare his account and present -it to the partners here, and another year to make payment -of what should be due upon the account. In the -meantime he wrote earnestly to them not to hinder him -in his business, or delay him for the sake of the accounts, -etc. The result was that in the interim he collected all the -money due for freight and any other amounts belonging to -her or the Friendship, as his own private debts; and, after -all, sold ship, ordnance, fish, and other lading in Spain, as -he had first planned, and what became of the money he best<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_242"></a>[242]</span> -knows. Meanwhile their hands were tied and they could, -do nothing but look on, till he had transferred everything -to other men’s hands, except a few cattle and a little land -and a few things he had here at New Plymouth, and so -ultimately removed all his belongings, as he had already -done himself, from hence.</p> - -<p>Mr. Hatherley came over again this year upon his own -business, and began to make preparations to settle in the -country. As appeared later, he had closed out his share -in the business, and remained a partner in name only, -nor did he trouble about their affairs in any way, except -as regards his engagements in connection with the Friendship. -In connection with that, and some dealings between -Mr. Allerton and him, and some debts that Mr. Allerton -owed him on private transactions, he drew up an account -of over £2000, and tried to thrust it upon the partners here -on the ground that Mr. Allerton had been their agent. But -they told him they had been fooled long enough in that -way, and showed him that it was no concern of theirs. As -for the debts of the Friendship he must expect to meet them.</p> - -<p>Mr. Pierce did the same, Mr. Allerton having got into -his debt also in their private dealings. However, the partners -here easily shook off these worries! but Mr. Allerton -brought much trouble and vexation upon himself, as he -had upon others, for Mr. Denison sued him for the money -he had disbursed for one-sixth share in the White Angel, -and recovered it with damages.</p> - -<p>Though the partners were thus plunged into heavy -engagements and unjust debts, the Lord prospered their -trading, and they made large returns yearly, and would -soon have freed themselves if they had been fairly dealt -with otherwise. The settlers, too, began to grow in prosperity, -through the influx of many people to the country, -especially to the Bay of Massachusetts. Thereby corn<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_243"></a>[243]</span> -and cattle rose to a high price, and many were enriched, -and commodities grew plentiful. But in other regards this -benefit turned to their harm, and this accession of strength -to weakness. For as their stocks increased and became -more saleable, there was no longer any holding them together; -they must of necessity obtain bigger holdings, -otherwise they could not keep their cattle; and having -oxen they must have land for ploughing. So in time no -one thought he could live unless he had cattle and a great -deal of land to keep them, all striving to increase their -stocks. By this means they were quickly scattered all -over the Bay, and the town in which they had lived compactly -until now was left very thinly peopled, and in a short -time almost desolate.</p> - -<p>If this had been all the ill that resulted, it would have -been small in comparison with the rest; but the church -also was disunited, and those who had lived so long together -in Christian and comfortable fellowship, must now -part and suffer many divisions. First, those who lived on -their lots on the other side of the Bay, called Duxbury, -owing to the trouble of bringing their wives and children -to public worship and church-meetings here, growing to a -considerable number, sued to be separated and become a -distinct body. So they were allowed to separate about this -time though very unwillingly. To prevent any further -scattering from this place and weakening of it, it was -thought best to give out some good farms in the neighbourhood -to special persons who would promise to live at New -Plymouth, likely to be helpful to the church and commonwealth, -and so tie the lands to New Plymouth as farms for -its inhabitants, so that their cattle and their ploughed land -might be kept there by servants, and they retain their dwellings -here. So some special lands were granted at a place -called Green’s Harbour, where no allotments had been made<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_244"></a>[244]</span> -in the former division, very well-meadowed and suitable -for raising cattle. But alas! this remedy proved worse than -the disease; for within a few years those who had thus -got footing there, seceded from the church, partly deliberately, -and partly by wearing out the rest with importunity -and pleas of exigency, so that they either had to let them -go or live in continual contention. Others again, thinking -themselves impoverished, or for want of accommodation, -broke away on one pretence or another, thinking their own -imagined necessity or the example of others sufficient warrant. -This I fear will be the ruin of New England,—at -least of the churches of God there,—and will provoke the -Lord’s displeasure against them.</p> - -<p>This year Mr. William Pierce came over and brought -goods and passengers in a ship called the Lyon which belonged -chiefly to Mr. Sherley and the rest of the London -partners, those here having nothing to do with her. Besides -some beaver which they had sent home earlier in the -year, they sent in this ship upwards of £800 worth, and -some otter skins. They sent, also, copies of Mr. Allerton’s -accounts, requesting them to examine them and rectify -such things as they should find amiss in them, as they were -better acquainted with the goods bought and the disbursements -made there, than they could be here. With these -they sent a book of exceptions to his accounts, where -they could specify them, and did not doubt but they in England -might add to them. They showed them how much Mr. -Allerton was debtor to the general account, and as they had -now put the ship White Angel wholly in his control and -had tied their hands here, they requested them to call him -to account. But it pleased God that the ship taking these -papers, on her way to Virginia before going home, was -wrecked on the coast not far from Virginia and their cargo -was lost. This was the first loss they had sustained of that<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_245"></a>[245]</span> -kind. But Mr. Pierce and the men saved their lives, and -also the letters, and got to Virginia and so safely home. -Copies of the accounts were therefore sent over again to -England.</p> - -<p>The following is part of Mr. Pierce’s letter from Virginia. -It was dated Dec. 25th, 1632, and came to their hands on -April 7th, before they had heard anything from England:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>William Pierce in Virginia to the New Plymouth Colony</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Dear Friends,</p> - -<p>The news of this fatal stroke that the Lord has brought upon -me and you will probably come to your ears before this comes to -your hands, and therefore I need not enlarge on particulars, etc. -Almost all my worldly belongings have been take away,—and yours -also in a great measure, by this and your various former losses. -It is time to look about us, before the wrath of the Lord break -forth in utter destruction. The good Lord give us all grace to -search our hearts and try our ways, and turn unto the Lord and -humble ourselves under His mighty hand and seek atonement.... -Dear friends, know that all your beaver and books of account are -swallowed up in the sea; your letters remain with me and shall -be delivered if God bring me home. But what more should I say? -By this we have lost our worldly goods—yet a happy loss if our -souls are the gainers. There is more in the Lord Jehovah than -ever we had in this world. O that our foolish hearts could be -weaned from things here below, which are vanity and vexation of -spirit; and yet we fools catch after shadows that fly away and are -gone in a moment!... Thus with my continual remembrance of -you in my poor desires to the Throne of Grace, beseeching God -to renew His love and favour towards you all, in and through the -Lord Jesus Christ, both in spiritual and temporal good things, as -may be most to the glory and praise of His name and your everlasting -good, so I rest,</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 2.5em;">Your afflicted brother in Christ,</span><br> -WILLIAM PIERCE.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>Virginia, Dec. 25th, 1632.</em></p> -</div> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_246"></a>[246]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs80 bold" id="CHAPTER_XIV">CHAPTER XIV</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">Trouble about the accounts of the Partnership—Roger Williams—Establishment -of a trading-house on the Connecticut -River—Trouble with the Dutch there—Fever at New Plymouth—Scourge -of Flies: 1633.</p> - - -<p>This year Mr. Edward Winslow was chosen governor. -By the first return of ships they received letters from -Mr. Sherley about Mr. Allerton’s further ill-success, and the -loss by Mr. Pierce, with many sad comments. But there -was little hope of getting anything out of Mr. Allerton -or of their accounts being either eased or rectified by them -over there. They saw plainly that the burden of it all -would be thrown upon their backs. The special passages -of his letters I will insert here, for though I am weary of -this tedious and uncomfortable subject, yet for the truth’s -sake I am compelled to fully ventilate matters which have -resulted in so much trouble and so many hard censures -on both sides. I do not wish to be partial to either side, -but to disclose the truth as nearly as I can, in their own -words, and so leave it to the unbiased judgment of any -who shall come to read them.</p> - - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>James Sherley in London to the Colony at New Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Loving Friends,</p> - -<p>My last was sent in the Mary and John by Mr. William Collier. -I then certified you of the great and unseasonable loss you and we -had, in the wreck of Mr. Pierce and his ship the Lyon; but the -Lord’s holy name be blessed, Who gives and takes as it pleases -Him; His will be done, Amen. I then related to you that fearful -accident, or rather judgment, the Lord pleased to lay on London -bridge by fire, and therein gave you an idea of my great loss; the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_247"></a>[247]</span> -Lord I hope will give me patience to bear it, and faith to trust in -Him and not in the slippery and uncertain things of this world.</p> - -<p>I hope Mr. Allerton is nearly with you by this time; but he had -many disasters here before he got away. The last was a heavy -one; his ship, while getting out of the harbour at Bristol in stormy -weather, was driven so far ashore that it cost him over £100 to -get her afloat again. His condition was so lamentable that I could -not but afford him some help, as did some who were strangers to -him; besides, your goods were in her, and if he had not been -assisted he must have given up his voyage, and loss could not have -been avoided on all sides. When he first bought her I think he -would have made a saving match if he had then sunk her and -never set sail in her! I hope he sees the Lord’s hand against -him, and will leave off these voyages. I think we did well in -parting with her; she would have been but a clog to the account, -time and again, and though we shall not get much by way of -satisfaction, we shall lose no more. And now, as I have written -before, pray wind up all the accounts with him there; here he has -nothing but many debts which he owes in various quarters. Besides, -not a man here will spend a day, nay scarcely an hour, on -the accounts but myself, and that business will require more time -and help than I can afford. I need not say any more; I hope you -will do what will be best and will be just with him, to which add -mercy and consider his intentions, though he failed in many particulars, -which now cannot be helped....</p> - -<p>To-morrow or next day at furthest we are to pay £300, and Mr. -Beauchamp is out of the town, so I must do it. O! the grief and -trouble that mad Mr. Allerton has brought upon you and us! I cannot -forget it, and to think of it draws many a sigh from my heart -and tears from my eyes. And now the Lord has visited me with -another great loss, but I can bear it with more patience than those -which I have foolishly pulled upon myself....</p> -</div> - -<p>And in another letter there is this passage:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>By Mr. Allerton’s fair propositions and large promises I have -overrun myself; indeed grief hinders me from writing, and tears -will not suffer me to see; therefore as you love those who ever -loved you, and the colony, think of us. Oh, what shall I say of -that man who has abused your trust and wronged our loves! But -to lament now is too late, nor can I complain of your backwardness, -for I know it lies as heavy on your hearts as it does on our -purses. Had the Lord sent Mr. Pierce safely home, it had eased -both you and us of some of those debts. The Lord I hope will<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_248"></a>[248]</span> -give us patience to bear these crosses and that great God Whose -care and providence is everywhere, and especially over those who -desire truly to fear and serve Him, direct, guide, prosper, and bless -you so that you may have the power, as you have the will, to take -off this heavy burden which now lies upon me for your sakes,—and, -as I hope, for your ultimate good and that of many thousands -more. For had not you and we joined together, New England -might have been scarcely known, and would not, I feel sure, be -inhabited by such honest English people as it now is. The Lord -increase and bless them.... So with my continual prayers for -you all, I rest</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 2.5em;">Your assured loving friend,</span><br> -JAMES SHERLEY.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>June 24th, 1633.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>Though Mr. Sherley became more alive to his own condition -by these losses, and complained the more sadly and -unreservedly of Mr. Allerton, no steps were taken to help -them here—not so much as to examine and rectify the -accounts, by which probably some hundred of pounds might -have been deducted. But probably they saw that the more -there was taken off the account the less would come to them -in England.</p> - -<p>But to come to other things. Mr. Roger Williams, a -godly and zealous man, with many rare qualities but a -very unstable judgment, who settled first in Massachusetts, -but owing to some discontent left there, came here -about this time, where he was made welcome according to -their poor ability. He exercised his gifts among them, and -after some time was admitted as a member of the church; -and his teaching was highly approved, and for its benefit I -still bless God, and am thankful to him even for his sharpest -admonitions and reproofs, so far as they agreed with -the truth. This year he began to hold some strange -opinions, and from opinion proceeded to practise. This -caused some controversy between the church and him, and -in the end some discontent on his part, so that he left them -somewhat abruptly. Afterwards he applied for his dismissal,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_249"></a>[249]</span> -to transfer himself to the church at Salem, which was -granted, with some caution to them about him. But he soon -fell into more trouble there, to the disturbance of church -and government: I need not give particulars, for they are -too well known to all; though for a time the church here -received some hard censure through him, and at the hands -of those who afterwards smarted themselves. But he is -rather to be pitied and prayed for; so I shall leave the -matter, and desire the Lord to show him his errors and -return him to the way of truth, and give him a settled -judgment and constancy therein; for I hope he belongs to -the Lord and that He will show him mercy.</p> - -<p>Having already had intercourse with the Dutch, as will -be remembered, they, seeing the New Plymouth people -settled here in such a barren quarter, told them of a river -which they called Fresh River, now known by the name of -Connecticut River, which they had often recommended to -them as a fine place for both agriculture and trade, and -wished them to make use of it. But their hands then being -full, they let it pass. Afterwards, a tribe of Indians who -came there were driven out by the Pequots, who usurped -their territory; and the banished tribe often begged them -to go there, and said they could do plenty of trade, especially -if they would keep a house there. So, having a -good stock of goods, and being obliged to look out how -they could better themselves and help to meet their heavy -engagements, they began to explore in that direction and -to trade with the natives. They found it a fine place, -though at first they did little trade; but the Indians put it -down to the season of the year and the fear they were in -of their enemies. So they tried several times, not unprofitably; -but they saw that the surest way would be to keep a -house there to receive the trade when it came down from -inland. The Indians not seeing them very active in establishing<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_250"></a>[250]</span> -themselves, solicited the Massachusetts colony -similarly—for their object was to be restored to their country -again. But those in the Bay who had but lately arrived -were not fitted for it. However, some of the chief -of them proposed to join with the partners here to trade -jointly with them up the Connecticut River, which they -were willing to agree to, with the idea that they should -share equally in the building and the stock. A time of -meeting was appointed in Massachusetts, and some of the -principal men here were appointed to deal with them, and -went accordingly. But the Massachusetts people entertained -many fears, of danger, and loss, and the like, which -were seen to be the main causes of their disinclination, -though they alleged that they were not provided with trading -goods, etc. So the New Plymouth people offered at -present to put in sufficient for both, provided they would -become responsible for the half, and meantime prepare -for next year. They confessed that more could not be -expected, but thanked them and told them they did not -care to do it. So they said they hoped it would be no -offence to the Massachusetts colony if they went on without -them. They said there was no reason against it; and -so this partnership fell through. So the New Plymouth -colonists in due time made a beginning there, and were the -first English to discover the place and build it, though -they were little better than forced out of it afterwards, -as will appear.</p> - -<p>The Dutch now began to repent, and hearing of their -preparations, endeavoured to prevent them, and getting in -a little before them established a small fort with two pieces -of ordnance, threatening to stop their passage. But having -prepared a small frame of a house and having a big -new bark, they stowed the frame in her hold, together with -boards to cover and finish it, and nails and all other necessaries.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_251"></a>[251]</span> -This was intended as a defence against the Indians, -who were much offended that they had brought back and -restored the right Sachem of the place, called Natawanute; -so they encountered a double danger in this attempt, both -from the Dutch and the Indians. When they came up the -river the Dutchmen demanded what they intended and -whither they would go; they answered up the river to trade,—their -orders being to go and settle above them. They -bid them stop or they would shoot, and stood by, their -ordnance ready loaded. They replied that they had orders -from the Governor of New Plymouth to go up the river -to such a place, and, shoot or not, they must obey their -orders and proceed; and that they would not harm them, -but they must go on. So they passed on, and though the -Dutch threatened them they did not shoot. Coming to the -place appointed, they clapped up their house quickly, landed -their provisions and left the men, sending the bark home. -Afterwards they palisaded their house and fortified themselves -better. The Dutch sent home word to Manhattan, -asking what they should do, and in process of time they -sent a troop of about seventy armed men, in warlike formation, -with colours displayed, to attack them; but seeing -them strongly established, and that it would cost blood, -they came to parley, and returned in peace. They did -the Dutch no wrong, for they took not a foot of any of -the land they had bought, but went to a place above them, -and bought the tract of land which belonged to their -friends the Indians whom they took with them, and with -whom the Dutch had nothing to do. So this was their -entrance there; and they deserved to continue to hold -it, and not, later, to have been thrust out by friends, as in a -way they were, as will be seen. But of these matters, more -in another place.</p> - -<p>It pleased the Lord this year to visit them with an infectious<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_252"></a>[252]</span> -fever of which many fell very ill, and upwards of -twenty persons died, men, women and children, and several -of their oldest friends who had lived in Holland. -Amongst them were Thomas Blossom, Richard Masterson -with some others: and in the end, after he had helped -others much, Samuel Fuller, their physician, who had been -a great help and comfort to them, not only in his profession, -but also as a deacon of the church, a godly man, always -ready to serve his fellows. He was much missed after his -death, and he and the rest of their brethren who died were -much lamented by them. This brought much sadness and -mourning among them, and caused them to humble themselves -and seek the Lord; and towards winter it pleased -the Lord that the sickness ceased. This disease also swept -away many of the Indians from the adjoining parts. The -Spring before, especially the month of May, there had -been a quantity of a great sort of fly, as large as wasps or -bumble bees, which came out of holes in the ground, filling -all the woods, and eating the verdure. They made -such a constant yelling noise that the woods rang with -them, till they were ready to deafen the hearers. They -have not been heard or seen before or since by the English.</p> - -<p>The Indians told them the sickness would follow, and so -it did, in June, July, and August, during the greatest heat -of the summer.</p> - -<p>It pleased the Lord to enable them this year to send -home a great quantity of beaver, besides paying all their -expenses and debts here in the country, which was a -great encouragement to their friends in England. Of -beaver they sent 3366 lbs., and much of it was coat beaver, -which yielded twenty shillings per lb., and some of it more; -and 346 otter skins which also sold at a good price—fourteen -and fifteen shillings per lb. Thus much of the -affairs of this year.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_253"></a>[253]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs80 bold" id="CHAPTER_XV">CHAPTER XV</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">Hocking Shot at Kennebec—Lord Say and the Settlement -at Piscataqua—Mr. Alden imprisoned at Boston—The case of -Hocking submitted to a Tribunal of the combined Colonies—Captain -Stone and the Dutch Governor—Stone killed by Indians—Smallpox -among the Indians: 1634.</p> - - -<p>This year Mr. Thomas Prince was chosen Governor.</p> - -<p>Mr. Sherley’s letters were very brief in answer to theirs -this year. I will not copy any extracts from them, but -will mention the subjects of one or two of them. First, -he hopes they will not take offence at anything he wrote -previously, professing his affection for them as before, etc. -Secondly, as to Mr. Allerton’s accounts, he is convinced the -colony must suffer, and that to no small figure; that they -have cause enough to complain, but it is now too late; that -Allerton had failed them all, and himself, in his aims, and -that he feared God in consequence would fail him, and it -would not be strange if he fell into worse ways, etc. -Thirdly, he blesses God and is thankful to Him for the good -return made this year. This is the effect of his letters, -other things being of a more private nature.</p> - -<p>I now enter upon one of the saddest things that befell -them since they came; and before I begin, it will be necessary -to quote that part of their patent which gave them -rights at Kennebec.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>The said Council has further given, granted, bargained, sold, -enfeoffed, allotted, assigned, and made over, and by these presents -do clearly and absolutely give, grant, bargain, sell, alien, enfeoff, -allot, assign, and confirm unto the said William Bradford, his -heirs, associates, and assigns, all that tract of land or part of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_254"></a>[254]</span> -New England in America aforesaid, which lies within or between, -and extends itself from the utmost limits of Cobiseconte, which -adjoins the river of Kennebec, towards the Western ocean, and a -place called the Falls of Nequamkeck in America aforesaid; and -the space of <ins class="corr" id="tn-254" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'fifteen Engish miles'"> -fifteen English miles</ins> on each side of the said river, -commonly called Kennebec river, and all the said river called -Kennebec that lies within the said limits and bounds, eastward, -westward, northward, and southward, last above mentioned; and -all lands, grounds, soils, rivers, waters, fishing, etc. And by virtue -of the authority to us derived by his said late majesty’s letters -patent, to take, apprehend, seize, and make prize of all such persons, -their ships and goods, as shall attempt to inhabit or trade with -the savage people of that country within the several precincts and -limits of his or their several plantations, etc.</p> -</div> - -<p>Now it happened that one Hocking, belonging to the -settlement at Piscataqua, went with a bark and some commodities -to trade on the Kennebec, and must needs transgress -their limits, and even go up the river above their -house towards the Falls, and intercept the trade that should -have come to them. The man in charge of the place forbade -him, and begged him not to do them the injury of -infringing their rights which had cost them so dear. He -replied he would go up and trade there in spite of them, -and remain there as long as he pleased. The answer was -that in that case he would be forced to remove him or -apprehend him. Whereupon Hocking bid him do his -worst, and went up and anchored there. So the captain -took a boat and some men, and followed him, and again -urged him to depart. But all in vain; he could get nothing -from him but ill words. So, as it was just the season -for trade to come down, and if he allowed him to remain -there and take it from them, all their previous expense -would be wasted, he consulted with his men, who being -willing, he decided to sever the boat from her anchorage, -and let her drift down the river with the stream, but commanded -his men not to shoot on any account unless he<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_255"></a>[255]</span> -commanded them. He spoke to Hocking again, but all -in vain; then he sent a couple of men in a canoe to cut -his cable, which one of them did. Thereupon Hocking -took up a gun which he had put ready, and as the bark -drifted down past the canoe he shot the man in the head -and killed him instantly. One of his comrades who loved -him well, could not restrain himself, and making aim with -his musket shot Hocking dead on the spot. This is a -true account of what happened. The rest of the men took -the vessel home, with these sad tidings. Now Lord Say -and Lord Brook, with some other eminent men, had an -interest in this settlement, so the people wrote home to -them in such terms as to exasperate them as much as possible, -leaving out all the extenuating circumstances, and -making it appear that Hocking had been killed without -provocation, suppressing the fact that he had killed a man -first. So their Lordships were much offended, till they -were fully informed of the details.</p> - -<p>The news of this spread quickly, with the worst light -put upon it, and reached their neighbours in Massachusetts. -Their own bark came home to New Plymouth, bringing a -true report of it, and all were deeply and naturally affected -by it. Not long after, they had occasion to send their -vessel to the Bay of Massachusetts; but the colony there -was so incensed at the occurrence that they imprisoned -Mr. Alden who was aboard, and had been at Kennebec, -but had taken no part in the affair, having only gone up -to take supplies. They freed the boat, but kept Mr. Alden -for some time. This was thought strange here, and they -sent Captain Standish, with letters, to give them full information, -and to procure Mr. Alden’s release. I will give -a letter or two which refer to these things.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_256"></a>[256]</span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Two letters from Thomas Dudley at Newtown to William Bradford -at New Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Good Sir,</p> - -<p>I have received your letter through Captain Standish, and am -unfeignedly glad of God’s mercy towards you in the steady recovery -of your health. Concerning the matter you write of, I -thought I would send a word or two in answer to yourself, leaving -your Governor’s letter to be answered by our court, to which with -myself it is directed. I presume, until I hear further, that your -patent may warrant your resistance of any Englishmen trading at -Kennebec, and that the blood of Hocking and the man he slew -will be required, elsewhere, at his hands. But with yourself and -others I grieve for their deaths. I think, also, that your general -letters will satisfy our courts, and make them cease from meddling -further in the matter. Upon that same letter I have liberated Mr. -Alden, with his sureties; but that I may not seem to neglect the -opinion of our court, I have bound Captain Standish to appear -on June 3rd at our next court, to make affidavit for the copy of -the patent and to testify to the circumstances of Hocking’s provocations, -both of which will tend to prove your innocence. If any -offence has been taken at what we have done, let it be better considered, -I pray you; and I hope the more you think of it, the less -blame you will impute to us. At least you ought to be just in distinguishing -between those whose opinions concur with your own, -and others—though I can truly say I have spoken with no one on -the subject, even those who blame you most, who had not always -heretofore declared their good-will towards your colony. Referring -you further to the report you have from Captain Standish -and Mr. Alden, I leave you for the present with God’s blessing, -wishing you perfect recovery of your health and long continuance -of it. I desire to be lovingly remembered to Mr. Prince—your -Governor, Mr. Winslow, and Mr. Brewster, whom I would see if -I could. The Lord keep you all. Amen.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 2.5em;">Your very loving friend in our Lord Jesus,</span><br> -THOMAS DUDLEY.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>Newtown, May 22nd, 1634.</em></p> -</div> - - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="noindent">Sir,</p> - -<p>I am deeply sorry for the news that Captain Standish and others -of your colony, and my beloved friends, are bringing with them -to New Plymouth, in which I suffer with you, because of the difference -of my opinion from that of others who are godly and wise -amongst us here, reverence for whose judgments causes me to -suspect my own ignorance. But I cannot alter it until I am convinced<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_257"></a>[257]</span> -otherwise. I did not intend to show your letter to me, -but to do my best to reconcile the differences as best I could; but -Captain Standish demanding an answer to it publicly in court, I -was forced to produce it, which made the breach the wider, as -he will tell you. I proposed to the court that they should answer -the letter from Mr. Prince, your Governor; but the court ruled -that it required no answer, since it was itself an answer to a -former letter of ours. Pray inform Mr. Prince of this, and others -whom it concerns, so that they may not impute neglect or ill -manners to me on this score. The recent letters I have received -from England cause me to fear<a id="FNanchor_9" href="#Footnote_9" class="fnanchor">[9]</a> that some trials are likely to fall -upon us shortly, and this unhappy dispute between you and us, -and between you and Piscataqua, will hasten them, if God with an -extraordinary hand does not help us. To reconcile this for the -present will be very difficult; but time cools distempers, and a -common danger approaching us both will necessitate our uniting -again. I pray you therefore, Sir, set your wisdom and patience to -work, and exhort others to do the same, that things may not proceed -from bad to worse, making our divisions like the bars of a -palace; but that a way of peace may be kept open, where the God -of peace may have entrance at His own time. If you are wronged, -it is to your honour to bear it patiently; but I go too far in needlessly -putting you in mind of such things. God has done great -things for you, and I desire His blessings may be multiplied upon -you more and more. I will commit no more to writing, but commending -myself to your prayers, I rest</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 3em;">Your truly loving friend in our Lord Jesus,</span><br> -THOMAS DUDLEY.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>June 4th, 1634.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>This shows what troubles arose, and how hard they were -to allay; for though they were heartily sorry for what had -happened, they considered they had been unjustly injured -and provoked, and that their neighbours, who had no -jurisdiction over them, exceeded their bounds thus to imprison -a member of their settlement and bring the question -before their Court. But being assured of their Christian -love, and convinced that it was done out of godly zeal,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_258"></a>[258]</span> -that religion might not suffer nor sin be in any way concealed -or countenanced,—especially the guilt of blood, of -which all should be very conscientious,—they endeavoured -to appease them as best they could, first by giving them -the truth of it all; secondly by their willingness to refer -the case to any indifferent judgment here, and to answer it -elsewhere when they should be called upon to do so; and -further, by asking Mr. Winthrop and other respected -magistrates there, for their advice and direction. This -mollified them and brought things to a comfortable end at -last.</p> - -<p>The advice given them by Mr. Winthrop and others -was, that from their court at New Plymouth they should -write to the neighbouring settlements, especially to that -at Piscataqua and theirs in Massachusetts, appointing a -meeting at some suitable place, to deliberate on the subject, -full powers being delegated to those attending the -meeting from the various colonies, but nothing to be done -which should infringe the liberties of any of them. The -law of God being, that for conscience’ sake the priests -should be consulted with, it was thought desirable that -the ministers of every colony should be present to give -their advice on points of conscience. Though this suggestion -seemed dangerous to some, they were so well assured -of the justice of their cause and the equity of their friends, -that they agreed to it, and appointed a time, of which notice -was given a month beforehand, viz.: to Massachusetts, -Salem, Piscataqua, and others, requesting them to produce -any evidence they could in the case. The place of meeting -was Boston. But when the day came, there only appeared -some of the magistrates and ministers of Massachusetts -and of New Plymouth. As none had come from Piscataqua -or other places, Mr. Winthrop and the others said they -could do no more than they had done, and the blame must<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_259"></a>[259]</span> -rest with them. So they opened up a fair discussion of -the subject, and after all evidence had been fully sifted, -the opinion of each of the magistrates and ministers was -demanded, with the result that though all wished the -trouble had never occurred, they could not but lay the -blame and guilt on Hocking’s own head. Whereupon such -grave and godly counsels and exhortations were given as -they thought fitting, both for the present and future, which -were received with love and gratitude, with promises to -endeavour to profit by them. And so it ended, and their -love and concord renewed. Further, Mr. Winthrop and -Mr. Dudley wrote very effectually on their behalf to Lord -Say and others interested, which with their own letters, -and Mr. Winslow’s further declarations when in England, -satisfied them fully.</p> - -<p>They sent Mr. Winslow to England this year, partly -for this object, and partly to notify the partners in England -that the period of their contract for the company’s trade -here having expired, they instructed him to close the accounts -with them, and to find out how much they still -remained debtors to the account, and what further course -would be best to pursue. The outcome of it all will appear -in next year’s narrative. They sent over with him a substantial -cargo which was very acceptable to them: in beaver -3738 lbs. mostly coat beaver which sold at twenty shillings -per lb.; and 234 otter skins at fourteen shillings per skin. -So altogether it arose to a large sum of money.</p> - -<p>Early this year they sent a boat to trade with the Dutch -colony, where they met with a Captain Stone who had -lived in Christophers, one of the West Indian Islands, -and had now been some time in Virginia, and had come up -from there. He kept company with the Dutch Governor, -and in some drunken fit got his leave to seize their boat, -just as they were ready to leave and had finished trading,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_260"></a>[260]</span> -having £500 worth of goods aboard. There was not the -least provocation or ground for such an act, but having -made the Governor so drunk that he could scarcely utter -an intelligible word, he urged him to do it, and got the -answer “as you please.” So he got aboard, most of their -men being ashore, and with some of his own men made -the rest weigh anchor, set sail, and carry her away towards -Virginia. But several of the Dutch sailors ashore, who -had often been at New Plymouth and kindly entertained -there, said to each other: “Shall we allow our friends to -be wronged in this way, and have their goods carried away -before our faces whilst our Governor is drunk?” They -vowed they would not permit it, and got a vessel or two, -and chased him and brought him back again, and delivered -them their boat and goods.</p> - -<p>Afterwards Stone came to Massachusetts, and they commenced -an action against him for it; but by the mediation -of friends it was allowed to lapse. Later, Stone came -with some other gentlemen to New Plymouth, and was -friendly entertained by them with the rest; but revenge -boiled in his breast, and some thought that on one occasion -he intended to stab the Governor, and put his hand to his -dagger for that purpose; but by God’s providence and the -vigilance of those at hand, it was prevented. Afterwards, -returning to Virginia in a pinnace with a Captain Norton -and some others, for some unknown reason they must needs -go up the Connecticut River. What they did, I know not; -but the Indians came aboard and knocked Stone on the -head as he lay in his cabin; this was his end. They also -killed all the others, but Captain Norton defended himself -for a long time against them all in the cook-room, till, -by accident, the gun-powder which he had put ready in -some open vessel before him, took fire and it so burnt and -blinded him that he could no longer make resistance, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_261"></a>[261]</span> -was killed by them, though they much commended his -valour.</p> - -<p>I must now relate a strange occurrence. There was a -tribe of Indians living on the upper parts of the Connecticut -River, a long way from the colony’s trading-house there, -who were enemies of the Indians that lived in the neighbourhood, -who stood in some fear of them, for they were -a warlike tribe. About a thousand of them had enclosed -themselves in a fort, which they had strongly palisaded. -Three or four Dutchmen went up in the beginning of winter -to live with them, to get their trade and prevent them from -bringing it down to the English, or from getting friendly -with them. But their enterprise failed, for it pleased God -to afflict these Indians with such a deadly sickness, that -out of 1,000, over 950 of them died, and many of them lay -rotting above ground for want of burial, and the Dutchmen -almost starved before they could get away, kept there -by the ice and snow. But about February, with much -difficulty they reached the trading-house of the New -Plymouth people, by whom they were kindly treated, for -they were almost exhausted with hunger and cold. After -being refreshed by them for several days, they got to -their own place, and the Dutch were very grateful for this -kindness.</p> - -<p>This spring, too, the Indians who lived around their -trading-house fell sick of small pox, and died most miserably. -A more terrible disease cannot attack them; they -fear it worse than the plague, for usually it spreads amongst -them broadcast. For want of bedding and linen and other -comforts, they fall into a lamentable condition. As they -lie on their hard mats, the pox breaks and matters and runs, -their skin sticking to the mats they lie on, so that when -they turn a whole side will flay off at once, and they will -be all one gore of blood, dreadful to behold; and then, what<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_262"></a>[262]</span> -with cold and other hardships, they die like rotten sheep. -The condition of these natives was indeed lamentable. -They were swept so generally by the disease that in the -end they were unable to help one another, or to make a -fire or fetch a little water to drink, or to bury their dead. -They would keep up as long as they could, and when there -was no other means to make a fire, they would burn the -wooden dishes they ate their food in, and their very bows -and arrows. Some would crawl out on all fours to get a -little water, and sometimes die by the way, not being able -to get home again. But the people of the English trading-house, -though they were at first afraid of the infection, -seeing their woful condition and hearing their pitiful cries, -had compassion on them, and daily fetched them wood -and water and made them fires, and got them food whilst -they lived, and buried them when they died. Very few -of the Indians escaped, notwithstanding that they did what -they could for them at great risk to themselves. The chief -Sachem himself died, and almost all his friends and relatives; -but by the marvellous goodness and providence of -God not one of the English was so much as ill, or in the -least degree tainted with the disease, though they did these -services for them daily for many weeks. The mercy they -showed them in this way was greatly appreciated by all the -Indians who knew or heard of it, and earned their gratitude; -and their masters at New Plymouth highly commended -and rewarded them for it.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_263"></a>[263]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs80 bold" id="CHAPTER_XVI">CHAPTER XVI</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">Edward Winslow in England—Petition to the Commissioners -for the Colonies in America—Winslow imprisoned—The London -partners withhold the accounts of the partnership—The -French capture the trading-house at Penobscot—Attack on -the French fails—Phenomenal Hurricane—Settlement of -people from Massachusetts on the Connecticut River—Mr. -Norton minister at New Plymouth: 1635.</p> - - -<p>Mr. Winslow was welcomed by them in England, the -more so owing to the large consignment of fur he brought -with him, which came safely to hand and was well sold. He -was given to understand that all the accounts would be -cleared up before his return, and all former differences -settled, and that the account of the White Angel would not -be charged to them. Being called upon to answer some -complaints made against the country at the Council, more -particularly concerning their neighbours at the Bay than -themselves, which he did to good effect, at the same time -furthering the interests of the colonies as a whole, as regards -the encroachments of the French and other strangers, -with a view to preventing them for the future, he took -the opportunity of presenting this petition to their Honours, -the Commissioners for the Colonies.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>To the Right Honourable the Lords Commissioners for the Colonies -in America</em>:</p> - -<p>The humble petition of Edward Winslow on behalf of the -Colonies in New England:</p> - -<p>Humbly shows your Lordships, that whereas your petitioners -have settled in New England under his majesty’s most gracious -protection, now the French and Dutch endeavour to divide the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_264"></a>[264]</span> -land between them; for which purpose the French on the east -side entered and seized upon some of our houses and carried away -the goods, killed two men in another place, and took the rest -prisoners with their goods; and the Dutch on the west also made -entry along the Connecticut river, within the limits of his Majesty’s -letters patent, where they have raised a fort and threaten to expel -your petitioners who are also established on the same river, maintaining -possession for his Majesty to their great expense, and the -risk of both their lives and goods.</p> - -<p>In tender consideration whereof your petitioners humbly pray -that your Lordships will either procure their peace with those -foreign states, or else give special warrant to your petitioners and -the English Colonies, to defend themselves against all foreign -enemies. And your petitioners shall pray, etc.</p> -</div> - -<p>This petition was well received by most of them, and -Mr. Winslow was heard several times by them, and appointed -to attend for an answer from their Lordships, -having shown how this might be done without any expense -or trouble to the state, simply giving the leading men there -authority to undertake it at their own cost and in such a -way as would avoid public disturbance. But this interfered -with both Sir Ferdinand Gorges’ and Captain Mason’s -plans, with whom the Archbishop of Canterbury was in -league; for Sir Ferdinand Gorges, by the Archbishop’s -favour, was to have been sent over to the country as -Governor-General, and was about to conclude this project. -The Archbishop’s intention was to send over officials with -him, furnished with episcopal power, to disturb the peace -of the churches here, overthrow their proceedings, and stop -their further growth. But it fell out by God’s providence, -that though in the end they prevented this petition from -taking any further effect, his plot with Sir Ferdinand came -to nothing.</p> - -<p>So when Mr. Winslow went before the Board to have -his petition granted, he found that the Archbishop had -checked it. However, hoping to obtain it nevertheless,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_265"></a>[265]</span> -he went to the Board again; but he found that the Archbishop, -Sir Ferdinand, and Captain Mason had procured -Morton, the man referred to previously, to present complaints. -Mr. Winslow answered them to the satisfaction -of the Board, who checked Morton and rebuked him -sharply, and also blamed Sir Ferdinand Gorges and Mason -for countenancing him. But the Archbishop had a further -object, and began to cross-question Mr. Winslow about -many things. He accused him of preaching in the church -publicly,—with which Morton had charged him, affirming -that he had seen and heard him do it; to which Mr. -Winslow answered that sometimes, for want of a minister, -he had endeavoured to assist in the edification of his -brethren. The Archbishop then questioned him about marriage; -to which he replied that as a magistrate he had -occasionally married some of the people, pointing out to -their Lordships that marriage was a civil institution, and -that he nowhere found in the word of God that it belonged -to the ministry, and furthermore for a long time they had -no minister; besides, it was now no new idea, for he himself -had been married in Holland by the magistrates in -their Stadt-house. To be short, in the end the Archbishop, -by his vehement importunity, got the Board at last to -consent to his commitment; so he was imprisoned in the -Fleet, and lay there about seventeen weeks before he could -get released. This was the end of the petition; but the -scheme of the others was frustrated too, which was no small -blessing to the people over here. The expense to this -colony was heavy, though it was undertaken as much, or -more, in the interests of others. Indeed, Mr. Winslow -was chiefly urged to the business by them, and the colony -knew nothing of it till they heard of his imprisonment, -though it had to bear the whole expense.</p> - -<p>As to their own business, whatever Mr. Sherley’s intention<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_266"></a>[266]</span> -was before, he now declared plainly that he would -neither take the White Angel from the general account, -nor present any further account till he had received more -goods; that though a fair supply had been sent over this -time, they were mostly without notes of the prices, and -not as properly invoiced as formerly. This Mr. Winslow -said he could not help, because of his imprisonment. However, -Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beauchamp, and Mr. Andrews sent -over a letter of attorney under their hands and seals to recover -what they could from Mr. Allerton on the White -Angel’s account, but they sent neither the bonds nor contracts, -nor such other evidence as they had, to enable those -at New Plymouth to act upon it. I will here insert a few -passages from Mr. Sherley’s letters about these things.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>James Sherley in London to the Colony at New Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p>I have received your letter of July 22nd, 1634, through our trusty -and loving friend, Mr. Winslow, and your large parcel of beaver -and otter skins. Blessed be our God, both he and it arrived safely. -We have sold it in two parcels; the skins at fourteen shillings per -lb., and some at sixteen; the coat at twenty shillings per lb. I -have not sent the accounts over this year; I refer you to Mr. -Winslow for the reason; but be assured that none of you shall -suffer through not having them, if God spare me life. You say -the six years have expired during which the people put the trade -of the colony into your and our hands, for the discharge of the -heavy debts which Mr. Allerton needlessly and unadvisedly ran -us into; but it was promised that it should continue till our disbursements -and engagements were met. You think this has been -done already; we know otherwise.... I doubt not we shall lovingly -agree, notwithstanding all that has been written on both sides -about the White Angel. We have now sent you a letter of attorney, -giving you power in our names (and to shadow it the more we -say for our uses) to obtain what is possible from Mr. Allerton -towards meeting the great expense of the White Angel. He certainly -gave a bond, though at present I cannot find it; but he has -often affirmed with great protestations that neither you nor we -should lose a penny by him, and I hope you will find he has enough -to meet it, so that we shall have no more trouble about it. Notwithstanding<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_267"></a>[267]</span> -his unkind treatment of you, in the midst of justice -remember mercy, and do not all you might do.... Let us get -out of debt, and then let us survey the matter reasonably.... -Mr. Winslow has undergone an unjust imprisonment but I am convinced -it will result to your general advantage. I leave it to him -to tell all particulars....</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 4.5em;">Your loving friend,</span><br> -JAMES SHERLEY.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>London, Sept. 7th, 1635.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>This year they sustained another great loss from the -French. <ins class="corr" id="tn-267" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'Monsieur d’Aulnay'"> -Monsieur d’Aulney</ins>, coming into the harbour of -Penobscot, having invited several of the chief men belonging -to the house aboard his vessel, got them to pilot -him in; and after getting the rest into his power, he took -possession of the house in the name of the King of France. -By threats and otherwise he made Mr. Willett, their -agent there, approve of the sale of the goods to him, of -which he fixed the prices himself, making an inventory, -though with many omissions. But he made no payment -for them, saying that in due course he would do so if they -came for it. As for the house and fortifications, he would -not allow anything for them, claiming that it was not built -on their own land. So, turning them out, with many compliments -and fine words, he let them have their shallop -and some provisions to bring them home. When they got -home and related the occurrence they were much disturbed -about it, for the French had robbed this house once before, -at a loss to them of above £500, and now to lose house -and all vexed them greatly. So they decided to consult -with their friends at the Bay, who now had many ships -there, and if they approved of it, they intended to hire a -fighting ship and try to beat out the French and regain -their property. Their plan was approved of, if they themselves -would bear the expense. So they hired a fine ship -of over 300 tons, well fitted with ordnance, and agreed with -the captain, one Girling, that he and his crew should deliver<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_268"></a>[268]</span> -them the house after they had overcome the French -and give them peaceable possession of it, with all such -trading commodities as should be found there, giving the -French fair quarter if they would yield. In consideration -of which services he was to have 700 lbs. of beaver, to be -delivered to him there when he had completed his bargain; -but if he did not accomplish it, he was to lose his labour -and have nothing. With him they sent their own bark, and -about twenty men under Captain Standish, to help him if -necessary, and to put things in order if the house were -regained; and then to pay Girling the beaver, which was -aboard their own bark. So they piloted him there, and -brought him safely into the harbour. But he was so rash -and heady he would take no advice, nor give Captain -Standish time to summon them to surrender, as his orders -were. If he had done so, and they had parleyed, seeing -their force, the French would probably have yielded. He -did not even have patience to place his ship where she -could do execution, but began to shoot at a distance like a -madman, and did them no harm at all. At last, when he -saw his own folly, he was advised by Captain Standish -and brought her well up, and placed a few shots to some -purpose. But now, when he was in a position to do some -good, his powder was used up, so he was obliged to draw off -again. He consulted with the Captain how he could get -further supplies of gun-powder, for he had not enough to -carry him home; so he told him he would go to the next -settlement and endeavour to procure him some, and did so. -But Captain Standish gathered, from intelligence he received -that he intended to seize the bark and take the beaver, -so he sent him the powder and brought the bark home. -Girling never attacked the place again, and went on his -way; which ended the business.</p> - -<p>Upon the ill success of their plans, the Governor and his<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_269"></a>[269]</span> -assistants here notified their friends at the Bay, and pointed -out that the French were now likely to fortify themselves -more strongly, and become undesirable neighbours to the -English. In reply they wrote to them as follows.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>From the Colony of Massachusetts to that of New Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Worthy Sirs,</p> - -<p>After reading your letters and considering the importance of their -contents, the court has jointly expressed their willingness to assist -you with men and ammunition, to accomplish your ends with the -French. But as none of you here have authority to conclude -anything with us, nothing can be done for the present. We desire -you, therefore, with all convenient speed to send some one of -trust, with instructions from yourselves to make such an agreement -with us as may be useful to you and fair to us. So in haste we -commit you to God, and remain,</p> - -<p class="center">Your assured loving friends,</p> - -<div class="textcol2"> -JOHN HAYNES, Governor<br> -RICHARD BELLINGHAM,<br> -      Deputy Governor<br> -JOHN WINTHROP<br> -THOMAS DUDLEY<br> -JOHN HUMPHREY<br> -</div> -<div class="textcol2"> -WILLIAM CODDINGTON<br> -WILLIAM PINCHON<br> -ATHERTON HOUGH<br> -INCREASE NOWELL<br> -RICHARD DUMER<br> -SIMON BRADSTREET<br> -</div> - -<p class="noindent"><em>Newtown, Oct. 9th, 1635</em>.</p> -</div> - -<p>Upon receipt of this they at once deputed two of their -people to treat with them, giving them full power to conclude -an agreement according to the instructions they gave -them, which were to this purpose: that if the Massachusetts -Colony would afford such assistance as, together with -their own, was likely to effect the desired end, and also -bear a considerable part of the expense, they would go -on; if not, having lost so much already, they must desist -and wait such further opportunity to help themselves as -God should give. But the conference resulted in nothing, -for when it came to an issue the others would go to no expense. -They sent the following letter, and referred them -to their messengers.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_270"></a>[270]</span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Richard Bellingham, Deputy Governor of Massachusetts, to the -Governor of New Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Sir,</p> - -<p>Having seriously considered the great importance of your business -with the French, we gave our answer to those whom you deputed -to confer with us about the voyage to Penobscot. We showed our -willingness to help, by procuring you sufficient men and ammunition. -But as for money, we have no authority at all to promise, -and should we do so it might be only to disappoint you. We also -think it would be proper to seek the help of the other Eastern -colonies; but that we leave to your own discretion. For the rest -we refer you to your deputies, who can report further details. -We salute you, and wish you all success in the Lord.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 7em;">Your faithful and loving friend,</span><br> -<span style="margin-right: 3.5em;">RICHARD BELLINGHAM, Deputy,</span><br> -In the name of the rest of the Committee.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>Boston, Oct. 16th, 1635.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>Not only was this the end of their suggested co-operation, -but some of the merchants of Massachusetts shortly -after started trading with the French, and furnished them -both with provisions and ammunition, and have continued -to do so to this day. So it is the English themselves who -have been the chief supporters of the French; and the -colony at Pemaquid, which is near them, not only supplies -them, but constantly gives them intelligence of what is -passing among the English—especially among some of -them. So it is no wonder that they still encroach more -and more upon the English, and supply the Indians with -guns and ammunition to the great danger of the English -settlers, whose homes are scattered and unfortified. For -the English are mainly occupied with farming, but the -French are well fortified and live upon trade. If these -things are not looked to and remedied in time, it may -easily be conjectured what will result.</p> - -<p>This year, on the 14th or 15th of August, a Saturday, -there was such a fearful storm of wind and rain as none -living hereabouts either English or Indians, ever saw.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_271"></a>[271]</span> -It was like those hurricanes and typhoons that writers -mention in the Indies. It began in the morning, a little -before day, and did not come on by degrees, but with -amazing violence at the start. It blew down several houses -and unroofed others; many vessels were lost at sea, and -many more were in extreme danger. To the southward -the sea rose twenty feet, and many of the Indians had to -climb trees for safety. It took off the boarded roof of a -house which belonged to the settlement at Manomet and -floated it to another place, leaving the posts standing in -the ground; and if it had continued much longer without -the wind shifting it would probably have flooded some -of the inhabited parts of the country. It blew down -many hundred thousands of trees, tearing up the stronger -by the roots, and breaking the higher pine-trees off in the -middle; and tall young oaks and walnut trees of a good -size were bent like withes,—a strange and fearful sight. It -began in the southeast, and veered different ways. It lasted, -though not at its worst, for five or six hours. The marks -of it will remain this 100 years in these parts, where it -was most violent. There was a great eclipse of the moon -the second night after.</p> - -<p>Some of their neighbours at the Bay, hearing of the fame -of the Connecticut River had a hankering after it, as mentioned -before. Understanding that the Indians had been -swept away by the recent mortality, fear of whom was the -chief obstacle to them before, they now began to explore -it with great eagerness. The New Plymouth people there -had most trouble with the Dorchester settlers about it; -for they set their minds on the place which the New Plymouth -colony had not only purchased from the Indians, -but where they had actually built, and the Dorchester -people seemed determined if they could not remove them -altogether, at any rate to leave them only an insignificant<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_272"></a>[272]</span> -plot of land round the house, sufficient for a single family. -This attempt not only to intrude themselves into the rights -and possessions of others, but in effect to oust them, was -thought to be most unjustifiable. Many were the letters -that passed between them about it.</p> - -<p>I will first insert a few lines written from their own -agent from there.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Jonathan Brewster at Matianuck to the Governor of New Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Sir,</p> - -<p>The Massachusetts men are coming almost daily, some by water -and some by land, as yet undecided where to settle, though some -evidently have a great liking for the place we are in, which was -bought last. Many of them are looking for what this river will -not afford, except at the place where we are, namely, a site for a -great town, with commodious dwellings for many, not far apart. -What they will do I cannot yet inform you. I shall do what I can -to withstand them. I hope they will hear reason; that we were -here first and entered the district with much difficulty and danger, -both in regard to the Dutch and the Indians, and bought the land -at great expense, and have since held possession at no small -trouble, and kept the Dutch from encroaching further, though but -for us they would have possessed it all and kept out all others.... -I hope these and similar arguments will stop them. It was -your will that we should use them and their messengers kindly, -and so we have done, and do daily, to our great expense. The -first party of them would have almost starved had it not been for -this house, and I was forced to supply twelve men for nine days. -Those who came last I entertained as best we could, helping them -with canoes and guides. They got me to go with them to the -Dutch, to see if I could arrange that some of them should have -quiet settling near them; but they peremptorily refused them. I also -gave their goods house-room according to their earnest request, -and Mr. Pinchon’s letter on their behalf, which I thought well to -send you, enclosed. What trouble and cost will be further incurred -I know not, for they are coming daily, and I expect those back -again from below, where they have gone to view the country. All -this should surely, in the judgment of all wise and understanding -men, give us just claim to hold and keep our own.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 5em;">Thus with my duty remembered, I rest,</span><br> -<span style="margin-right: 3em;">Yours to be commanded,</span><br> -JONATHAN BREWSTER.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>Matianuck, July 6th, 1635.</em></p> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_273"></a>[273]</span></p> - -<p>After a thorough view of the place, they began to pitch -upon the land near the house belonging to the New -Plymouth people, which occasioned much expostulation between -them and much agitating correspondence.</p> - -<p>But lest I should be tedious, I will forbear the details -and come to the conclusion. To make any forcible resistance -was far from their minds,—they had enough of -that at Kennebec,—and to live in continual contention with -their friends would be uncomfortable. So for peace’ sake, -though they considered they suffered injury, they thought -it better to let them have it, getting as good terms as possible; -so they fell to treaty. First, since there had been such -long disputes about it, they insisted they must first acknowledge -that they had no right to it, or else they would -not treat with them about it at all. This being granted -the conclusion reached was as follows: that the people of -New Plymouth should retain their house and have the -16th part of all that they bought from the Indians; and -the others should have all the rest of the land, leaving -such a portion for the settlers of Newtown as the New -Plymouth colony reserved for them. This 16th part was -to be taken in two places,—one in the neighbourhood of -the house, the other near the Newtown settlement. Further, -they were to pay to the New Plymouth colony the proper -proportion of what had been disbursed to the Indians when -purchased. In this way the controversy was ended; but -the injustice was not so soon forgotten. The Newtown -people dealt more fairly, only wishing to have what could -be conveniently spared.</p> - -<p>Amongst the other business that Mr. Winslow had to do -in England, he had orders from the church to bring over -some able and fit person as their minister. Accordingly -he had procured a godly and worthy man, a Mr. Glover; -but it pleased God that when he was ready for the voyage,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_274"></a>[274]</span> -he fell sick of fever and died. Afterwards, when Mr. -Winslow was ready to sail, he became acquainted with a -Mr. Norton, who was willing to come over, but would not -engage himself to settle permanently at New Plymouth, -until he had an opportunity of judging of it; so he arranged -that if, later, he preferred to be elsewhere, he would -repay the money expended for him, which came to about -£70, and be at liberty to move. He stayed about a year -with them, and was much liked by them; but he was invited -to Ipswich, where there were many rich and able men, and -several of his acquaintances, so he went to them and is -their minister. About half the expense was repaid, the -rest he was allowed to keep for his services amongst them.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_275"></a>[275]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs80 bold" id="CHAPTER_XVII">CHAPTER XVII</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">Consignments of Fur to England—The plague in London—Disorganization -of the accounts—Dispute between the London -partners—The Pequot Indians get unruly—Oldham killed—John -Rayner minister: 1636.</p> - - -<p>Mr. Edward Winslow was elected Governor this year.</p> - -<p>The previous year, seeing from Mr. Winslow’s later -letters that no accounts would be sent, they had resolved -to keep the beaver and send no more till they had them, -or some further agreement had been come to. At least -they decided to wait till Mr. Winslow came back, and -they could arrive at what was best. When he came, -though he brought no accounts, he persuaded them to send -the beaver, and was confident that upon receipt of it and -his letters they would have the accounts next year; and -though they thought his ground for hope was weak, they -yielded to his importunity, and sent it by a ship at the -latter end of the year, which took 1150 lbs. of beaver and -200 otter skins, besides many small furs, such as 55 mink, -two black fox skins, etc.</p> - -<p>This year, in the Spring, came a Dutchman, who had -intended to trade at the Dutch fort, but they would not -permit him. So, having a large stock of trading goods, -he came here and offered them for sale. They bought a -good quantity that were very suitable, such as Dutch roll, -kettles, etc., amounting to the value of £500, for payment -of which they gave bills on Mr. Sherley in England, -having already sent the parcel of beaver mentioned above. -By another ship this year they again sent a further considerable -quantity, which would reach him and be sold<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_276"></a>[276]</span> -before any of these bills came due. The quantity of beaver -then sent was 1809 lbs., and 10 otter skins; and shortly -after, the same year, then sent by another ship, of which -one Langrume was captain, 719 lbs. of beaver, and 199 -otter skins, concerning which Mr. Sherley writes as follows.</p> - - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>James Sherley in London to the New Plymouth Colony</em>:</p> - -<p>I have received your letters with eight hogshead of beaver, by -Edward Wilkinson, captain of the Falcon. Blessed be God for its -safe arrival. I have also seen and accepted three bills of exchange.... -But I must acquaint you that the Lord’s hand is heavy upon -this kingdom in many parts, but chiefly in this city, with His -judgment of the plague. Last week’s bill was 1200 deaths, and I -fear this will be more, and it is much feared that it will be a -winter sickness. It is incredible the number of people who have -gone into the country in consequence—many more than went out -during the last plague. So there is no trading here; carriers from -most places are forbidden to enter; and money, though long due, -cannot be obtained. Mr. Hall owes us more than would pay these -bills, but he, his wife, and all, are in the country, 60 miles from -London. I wrote to him, he came up, but could not pay us. I am -sure that if I were to offer to sell the beaver at eight shillings per -lb. I could not get the money. But when the Lord shall please to -cease His hand, I hope we shall have better and quicker markets; -so it shall lie by in the meantime. Before I accepted the bills, I -acquainted Mr. Beauchamp and Mr. Andrews about them, that no -money could be got, and that it would be a great discredit to you -to refuse the bills,—none having ever been dishonoured,—and a -shame to us, with 1800 lbs. of beaver lying by, and more already -owing than the bills came to, etc. But it was useless; neither -of them would lift a finger to help. I offered to put up my third -part, but they said they neither could nor would, etc. However, -your bills shall be met; but I did not think they would have deserted -either you or me at this time.... You will expect me to write -more fully and answer your letters, but I am not a day each week -at home in town. I take my books and all to Clapham; for here -it is the most miserable time that I think has been known in many -ages. I have known three great plagues, but none like this. And -that which should be a means to pacify the Lord, and help us, -is denied us, for preaching is put down in many places,—not a -sermon in Westminster on the Sabbath, nor in many towns about -us; the Lord in mercy look upon us. Early in the year there was<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_277"></a>[277]</span> -a great drought, and no rain for many weeks, so that everything -was burnt up,—hay at £5 a load; and now there is nothing but rain, -so that much summer corn and late hay is spoilt. Thus the Lord -sends judgment after judgment, and yet we cannot see, or humble -ourselves, and therefore may justly fear heavier judgments, unless -we speedily repent and turn unto Him, which the Lord give us grace -to do if it be His blessed will. Thus desiring you to remember us -in your prayers, I ever rest</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 2em;">Your loving friend,</span><br> -JAMES SHERLEY.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>Sept. 14th, 1636.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>This was all the answer they had from Mr. Sherley, -which made Mr. Winslow’s hopes fail him. So they decided -to send no more beaver till they came to some settlement. -But now there came letters from Mr. Andrews -and Mr. Beauchamp, full of complaints, surprised that -nothing had been sent over to meet the amounts due them, -and that it appeared by the account sent in 1631 that they -were each of them out about £1100 apiece, and all this -time they had not received one penny towards it; and now -Mr. Sherley was trying to get more money from them, -and was offended because they refused him. They blamed -them here very much that all was sent to Mr. Sherley and -nothing to them. The partners here wondered at this, -for they supposed that much of their money had been paid -in, and that each of them had received a proportionate -quantity yearly, out of the large returns sent home. They -had sent home since the account was received in 1631,—which -included all and more than all their debts, with that -year’s supplies,—goods to the following amount:</p> - -<table class="autotable fs80"> -<tr> -<td class="tdr">Nov. 18th, 1631.</td> -<td class="tdl">By Mr. Pierce</td> -<td class="tdr">400</td> -<td class="tdc">lbs. of beaver;</td> -<td class="tdc">otter</td> -<td class="tdr">20</td> -<td class="tdc">skins</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr">July 13th, 1632.</td> -<td class="tdl">  “   “   Griffin</td> -<td class="tdr">1348</td> -<td class="tdc">“<span class="pad3">“</span></td> -<td class="tdc">“</td> -<td class="tdr">147</td> -<td class="tdc">“</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr">1633.</td> -<td class="tdl">  “   “   Graves</td> -<td class="tdr">3366</td> -<td class="tdc">“<span class="pad3">“</span></td> -<td class="tdc">“</td> -<td class="tdr">346</td> -<td class="tdc">“</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr">1634.</td> -<td class="tdl">  “   “   Andrews</td> -<td class="tdr">3738</td> -<td class="tdc">“<span class="pad3">“</span></td> -<td class="tdc">“</td> -<td class="tdr">234</td> -<td class="tdc">“</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr">1635.</td> -<td class="tdl">  “   “   Babb</td> -<td class="tdr">1150</td> -<td class="tdc">“<span class="pad3">“</span></td> -<td class="tdc">“</td> -<td class="tdr">200</td> -<td class="tdc">“</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr">June 24th, 1636.</td> -<td class="tdl">  “   “   Wilkinson</td> -<td class="tdr">1809</td> -<td class="tdc">“<span class="pad3">“</span></td> -<td class="tdc">“</td> -<td class="tdr">10</td> -<td class="tdc">“</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr">1636.</td> -<td class="tdl">  “   “   Langrume</td> -<td class="tdr">719</td> -<td class="tdc">“<span class="pad3">“</span></td> -<td class="tdc">“</td> -<td class="tdr">199</td> -<td class="tdc">“</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"></td> -<td class="tdl"></td> -<td class="tdr bt"></td> -<td class="tdc"></td> -<td class="tdc"></td> -<td class="tdr bt"></td> -<td class="tdc"></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="tdr"></td> -<td class="tdl"></td> -<td class="tdr">12530</td> -<td class="tdc">“<span class="pad3">“</span></td> -<td class="tdc">“</td> -<td class="tdr">1156</td> -<td class="tdc">“</td> -</tr> -</table> - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_278"></a>[278]</span></p> - -<p>All these quantities were safely received and well sold, -as appeared by letters. The coat beaver usually sold at -twenty shillings per lb., and sometimes at twenty-four -shillings; otter skins at fifteen shillings, and sometimes -sixteen shillings each,—I do not remember any under fourteen -shillings. It may be that the last year’s shipment -fetched less; but there were some small furs not reckoned -in this account, and some black beaver at high rates, to -make up any such deficit. It was calculated that the above -parcels of beaver came to little less than £10,000 sterling, -and the otter skins would pay all the expenses, and, with -other furs, make up besides whatever might be short of -the former sum. When the former account was passed, -all their debts, those of the White Angel and Friendship -included, came to but £4770. They estimated that all the -supplies sent them since, and bills paid for them, could -not exceed £2000; so that their debts should have been -paid with interest.</p> - -<p>It may be objected; how came it that they did not -know the exact amount of their receipts, as they did of -their returns, but had to estimate them? Two things were -the cause of it; the first and principal was, that the new -accountant, who was pressed upon them from England, -wholly failed them, and could never render them any accounts. -He trusted to his memory and loose papers, and -let things run into such confusion, that neither he nor -anyone else could bring things to rights. Whenever he -was called upon to perfect his accounts, he desired to have -so long, or such a time of leisure, and he would finish -them. In the interim he fell very ill, and in conclusion -he could make no account at all. His books, after a brief -good beginning, were left altogether imperfect, and of -his papers, some were lost and others so confused that -he knew not what to make of them himself when they<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_279"></a>[279]</span> -came to be examined. This was not unknown to Mr. -Sherley; and the colony came to smart for it to some -purpose, both in England and here, though it was not -their fault. They reckon they have lost in consequence -some hundred of pounds for goods sold on credit, which -were ultimately a dead loss for want of clear accounts to -call for payment. Another reason of the mischief was, -that after Mr. Winslow was sent into England to demand -accounts and to take exception to the White Angel, no -prices were sent with their goods, and no proper invoice -of them; everything was confused, and they were obliged -to guess at the prices.</p> - -<p>They wrote back to Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beauchamp, -and told them they wondered they could say that they had -sent nothing home since the last accounts; they had sent -a great deal, and it might rather be wondered how they -could send so much, beside all the expenses here and what -the French had captured, and what had been lost at sea -when Mr. Pierce’s ship was wrecked off the coast of -Virginia. What they had sent was sent to them all, to -them as well as Mr. Sherley, and if they had not looked -after it, it was their own faults; they must refer them to -Mr. Sherley who had received it from whom they should -demand it. They also wrote to Mr. Sherley to the same -purpose, and what the others’ complaints were.</p> - -<p>This year, two shallops going to Connecticut with goods -from Massachusetts, belonging to those who had gone there -to settle, were wrecked in an easterly storm, coming into -the harbour at night. The boatmen were drowned, and -the goods were driven all along the shore, and strewn up -and down at high-water mark. But the Governor had -them collected and an inventory made of them, and they -were washed and dried. So most of the goods were saved -and restored to the owners. Afterwards another boat<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_280"></a>[280]</span> -from the same place, and bound for the same destination, -was wrecked at Manoanscusett, and the goods that came -ashore were preserved for them. Such misfortunes the -Connecticut settlers from Massachusetts met with in their -beginnings, and some thought them a correction from God -for their intrusion there, to the injury of others. But I -dare not be so bold with God’s judgments as to say that -it was so.</p> - -<p>In the year 1634, the Pequots, a warlike tribe that had -conquered many of its neighbours and was puffed up -with numerous victories, were at variance with the Narragansetts, -a great neighboring tribe. These Narragansetts -held correspondence and were on terms of friendship with -the English of Massachusetts. The Pequots, being conscious -of the guilt of the death of Captain Stone, whom -they knew to be an Englishman, and of those who were -with him, and having fallen out with the Dutch, lest they -should have too many enemies at once, wished to make -friends with the English of Massachusetts, and sent messengers -and gifts to them, as is shown by some letters from -the Governor there, as follows.</p> - - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Governor Winthrop of Massachusetts to the New Plymouth Colony</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Dear and worthy Sir,</p> - -<p>To let you know something about our affairs. The Pequots have -sent to us desiring our friendship, and offering much wampum and -beaver, etc. The first messengers were dismissed without answer; -with the next we had several days’ conference, and taking the -advice of some of our ministers, and seeking the Lord in it, we -concluded a peace and friendship with them, on these conditions: -that they should deliver to us the men who were guilty of Stone’s -death.... If we desired to settle in Connecticut they should give -up their right to us, and we should trade with them as friends,—the -chief thing aimed at. To this they readily agreed; and begged -that we should mediate a peace between them and the Narragansetts, -for which purpose they were willing that we should give -the Narragansetts part of the present they would bestow on us,—for<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_281"></a>[281]</span> -they stood so much on their honour that they would not be -seen to give anything of themselves. As for Captain Stone, they -told us there were but two left who had a hand in his death and -that they killed him in a just quarrel, for he surprised two of -their men, and bound them, and forced them to show him the -way up the river. He went ashore with two others, nine Indians -secretly watching him; and when they were asleep that night they -killed him and the others, to free their own men; and some of -them going afterwards to the pinnace, it was suddenly blown up. -We are now preparing to send a pinnace to them.</p> -</div> - -<p>In another of his he writes thus:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>Our pinnace has lately returned from the Pequots; they did little -trade, and found them a very false tribe, so they mean to have -no more to do with them. I have many other things to write you.</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 2.5em;">Yours ever assured.</span><br> -JOHN WINTHROP.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>Boston, 12th of the first month, 1634.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>After these occurrences, and as I take it, this year, John -Oldham, so often mentioned before, now an inhabitant of -Massachusetts, went trading with a small vessel, weakly -manned, into the south parts, and upon a quarrel between -him and the Indians was killed by them, as was -before noted, at an Island called by the Indians, Munisses, -but since by the English, Block Island. This, with the -death of Stone, and the trifling of the Pequots with the -English of Massachusetts, incited the latter to send out -a party to take revenge and require satisfaction for these -wrongs; but it was done so superficially, and without -acquainting those of Connecticut and their other neighbours -with the project, that little good came of it. Indeed, -to their neighbours it did more harm than good, -for some of the murderers of Oldham fled to the Pequots, -and though the English went to the Pequots and had some -parley with them, they only deluded them, and the English -returned without doing anything effective. After the<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_282"></a>[282]</span> -English had returned, the Pequots watched their opportunity -to kill some of the English as they passed in boats, -or went out fowling; and next spring even attacked them -in their homes, as will appear. I only touch upon these -things, because I have no doubt they will be more fully -covered by those who have more exact knowledge of them, -and whom they more properly concern.</p> - -<p>This year Mr. Smith resigned his ministry, partly by -his own wish, thinking it too heavy a burden, and partly -at the persuasion of others. So the church looked out -for some one else, having often been disappointed in their -hopes before. But it pleased the Lord to send them an -able and godly man, Mr. John Rayner, meek and humble -in spirit, sound in the truth, and every way unreprovable -in his life and conversation. After some time of trial -they chose him as their minister, the fruits of whose labours -they enjoyed many years with much comfort, in peace and -good agreement.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_283"></a>[283]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs80 bold" id="CHAPTER_XVIII">CHAPTER XVIII</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">The war with the Pequot Indians—Co-operation between the -Colonies—The Narragansett Indians allies of the English—The -Pequot Fort attacked and taken—The Pequots routed and -subdued—The Narragansett Indians jealous of the Monhiggs -under Uncas—James Sherley discharged from his agency in -London: 1637.</p> - - -<p>In the early part of this year the Pequots openly attacked -the English in Connecticut, along the lower parts of the -river, and killed many of them as they were at work in -the fields, both men and women, to the great terror of the -rest; then they went off in great pride and triumph, with -many high threats. They also attacked a fort at the river’s -mouth, though strong and well defended; and though they -did not succeed there, it struck those within with fear -and astonishment to see their bold attempts in the face of -danger. This made them stand upon their guard everywhere, -and prepare for resistance, and they earnestly solicited -their friends and neighbours in Massachusetts to -send them speedy aid, for they looked for more forcible -onslaughts. So Mr. Vane, who was then Governor, wrote -from their General Court to those here, asking them to -join with them in this war, which they were cordially willing -to do, but took the opportunity to write to them about -some previous events, as well as the present trouble, and -pertinent to it. The succeeding Governor’s answer I will -here insert.</p> - - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Governor John Winthrop at Boston to the New Plymouth Colony</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Sir,</p> - -<p>The Lord having so disposed that your letters to our late Governor -have fallen to my lot to answer, I could wish I had more<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_284"></a>[284]</span> -freedom of time and thought so that I might do it more to your -and my own satisfaction. But what is wanting now can be supplied -later. As for the matters which you and your Council -submit to our consideration, we did not think it advisable to make -them so public as by bringing them to the cognizance of our -General Court. But having been considered by our Council, this -answer we think fit to return to you.</p> - -<p>1. Whereas you signify your willingness to join us in this war -against the Pequots, though you cannot bind yourselves without -the consent of your General Court, we acknowledge your good -feeling towards us, which we never had cause to doubt, and await -your full resolution in due course.</p> - -<p>2. Whereas you consider this war concerns us, and not you, except -incidentally, we partly agree with you; but we suppose that in -case of peril you will not act upon that consideration any more -than we should do in like case. We suppose you look upon the -Pequots and all other Indians as a common enemy, who though he -may vent the first outburst of his rage upon some one section of -the English, nevertheless, if he succeed, will thereupon pursue -his advantage to the undoing of the whole nation. Therefore, in -soliciting your help, we do so with respect to your own safety -as well as ours.</p> - -<p>3. Whereas you desire that we should bind ourselves to help you -on all similar occasions, we are convinced you cannot doubt it; -but as we now deal with you as an independent colony, recognizing -that we cannot involve you in this campaign against your -consent, so we desire the same freedom of decision if at any time -you make a similar call upon us; and whereas it is objected that -we refused to aid you against the French, we consider the cases -are not quite equivalent, though we cannot wholly excuse our -failing you on that occasion.</p> - -<p>4. Whereas you object that we began the war without consulting -you, and have since managed it contrary to your advice; the truth -is that our first intentions being only against Block Island and the -enterprise seeming of small difficulty, we did not so much as -consider taking advice or looking for aid. When we had decided -to include the Pequots, we sent to you at once, or very shortly after, -and by the time your answer was received it seemed unadvisable -for us to change our plans.</p> - -<p>5. As for our people trading at Kennebec, we assure you it has -not been with our permission; and what we have provided to meet -such cases at our last court, Mr. Winslow can inform you.</p> - -<p>6. Whereas you object to our trading and corresponding with -your enemies the French, we answer you are misinformed. Except -for some letters which have passed between our late Governor -and them, of which we were cognizant, we have neither traded nor<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_285"></a>[285]</span> -encouraged our people to trade with them; and only one or two -vessels taking letters had permission from our Governor to go -there.<a id="FNanchor_10" href="#Footnote_10" class="fnanchor">[10]</a></p> - -<p>Several other objections have been made to us privately by our -worthy friend, to which he has received some answer; but as most -of them concern particular discourtesies or injuries from individuals -here, we cannot say more than this: that if the offenders -are exposed in the right way, we shall be ready to do justice as -the cases require. In the meantime we desire you to rest assured, -that such things are done without our knowledge, and are not a -little grievous to us.</p> - -<p>Now as to joining us in this war, which only concerns us to the -same extent as it does yourselves, viz., the relief of our friends -and Christian brethren who are now first in danger. Though you -may think us able to carry it through without you,—and if the Lord -please to be with us, so we may,—nevertheless three things we -offer for your consideration, which we think will have some weight -with you.</p> - -<p>First, if we should sink under this burden, your opportunity of -seasonable help would be lost in three respects; you could then -only reinforce us or secure yourselves there at three times the -risk and expense of the present undertaking; the suffering we -should have borne, if through your neglect, would much reduce -the acceptableness of your help afterwards; those amongst you -who are now full of courage and zeal, would be dispirited and -less able to support so great a burden.</p> - -<p>Secondly, it is very important to hasten the conclusion of this -war before the end of this summer, otherwise the news of it will -discourage both your and our friends from coming over to us next -year, besides the further risk and loss it would expose us to, as -yourselves may judge.</p> - -<p>Thirdly, if the Lord please to bless our endeavours, so that we -end the war, or succeed in it without you, it may breed such ill -thoughts in our people towards yours, that it will be thereafter -difficult to entertain such opinion of your good-will towards us -as is fitting in neighbours and brethren. What ill consequences -might result on both sides, wise men may well fear, and would -rather prevent than hope to redress. With hearty salutations to -yourself and all your council and our other good friends with you -I rest,</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 3em;">Yours most assured in the Lord,</span><br> -JOHN WINTHROP.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>Boston, the 20th of the third month, 1637.</em></p> -</div> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_286"></a>[286]</span></p> - -<p>In the meantime the Pequots, especially the winter before, -had sought to make peace with the Narragansetts, -and used very pernicious arguments to persuade them: -the English were strangers, and were beginning to overspread -their country, and would deprive them of it in time -if they were allowed thus to increase; if the Narragansetts -were to assist the English to subdue them, the Pequots, they -would only make way for their own overthrow, for then -the English would soon subjugate them; but if they would -listen to their advice, they need not fear the strength of -the English, for they would not make open war upon them, -but fire their houses, kill their cattle, and lie in ambush -for them as they went about the country—all of which -they could do with but little danger to themselves. By -these means they easily saw the English could not long -hold out, but would either be starved or forced to leave -the country. They urged these and similar arguments so -strongly, that the Narragansetts were wavering, and half-minded -to make peace with them and join them against -the English. But when they reconsidered what wrongs -they had suffered from the Pequots, and what an opportunity -they now had, with the help of the English, to repay -them, revenge was so sweet to them that it prevailed over -everything else. So they resolved to join the English -against them; and they did so.</p> - -<p>The court here agreed to send fifty men at their own -expense, and with all possible speed got them armed, with -sufficient leaders, and a bark to carry their provisions -and supply all their needs. But when they were ready -to march, with a contingent from the Bay, they had word -that the enemy were as good as vanquished, and there -would be no need of them.</p> - -<p>I shall not take upon myself to describe in detail what -had occurred, because I expect it will be done fully by<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_287"></a>[287]</span> -those who best know the circumstances; I will only touch -upon them in general. From Connecticut, where they -were most alive to the present danger and all that it threatened, -they raised a party of men, and another party met -them from the Bay at a place where the Narragansetts -were to join them. The Narragansetts were anxious to -be gone, before the English were well rested and refreshed, -especially some of them that had arrived last, for they -wanted to come upon the enemy suddenly and undiscovered. -A bark belonging to New Plymouth had just put -in there, having come from Connecticut, and urged them -to profit by the Indians’ keenness, and to show themselves -as eager as they were, for it would encourage them, -and promptness would result to their great advantage. -So they proceeded at once, and arranged their march so -that they reached the fort of the enemy, in which most -of their chief men were, before day. They approached it -in utter silence, and both the English and Indians surrounded -it, so that they should not escape. They then made -the attack with great courage, speedily forcing an entrance -to the fort, and shooting amongst them. Those that entered -first met with fierce resistance, the enemy shooting -and grappling with them. Others of the attacking party -ran to their houses and set them on fire, the mats catching -quickly, and, all standing close together, the wind soon -fanned them into a blaze,—in fact more were burnt to -death than killed otherwise. It burnt their bowstrings -and made their weapons useless, and those that escaped -the fire were slain by the sword,—some hewn to pieces, -others run through with their rapiers, so that they were -quickly dispatched and very few escaped. It is believed -that there were about 400 killed. It was a fearful sight -to see them frying in the fire, with streams of blood quenching -it; the smell was horrible, but the victory seemed a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_288"></a>[288]</span> -sweet sacrifice, and they gave praise to God Who had -wrought so wonderfully for them, thus to enclose their -enemy, and give them so speedy a victory over such a -proud and insulting foe. The Narragansett Indians all -this while stood round, but kept aloof from danger, and left -the whole execution to the English, except to stop any who -broke away; but they mocked their enemies in their defeat -and misery, calling out to them when they saw them -dancing in the flames a word which in the language of the -vanquished Indians signified, O brave Pequots! and which -was used by them in their prayers, and in their songs of -triumph after victory.</p> - -<p>After this attack had been thus fortunately concluded -they marched to the waterside, where they met with some -of their vessels, by which they were refreshed with food -and other necessaries. But during their march the remnant -of the Pequots, who had escaped, collected in a body, -intending to take advantage of them at a neck of land they -had to cross; but when they saw the English prepared for -them, they kept aloof, so they neither did any harm nor -received any. After refreshing themselves and taking -further counsel, they resolved to follow up their victory -and make war upon the rest; but most of the Narragansett -Indians forsook them, and those that they kept with them -for guides they found very unwilling, either from envy, -or because they saw the English would profit more by the -victory than they were willing they should, or perhaps -deprive them of the advantage of having the Pequots become -tributary to them.</p> - -<p>For the rest of these events, and the further campaign -against the Pequots, I will relate them as given in a letter -from Mr. Winthrop to the Governor here.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_289"></a>[289]</span></p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Governor John Winthrop at Boston to the Governor of New -Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Worthy Sir,</p> - -<p>I received your loving letter, and am anxious to express my -affection for you, but lack of time forbids. My desire is to acquaint -you with the Lord’s mercies towards us, in prevailing against His -and our enemies, that you may rejoice and praise His name with -us. About 80 of our men coasted along towards the Dutch plantation, -sometimes by water but mostly by land, and met here and -there with some Pequots, whom they slew or took prisoners. They -captured two sachems and beheaded them, and not hearing of -Sassacus, the chief sachem, they gave a prisoner his life to go and -find him. He went and brought them word where he was; but -Sassacus suspecting him to be a spy, fled, after he had gone, with -some twenty more, to the Mohawks, so our men missed him. However, -they divided themselves, and ranged up and down as the -providence of God directed them, for their Indian allies had all -gone, except three or four, who did not know how to guide them, -or else would not.</p> - -<p>On the 13th of the month they chanced upon a large band of -the tribe, 80 men and 200 women and children, in a small Indian -town close by a hideous swamp, which they all slipped into before -our men could get to them. Our captains had not yet come up; -but there were Mr. Ludlow and Captain Mason with some ten -of their men, and Captain Patrick with some twenty or more of -his, the noise of whose shooting attracted Captain Trask with -fifty more. Then order was given to surround the swamp, which -was about a mile round; but Lieutenant Davenport and some -twelve more, not hearing the command, rushed into the swamp -among the Indians. It was so thick with shrubwood, and so -boggy, that some of them stuck fast, and were wounded by many -shots. Lieutenant Davenport was dangerously wounded near the -armhole, and another man was shot in the head, and they were -so weak that they were in great danger of being captured by the -Indians. But Sergeant Riggs and Jeffrey, and two or three more, -rescued them, and killed several Indians with their swords. After -they had been brought out, the Indians desired parley. Through -Thomas Stanton, our interpreter, terms were offered: that if they -would come out and yield they should have their lives, except -such as had had their hands in English blood. Whereupon the -sachem of the place came out, and an old man or two, and their -wives and children, and after that some other women and children; -and they parleyed for two hours till it was night. Then Thomas -Stanton was sent to them again to call them out; but they said<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_290"></a>[290]</span> -they would sell their lives there, and forthwith shot at him so -fiercely that if he had not cried out and been rescued at once -they would have killed him.</p> - -<p>Then our men cleared the swamp with their swords, till the -Indians were cooped up in so narrow a compass that they could -kill them more easily through the thickets. So they stood all night -about twelve feet apart from each other, the Indians coming close -up to our men and shooting their arrows so that they pierced their -hatbrims, their sleeves, their stockings, and other parts of their -clothes; but so miraculously did the Lord preserve them that not -one of them was wounded except the three who had so rashly -entered the swamp. Just before day it grew very dark, and some -of the Indians who were still alive got through between our men, -though they stood not more than twelve or fourteen feet apart; -but they were soon discovered, and some were pursued and killed. -Upon searching the swamp next morning they found nine slain, -and some they pulled up whom the Indians had buried in the -mire; so they think that of all the band not twenty escaped. Afterwards -they found some who had died of their wounds while in -flight.</p> - -<p>The prisoners were divided, some being sent to the people of the -Connecticut River, and the rest to us. Of these we are sending the -male children to Bermuda<a id="FNanchor_11" href="#Footnote_11" class="fnanchor">[11]</a> with Mr. William Pierce, and the -women and female children are distributed through the towns. In -all, there have now been killed and taken prisoners about 700. -The rest are scattered, and the Indians in all quarters are so terrified -that they are afraid to give them sanctuary. Two of the -sachems of Long Island came to Mr. Stoughton and offered themselves -as tributaries, under their protection; and two of the Neepnett -sachems have been here to seek our friendship. Among the -prisoners we have the wife and children of Mononotto, the former -a modest looking woman of good behaviour. It was by her mediation -that the two English girls were spared from death and used -kindly; so I have taken charge of her. One of her first requests -was that the English should not abuse her body, and that her -children might not be taken from her. Those that had been -wounded were soon brought back by John Galop, who came with -his shallop in a happy hour, to bring them food and take the -wounded to the pinnace where our chief surgeon was, with Mr. -Wilson, about eight leagues off. Our people are all in good health, -the Lord be praised, and although they had marched in their arms -all day and had been in the fight all night, they professed they -were so fresh that they could readily have started off on another -such expedition.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_291"></a>[291]</span></p> - -<p>This is the substance of what I received, though I am forced -to omit several considerable circumstances. So, being much pressed -for time,—the ships sailing in four days, taking Lord Lee and -Mr. Vane,—I will break off, and with hearty salutations, I rest</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 3.5em;">Yours assured,</span><br> -JOHN WINTHROP.</p> - -<p>P. S.—The captain reports we have killed 13 Sachems; but -Sassacus and Mononotto are still living.</p> - -<p><em>28th of the fifth month, 1637.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>That I may make an end of the matter, this Sassacus, -the Pequot’s chief sachem, having fled to the Mohawks, -they cut off his head, and executed some other of their -leaders, whether to satisfy the English or the Narragansetts,—who -as I have since heard hired them to do it,—or -for their own advantage, I do not know; but thus the -war ended. The rest of the Pequots were utterly routed. -Some of them submitted themselves to the Narragansetts -and lived under them; but others betook themselves to -the Monhiggs, under their sachem, Uncas, with the approbation -of the English of Connecticut, under whose protection -Uncas lived, he and his men having been faithful to -them in the war, and having done them very good service. -But it so vexed the Narragansetts, that they had not -the whole sway over them, that they never ceased plotting -and contriving how to subjugate them; and when they -found they could not attain their ends, owing to English -protection, they tried to raise a general conspiracy against -the English, as will appear later.</p> - -<p>They received letters again from Mr. Andrews and Mr. -Beauchamp in England, saying that Mr. Sherley neither -had paid nor would pay them any money, nor give them -any account. They were very vexed, blaming them still -that they had sent everything to Mr. Sherley and none to -themselves. Now, though they might have justly referred -them to their former answer, and insisted upon it, and some<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_292"></a>[292]</span> -wise advisers urged them to do so, nevertheless, as they -believed they were really out substantial sums of money, -especially Mr. Andrews, they resolved to send them what -beaver they had on their hands; but they delayed doing so -till next year. Mr. Sherley’s letters were to this purpose: -that as the other partners had abandoned him in the payment -of former bills, so now he told them he would -abandon them in this; and, believe it, they should find it -true. And he was as good as his word, for they could never -get a penny from him, nor bring him to account, though -Mr. Beauchamp sued him in Chancery. But they all turned -their complaints against the New Plymouth partners, where -there was least cause; indeed they had suffered most unjustly. -They discharged Mr. Sherley from his agency, and -forbade him to buy or send over any more goods for them, -and urged him to come to an end with their affairs.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_293"></a>[293]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs80 bold" id="CHAPTER_XIX">CHAPTER XIX</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">Trial of three Murderers—Rise in value of Livestock—Earthquake: -1638.</p> - - -<p>This year Mr. Thomas Prince was chosen Governor.</p> - -<p>Amongst other enormities that occurred this year three -men were tried and executed for robbery and murder. -Their names were Arthur Peach, Thomas Jackson, and -Richard Stinnings. There was a fourth, Daniel Crose, -who was also found guilty, but he escaped and could not -be found. Arthur Peach was the ringleader. He was a -strong and desperate young man, and had been one of -the soldiers in the Pequot war, and had done as good -service as any there, always being one of the first in any -attack. Being now out of means and loth to work, and -taking to idle ways and company, he intended to go to -the Dutch colony, and had lured the other three, who were -servants and apprentices, to go with him. But there was -also another cause for his going away secretly in this -manner; he had not only run into debt, but he had seduced -a girl, a maid-servant in the town, and fear of punishment -made him wish to get away, though this was not known -till after his death. The other three ran away from their -masters in the night, and could not be heard of, for they -did not go by the ordinary route, but shaped such a course -as they thought would evade pursuit. Finding themselves -somewhere between the Bay of Massachusetts and the -Narragansetts’ country, and wishing to rest, they made a -fire a little off the road by the wayside, and took tobacco. -At length there came a Narragansett Indian by, who had<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_294"></a>[294]</span> -been trading at the Bay, and had some cloth and beads -with him. They had met him the day before, and now he -was returning. Peach called him to come and drink tobacco -with them, and he came and sat down. He had -told the others he would kill the Indian and take his goods. -The others were afraid; but Peach said, Hang the rogue, he -has killed many of us. So they let him do as he would, -and when he saw his opportunity he took his rapier and ran -the man through the body once or twice, and took from him -five fathoms of wampum and three coats of cloth; and -then they went their way, leaving him for dead. But the -Indian managed to scramble up when they had gone, and -made shift to get home. By this means they were discovered, -and the Indians caught them; for, wanting a -canoe to take them over the water, and not thinking their -act was known, by the sachem’s command they were taken -to Aquidnett Island, and were there accused of the deed, -and examined and committed upon it by the English. The -Indians sent for Mr. Williams, and made grievous complaint; -and the friends and relatives of the injured native -were ready to rise in arms and incite the rest to do the -same, believing they would now find the Pequot’s words -were true: that the English would turn upon them. But -Mr. Williams pacified them, and told them they should see -justice done upon the offenders, and went to the wounded -man and took Mr. James, the physician, with him. The -man told him who did it, and how it was done. The -physician found his wounds mortal, and that he could not -live, as he testified upon oath before the jury in open court. -He died shortly after. The Governor at the Bay was -acquainted with it, but referred it to New Plymouth, because -the act was committed in this jurisdiction; but he -urged that by all means justice should be done, or it -would cause a war. Nevertheless, some of the more ignorant<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_295"></a>[295]</span> -colonists objected that an Englishman should be -put to death for an Indian. So at last the murderers were -brought home from the Island, and after being tried, and -the evidence produced, they all in the end freely confessed -to all the Indian had accused them of, and that they had -done it in the manner described. So they were condemned -by the jury, and executed. Some of the Narragansett -Indians and the murdered man’s friends, were present when -it was done, which gave them and all the country satisfaction. -But it was a matter of much sadness to them here, -as it was the second execution since they came,—both being -for wilful murder.</p> - -<p>This year they received more letters from England, full -of renewed complaints, on the one hand that Mr. Beauchamp -and Mr. Andrews could get no money or accounting -from Mr. Sherley, on the other that the latter should -be importuned by them, retorting that he would account -with those here and not with them, etc. So, as had been -decided before, viz., that if nothing came of their last -letters, they would then send them what fur they could, -thinking that when some good part had been paid to them, -Mr. Sherley and they would more easily agree about the -remainder,—they now sent to Mr. Andrews and Mr. Beauchamp -through Mr. Joseph Young in the Mary and Anne -1325 lbs. of beaver divided between them. Mr. Beauchamp -returned an account of his share, showing that he made -£400 sterling out of it, freight and all expenses paid. -But Mr. Andrews, though he had the larger and better half, -did not make so much out of his through his own indiscretion, -and yet charged the loss, which was about £40, -to them here. They sent them more by bills and other -payments, which was received and acknowledged by them, -and divided between them, such as for cattle of Mr. Allerton’s -which were sold, and the price of a bark which belonged<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_296"></a>[296]</span> -to the stock and was sold, amounting to £434 -sterling. The total value was thus £1234 sterling, except -what Mr. Andrews had lost on his beaver, and which was -made good otherwise. But this did not stay their clamours, -as will appear hereafter.</p> - -<p>It pleased God about this time to bless the country with -such an influx of people that it was much enriched, and -cattle of all kinds stood at high prices for many years. -Cows were sold at £20, some at £25 apiece, sometimes -even at £28. A cow-calf usually fetched £10; a milch-goat -£3, and sometimes £4; and she-kids thirty shillings -and often £2 apiece. By this means the original settlers -who had stock began to increase in wealth. Corn also -commanded a high price, viz., six shillings a bushel. So -other trading began to be neglected, and the old partners, -having forbidden Mr. Sherley to send them any more -goods, abandoned their trade at Kennebec, and, as things -stood, decided to follow it no longer. But a few of them -were loth that it should all be lost by closing it entirely, -so they joined with some others and agreed to give the -colony about one-sixth of the profits from it; and with the -first fruits of this the colony built a house for a prison. -The trade at Kennebec has since been continued to the -great benefit of the place; for, as some well foresaw, such -high prices for corn and cattle could not long continue, -and the revenue got by trade would be much missed.</p> - -<p>This year, about the 1st or 2nd of June, there was a -fearful earthquake. Here it was heard before it was -felt. It began with a rumbling noise, or low murmur, -like remote thunder; it came from the northward and -passed southward. As the noise approached, the earth -began to shake, and at length with such violence that -platters, dishes, and other things standing on shelves came -clattering down, and people were afraid for the houses<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_297"></a>[297]</span> -themselves. It happened that at the time several of the -chief citizens of the town were holding a meeting in a house, -conferring with some of their friends who were about to -move from the place—as if the Lord would hereby show -His displeasure at their thus shaking apart and removing -from one another. It was very terrible for a while, and as -the men sat talking in the house, some women and others -were just out of doors, and the earth shook with such -violence that they could not stand without catching hold -of the posts and palings near by. But the violence did not -last long. About half an hour after, or less, came another -noise and shaking, but not so severe as before, and not -lasting long. Some ships along the coast were shaken by -it; but it was not only felt near the sea, for the Indians -noticed it inland. So powerful is the mighty hand of the -Lord as to make both the earth and the sea to shake, and -the mountains to tremble before Him when He pleases; -and who can stay His hand?</p> - -<p>It was observed that the summers for several years after -this earthquake were not so hot and seasonable for the -ripening of corn and other fruits as formerly, but were -colder and more moist and subject to early and untimely -frosts, so that often much Indian corn failed. Whether -this was the cause, I leave it to naturalists to judge.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_298"></a>[298]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs80 bold" id="CHAPTER_XX">CHAPTER XX</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">Settlement of boundaries between New Plymouth and Massachusetts—First -steps towards winding up the partnership by -a composition: 1639 and 1640.</p> - - -<p>I will combine these two years, because there occurred -but little of interest outside of the ordinary affairs of the -colony. New Plymouth had several times granted land -for various townships, and, amongst the rest, to the inhabitants -of Scituate, some of them coming from here. -A large tract of land there had also been given to their -four London partners, Mr. Sherley, Mr. Beauchamp, Mr. -Andrews, and Mr. Hatherley. At Mr. Hatherley’s request, -the locality was fixed upon for himself and them, -for the other three had given him power to choose for them. -This tract of land extended up to the border-line of their -neighbours of Massachusetts, who some years later established -a town called Hingam on the land next to it. This -now led to great disputes between these two townships, -about their boundaries, and some meadow lands that lay -between them. The inhabitants of Hingam began to allot -some of these meadows to their people, measuring and -staking them out for that purpose. The people of Scituate -pulled up their stakes and threw them away. So it developed -into a controversy between the two governments. -Many letters passed between them about it, and it hung -in suspense for about two years. The Court of Massachusetts -appointed men to fix their boundary line according -to their patent, and the way they went to work made it -include all Scituate itself, and I know not how much more.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_299"></a>[299]</span> -On the other hand, according to the boundary lines of the -patent of New Plymouth, theirs would take in Hingam, -and much more within the bounds they had set.</p> - -<p>In the end both Courts agreed to choose two commissioners -on each side, and give them absolute power to -settle the boundaries between them, and what they decided -was to stand irrevocably. They had one meeting at Hingam, -but could not agree; for their commissioners stood stiffly -on a certain clause in their grant: that their limits should -extend from Charles River, or any branch or part thereof, -and 3 miles further to the southward; or, from the most -southern part of the Massachusetts Bay, and 3 miles -further south. But they chose to adhere to the former -limit, for they had found a small river, or brook rather, -which a long way inland trended far southward and entered -some part of what was taken to be Charles River; -and from the most southerly part of this, and 3 miles -further southward, they wished to run a line eastwards -to the sea, about 20 miles, which would take in a part of -New Plymouth itself. Now though the patent and colony -of New Plymouth was much the older, the patent for the -extension upon which Scituate stood was granted after -theirs of Massachusetts; so the latter took first place as -regards this extension.</p> - -<p>The New Plymouth answer to the deputies of Massachusetts -was, they owned that their claims for Scituate -could not be based in any way upon their original grant; -but, on the other hand, neither could the others prove this -stream to be a part of Charles River, for they did not know -which Charles River was, except so far as the people here, -who came first, gave the name to the river upon which -Charlestown was afterwards built, believing it to be that -which Captain Smith so named. Now those who first -named it had best reason to know it, and to explain which<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_300"></a>[300]</span> -it was. But they only termed it Charles River as far as it -was navigated by them,—that is, as far as a boat could go. -But that all the small brooks that should flow into it, far -inland, and were all differently named by the natives, should -now be made out to be the Charles River, or parts of it, -they saw no reason to allow. They gave an instance of -the Humber in old England, which had the Trent, Ouse, -and many other rivers of lesser note running into it; and -again many smaller brooks fell into the Trent and Ouse; -but all had their own names. Again, it was contended that -no mention was made of an east line in their patent; they -were to begin at the sea and go west by a line, etc.</p> - -<p>At this meeting, however, no conclusion was reached; -but things were discussed and well prepared for an issue. -Next year the same commissioners were appointed, and -met at Scituate, and concluded the matter as follows.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>The agreement as to the boundaries between New Plymouth and -Massachusetts</em>:</p> - -<p>Whereas there were two commissioners appointed by the two -jurisdictions; the one of Massachusetts Government, appointing -John Endicott, gent., and Israel Stoughton, gent.; the other of -New Plymouth Government, appointing William Bradford, Governor, -and Edward Winslow, gent.; for the setting out and determining -the boundaries of the lands between the said jurisdictions, -whereby this present age and posterity to come may live -peaceably and quietly. And for as much as the said commissioners -on both sides have full power so to do, as appears by the record -of both jurisdictions, we the said commissioners above named, do -hereby with one consent and agreement conclude, determine, and -by these presents declare, that all the marshes at Cohasset that -lie on the one side of the river next to Hingam shall belong to -the jurisdiction of Massachusetts, and all the marshes that lie in -the other side of the river next to Scituate shall belong to the -jurisdiction of New Plymouth, except sixty acres of marsh land -at the mouth of the river on the Scituate side next to the sea, which -we do hereby agree, conclude and determine, shall belong to the -jurisdiction of Massachusetts. And further we do hereby agree,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_301"></a>[301]</span> -determine, and conclude, that the boundaries between the said -jurisdictions are as follows, viz.: from the mouth of the brook -that runs into Cohasset marshes, which we call by the name of -Bound Brook, with a straight and direct line to the middle of a -great pond that lies on the right hand of the upper path or -common way that leads between Weymouth and New Plymouth, -close to the path as we go along, which was formerly, and we -desire may still be, called Accord Pond, lying about five or six -miles from Weymouth, southerly; and from thence with a straight -line to the southernmost part of Charles River, and three miles -southerly into the country, as expressed in the patent granted by -his majesty to the Company of the Massachusetts Colony. Provided -always, and nevertheless concluded and determined by mutual -agreement between the said commissioners, that if it fall out that -the said line from Accord Pond to the southernmost part of Charles -River and three miles southerly, restrict or hinder any part of any -settlement begun by the Governor of New Plymouth, or hereafter to -be begun within ten years after the date of these presents, that then -notwithstanding the said line, where it shall so obtrude as aforesaid, -so much land as shall make up the quantity of eight square -miles, to belong to every settlement so begun, or to be begun as -aforesaid; which we agree, determine, and conclude, to appertain -and belong to the said Governor of New Plymouth. And whereas -the said line from the said brook which runs into Cohasset salt -marshes, called by us Bound Brook, and the pond called Accord -Pond, lie near the lands belonging to the townships of Scituate and -Hingham, we do therefore hereby determine and conclude, that if -any divisions already made and accorded by either of the said -townships do cross the said line, that then it shall stand and be in -force according to the former intents and purposes of the said -towns granting them—the marshes formerly agreed upon excepted; -and that no town in either jurisdiction shall hereafter exceed, but -contain themselves within the said lines expressed.</p> - -<p>In witness whereof we, the commissioners of both jurisdictions, -do by these presents indented set our hands and seals, the ninth day -of the fourth month in the 16th year of our sovereign lord, King -Charles, and in the year of Our Lord, 1640.</p> - -<div class="textcol2"> -WILLIAM BRADFORD, Governor<br> -EDWARD WINSLOW -</div> -<div class="textcol2">JOHN ENDICOTT<br> -ISRAEL STOUGHTON -</div> -</div> - -<p>The extended New Plymouth patent having been taken -out in the name of William Bradford, as in trust, ran in -these terms: “To him, his heirs, associates, and assigns.”<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_302"></a>[302]</span> -But the number of freemen having now greatly increased, -and several townships being established and settled in -several quarters such as New Plymouth, Duxbury, Scituate, -Taunton, Sandwich, Yarmouth, Barnstable, Marshfield, and -not long after Seekonk,—afterwards called at the wish of -the inhabitants Rehoboth,—and Nauset, it was desired by -the Court that William Bradford should make surrender -of the same into their hands. This he willingly did.</p> - -<p>In these two years they had several letters from England, -asking them to send some one over to end the business of -the accounts with Mr. Sherley, who now professed he could -not make them up without help from them, especially from -Mr. Winslow. They had serious thoughts of it, and the -majority of the partners here believed it best to send; but -they had formerly written such bitter and threatening letters -that Mr. Winslow was neither willing to go himself, nor that -any other of the partners should do so; for he was convinced -that if any of them went they would be arrested, and an -action for such a sum laid upon them that they would be -unable to procure bail, and would consequently be imprisoned, -and that then the partners there could force them -to do whatever they wished. Or else they might be brought -into trouble by the archbishop’s means, as things then were -over there. But though they were much inclined to send, -and Captain Standish was willing to go, they decided, since -they could not agree about it and it was of such importance, -and the consequences might prove dangerous, to ask Mr. -John Winthrop’s advice. It seemed the more suitable because -Mr. Andrews had in many letters acquainted him with -the differences between them, and appointed him his assign -to receive his part of the debt; and though they declined to -pay anything as a debt till the controversy was ended, they -had deposited £110 in money in his hands, for Mr. Andrews, -to be paid to him in part as soon as he should come to any<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_303"></a>[303]</span> -agreement with the rest. But Mr. Winthrop was of Mr. -Winslow’s mind, and dissuaded them from sending; so -they abandoned the idea, and returned this answer. That -the times were dangerous in England as things stood with -them, for they knew how Mr. Winslow had suffered formerly, -and for a little thing had been clapped into the -Fleet, and how long it had been before he could get out, -to his and their great loss; and things were not better but -worse in that respect. However, that their honesty might -be made manifest to all, they made them this offer: to -refer the case to some gentlemen and merchants at the Bay -of Massachusetts, such as they should choose, and were -well-known to them, as they had many friends and acquaintances -there better known to them than to the partners here; -and let them be informed of the case by both sides, and receive -all the evidence that could be produced, in writing or -otherwise. The partners here would then bind themselves -to stand by their decision and make good their award, -though it should cost them all they had in the world. But -this did not please them; they were offended at it. So it -came to nothing; and afterwards Mr. Sherley wrote, that -if Mr. Winslow would meet him in France, the Low Countries, -or Scotland, let him name the place, and he would -come to him there. But owing to the troubles that now -began to arise in our own nation, and other reasons, this -did not come to any effect.</p> - -<p>What made them especially desirous to bring things to -an end was, partly to stop the aspersions cast upon them -about it,—though they believed that they had suffered -the greatest wrong and had most cause for complaint; -and partly because they feared a fall in the price of cattle, -in which the greatest part of their means was invested. -This was no vain fear; for it fell indeed before they had -reached a conclusion, and so suddenly, that the price of a<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_304"></a>[304]</span> -cow which a month before had been at £20, now fell to £5; -and a goat that went at £3 or fifty shillings, would now yield -but eight shillings or ten shillings at the most. Everyone -had feared a fall in cattle, but it was thought it would be -by degrees, and not straight from the highest pitch to the -lowest. It was a great loss to many, and some were ruined. -Another reason why they so much wished to close their -accounts was that many of them were growing aged,—and -indeed it was a rare thing that so many partners should all -live together so many years. And they saw many changes -were likely to occur, so they were loth to leave these -entanglements upon their children and posterity, who might -be driven to move their homes as they had done; indeed they -themselves might have to do so before they died. However, -things had still to be left open; but next year they ripened -somewhat, though they were then less able to pay for the -reasons mentioned above.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_305"></a>[305]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs80 bold" id="CHAPTER_XXI">CHAPTER XXI</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">Further steps towards the Composition between the London -and New Plymouth partners—Dispute with Rev. Charles -Chauncey about Baptism—Fall in value of live-stock—Many -leading men of New Plymouth move from the town: 1641.</p> - - -<p>Mr. Sherley being weary of this controversy and desirous -to end it, wrote to Mr. John Atwood and Mr. William Collier, -two of the inhabitants of this place, and special acquaintances -of his, and desired them to be intermediaries, -and advise the partners here as to some way of reaching a -composition by mutual agreement. He also wrote to the -partners similarly, in part as follows:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>James Sherley in England to Governor Bradford at New Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="noindent">Sir,</p> - -<p>I have written so much concerning the closing of our accounts -that I confess I do not know what more to write. If you desire an -end, as you seem to do, there are, I think, only two ways: either we -can perfect all accounts, from the first to the last, on both sides; -or we must do it by compounding, and this way, first or last, we -shall have to come to. If we fight about it at law, we shall both -only cleave the air, and the lawyers will be the chief gainers. Then -let us set to the work one way or another and make an end, so -that I may not continue to suffer both in my reputation and my -business. Nor are you free in this respect. The gospel suffers by -your delay, and causes its followers to be ill spoken of.... Do -not be afraid to make a fair and reasonable offer; believe me I shall -not take advantage of you; or else let Mr. Winslow come over, and -let him have full power to compound with me. Otherwise, let the -accounts be fully made up so that we may close according to the -figures. Now, blessed be God, times are so much changed here -that I hope to see many of you return to your native country again, -and have such freedom and liberty as the word of God prescribes.<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_306"></a>[306]</span> -Our bishops were never so near a downfall as now. God has -miraculously confounded them, and brought down all their popish -and Machiavellian plots and projects upon their own heads.... I -pray you take it seriously into consideration; let each give way a -little that we may meet.... Be you and all yours kindly saluted. -So I ever rest,</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 2.5em;">Your loving friend,</span><br> -JAMES SHERLEY.</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>Clapham, May 18th, 1641.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>Being urged by this letter, and also by Mr. Atwood’s -and Mr. Collier’s mediation, to bring things to an end, and -by none more earnestly than by their own desires, the New -Plymouth Partners took this course. They appointed these -two men to meet them on a certain day, and summoned -other friends on both sides, and Mr. Freeman, brother-in-law -of Mr. Beauchamp. Having drawn up an inventory of -all remaining stock whatsoever, such as housing, boats, the -bark, and all implements belonging to them, used during -the period of trading; together with the surplus of all commodities, -such as beads, knives, hatchets, cloth, or anything -else, both valueless and saleable; with all debts, both bad -and collectable; and having spent several days upon it with -the help of all books and papers, either in their hands or -those of Josias Winslow, their accountant, they found the -total sum on valuation amounted to £1400. They then all -of them took a voluntary and solemn oath, in the presence -of one another and of all their friends above mentioned now -present, that this was all that any of them knew of or could -remember; and Josias Winslow did the same on his part. -But the truth is the valuation was too low; for, as an -instance, in reckoning some cattle taken from Mr. Allerton, -a cow which had cost £25 was so valued in this account; -but she subsequently realized only £4-15-0. Also, being conscientious -about their oaths, they included all that they knew -of which was owing to the stock, but they did not make<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_307"></a>[307]</span> -such a diligent search concerning what the stock might owe -them, so that many scattered debts fell upon them afterwards, -which they had not charged in.</p> - -<p>However, this done, they drew up certain articles of -agreement between Mr. Atwood, on Mr. Sherley’s behalf, -and themselves.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Articles of Agreement made and concluded on October 15th, 1641</em>:</p> - -<p>Whereas there was a partnership for a period of years agreed -upon between James Sherley, John Beauchamp, and Richard -Andrews, of London, merchants, and William Bradford, Edward -Winslow, Thomas Prince, Myles Standish, William Brewster, John -Alden, John Howland, and Isaac Allerton, in a trade of beaver -skins and other furs from New England; and the term of the said -partnership having expired, various consignments of goods having -been sent to New England by the said James Sherley, John Beauchamp, -Richard Andrews, and many large returns made from New -England by the said William Bradford, Edward Winslow, etc.; a -dispute arising about the expense incurred for two ships, the one -called the White Angel of Bristol, and the other the Friendship of -Barnstable, and a projected voyage in her, etc.; which said ships -and their voyages the said William Bradford, etc., consider do not -concern the accounts of the partnership; and whereas the accounts -of the said partnership are found to be confused, and cannot be -clearly present, through default of Josias Winslow the bookkeeper, -and whereas the said W. B., etc., have received all their goods for -the said trade from the aforesaid James Sherley, and have made -most of their returns to him, by consent of the said John Beauchamp -and Richard Andrews; and whereas, also, the said James -Sherley has given power and authority to Mr. John Atwood, with -the advice and consent of William Collier of Duxbury, on his -behalf, to put an absolute end to the said partnership, with all and -every accounts, reckonings, dues, claims, demands, whatsoever, to -the said James Sherley, John Beauchamp, and Richard Andrews, -from the said W. B., etc., for and concerning the said beaver trade, -and also the charge of the said two ships, and their voyages made or -projected, whether just or unjust, from the world’s beginning to this -present, as also for the payment of a purchase of £1800 made by -Isaac Allerton, on behalf of the said W. B., etc., and of the joint -stock, shares, lands, and adventurers, whatsoever, in New England<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_308"></a>[308]</span> -aforesaid, as appears by a deed bearing the date Nov. 6th, 1627; and -also for and from such sum and sums of money or goods as are -received by William Bradford, Thomas Prince, and Myles Standish, -for the recovery of dues, by accounts between them, the said -James Sherley, John Beauchamp, Richard Andrews, and Isaac -Allerton, for the ship called the White Angel. Now the said John -Atwood, with advice of the said William Collier, having had much -communication and spent several days in discussion of the said -disputes and accounts with the said W. B., etc.; and the said W. B., -etc., having also with the said bookkeeper spent much time in -collecting and listing the remainder of the stock of partnership for -the said trade, and whatsoever has been received, or is due by the -said attorneyship before expressed, and all manner of goods, debts, -and dues, thereunto belonging, which in all amount to the sum of -£1400 or thereabout; and for better satisfaction of the said James -Sherley, John Beauchamp, and Richard Andrews, the said W. B. and -all the rest of the above said partners, together with Josias Winslow -the bookkeeper, have taken a voluntary oath that the said sum of -£1400 or thereabout, includes whatever they know, to the utmost of -their remembrance.</p> - -<p>In consideration of which, and to the end that a full, absolute, and -final end may now be made, and all suits in law may be avoided, and -love and peace continued, it is therefore agreed and concluded -between the said John Atwood, with the advice and consent of the -said William Collier, on behalf of the said James Sherley, to and -with the said W. B., etc., in manner and form following: viz., that -the said John Atwood shall procure a sufficient release and discharge -under the hands and seals of the said James Sherley, John -Beauchamp, and Richard Andrews, to be delivered fair and unconcealed -to the said William Bradford, etc., at or before the last -day of August, next ensuing the date hereof, whereby the said -William Bradford, etc., their heirs, executors, and administrators -and each of them shall be fully and absolutely acquitted and discharged -of all actions, suits, reckonings, accounts, claims, and demands -whatsoever, concerning the general stock of beaver trade, -payment of the said £1800 for the purchase and all demands reckonings, -accounts just or unjust, concerning the two ships, White Angel -and Friendship aforesaid, together with whatsoever has been received -by the said William Bradford, of the goods or estate of Isaac -Allerton, for satisfaction of the accounts of the said ship White -Angel by virtue of a letter of attorney to him, Thomas Prince, and -Myles Standish, directed from the said James Sherley, John Beauchamp, -and Richard Andrews, for that purpose as aforesaid.</p> - -<p>It is also agreed and concluded between the said parties to these -presents, that the said W. B., E. W., etc., shall now be bound in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_309"></a>[309]</span> -£2400 for payment of £1200 in full satisfaction of all demands as -aforesaid; to be paid in manner and form following; that is to say, -£400 within two months next after the receipt of the aforesaid -releases and discharges, £110 whereof is already in the hands of -John Winthrop, senior, of Boston, Esquire, by the means of Richard -Andrews aforesaid, and 80 lbs. of beaver now deposited in the hands -of the said John Atwood, to be both in part payment of the said -£400 and the other £800 to be paid £200 per annum, to such assigns -as shall be appointed, inhabiting either New Plymouth or Massachusetts, -in such goods and commodities, and at such rates, as the -country shall afford at the time of delivery and payment; and in -the meantime the said bond of £2400 to be deposited in the hands of -the said John Atwood. And it is agreed upon, by and between the -said parties to these presents, that if the said John Atwood shall -not or cannot procure such said releases and discharges as aforesaid -from the said James Sherley, John Beauchamp, and Richard -Andrews, at or before the last day of August next ensuing the date -hereof, that then the said John Atwood shall, at the said date -precisely, redeliver, or cause to be delivered, unto the said W. B., -E. W., etc., their said bond of £2400 and the said 80 lbs. of beaver, -or the due value thereof, without any fraud or further delay; and -for performance of all and each of the covenants and agreements -herein contained and expressed, which on the one part and behalf -of the said James Sherley are to be observed and performed, shall -become bound in the sum of £2400 to them, the said William Bradford, -Edward Winslow, Thomas Prince, Myles Standish, William -Brewster, John Alden, and John Howland. And it is lastly agreed -upon between the said parties, that these presents shall be left in -trust, to be kept for both parties, in the hands of Mr. John Rayner, -teacher of New Plymouth. In witness whereof, all the said parties -have hereunto severally set their hands, the day and year first above -written.</p> - -<p class="right"> -JOHN ATWOOD, WILLIAM BRADFORD, EDWARD<br> -<span style="margin-right: 4.5em;">WINSLOW, etc.</span></p> - -<p class="negin1">In the presence of Edmund Freeman, William Thomas, William -Paddy, Nathaniel Souther.</p> -</div> - -<p>Next year this long and tedious business came to an issue, -as will appear, though not to a final end with all the parties; -but so much for the present.</p> - -<p>I had forgotten to insert that the church here had in -1638 invited and sent for Mr. Charles Chauncey, a reverend,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_310"></a>[310]</span> -godly, and very learned man, who stayed till the latter part -of 1645,—intending, after a trial, to choose him pastor, for -the more convenient performance of the ministry, with Mr. -John Rayner the teacher. But there occurred some differences -about baptism, he holding that it ought only to be done -by dipping and putting the whole body under water, and that -sprinkling was unlawful. The church conceded that immersion, -or dipping, was lawful, but not so convenient in this -cold country. But they could not allow that sprinkling, -which nearly all the churches of Christ use to this day, was -unlawful and merely a human invention. They were willing -to yield to him as far as they could, and to allow him to -practice according to his convictions, and granted that when -he came to administer the ordinance, he might perform it in -that way for any who so desired, provided he allowed Mr. -Rayner, when requested, to baptize by sprinkling. But he -said he could not yield to this. So the church procured some -other ministers to discuss the point with him publicly, such -as Mr. Ralph Partridge of Duxbury. But he was not satisfied; -so the church sent to several other churches to ask -their help and advice in the matter, and with his will and -consent sent them his arguments,—such as to the church of -Boston in Massachusetts, to be communicated to other -churches there; and to the churches of Connecticut and -New Haven, and many others. They received very able -answers from them and other learned ministers, who all -concluded against him. Their answers are too long to give -here. But Mr. Chauncey was not satisfied. They considered -that everything that was proper had been done, so -Mr. Chauncey, who had been almost three years here, removed -to Scituate, where he is still a minister of the church.</p> - -<p>About this time, cattle and other things having fallen -greatly in value, people began to be less affluent. Many had -already gone to Duxbury, Marshfield, and other places, and<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_311"></a>[311]</span> -amongst them many of the leading men, such as Mr. -Winslow, Captain Standish, Mr. Alden. Others dropped -away daily, with the result that the place became far less -flourishing.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_312"></a>[312]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs80 bold" id="CHAPTER_XXII">CHAPTER XXII</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">Conclusion of Composition between London and New Plymouth -partners: 1642.</p> - - -<p>I now come to the conclusion of the long and tedious -business between the partners here and those in England.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>James Sherley in England to the partners of New Plymouth</em>:</p> - -<p class="negin2c">Loving Friends,—Mr. Bradford, Mr. Winslow, Mr. Prince, Captain -Standish, Mr. Brewster, Mr. Alden, and Mr. Howland,</p> - -<p>Give me leave to include you all in one letter concerning the final -end and conclusion of this tiresome and tedious business, which I -think I may truly say is uncomfortable and unprofitable for all.... It -has pleased God now to show us a way to cease all suits and -disputes, and to conclude in peace and love as we began. I am -content to make good what Mr. Atwood and you have agreed upon, -and for that end have sent him an absolute and general release to -you all, and if it lacks anything to make it complete, write it yourselves -and it shall be done, provided that you all, either jointly or -severally, seal a similar discharge to me. For that purpose I have -drawn up a copy and sent it to Mr. Atwood with the one I have -sealed for you. Mr. Andrews has sealed an acquittance also, and -sent it to Mr. Winthrop, with such directions as he thought fit, and, -as I hear, has transferred his debt, which he makes £544, to the -gentlemen of the Bay. Mr. Weld, Mr. Peters, and Mr. Hibbins have -taken a great deal of pains with Mr. Andrews, Mr. Beauchamp, and -myself, to bring us to agree, and we have had many meetings and -spent much time upon it. Mr. Andrews wished you to have one -third of the £1200, and the Bay two thirds; but to do that we three -partners here must have agreed to it, which would be a difficult -matter now. However, Mr. Weld, Mr. Peters, Mr. Hibbins, and I -have agreed, and they are giving you their bond to settle with Mr. -Beauchamp and procure his general release, and thus free you from -all the trouble and expense that he might put you to. Now our -agreement is, that you must pay to the gentlemen of the Bay £900, -they to bear all expenses which may in any way arise concerning<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_313"></a>[313]</span> -the free and absolute clearing of you from us three; and you to -have the other £300....</p> - -<p>Upon receiving my release from you I will send you your bonds -for the purchase money. I would have sent them now, but first I -want Mr. Beauchamp to release you as well as I, because they bind -you to him as well as to me, though I know that if a man is bound -to twelve men, when one releases him it is the same as if all did -so; so my discharge is to that extent sufficient. So do not doubt -but you shall have them, and your power of attorney, and anything -else that is fit....</p> - -<p class="right"> -<span style="margin-right: 2em;">Your loving and kind friend in what I may or can,</span><br> -JAMES SHERLEY.<br> -</p> - -<p class="noindent"><em>June 14th, 1642.</em></p> -</div> - -<p>Mr. Andrews’ discharge was similar to Mr. Sherley’s. -He was by agreement to have £500 of the money, which he -gave to those at the Bay, who brought his discharge and -received the money, viz.; one third of the £500 paid down, -and the rest in four equal payments, to be paid yearly, for -which they gave their bonds. £44 more was demanded, in -addition; but they believed they could arrange it with Mr. -Andrews, so it was not included in the bond.</p> - -<p>But Mr. Beauchamp would give way in nothing, and demanded -£400 of the partners here, sending a release to a -friend to be delivered to them on receipt of the money. -But his release was not perfect, having left out some of the -partners’ names, with some other defects; and besides, the -other partners there gave them to understand he had not -nearly so much due to him. So no end was made with him -till four years after.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_314"></a>[314]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs80 bold" id="CHAPTER_XXIII">CHAPTER XXIII</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">Death of Mr. William Brewster—His Career—Remarkable -longevity of the principal men among the Pilgrims—Confederation -of the United Colonies of New England—War between -the Narragansetts and Monhiggs—Uncas permitted by -the English to execute Miantinomo: 1643.</p> - - -<p>I must open this year with an event which brought great -sadness and mourning to them all. About the 18th of April -died their reverend elder, my dear and loving friend, Mr. -William Brewster, a man who had done and suffered much -for the Lord Jesus and the gospel’s sake, and had borne his -part in weal or woe with this poor persecuted church for -over thirty-five years in England, Holland, and this wilderness, -and had done the Lord and them faithful service in his -calling. Notwithstanding the many troubles and sorrows -he passed through, the Lord upheld him to a great age; he -was nearly fourscore years, if not quite, when he died. He -had this blessing added by the Lord to all the rest; he died -in his bed in peace, in the midst of his friends, who mourned -and wept over him, and gave him what help and comfort -they could; and he, too, comforted them whilst he could. -His illness was not long, and until the last day he did not -keep his bed. His speech continued until about the last half -day, and then failed him; and at about 9 or 10 o’clock that -evening he died, without any pangs at all. A few hours -before, he drew his breath short, and some few minutes -from the end he drew it long, as a man fallen into a sound -sleep,—without any gaspings,—and so, sweetly departed this -life into a better.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_315"></a>[315]</span></p> - -<p>I would ask, was he the worse for any of his former sufferings? -What do I say? Worse? Nay; he was surely -the better, for now they were added to his honour. “It -is a manifest token,” says the Apostle (II Thes. i, 5, 6, 7), -“of the righteous judgment of God that ye may be counted -worthy of the Kingdom of God, for which ye also suffer; -seeing it is a righteous thing with God to recompense tribulation -to them that trouble you: and to you who are -troubled, rest with us, when the Lord Jesus shall be revealed -from Heaven, with His mighty angels.” And I Pet. iv, 14: -“If you be reproached for the name of Christ, happy are ye, -for the spirit of glory and of God resteth upon you.” What -though he lacked the riches and pleasures of the world in -this life, and pompous monuments at his funeral? Yet -“the memorial of the just shall be blessed, when the name of -the wicked shall rot,”—with their marble monuments -(Prov. x, 7).</p> - -<p>I should say something of his life, if to say a little were -not worse than to be silent. But I cannot wholly forbear, -though perhaps more may be written at some later time. -After he had attained some learning, viz., the knowledge of -the Latin tongue and some insight into Greek, and had spent -some little time at Cambridge,—then being first seasoned -with the seeds of grace and virtue,—he went to court, and -served that religious and godly gentleman, Mr. Davison, for -several years, when he was Secretary of State. His master -found him so discreet and faithful, that he trusted him more -than all the others who were round him, and employed him -in all matters of greatest trust and secrecy. He esteemed -him rather as a son than a servant; and knowing his wisdom -and godliness he would converse with him in private more -as a friend and familiar than as a master. He accompanied -him when he was sent as ambassador by the Queen into the -Low Countries, in the Earl of Leicester’s time,—besides<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_316"></a>[316]</span> -other important affairs of state, to receive possession of the -cautionary towns, in token of which the keys of Flushing -were delivered to him in her majesty’s name. Mr. Davison -held them some time, handing them over to Mr. Brewster, -who kept them under his pillow the first night. On his -departure, the Netherlands honoured Mr. Davison with a -gold chain; he gave it into the keeping of Mr. Brewster, and -when they arrived in England commanded him to wear it -as they rode through the country, until they arrived at court. -He remained with him through his troubles, when later, he -was dismissed in connection with the death of the Queen of -Scots, and for some good time after, doing him much faithful -service.</p> - -<p>Afterwards Mr. Brewster went and lived in the country, -much respected by his friends and the gentlemen of the -neighbourhood, especially the godly and religious. He did -much good there, in promoting and furthering religion, not -only by his practice and example and the encouragement of -others, but by procuring good preachers for the places -thereabouts, and persuading others to help and assist in such -work, generally taking most of the expense on himself,—sometimes -beyond his means. Thus he continued for many -years, doing the best he could, and walking according to the -light he saw, till the Lord revealed Himself further to him. -In the end, the tyranny of the bishops against godly -preachers and people, in silencing the former and persecuting -the latter, caused him and many more to look further -into things, and to realize the unlawfulness of their episcopal -callings, and to feel the burden of their many anti-Christian -corruptions, which both he and they endeavoured -to throw off; in which they succeeded, as the beginning of -this treatise shows.</p> - -<p>After they had joined themselves together in communion, -as was mentioned earlier, he was a special help and support<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_317"></a>[317]</span> -to them. On the Lord’s day they generally met at his house, -which was a manor of the bishop’s, and he entertained them -with great kindness when they came, providing for them at -heavy expense to himself. He was the leader of those who -were captured at Boston in Lincolnshire, suffering the -greatest loss, and was one of the seven who were kept -longest in prison and afterwards bound over to the assizes. -After he came to Holland he suffered much hardship, having -spent most of his means, with a large family to support, -and being from his breeding and previous mode of life not -so fit for such laborious employment as others were. But -he always bore his troubles with much cheerfulness and content. -Towards the latter part of those twelve years spent -in Holland, his circumstances improved, and he lived well -and plentifully; for through his knowledge of Latin he was -able to teach many foreign students English. By his method -they acquired it quickly and with great fluency, for he drew -up rules to learn it by, after the manner of teaching Latin; -and many gentlemen, both Danes and Germans, came to him, -some of them being sons of distinguished men. By the help -of some friends he also had means to set up a printing press, -and thus had employment enough, and owing to many books -being forbidden to be printed in England, they might have -had more work than they could do. But on moving to -this country all these things were laid aside again, and a -new way of living must be framed, in which he was in no -way unwilling to take his part and bear his burden with the -rest, living often for many months without corn or bread, -with nothing but fish to eat, and often not even that. He -drank nothing but water for many years, indeed until five -or six years before his death; and yet by the blessing of God -he lived in health to a very old age. He laboured in the -fields as long as he was able; yet when the church had no -other minister he taught twice every Sabbath, and that both<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_318"></a>[318]</span> -powerfully and profitably, to the great edification and comfort -of his hearers, many being brought to God by his ministry. -He did more in this way in a single year, than many -who have their hundreds a year do in all their lives.</p> - -<p>As for his personal qualities, he was favoured above -many; he was wise and discreet and well-spoken, having a -grave and deliberate utterance, with a very cheerful spirit. -He was very sociable and pleasant among his friends, of an -humble and modest mind and a peaceable disposition, undervaluing -himself and his own abilities, and sometimes overvaluing -others. He was innocent in his life and conversation, -which gained him the love of those without, as well as -those within; nevertheless he would tell them plainly of -their faults, both public and privately, but in such a way -that it was usually well taken. He was tender-hearted and -compassionate with those in misery, especially when they -were of good birth and rank and had fallen into want and -poverty, either for religion’s sake or through the oppression -of others; he would always say that of all men such deserved -to be most pitied. None displeased him more than -those who would haughtily and proudly exalt themselves, -having risen from nothing, and having little else to commend -them than a few fine clothes, or more means than -others. When preaching, he deeply moved and stirred the -affections, and he was very plain and direct in what he -taught, being thereby the more profitable to his hearers. He -had a singularly good gift of prayer, both public and private, -in ripping up the heart and conscience before God, in the -humble confession of sin, and begging the mercies of God -in Christ for the pardon of it. He always thought it better -for ministers to pray oftener, and divide their prayers, than -to be long and tedious—except on special occasions, such as -days of humiliation and the like; because he believed that -heart and spirit, especially in the weak, could with difficulty<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_319"></a>[319]</span> -continue so long to stand bent, as it were, towards God,—as -is meet in prayer,—without flagging and failing. In the -government of the church, which was proper to his office as -elder, he was careful to preserve good order, and purity -both in doctrine and communion, and to suppress any error -or contention that might begin to arise; and accordingly God -gave success to his endeavours in this, all his days, and he -was given to see the fruit of his labours. But I must break -off, though I have only touched the heads of a few things.</p> - -<p>I cannot but take occasion here to wonder at the marvellous -providence of God, that, notwithstanding the many -changes these people went through, and the many enemies -they had, and the difficulties they met with, so many of them -should live to very old age. It was not only their reverend -elder—for one swallow makes no summer, as they say—but -many more of them, some dying about and before this time, -and some still living, who reached sixty or sixty-five years -of age, others seventy and over, and some nearly eighty, as -he was. It must needs be accounted for by more than -natural reasons, for it is found in experience that change of -air, hunger, unwholesome food, much drinking of water, -sorrows and troubles, etc., are all enemies to health, causing -many diseases, loss of natural vigour and shortness of life. -Yet all those unfavourable conditions were their lot. They -went from England to Holland, where they found both -worse air and diet than where they came from; thence, enduring -a long imprisonment, as it were, aboard ship, they -came to New England; and their way of living here has -already been shown, and what crosses, troubles, fears, -wants, and sorrows, they were liable to. In a sense they -may say with the Apostle (II Cor. xi, 26, 27) that they -were “in journeyings often, in perils of water, in perils of -robbers, in perils by their own nation, in perils by the -heathen, in perils in the wilderness, in perils on the sea, in<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_320"></a>[320]</span> -perils among false brethren; in weariness and painfulness, -in watchings often, in hunger and thirst, in fastings often, -in cold and nakedness.” What was it then that upheld -them? It was God’s visitation that preserved their spirits—(Job -x, 12): “Thou hast granted me life and favour, and -thy visitation hath preserved my spirits.” He that upheld -the Apostle upheld them: they were “persecuted, but not -forsaken; cast down, but not destroyed;”—(II Cor. iv, 9)—“as -unknown, and yet well known; as dying, and behold we -live; as chastened, and not killed” (II Cor. vi, 9). God, it -seems, would have all men behold and observe such mercies -and works of His providence as towards His people, that -they in like cases might be encouraged to depend upon God -in their trials, and also bless His name when they see His -goodness towards others. Man lives not by bread alone. -It is not by good and dainty fare, by peace and rest and -heart’s ease, in enjoying the contentment and good things -of this world only, that health is preserved and life prolonged. -God in such examples would have the world see -and behold that He can do it without them; and if the world -will shut its eyes and take no notice of it, yet He would have -his people see and consider it. Daniel was better off with -pulse, than others with the king’s dainties. Jacob, though -he went from his own nation to another people, and passed -through famine, fear, and many afflictions, yet lived till -old age, and died sweetly, and rested in the Lord, as numberless -other of God’s servants have done, and still shall do -through God’s goodness, notwithstanding all the malice of -their enemies: “When the branch of the wicked shall be cut -off before his day”—(Job xv, 32)—“and bloody and deceitful -men shall not live out half their days.” (Psa. lv, 23.)</p> - -<hr class="tb"> - -<p>Owing to the plotting of the Narragansetts, ever since the -Pequot war, the Indians had formed a general conspiracy<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_321"></a>[321]</span> -against the English in all parts, as was partly discovered -the year before, and now confirmed by various discoveries -and the free confessions of several Indians from different -places. They therefore sought means to prevent the trouble -and secure themselves, which ultimately resulted in the -formation of closer union and confederation defined by -articles from which the following extracts are taken.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p class="negin2a"><em>Articles of Confederation between the Colonies under the Governments -of Massachusetts, New Plymouth, Connecticut, New -Haven, and those in combination therewith.</em></p> - -<p>Whereas we all came into these parts of America with one and -the same end and aim, namely to advance the kingdom of Our Lord -Jesus Christ and to enjoy the liberties of the gospel in purity and -peace; and whereas in our settling, by a wise providence of God, -we find ourselves further dispersed along the sea-coasts and rivers -than was at first intended, so that we cannot, as desired, conveniently -live under one government and jurisdiction; and whereas -we live surrounded by people of several tribes and strange languages, -who may hereafter prove injurious to us and our posterity, -... we therefore conceive it our bounden duty without delay to -enter into an immediate consociation among ourselves for mutual -help and strength in our future concerns, so that in national and -religious affairs, as in other respects, we may be and continue one, -according to the tenor and true meaning of the ensuing articles.</p> - -<p>I. Wherefore it is fully agreed and concluded by and between the -parties or jurisdictions above named, and they jointly and severally -by these presents do conclude and agree, that they all be, and henceforth -be called by the name of, the United Colonies of New -England.</p> - -<p>2. The said United Colonies, for themselves and their posterity -jointly and severally, hereby enter into a firm and perpetual league -of friendship and amity, for offence and defence, mutual advice and -succour, upon all just occasions, both for preserving and propagating -the truth of the Gospel, and for their own mutual safety and -welfare.</p> - -<p>3. It is further agreed that the colonies which at present are, or -hereafter shall be begun, within the limits of Massachusetts shall -be forever under Massachusetts, and shall have separate jurisdiction -among themselves in all cases as a complete body; and that New -Plymouth, Connecticut, and New Haven shall each of them similarly -have separate jurisdiction and government within their limits....</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_322"></a>[322]</span></p> - -<p>4. It is by these confederates agreed that the expense of all just -wars, whether offensive or defensive, upon what party or member -of this confederation soever they fall, shall, both in men, provisions, -and all other disbursements be borne by all the parties of this confederation, -in different proportions, according to their different -abilities, ... according to the different numbers which from time -to time shall be found in each jurisdiction upon a true and just -count, ... and that according to the different expenses of each -jurisdiction and colony, the whole advantage of the war—if it -please God to bless their endeavours—whether in lands, goods, or -persons, shall be proportionately divided amongst the said confederates.</p> - -<p>5. It is further agreed that if these jurisdictions, or any colony -under or in combination with them, be invaded by any enemy whatsoever, -upon notice and request of any three magistrates of the -jurisdiction so invaded, the rest of the confederates without any -further meeting or expostulation shall forthwith send aid to the -confederate in danger, but in different proportions; viz., Massachusetts -a hundred men sufficiently armed and provided, and each of the -rest 45 so armed and provided,—or any lesser number if less be -required, according to this proportion; ... but none of the jurisdictions -to exceed these numbers till by a meeting of the commissioners -for this confederation further aid appear necessary; and -this proportion to continue till upon knowledge of greater numbers -in each jurisdiction, which shall be brought before the next meeting, -some other proportion be ordered....</p> - -<p>6. It is also agreed that for the management of all affairs concerning -the whole confederation, two commissioners shall be chosen -by and out of each of these four jurisdictions; namely, two for -Massachusetts, two for New Plymouth, two for Connecticut, and -two for New Haven, being all in church fellowship with us, who -shall bring full power from their General Courts, respectively to -hear, examine, weigh, and determine all affairs of war or peace, -leagues, aids, expenses, etc., ... not intermeddling with the government -of any of the jurisdictions, which by the third article is -reserved entirely to themselves. But if these eight commissioners -when they meet shall not all agree, any six of the eight agreeing -shall have power to settle and determine the business in question. -But if six do not agree, then such propositions, with their reasons, -so far as they have been debated, shall be referred to the four -General Courts, viz.: Massachusetts, New Plymouth, Connecticut, -and New Haven; and if at all the said General Courts the business -so referred be concluded, then it shall be prosecuted by the confederates -and all their members. It is further agreed that these -eight commissioners shall meet once every year, besides special<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_323"></a>[323]</span> -meetings, to consider and conclude all affairs belonging to this confederation, -which meeting shall always be on the first Thursday in -September; and that the next meeting after the date of these -presents, which shall be accounted the second meeting, shall be at -Boston in Massachusetts, the third at Hartford, the fourth at New -Haven, the fifth at New Plymouth, and so on, successively,—if in -the meantime some central place be not agreed upon as more convenient -for all the jurisdictions.</p> - -<p>7. It is further agreed that at each meeting of these eight commissioners, -whether ordinary or extraordinary, six of them agreeing -may choose a president from among themselves, whose duty shall -be to direct the proceedings of that particular meeting; but he -shall be invested with no such power or respect as might hinder the -propounding or progress of any business, or in any way turn the -scales, otherwise than in the preceding article is agreed.</p> - -<p>8. It is also agreed that the commissioners for this confederation -hereafter at their meetings, whether ordinary or extraordinary, as -they may have commission or opportunity, shall endeavour to frame -agreements in cases of a civil nature, in which all the colonies are -interested, for the preservation of peace among themselves, and -preventing as much as possible all causes of war or dispute with -others....</p> - -<p>9. And since the justest wars may have dangerous consequences, -especially for the smaller settlements in these United Colonies, it -is agreed that neither Massachusetts, New Plymouth, Connecticut, -nor New Haven, nor any member of any of them, shall at any time -hereafter begin, undertake, or engage themselves, or this confederation -or any part thereof, in any way whatsoever (sudden exigencies -excepted), without the consent and agreement of six of the -forementioned eight commissioners....</p> - -<p>10. That on special occasions, when meetings are summoned by -three magistrates of any jurisdiction, if any of the commissioners -do not come, due notice having been given or sent, it is agreed that -four of the commissioners shall have power to direct a war which -cannot be delayed, and to send for due proportions of men out of -each jurisdiction; but not less than six shall determine the justice -of the war, or allow the demands or bills of expenses, or cause any -levies to be made for it.</p> - -<p>11. It is further agreed, that if any of the confederates shall -hereafter break any of these articles of agreement, or in any way -injure any one of the other jurisdictions, such breach of agreement -or injury shall be duly considered by the commissioners for the -other jurisdictions; that both peace and this present confederation -may be entirely preserved without violation.</p> - -<p>12. Lastly, this perpetual confederation and its several articles,<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_324"></a>[324]</span> -being read and seriously considered both by the General Court of -Massachusetts and by the commissioners for New Plymouth, Connecticut, -and New Haven, is fully allowed and confirmed by three -of the afore-named confederates, viz., Massachusetts, Connecticut, -and New Haven; the commissioners for New Plymouth having no -commission to conclude, request time to advise with their General -Court....</p> - -<hr class="tb"> - -<p>At a meeting of the commissioners for the confederation held at -Boston on the 7th of September, it appearing that the General Court -of New Plymouth, and the several townships thereof, have read, -considered, and approved these articles of confederation, as appears -by commission from their General Court bearing date the 29th of -August, 1643, to Mr. Edward Winslow and Mr. William Collier, to -ratify and confirm the same on their behalfs; we therefore the commissioners -for Massachusetts, Connecticut, and New Haven, do -also, for our several governments subscribe to them.</p> - -<div class="textcol2"> -JOHN WINTHROP, Gov. of Mass.<br> -THOMAS DUDLEY<br> -THEOPH. EATON<br> -</div> -<div class="textcol2"> -GEORGE FENWICK<br> -EDWARD HOPKINS<br> -THOMAS GREGSON<br> -</div> -</div> - -<p>At their first meeting held at Boston on the above mentioned -date, amongst other things they had the following -matter of great importance to consider. The Narragansetts, -after subduing the Pequots, thought they were going -to rule over all the Indians round them; but the English, -especially those of Connecticut, were friendly with Uncas, -sachem of the Monhigg tribe, which lived near them, as -the Narragansetts did near those of Massachusetts. Uncas -had been faithful to them in the Pequot war, and they had -agreed to support him in his just liberties, and were willing -that such of the surviving Pequots as had submitted to him, -should remain with him and live quietly under his protection. -This greatly increased his power and importance, and -the Narragansetts could not endure to see it. So Miantinomo, -their chief sachem, an ambitious man, tried secretly -and by treachery according to the Indian way, to make away -with him, hiring some one to kill him. They tried to poison<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_325"></a>[325]</span> -him; that not succeeding, they planned to knock him on the -head in the night in his house, or to shoot him,—and such -like devices. But none of these plots taking effect, Miantinomo -made open war upon Uncas, though it was contrary -to his agreements with the English and the Monhiggs. He -suddenly came upon him with 900 or 1000 men, without -proclaiming war. Uncas at that time had not half so many; -but it pleased God to give him the victory, and he slew many -of the Narragansetts, and wounded many more; but most -important of all, he took Miantinomo prisoner. But as he -was a great man, and the Narragansetts a powerful people -who would be sure to seek revenge, he did nothing until he -had taken the advice of the English; so by the help and -direction of those of Connecticut, he kept him prisoner until -this meeting of the confederation. The commissioners -weighed the cause between Uncas and Miantinomo, and the -evidence being duly considered, the commissioners saw that -Uncas would not be safe while Miantinomo lived. So they -concluded that he might justly put such a false and blood-thirsty -enemy to death; but in his own jurisdiction, not on -English ground. They advised that in his execution all -mercy and toleration should be shown, contrary to the practise -of the Indians who use tortures and all kinds of cruelty. -Furthermore, as Uncas had hitherto shown himself a friend -to the English, and had consulted them in this, if the Narragansett -Indians, or others, unjustly attacked Uncas for this -execution, the commissioners promised that the English -would assist and protect him as far as they could against -violence, upon notice and request.</p> - -<p>Uncas followed this advice, and accordingly executed -Miantinomo, in a fair manner, with due respect for the honour -of his position. But what followed on the Narragansetts’ -part will appear later.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_326"></a>[326]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs80 bold" id="CHAPTER_XXIV">CHAPTER XXIV</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">Suggested removal of the Church of New Plymouth to -Nauset—The Narragansetts continue their attack on Uncas -and the Monhiggs—Truce arranged by the English: 1644.</p> - - -<p>Mr. Edward Winslow was chosen governor this year.</p> - -<p>Many having left here, owing to the district being so -limited and barren, and their finding better accommodation -elsewhere,—and several others looking for opportunity to -go, the church began seriously to consider whether it were -not better to remove jointly to some other place, than to be -thus weakened, and, as it were, insensibly dissolved. Much -consultation took place, and opinions varied. Some were -for staying together here, arguing that people could live here -if only they were content, and that it was not so much for -necessity that they removed, as for enriching themselves. -Others were resolute upon removal, and signified that here -they could not stay, and that if the church did not remove -they must. This swayed many to agree to removal, rather -than that there should be a total dissolution, if a place could -be found suitable to accommodate the whole body more conveniently -and comfortably, and with room for development -should others join them for their greater strength and better -subsistence. With these provisos the majority consented to -removal to a place called Nauset, which had been superficially -viewed, and the good-will of the owners obtained. -They began too late to see the error of their previous policy, -for they found they had already given away the best and -most convenient places to others, and now were in want of<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_327"></a>[327]</span> -such situations themselves; for Nauset was about 50 miles -from here, on the outskirts of the country, and remote from -all society. Furthermore, on closer examination, they found -it would prove so limited, that it would not suffice to accommodate -the whole body, much less be capable of any expansion. -So in a short time they would be worse off there -than they were now. This made them change their resolution; -but such as were resolved upon removal took -advantage of the agreement made, and went on notwithstanding; -nor could the rest hinder them, since they had -already made some beginning. Thus was this poor church -left like an ancient mother, grown old, and forsaken of her -children,—though not in their affections, yet as regards their -bodily presence and personal helpfulness. Her ancient -members being most of them worn away by death, and -those of later times being, like children, transferred to other -families, she, like a widow, was left only to trust in God. -Thus she who had made many rich, herself became poor.</p> - -<p>Soon another broil was begun by the Narragansetts. -Though they had unjustly made war upon Uncas, as before -described, the winter before this they earnestly urged the -Governor of Massachusetts to permit them to make war -again in revenge for the death of their sagamore, claiming -that Uncas had first received and accepted ransom for -Miantinomo, and then put him to death. But the Governor -refused the presents they brought, and told them it was they -themselves who had done wrong and broken the conditions -of peace; neither he nor any of the English would allow -them to make any further war upon Uncas, and that if they -did so the English must assist him and oppose them; but if -when the commissioners met, the matter having had a fair -hearing, it could be proved that he had received this ransom, -they would make Uncas return it. Notwithstanding this, at -the spring of the year they gathered in great power, and fell<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_328"></a>[328]</span> -upon Uncas, killing many of his men and wounding more, -besides receiving some loss themselves. Uncas then called -for aid from the English. They told him what the Narragansetts -objected; he denied it. They told him it must come -to trial, and if he was innocent, should the Narragansetts -refuse to desist, they would assist him. So at this meeting -they sent both to Uncas and the Narragansetts, and required -their sagamores to come, or send deputies to the commissioners, -who had now met at Hartford, promising a fair and -impartial hearing of all their grievances, and that all wrongs -should be redressed. They also promised that they should -come and return without any danger or molestation. Upon -which the Narragansetts sent one sagamore and some other -deputies, with full power to do what was thought right. -Uncas came in person, accompanied by some of his chiefs. -After discussion, the commissioners made the following -declaration to the Narragansett deputies:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>1. That they did not find any proof of a ransom being agreed -upon.</p> - -<p>2. It did not appear that any wampum had been paid as a ransom, -or any part of a ransom for Miantinomo’s life.</p> - -<p>3. That, had they in any way proved their charge against Uncas, -the commissioners would have required him to make due satisfaction.</p> - -<p>4. That if hereafter they could produce satisfactory proof, the -English would consider it, and proceed accordingly.</p> - -<p>5. The commissioners required that neither they nor their allies, -the Nyanticks, should make war or injurious assault upon Uncas -or any of his tribe, until they could show proof of the ransom being -given,—unless he should first attack them.</p> - -<p>6. That if they attacked Uncas, the English had undertaken to -assist him.</p> -</div> - -<p>Hereupon the Narragansett sachem, consulting with the -other deputies, undertook on behalf of the Narragansetts -and Nyanticks that no hostile acts should be committed upon<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_329"></a>[329]</span> -Uncas or any of his tribe till after the next planting of corn; -and that thereafter, before they made war they would give -30 days’ notice to the Governor of Massachusetts or Connecticut. -The commissioners, approving of this offer, required -Uncas, as he expected the continuance of the favour -of the English, to observe the same terms of peace with the -Narragansetts and their people.</p> - -<p>The foregoing conclusions were then subscribed by the -commissioners for the several jurisdictions, on the 19th of -Sept., 1644: Edward Hopkins, President; Simon Bradstreet, -William Hathorne, Edward Winslow, John Brown, -George Fenwick, Theoph. Eaton, Thomas Gregson.</p> - -<p>The Narragansett deputies further promised that if, contrary -to this agreement, any of the Nyantick Pequots made -any attack upon Uncas or any of his people, they would -deliver them to the English for punishment, and that they -would not attempt to incite the Mohawks against Uncas -during this truce. Their names were subscribed with their -marks: Weetowish; Pampiamett; Chinnough; Pummunis.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_330"></a>[330]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs80 bold" id="CHAPTER_XXV">CHAPTER XXV</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">The Narragansetts renew their attacks on Uncas and -threaten the English—Preparation for War by the Colonies—Declaration -of War by the English—Peace arranged and -General Treaty signed by the United Colonies of New England -and the Narragansetts and Nyanticks: 1645.</p> - - -<p>This year the commissioners were summoned to meet at -Boston before their ordinary time, partly in regard to some -differences between the French and the Government of -Massachusetts, about their aiding Governor La Tour against -Monsieur d’Aulney; and partly about the Indians, who had -broken the agreements of peace concluded last year. This -meeting was held at Boston on July 28th.</p> - -<p>Besides some underhand attacks made on both sides, the -Narragansetts gathered a great power and fell upon Uncas -and killed many of his men and wounded many more, far -exceeding him in number, and having got a large number -of arms. They did this without the knowledge and consent -of the English, contrary to the former agreement, and were -determined to continue the war, notwithstanding anything -the English said or did. So, encouraged by their recent -victory, and by a promise of assistance from the Mohawks—a -strong, warlike, and desperate tribe,—they had already -devoured Uncas and his people in their hopes, and would -surely have done so in fact if the English had not quickly -gone to his aid. But the English of Connecticut sent him 40 -men, as a garrison for him, till the commissioners could -meet and take further steps.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_331"></a>[331]</span></p> - -<p>Having thus met, they forthwith sent three messengers, -Sergeant John Davis, Benedict Arnold, and Francis Smith, -with full and ample instructions both to the Narragansetts -and Uncas, requiring them either to come in person or send -qualified deputies; and if they refused or delayed, to warn -them that the English were determined to oppose these hostile -invasions, and that they had sent their men to defend -Uncas, and to know of the Narragansetts whether they -would stand by the former peace.</p> - -<p>The messengers returned from the Narragansetts, not -only with slights, but with a threatening answer. They also -brought a letter from Mr. Roger Williams, assuring them -that war would shortly break out, and the whole country -would be aflame; and that the sachems of the Narragansetts -had concluded a neutrality with the English of Providence -and Aquidnett Island. Whereupon the commissioners, considering -the great danger and provocations offered, and the -necessity we should be put to of making war on the -Narragansetts, and being cautious to have the way clear -in a matter of such wide public concern to all the colonies, -thought fit to advise with such of the magistrates and elders -of Massachusetts as were at hand, and also with some of -the chief military commanders there; who being assembled, -it was then agreed:</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>1. That our engagement bound us to aid and defend Uncas.</p> - -<p>2. That this aid could not be confined to defence of him and his -fort or habitation, but must be extended to the security of his -liberty and property.</p> - -<p>3. That this aid must be speedy, lest he should be swallowed up -in the meantime.</p> - -<p>4. The justice of the war being clear to ourselves and the rest -then present, it was thought meet that the case should be stated, and -the reasons and grounds of the war declared and published.</p> - -<p>5. That a day of humiliation should be appointed, which was the -fifth day of the week following.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_332"></a>[332]</span></p> - -<p>6. It was also agreed by the commissioners that the total number -of men to be raised throughout the colonies should be 300—Massachusetts -190, New Plymouth 40, Connecticut 40, New Haven 30; and -that considering Uncas was in instant danger, 40 men should forthwith -be sent from Massachusetts for his relief—for the 40 previously -sent from Connecticut, had orders to stay only one month, -and their time having expired, they returned; and the Narragansetts -hearing of it, took the advantage and came suddenly upon him and -gave him another blow, to his further loss, and were ready to do so -again; but the 40 men from Massachusetts having arrived, they -drew off.</p> -</div> - -<p>The declaration of war which they published I shall not -transcribe, as it is very long and is already in print. I will -only note the insolent reception of it by the Narragansetts, -and the answers to the three messengers sent from the -commissioners to deliver it. They received them with scorn -and contempt, and told them they resolved to have no peace -without the head of Uncas; that it mattered not who began -the war, they were determined to continue it; that if the -English did not withdraw their garrison from Uncas, they -would procure the Mohawks against them. Ultimately they -threatened that they would lay the English cattle in heaps -as high as their houses, and that no Englishman should stir -outside his door so much as to relieve himself, but he should -be killed. When the messengers demanded guides to pass -on through their country to deliver the message of the commissioners -to Uncas, they refused them, and in scorn offered -them an old Pequot woman. Nay, the messengers personally -were in danger; for while the interpreter was speaking -with them about the answer he should take back, some -natives came and stood behind him with hatchets, according -to their murderous manner; but one of his comrades gave -him warning, and so all three broke off and came away. -These and similar affronts so terrified the Indians they had -with them, that they ran away, and left them to get home as -best they could.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_333"></a>[333]</span></p> - -<p>So the confederation hastened the preparations, according -to the agreement, and sent to New Plymouth to despatch -their 40 men with all speed, to be stationed at Seekonk, lest -it should be in danger before the rest were ready. They -were all well armed with snaphance guns, under command -of Captain Standish. Those from other places were also -led by able commanders, such as Captain Mason for Connecticut, -etc. Major Gibbons was made General, with such -commissions and instructions as were proper.</p> - -<p>Everything being ready,—some of the soldiers already -started and the rest ready to march,—the commissioners -thought it right before any hostile act was committed, to -return a present which had previously been sent to the -Governor of Massachusetts from the Narragansett sachems, -and though not accepted by him, had been laid by to be -accepted or refused according to their behaviour. So it -was sent back by two messengers and an interpreter, who -were further instructed to inform the Narragansetts that -the men the English had already sent to Uncas and other -parts, had express orders, so far, only to stand upon his or -their defence, and not to attempt any invasion of the Narragansetts’ -country; and that even yet, if they made due -reparation for what had past, and gave good security for the -future, they should find that the English were as desirous of -peace and as tender of Narragansett blood as ever. If -therefore Pessecuss, Jenemo, with the other sachems, would -without further delay come with them to Boston, the commissioners -promised and assured them free liberty to come -and return without molestation. But deputies would not -now serve, nor would the preparations on hand be stayed or -the directions recalled till the aforementioned sagamores -came, and further consultation had taken place. If, on the -other hand, they would have nothing but war, the English -were ready, and would proceed accordingly.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_334"></a>[334]</span></p> - -<p>Pessecuss, Mixano, and Weetowish, three principal -sachems of the Narragansett Indians, and Awasequin, -deputy for the Nyantics, with a large train of men, a few -days after, came to Boston.</p> - -<p>To omit all other circumstances, and the discussion which -took place between them and the commissioners, they came -to the following conclusion.</p> - -<div class="blockquot"> - -<p>1. It is agreed between the commissioners of the United Colonies -and the Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores, that the latter shall -pay or cause to be paid at Boston, to the Massachusetts commissioners, -the full sum of 2000 fathom of good white wampum, or a -third part of black wampum, in four payments; namely, 500 fathom -within 20 days, 500 fathom within four months, 500 fathom at or -before next corn planting time, and 500 fathom within two years -from the date of these presents; which 2000 fathom the commissioners -accept as satisfaction for former expenses defrayed.</p> - -<p>2. The aforesaid sagamores and deputy, on behalf of the Narragansett -and Nyantick Indians, hereby promise and covenant that -upon demand and proof they will restore to Uncas, the Monhigg -sagamore, all captives both men, women, and children; all canoes, -which they or any of their men have taken, or as many Narragansett -canoes, in good condition, in place of them; and will give full satisfaction -for all such corn as they or any of their men have destroyed -of his or his men’s, since last planting time; and the English commissioners -hereby promise that Uncas shall do likewise.</p> - -<p>3. Whereas there are various disputes and grievances between the -Narragansett and Nyantick Indians, and Uncas and his men, which -in the absence of Uncas cannot now be determined, it is hereby -agreed that the Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores, either come -themselves, or send their deputies, to the meeting of the commissioners -for the Colonies, either at New Haven in September, 1646,—or -sooner, upon due notice, if the said commissioners meet -sooner,—fully instructed to make due proof of their injuries, and -to submit to the judgment of the commissioners in giving or receiving -satisfaction; and the said commissioners, not doubting but -Uncas will either come himself or send his deputies, promise to give -full hearing to both parties impartially, according to their allegations -and proofs.</p> - -<p>4. The said Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores and deputies -do hereby promise and covenant to maintain a firm and perpetual<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_335"></a>[335]</span> -peace, both with all the English United Colonies and their successors, -and with Uncas the Monhigg sachem and his men; with -Ossamequine, Pumham, Sokanoke, Cutshamakin, Shoanan, Passaconaway, -and all other sagamores and their tribes who are in -friendship with or subject to any of the English; hereby engaging -themselves, that they will not at any time hereafter, disturb the -peace of the country by any attacks, hostile attempts, invasions, or -other injuries to any of the United Colonies or their successors, -or to the aforesaid Indians, either in their persons, buildings, cattle, -or goods, directly or indirectly; nor will they combine with any -other enemy against them; and if they know of any Indians or -others who are conspiring or intend harm to the said English, or -any Indians subject to or in friendship with them, they will without -delay acquaint and give notice thereof to the English commissioners, -or some of them. Or if any questions or disputes shall -at any time hereafter arise between them and Uncas, or any -Indians mentioned above, they will, according to former engagements -which they hereby confirm and ratify, first acquaint the -English, and request their judgment and advice therein, and will -not attempt or begin any war or hostile invasion, till they have -liberty and permission from the Commissioners of the United -Colonies so to do.</p> - -<p>5. The said Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores and deputies -do hereby promise that they will forthwith deliver and restore all -such Indian fugitives or captives as have at any time fled from the -English, and are now living among them, or give due satisfaction -for them to the commissioners for Massachusetts; and further, -that they will without delay pay or cause to be paid, a yearly -tribute, a month before harvest, every year after this, at Boston, -to the English Colonies, for all such Pequots as live among them, -according to the former treaty and agreement made at Hartford, -1638, namely one fathom of white wampum for every Pequot man, -and half a fathom for each Pequot youth, and one hand length -for each male child; and if Weequashcooke refuse to pay this -tribute for any Pequots with him, the Narragansett sagamores -promise to assist the English against him. And they further -undertake that they will resign and yield up the whole Pequot -country, and every part of it, to the English Colonies, as due to them -by conquest.</p> - -<p>6. The said Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores and deputy do -hereby promise and covenant that within 14 days, they will bring and -deliver to the Massachusetts commissioners on behalf of the Colonies, -four of their children, viz., the eldest son of Pessecuss, the son -of Tassaquanawite, the brother of Pessecuss, the son of Awashawe, -and the son of Ewangso, a Nyantick, to be kept as hostages<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_336"></a>[336]</span> -or pledges by the English, till the aforementioned 2000 fathom of -wampum has been paid at the times appointed, and the differences -between themselves and Uncas have been heard and settled, and -until these articles have been underwritten at Boston by Jenemo -and Wipetock. And further, they hereby promise and covenant, -that if at any time hereafter any of the said children shall escape -or be taken away from the English, before the promises be fully -accomplished, they will either bring back and deliver to the Massachusetts -commissioners the same children, or if they cannot be -found, such and so many other children as shall be chosen by the -commissioners for the United Colonies, or their assigns, within -twenty days after demand; and in the meantime, until the said -four children be delivered as hostages, the Narragansett and -Nyantick sagamores and deputy do freely and of their own accord -leave with the Massachusetts commissioners, as pledges for present -security, four Indians, viz., Weetowish, Pummunish, Jawashoe, -Waughwamino, who also freely consent and offer themselves to -stay as pledges, till the aforesaid children are delivered.</p> - -<p>7. The commissioners for the United Colonies do hereby promise -and agree that the four Indians now left as pledges shall be provided -for at the expense of the United Colonies, and that the four -children to be delivered as hostages shall be kept and maintained -at the same expense; that they will require Uncas and his men, -with all other Indian sagamores before named, to forbear all acts -of hostility against the Narragansett and Nyantick Indians for the -future, and further, all the promises being duly observed and kept -by the Narragansetts and Nyanticks and their tribes, they will at -the end of the two years restore the said children delivered as -hostages, and maintain a firm peace with the Narragansett and -Nyantick Indians and their successors.</p> - -<p>8. It is fully agreed by and between the said parties, that if any -hostile attempts be made while this treaty is in hand, or before -notice of this agreement can be given, such attempts and the consequences -thereof shall on neither part be counted a violation of -this treaty, nor a breach of the peace here made and concluded.</p> - -<p>9. The Narragansett and Nyantick sagamores and deputy hereby -agree and covenant to and with the commissioners of the United -Colonies, that henceforth they will neither give, grant, sell, nor in -any way alienate, any part of their country, nor any parcel of -land therein, to any of the English or others, without consent and -permission of the commissioners.</p> - -<p>10. Lastly they promise that if any Pequot or other Indians be -found among them who have in time of peace murdered any of -the English, they shall be delivered to just punishment.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_337"></a>[337]</span></p> - -<p>In witness whereof the parties above named have interchangeably -subscribed these presents, the day and year above written.</p> - -<div class="textcol2"> -JOHN WINTHROP, President<br> -HERBERT PELHAM<br> -THOMAS PRINCE<br> -JOHN BROWN<br> -GEORGE FENWICK<br> -EDWARD HOPKINS<br> -THEOPH. EATON<br> -STEPHEN GOODYEAR<br> -</div> -<div class="textcol2"> -PESSECUSS his mark<br> -MEEKESANO his mark<br> -WEETOWISH his mark<br> -AWASEQUIN his mark<br> -ABDAS his mark<br> -PUMMUNISH his mark<br> -CUTSHAMAKIN his mark<br> -</div> -</div> - -<p>In drawing up this treaty and agreement between the -commissioners of the United Colonies and the sagamores -and deputy of the Narragansett and Nyantick Indians, -Benedict Arnold was interpreter, upon his oath; Sergeant -Callicote, and his man, an Indian, were present; and Josias -and Cutshamakin, two Indians acquainted with the English -language, assisted,—making the whole treaty and every -article clear to the sagamores and deputy present. Thus -was the war pending at this time prevented.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_338"></a>[338]</span><br></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak fs80 bold" id="CHAPTER_XXVI">CHAPTER XXVI</h2> -</div> - -<p class="p1b bold">Captain Thomas Cromwell settles in Massachusetts—His -death—Edward Winslow’s long stay in England: 1646.</p> - - -<p>About the middle of May this year, three men of war -entered the harbour. The Captain’s name was Thomas -Cromwell, and he had captured several prizes from the -Spaniards in the West Indies. He had a commission from -the Earl of Warwick. Aboard his vessel were about 80 -strong young fellows, but very unruly, who, when they came -ashore, so distempered themselves with drink that they became -like madmen; and though some of them were punished -and imprisoned, they could hardly be restrained; -but in the end they became more moderate and orderly. -They remained here about a month or six weeks, then going -on to Massachusetts; in the meantime scattering a great -deal of money among the people,—and even more sin than -money, I fear, notwithstanding all the care taken to prevent -it.</p> - -<p>While they were here a sad accident occurred. One -desperate fellow amongst them started wrangling with some -of his comrades. Captain Cromwell commanded him to -be quiet and cease his quarreling; but he would not, and -reviled him with bad language, and in the end half drew -his rapier intending to run at him; but the captain closed -with him and snatched the rapier from him and gave him -a box on the ear; even then he would not give over, but -continued to assault him. Whereupon the Captain gave -him a blow with the hilt of the rapier, just as it was in -the scabbard. It chanced to hit his head, and the small<span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_339"></a>[339]</span> -end of the bar of the rapier-hilt piercing his skull, he died -a few days after. But the captain was exonerated by court -martial, for it appeared that the fellow was so quarrelsome -that he had several times been chained under hatches to -prevent him from hurting his comrades, to which they -testified.</p> - -<p>This Captain Cromwell made another voyage to the -West Indies from the Bay of Massachusetts, well manned -and provisioned. He was out three years and took many -prizes, and returned rich to Massachusetts. The same -summer he had a fall from his horse; he fell on his rapier -hilt, and bruised himself so badly that he died shortly -after. It was remarked by some that this might show the -hand of God, and that as one of his men had died of the -blow he gave him with the rapier hilt, so his own death -was caused by similar means.</p> - -<p>This year Mr. Edward Winslow went to England. Some -discontented persons in Massachusetts had endeavoured -to disturb the peace, and to undermine if not upset their -government, by uttering many slanders about them, and -even intended to prosecute them in England by petitioning -and complaining to Parliament. Samuel Gorton and his -people also made complaints against them. So they chose -Mr. Winslow, as their agent, to defend them, and gave him -commission and instructions to that end. He managed -things so well for them that he cleared them of all blame -and dishonour, and disgraced their opponents. But owing -to the great upheavals in the government there, he was detained -longer than was expected, and later he met with -other employments there, so that he has now been absent -for four years, which has been much to the loss of this -government.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"></div> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_340"></a>[340]</span></p> - -<p class="negin2b bold">The names of those who came over first in the Mayflower, in -the year 1620 and were by the blessing of God the first -beginners and founders of the Settlements and Colonies -of New England, with their families: written down A. D. -1650.</p> - - -<p class="negin2b">JOHN CARVER; Katherine, his wife; DESIRE MINTER; two -men-servants, JOHN HOWLAND and ROGER WILDER; a -boy, WILLIAM LATHAM; a maid-servant; a child who was -put under his charge, called JASPER MORE.</p> - -<p class="pad2">Mr. and Mrs. Carver, Wilder, and Jasper More all died here -during the first general sickness. Desire Minter returned to -England; Latham stayed twenty years and then returned; the -maid-servant married here, and died a year or two after. -Howland married Elizabeth Tillie. Both are living. They had -ten children.</p> - -<p class="negin2b">WILLIAM BREWSTER; Mary, his wife; two sons, Love and -Wrestling; a boy in his charge called Richard More, and -another of his brothers.</p> - -<p class="pad2">The rest of his children were left behind, and came over -afterwards. Mr. Brewster lived here 23 or 24 years, being -about 80 when he died. His wife died some time before. -Wrestling died unmarried. Love had four children, and died -in 1650. The eldest son, who came after, had nine children, -and is still living; and the daughters, who came with him, -married, and are dead. The brother of Richard More died -the first winter. Richard married and has four or five children.</p> - -<p class="negin2b">EDWARD WINSLOW; Elizabeth, his wife; two men-servants, -GEORGE SOWLE and ELIAS STORY; a little girl in his -charge, ELLEN, sister of Richard More.</p> - -<p class="pad2">Mr. Winslow’s wife died the first winter. He married later -the widow of Mr. White, and has two children living. Story -and Ellen More died soon after the ship’s arrival. George -Sowle is living and has eight children.</p> - -<p class="negin2b">WILLIAM BRADFORD; Dorothy, his wife.</p> - -<p class="pad2">Their only child, a son, was left behind, and came over -after. Mrs. Bradford died soon after their arrival. Mr. -Bradford married again, and had four children.</p> - - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_341"></a>[341]</span></p> - -<p class="negin2b">ISAAC ALLERTON; Mary, his wife; three children, Bartholomew, -Remember, and Mary; a servant boy, JOHN HOOK.</p> - -<p class="pad2">Mrs. Allerton, and the boy, Hook, died in the first general -sickness. Bartholomew married in England. His daughter, -Remember, married at Salem and has three or four children -living. Mary married here and has four children. Mr. Allerton -married, secondly, a daughter of William Brewster, and -had one son; he married a third time, and left this place -long ago.</p> - -<p class="negin2b">SAMUEL FULLER; a servant, WILLIAM BUTTON.</p> - -<p class="pad2">His wife and a child were left behind, and came over afterwards. -Two more children were born here, and are living. -Button died at sea. Mr. Fuller died 15 years ago.</p> - -<p class="negin2b">JOHN CRACKSTON, his son, John.</p> - -<p class="pad2">John Crackston died in the first sickness. His son died 5 -or 6 years after; he lost himself in the woods in winter, and -his feet were frozen, which brought on fever.</p> - -<p class="negin2b">MYLES STANDISH; Rose his wife.</p> - -<p class="pad2">Mrs. Standish died in the first sickness. Captain Standish -married again, and has four sons living.</p> - -<p class="negin2b">CHRISTOPHER MARTIN; his wife, two servants, SOLOMON -PROWER and JOHN LANGMORE.</p> - -<p class="pad2">All these died in the first sickness, soon after their arrival.</p> - -<p class="negin2b">WILLIAM MULLINS; his wife; two children, Joseph and -Priscilla; a servant, ROBERT CARTER.</p> - -<p class="pad2" id="PMULL">All but Priscilla died in the first sickness. She married -John Alden; both are living. They have eleven children.</p> - -<p class="negin2b">WILLIAM WHITE; Susanna, his wife; one son, Resolved; and -one born aboard ship called Peregrine; two servants, WILLIAM -HOLBECK and EDWARD THOMSON.</p> - -<p class="pad2">Mr. White and his two servants died soon after their landing. -His widow married Mr. Winslow. His two sons are living.</p> - -<p class="negin2b">STEPHEN HOPKINS; Elizabeth, his wife; two children by a -former wife, Giles and Constanta; and two by this wife, -Damaris and Oceanus—the latter born on the voyage; two -servants, EDWARD DOTY and EDWARD LISTER.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_342"></a>[342]</span></p> - -<p class="pad2">Mr. and Mrs. Hopkins lived here over twenty years, and had -one son and four daughters born here. Doty is living, and -has seven children by a second wife. Lister went to Virginia -and died there.</p> - -<p class="negin2b">RICHARD WARREN.</p> - -<p class="pad2">His wife and four daughters were left behind and came -afterwards, and two more were born here. Mr. Warren lived -some four or five years here.</p> - -<p class="negin2b">JOHN BILLINGTON; Ellen, his wife; two sons, John and -Francis. Billington was executed after he had been here ten -years. His eldest son died before him; his second is married.</p> - -<p class="negin2b">EDWARD TILLIE; Anne, his wife; two children (their cousins), -HENRY SAMSON and HUMILITY COOPER.</p> - -<p class="pad2">Mr. and Mrs. Edward Tillie died soon after their arrival. -Humility Cooper returned to England and died there. Henry -Samson is living and has seven children.</p> - -<p class="negin2b">JOHN TILLIE; his wife; their daughter, Elizabeth.</p> - -<p class="pad2">Mr. and Mrs. John Tillie died soon after their arrival. -Elizabeth married John Howland (see above).</p> - -<p class="negin2b">FRANCIS COOK; his son, John.</p> - -<p class="pad2">Mrs. Cook and other children came over afterwards. Three -more children were born here. His son, John, is married. -Mr. Cook is a very old man, and has seen his children’s -children have children.</p> - -<p class="negin2b">THOMAS ROGERS; Joseph, his son.</p> - -<p class="pad2">Mr. Rogers died in the first sickness. His son, Joseph, is -living and has six children. The rest of his children came -over afterwards, and are married, and have many children.</p> - -<p class="negin2b">THOMAS TINKER; his wife; their son.</p> - -<p class="pad2">All died in the first sickness.</p> - -<p class="negin2b">JOHN RIGDALE; Alice, his wife.</p> - -<p class="pad2">Both died in the first sickness.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_343"></a>[343]</span></p> - -<p class="negin2b">JAMES CHILTON; his wife; their daughter, Mary.</p> - -<p class="pad2">Another daughter, who was married, came after. Mr. and -Mrs. Chilton died in the first sickness. Mary Chilton married, -and has nine children.</p> - -<p class="negin2b">EDWARD FULLER; his wife; their son, Samuel.</p> - -<p class="pad2">Mr. and Mrs. Fuller died soon after they came ashore. -Samuel Fuller is living, and has four children, or more.</p> - -<p class="negin2b">JOHN TURNER; two sons.</p> - -<p class="pad2">All died in the first sickness. His daughter came some years -after to Salem, and is married.</p> - -<p class="negin2b">FRANCIS EATON; Sarah, his wife; their baby, Samuel.</p> - -<p class="pad2">Mrs. Eaton died in the general sickness. Mr. Eaton married -a second and third time, having three children by his -third wife. Samuel is married and has a child.</p> - -<p class="negin2b">MOSES FLETCHER; JOHN GOODMAN; THOMAS WILLIAMS; -DIGERIE PRIEST; EDMUND MARGESON; -RICHARD BRITTERIDGE; RICHARD CLARK; RICHARD -GARDNER; PETER BROWN; GILBERT WINSLOW.</p> - -<p class="pad2">The first seven died in the general sickness. Digerie Priest’s -wife and children came afterwards, she being Mrs. Allerton’s -sister. Gardner became a sailor, and died in England, or at -sea. Peter Brown married twice, leaving four children; he -died about sixteen years since. Gilbert Winslow, after several -years here returned to England and died there.</p> - -<p class="negin2b">JOHN ALDEN.</p> - -<p class="pad2">Mr. Alden was hired at Southampton as a cooper. Being a -likely young man, he was desirable as a settler; but it was left -to his own choice to stay here or return to England; he stayed, -and married Priscilla Mullins (<a href="#PMULL">see above</a>).</p> - -<p class="negin2b">JOHN ALLERTON; THOMAS ENGLISH; WILLIAM -TREVOR; and one, ELY. The first two were hired as sailors, -the one to stay here with the shallop, the other to go back -and help over those left behind; but both died here before -the Mayflower returned. The last two were hired to stay here -a year; both returned when their time was out.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_344"></a>[344]</span></p> - -<p class="p1">Of these 100 or so of persons who came over first, more than -half died in the first general sickness. Of those that remained, -some were too old to have children. Nevertheless in those thirty -years there have sprung up from that stock over 160 persons now -living in this year 1650; and of the old stock itself nearly thirty -persons still survive. Let the Lord have the praise, Who is the -High Preserver of men.</p> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_345"></a>[345]</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="INDEX">INDEX</h2> -</div> - - -<ul class="index"> -<li class="ifrst">Abdas, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Accord Pond, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx" id="ADV">Adventurers, preliminaries with, <a href="#Page_35">35</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Dissolve partnership, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">(<em>See also</em> <a href="#WES">Weston</a>, <a href="#SHE">Sherley</a>, <a href="#BEA">Beauchamp</a>, <a href="#AND">Andrews</a>, <a href="#ALL">Allerton</a>, etc.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Albany, <em>see</em> <a href="#FOR">Fort Orange</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Alden, John, arrest of, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Mentioned, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Family, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Alden, Robert, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Allerton, Isaac, letter to Carver and Cushman, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Assistant to Governor, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">In England, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_211">211</a>, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Discharged, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Accounts confused, <a href="#Page_231">231</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">White Angel let out to, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Sold to, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">In debt to partners, <a href="#Page_242">242</a> et seq., <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Family, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx" id="ALL">Allerton, John, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Alltham, Emanuel, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx" id="AMS">Amsterdam, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx" id="AND">Andrews, Captain, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Andrews, Richard, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Beaver sent to, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Land at Scituate, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Settlement with, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Andrews, Thomas, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Anne, The, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Anthony, Lawrence, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Aquidnett Island, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Argoll, Captain, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Arminians, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Arnold, Benedict, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ashley, Edward, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Sends beaver home, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Arrested, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">His death, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Mentioned, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Atwood, John, Sherley’s agent, <a href="#Page_305">305</a> et seq., <a href="#Page_312">312</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Awasequin, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Awashawe, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">Babb, Captain, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Baker, Captain, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Baptism, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Barnstable, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bass, Edward, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx" id="BEA">Beauchamp, John, one of original adventurers, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_100">100</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">in new partnership, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Co-agent for New Plymouth partners, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Penobscot Patent in his name, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Quarrels with Sherley, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Beaver sent to, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Settlement with, <a href="#Page_306">306</a> et seq.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bellingham, Richard, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Billirike (Billerica), settlers from, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Billington, John, loses himself, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Executed, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Family, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Blackwell, Sir Francis, <a href="#Page_31">31</a> et seq.</li> - -<li class="indx">Block Island, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Blossom, Thomas, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Boston, in Lincolshire, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Boston, Mass., Joint Council of Colonies at, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_346"></a>[346]</span>Commission of United Colonies at, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">(<em>See also</em> <a href="#END">Endicott</a>, <a href="#WIN">Winthrop</a>, etc.).</li> - -<li class="indx">Bound Brook, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bradford, William, letter to Carver and Cushman, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Illness, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">First chosen Governor, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Patent at Kennebec in his name, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Surrenders New Plymouth Patent, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Family, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bradstreet, Simon, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Brewer, Thomas, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Brewster, Jonathan, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Brewster, William, Elder of the Church, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Goes to Holland, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Correspondence with Sandys and Worstenholme, <a href="#Page_27">27</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">To go to America, <a href="#Page_35">35</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Services to the sick, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Letters from Adventurers, <a href="#Page_102">102</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Mentioned, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_145">145</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">From Robinson, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Death of, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Career, <a href="#Page_315">315</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Family, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bristol, England, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Britteridge, Richard, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Brook, Lord, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Brown, John, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Brown, Peter, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Browning, Henry, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Button, William, dies, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">Callicote, Sergeant, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Calvin, John, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Canterbury, Archbishop of, <em>see</em> <a href="#LAU">Laud, Archbishop</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Capawack, Isle of, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cape Ann, patent for, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Salt-pans at, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Dispute over dock at, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cape Cod, arrival at, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>, <a href="#Page_92">92</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Exploring the Bay of, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Ships wrecked at, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Carter, Robert, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Carver, John, agent to England, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter from Robinson, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">From Leyden, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">From Cushman, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">From Robinson, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">From Weston, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">First Governor, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Dies, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Family, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cattle, first at New Plymouth, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Prices of, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Charity, The, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Charles I’s Colonial Commission, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Charles River, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Charlestown, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Charlton, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Chatham, <em>see</em> <a href="#MAK">Manamoick</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Chauncey, Charles, invited to New Plymouth, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Chilton, James, and family, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Chinnough, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Christmas at New Plymouth, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_95">95</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Clark, Mr., pilot, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Clark, Richard, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Clifton, Rev. Richard, <a href="#Page_8">8</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cobiseconte, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Coddington, Wm., <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cohasset, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Collier, William, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Sherley’s agent, <a href="#Page_305">305</a> et seq.</li> - -<li class="indx">Colonies of New England, Confederation of, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Commissioners for the Colonies, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Winslow’s petition to, <a href="#Page_263">263</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Confederation of New England Colonies, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Connecticut River and Territory, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_260">260</a> et seq., <a href="#Page_271">271</a>, <a href="#Page_279">279</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a> et seq., <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cook, Francis, and family, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cooke, Mr. Secretary, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cooper, Humility, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Coppin, Robert, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Corbitant, <a href="#Page_87">87</a> et seq.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cottington, Lord, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cotton, John, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Coventry, Thomas, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Crabe, Rev. Mr., <a href="#Page_47">47</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Crackston, John, and family, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cromwell, Capt. Thomas, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Crose, Daniel, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cushman, Robert, agent to England, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Letters to Leyden, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>, <a href="#Page_42">42</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_347"></a>[347]</span>Letter from Leyden, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">To John Carver, <a href="#Page_46">46</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">To Southworth, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Comes in the Fortune, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Letters from, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Mentioned, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50-52</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">His death, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cutshamakin, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">Damariscove Islands, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_156">156</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Dartmouth, England, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">d’Aulney, Monsieur, takes Penobscot, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Davenport, Lieutenant, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Davison, William, Secretary of State, <a href="#Page_315">315</a> et seq.</li> - -<li class="indx">Davis, Sergeant John, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx" id="DER">De Rasieres, Isaac, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Delfthaven, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Dennison, William, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Dermer, Captain, <a href="#Page_80">80</a> et seq.</li> - -<li class="indx">Dorchester, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Dorset, Earl of, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Doty, Edward, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Dudley, Thomas, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_256">256</a>, et seq., <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Dumer, Richard, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Dutch Colony, The, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>, <a href="#Page_183">183</a> et seq., <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a> et seq.</li> -<li class="isub1">(<em>See also</em> <a href="#HOL">Holland</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Dutch Captain at Hull, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Duxbury, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">Earthquake, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Eastham, <em>see</em> <a href="#NAU">Nauset</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Eaton, Francis, and family, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Eaton, Theoph., <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Elizabeth, Queen, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ely, sailor on Mayflower, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx" id="END">Endicott, John, arrival, <a href="#Page_195">195</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Letters to Governor Bradford, <a href="#Page_213">213-4</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">English, Thomas, sailor on Mayflower, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Episcopius, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ewangso, an Indian, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">Falcon, The, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Falkland, Viscount, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Farrer, Sir George, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Fells, Mr., <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Fenwick, George, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Fitcher, Lieutenant, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Fletcher, Moses, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Fletcher, Thomas, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Florida, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx" id="FOR">Fort Orange (Albany), <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Fortune, The, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Freeman, Edmund, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Friendship, The, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a> et seq., <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Fuller, Edward, and family, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Fuller, Samuel, (son of Edward) 343.</li> - -<li class="indx">Fuller, Dr. Samuel, letter to Carver and Cushman, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Letters from Cushman, <a href="#Page_42">42</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Mentioned, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">His death, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Family, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">Galop, John, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gardiner, Sir Christopher, <a href="#Page_236">236</a> et seq.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gardner, Richard, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gibbons, Major, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gibbs, Mr., mate of Sparrow, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Girling, Captain, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Glover, Rev. Mr., <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Goffe, Thomas, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Goodman, John, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Goodyear, Stephen, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gorges, Sir Ferdinand, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>, <a href="#Page_127">127</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gorges, Captain Robert, Governor-General, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Arrests Weston, <a href="#Page_127">127</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Returns to England, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gorton, Samuel, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gosnold, Captain, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gott, Charles, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Graves, Captain, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Greene, William, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Green’s Harbour, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gregson, Thomas, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Greville, Sir Fulke, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Griffin, Captain, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Grimsby, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gudburn, Peter, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Guiana, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_37">37</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">Hall, Mr., <a href="#Page_276">276</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_348"></a>[348]</span>Hanson, Captain, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hartford, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hatherley, Timothy, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">At New Plymouth, <a href="#Page_217">217</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Mentioned, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Settles in New England, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hathorne, Wm., <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Haynes, John, Governor of Mass., <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Heath, Thomas, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Henry, Prince of Orange, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hibbins, William, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Higginson, Francis, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hingham, <a href="#Page_299">299</a> et seq.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hobbamok, <a href="#Page_87">87</a> et seq., <a href="#Page_96">96</a> et seq.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hobson, William, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hocking, killed at Kennebec, <a href="#Page_254">254</a> et seq.</li> - -<li class="indx">Holbeck, William, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx" id="HOL">Holland, Removal to, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Settling in, <a href="#Page_14">14</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Brewster with Davison in, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">(<em>See also</em> <a href="#AMS">Amsterdam</a> <em>and</em> <a href="#LEY">Leyden</a>.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Holland, Robert, Letter from (R. H.), <a href="#Page_163">163-165</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hook, John, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hooker, Rev. Thomas, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hopkins, Edward, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hopkins, Stephen, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Family, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Houghe, Atherton, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Howland, John, falls overboard, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Partner, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Family, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Huddleston, Captain John, <a href="#Page_106">106</a>, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hudson, Thomas, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hudson Bay, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hudson River, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hull, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Humphrey, John, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hunt, Captain Thomas, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hurricane in New England, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">Indians, their cruelty, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">First seen, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">First attack, <a href="#Page_70">70</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Mentioned, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">(<em>See also</em> <a href="#MOH">Mohawks</a>, <a href="#MON">Monhiggs</a>, <a href="#NAR">Narragansetts</a>, <a href="#NEE">Neepnetts</a>, <a href="#NYA">Nyanticks</a>, <a href="#PEQ">Pequots</a>, etc.)</li> - -<li class="indx">Irish colonists, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Isle of Shoals, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">Jackson, Thomas, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">James, Cape, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">James, Mr., a doctor, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">James I., <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">James, The, <a href="#Page_137">137</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Jawashoe, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Jeffrey, Sergeant, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Jenemo, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Johnson, Rev. Francis, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Johnson, Mr., of Massachusetts, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Johnstone, Alderman, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Jones, Captain, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Josias, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">Kean, Robert, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Kennebec, First trade up the river, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Patent for, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Trading-house built at, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Hatherley visits, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Hocking killed at, <a href="#Page_254">254</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Massachusetts people trading at, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Trading partnership rearranged, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">King, William, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Knight, Eliza, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Knight, John, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Knowles, Myles, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">Langmore, John, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Langrume, Captain, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Latham, William, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">La Tour, Governor, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx" id="LAU">Laud, Archbishop, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lee, Lord, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Levett, Christopher, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx" id="LEY">Leyden, removal to, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Life at, <a href="#Page_14">14</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Departure from, <a href="#Page_49">49</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Opposition to coming of rest of congregation, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Plans for their coming, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Sent over to New Plymouth, <a href="#Page_201">201</a> et seq., <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lincoln, Countess of, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lincolnshire, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_9">9</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ling, John, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_349"></a>[349]</span>Lister, Edward, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">London, Bishop of, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx" id="LON">London, the plague in, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">London Bridge on fire, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Long Island Indians, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Low Countries (<em>see</em> <a href="#HOL">Holland</a>).</li> - -<li class="indx">Ludlow, Mr., <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lyford, John, arrival at New Plymouth, his plottings, sentence, and his end, <a href="#Page_144">144</a> et seq.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lyon, The, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">Maggner, Captain, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Malabar, Cape, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx" id="MAK">Manamoick (Chatham), <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_179">179</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Manoanscussett, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx" id="MAT">Manomet (Sandwich), <a href="#Page_87">87</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Pinnace built at, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Mentioned, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>, <a href="#Page_271">271</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Margeson, Edmund, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Marriage, the first, <a href="#Page_85">85</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">By magistrates, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Marshfield, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Martin, Christopher, <a href="#Page_46">46</a> et seq., <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Martyr, Peter, <a href="#Page_117">117</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mary, Queen of England, <a href="#Page_4">4</a>, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mary, Queen of Scots, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mary and Anne, The, <a href="#Page_295">295</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mason, Captain, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>, <a href="#Page_264">264</a>, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mason, Captain John, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Massachusetts, Captain Dermer mentions, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Weston’s colony, <a href="#Page_105">105</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Gorges’ settlement, <a href="#Page_126">126</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Morton, <a href="#Page_193">193</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">the Church, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Gardiner, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Roger Williams, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Trouble about settling on the Connecticut, <a href="#Page_249">249</a> et seq., <a href="#Page_271">271</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Alden arrested, <a href="#Page_255">255</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">New Plymouth seeks help against the French, <a href="#Page_267">267</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Trade with Pequots, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Boundaries between Massachusetts and New Plymouth, <a href="#Page_298">298</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Trouble with Narragansetts, <a href="#Page_321">321</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Confederation of United Colonies, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Treaty with same, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Massasoyt visits New Plymouth, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Treaty, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Intercourse, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Illness, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Masterson, Richard, <a href="#Page_252">252</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Maurice, Prince of Orange, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mayflower, The, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">List of passengers in, <a href="#Page_340">340</a> et seq.</li> - -<li class="indx">Maypole at Merry Mount, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Meekesano, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Merchant Adventurers, <em>see</em> <a href="#ADV">Adventurers</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Merrimac River, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Merry Mount, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Miantinomo, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Milford Haven, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Millsop, Thomas, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Minter, Desire, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mixano, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx" id="MOH">Mohawks, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Kill Sassacus, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Mentioned, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Monhegan, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx" id="MON">Monhiggs, attacked by Narragansetts, <a href="#Page_291">291</a> (<em>see also</em> <a href="#UNC">Uncas</a>).</li> - -<li class="indx">Mononotto, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">More, Ellen, Jasper, and Richard, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Morrell, Rev. William, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Morton, George, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Morton, Thomas, in Massachusetts, <a href="#Page_194">194</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Arrested, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Allerton brings him to New Plymouth, <a href="#Page_205">205</a>, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Imprisoned in Boston, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Gives evidence against Winslow, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mott, Thomas, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mount Wollaston, <a href="#Page_194">194</a> et seq.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mullins, William, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and family, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Munisses Island, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">Namasket, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Namassakett, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Namskeket Creek, <a href="#Page_180">180</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Nantasket, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Nanton, Sir Robert, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx" id="NAR">Narragansetts, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Send challenge to settlers, <a href="#Page_93">93</a> et seq., <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Wampum used by, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_350"></a>[350]</span>Allies of the English against the Pequots, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Plot against the English, <a href="#Page_320">320</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Treaty with, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Nash, Mr., <a href="#Page_41">41</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Natawanute, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Naumkeag, <em>see</em> <a href="#SAL">Salem</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx" id="NAU">Nauset (Eastham), <a href="#Page_81">81</a>, <a href="#Page_87">87</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx" id="NEE">Neepnetts, The, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Nequamkeck, Falls of, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Newbald, Fria., <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Newcomin, John, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">New England, First patent for, etc., <a href="#Page_37">37</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Second patent, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Fishing rights of the Council of, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Captain Gorges, Governor-General, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Help of Council sought, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Confederation of Colonies of, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Newfoundland, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">New Haven, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a> et seq., <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">New Plymouth, discovery of the site, <a href="#Page_67">67</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Dermer’s description of (Patuxet), <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Boundary question settled, <a href="#Page_298">298</a> et seq., <a href="#Page_327">327</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Leading men move from, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Suggested removal of the Church, <a href="#Page_326">326</a> et seq.</li> - -<li class="indx">Newtown, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Norton, Captain, <a href="#Page_260">260</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Norton, Rev. John, <a href="#Page_274">274</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Nottinghamshire, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Novatians, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Nowell, Increase, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx" id="NYA">Nyanticks, The, allies of Narragansetts, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Treaty with the English, <a href="#Page_334">334-337</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">Oldham, John, in league with Lyford, <a href="#Page_145">145</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Sentenced and expelled, <a href="#Page_154">154</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Returns, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Confession, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Killed, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Oporto, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Orania (Orange), Fort, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ossamequine, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">Paddy, William, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pampiamett, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Paragon, The, <a href="#Page_118">118</a> et seq.</li> - -<li class="indx">Partridge, Ralph, discusses baptism with Chauncey, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Passaconaway, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Patrick, Captain, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Patuxet (New Plymouth), <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Peach, Arthur, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pelham, Herbert, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pemaquid, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pemberton, John, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pennington, William, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Penobscot, mentioned by Dermer, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Trading-house at, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Robbed by the French, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a> et seq.</li> - -<li class="indx" id="PEQ">Pequots, The, Wampum used by, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">In Connecticut, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Seek friendship of Massachusetts, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">War with the English, <a href="#Page_283">283</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Under protection of Uncas, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Perkins, Mr., <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Perrin, William, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pessecuss, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Peters, Hugh, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pickering, Edward, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a> et seq.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pierce, John, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a>, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Trouble with, about Patent, <a href="#Page_118">118</a>, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pierce, Captain William, the Paragon in storm, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">the Anne, <a href="#Page_121">121</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">the Charity, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Partner with Ashley, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">the Lyon, <a href="#Page_244">244</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">wrecked off Virginia, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Beaver sent by, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Takes Indians to West Indies, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pinchon, William, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Piscataqua, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_182">182</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Hocking’s death enrages settlement at, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Lord Say and Lord Brook interested in, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Plague, The, <em>see</em> <a href="#LON">London</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Plymouth (England), ships put in at, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Mayflower sails from, <a href="#Page_62">62</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pocock, John, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Point Care, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_351"></a>[351]</span>Pokanokets, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Poliander, John, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Portsmouth, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pory, John, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Powows, <a href="#Page_82">82</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Poynton, Daniel, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Priest, Digerie, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Prince, Thomas, chosen governor, <a href="#Page_253">253</a>, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Mentioned, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Providence, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Prower, Solomon, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pumham, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pummunish, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Puritans, origin of term, <a href="#Page_5">5</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">Quarles, William, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">Rasdell, Mr., <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Rasieres, <em>see</em> <a href="#DER">De Rasieres</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Rayner, Rev. John, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Rehoboth, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Revell, John, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Reynolds, Captain, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">The Speedwell, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Mentioned, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Rigdale, John, and family, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Riggs, Sergeant, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Robinson, Rev. John, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Goes to Holland, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Disputes with Arminius, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Correspondence with Sandys, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">with Worstenholme, <a href="#Page_43">43</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">with John Carver, <a href="#Page_39">39</a>, <a href="#Page_53">53</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Letter to Pilgrims, <a href="#Page_54">54</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">to Bradford, <a href="#Page_139">139</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">to Brewster, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Death of, <a href="#Page_169">169</a> et seq.</li> - -<li class="indx">Rogers, Thomas, and family, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Rookes, Newman, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">Sagadahoc, wreck at, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx" id="SAL">Salem (Naumkeag), <a href="#Page_162">162</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">The church at, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Roger Williams at, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Salt-making, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>, <a href="#Page_143">143</a> et seq.</li> - -<li class="indx">Saly (Saller), <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Samoset, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Samson, Henry, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sanders, John, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sandwich, <a href="#Page_302">302</a> (<em>see also</em> <a href="#MAT">Manomet</a>).</li> - -<li class="indx">Sandys, Sir Edwin, <a href="#Page_27">27</a> et seq., <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sassacus, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Satucket, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Say, Lord, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Scituate, <a href="#Page_298">298-302</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Seekonk, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sharpe, Samuel, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx" id="SHE">Sherley, James, one of the original adventurers, a letter from, <a href="#Page_135">135</a>, <a href="#Page_136">136</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">the principal adventurer in the new partnership, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>, <a href="#Page_188">188</a> et seq., <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_228">228</a> et seq., <a href="#Page_246">246</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Withholds accounts, <a href="#Page_266">266</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Discharged as agent, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Settlement with, <a href="#Page_305">305</a> et seq.</li> - -<li class="indx">Shoanan, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sibsie, Mr., <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Skelton, Samuel, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Smallpox among the Indians, <a href="#Page_261">261</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Smith, Francis, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Smith, John, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">His map, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Smith, Rev., John, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Smith, Rev. Ralph, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>, <a href="#Page_282">282</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Smith, Sir Thomas, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sokanoke, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Southampton, arrival at and departure from, <a href="#Page_50">50</a>, <a href="#Page_56">56</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Souther, Nathaniel, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Southworth, Edward, letter from Cushman, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sowams, <a href="#Page_80">80</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sowle, George, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sparrow, The, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Speedwell, The, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Squanto, <a href="#Page_79">79</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Death of, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Standish, Myles, commands landing party, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">nurses the sick, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Expeditions under, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Lyford’s aspersions on, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">In England, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Mentioned, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>, <a href="#Page_189">189</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Moves from New Plymouth, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Family, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Stanton, Thomas, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Staresmore, Sabin (S. B.), <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Stinnings, Richard, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Stone, Captain, <a href="#Page_259">259</a> et seq., <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Story, Elias, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_352"></a>[352]</span>Stoughton, Israel, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">Talbot, The, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Tarantines, <a href="#Page_88">88</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Tassaquanawite, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Taunton, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Thomson, David, at Piscataqua, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_171">171</a>, <a href="#Page_172">172</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Thomson, Edward, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Thorned, John, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Thornhill, Matthew, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Tilden, Joseph, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Tillie, Edward, and family, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Tinker, Thomas, and family, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Trask, Captain, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Trevor, William, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Trumball, William, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Tucker’s Terror, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Turner, John, <a href="#Page_45">45</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">and family, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst" id="UNC">Uncas, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_327">327</a> et seq., <a href="#Page_330">330</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a> et seq.</li> - -<li class="indx">United Colonies of New England, articles of agreement between, <a href="#Page_321">321</a> et seq.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">Vane, Sir Harry, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Vines, Richard, <a href="#Page_231">231</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Virginia, idea of settling in, <a href="#Page_24">24</a> et seq., <a href="#Page_59">59</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Council of Virginia Company, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Soil compared with New England, <a href="#Page_81">81</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Massacre in, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Settlers bound for, stay at New Plymouth, <a href="#Page_178">178</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">William Pierce wrecked off, <a href="#Page_245">245</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">Walloons, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wampum, first trade in, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ward, Thomas, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Warren, Richard, and family, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Warwick, Earl of, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Waughwamino, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Weequashcooke, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Weesagascussett, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Weetowish, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Weld, Thomas, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">West, Captain Francis, <a href="#Page_120">120</a>, <a href="#Page_126">126</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Weston, Andrew, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx" id="WES">Weston, Thomas, the chief of the original London Adventurers, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>, <a href="#Page_36">36</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Letters to John Carver, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Letters to Governor Bradford, <a href="#Page_100">100</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">New Plymouth receives his colonists, <a href="#Page_105">105</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Settlement in <ins class="corr" id="tn-352" title="Transcriber’s Note—Original text: 'Masachusetts, 105'"> -Massachusetts, <a href="#Page_105">105</a></ins>, <a href="#Page_109">109</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Comes over disguised, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Generous treatment at New Plymouth, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Tried and arrested by Captain Gorges, <a href="#Page_126">126</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">His death, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Westminster, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Weymouth, <a href="#Page_300">300</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">White, Mr., <a href="#Page_161">161</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">White, John, <a href="#Page_175">175</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">White, Rev. Roger, letter from, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">White, William, and family, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">White Angel, The, purchase of, <a href="#Page_218">218</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">let out to Allerton, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">sold to Allerton, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">settlement for, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wilder, Roger, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wilkinson, Captain Edward, <a href="#Page_276">276</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Willett, Thomas, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Williams, Rev. Roger, <a href="#Page_248">248</a> et seq., <a href="#Page_294">294</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Williams, Thomas, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wilson, Dr., <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wilson, John, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wincot, Jacob, <a href="#Page_33">33</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Windbank, Master Secretary, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Winnisimmet, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Winslow, Edward, letter to Carver and Cushman, <a href="#Page_41">41</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Visits Massasoyt, <a href="#Page_86">86</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Buys supplies from ships, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Brings first cattle from England, <a href="#Page_134">134</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">His charges against Lyford in England, <a href="#Page_158">158</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Trades up the Kennebec, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">In England investigating affairs, <a href="#Page_227">227</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Governor, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">His petition, <a href="#Page_263">263</a> et seq.;</li> -<li class="isub1">Imprisoned, <a href="#Page_265">265</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Moves from New Plymouth, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Remains in England four years, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">His family, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum"><a id="Page_353"></a>[353]</span>Winslow, Gilbert, <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Winslow, Josias, Accountant, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_278">278</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx" id="WIN">Winthrop, Governor John, Letters about Gardiner, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">About Pequots, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>;</li> -<li class="isub1">Mentioned, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_337">337</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wipetock, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wollaston, Captain, <a href="#Page_194">194</a> et seq.</li> - -<li class="indx">Worstenholme, Sir John, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wright, Richard, <a href="#Page_176">176</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">Yarmouth, <a href="#Page_302">302</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Yeardley, Sir George, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Yorkshire, <a href="#Page_7">7</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Young, Joseph, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li> - - -<li class="ifrst">Zealand, <a href="#Page_10">10</a>.</li> -</ul> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"></div> -<div class="footnotes"><h2 class="nobreak">FOOTNOTES:</h2> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1" class="label">[1]</a> <span class="smcap">Note</span> (written by the author at a later date than the passage -to which it refers).—Little did I think that the downfall of the -Bishops, with their courts, canons, and ceremonies had been so -near, when first I began these scribbled writings,—which was about -the year 1630, and continued as leisure permitted,—or that I should -have lived to see and hear it. But it is the Lord’s doing, and -ought to be marvellous in our eyes.... Do you not now see the -fruits of your labours, O all ye servants of the Lord that have -suffered for his truth, and have been faithful witnesses of it, and -ye little handful amongst the rest, the least among the thousands of -Israel? You have not only had a seed-time, but many of you have -seen the joyful harvest. Should you not rejoice, then, yea, and -again rejoice, and say Hallelujah, Salvation, and Glory, and -Honour, and Power be to the Lord our God, for true and righteous -are His judgments (Rev. xix., 1, 2).... The tyrannous bishops -are ejected, their courts dissolved, their canons forceless, their service -cashiered, their ceremonies useless and despised; their plots -for Popery are prevented, all their supersititions discarded and returned -to Rome, whence they came, and the monuments of idolatry -rooted out of the land. Their proud and profane supporters and -cruel defenders (the bloody papists and wicked atheists and their -malignant consorts) are marvellously overthrown. And are not -these great things? Who can deny it?</p> - -<p>But who has done it? Who, even He that sitteth on the white -horse, Who is called faithful and true, and judgeth and fightest -righteously (Rev. xix., 11), Whose garments are dipped in blood, -and His name was called the Word of God, for He shall rule with -a rod of iron; for it is He that treadeth the winepress of the fierceness -and wrath of God Almighty. And He hath upon His garment, -and upon His thigh, a name written: The King of Kings, -and Lord of Lords.</p> - -<p>Anno Domini, 1646. <span class="pad50pc">Hallelujah.</span></p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2" class="label">[2]</a> O sacred bond,—whilst inviolably preserved! How sweet and -precious were its fruits! But when this fidelity decayed, then their -ruin approached. Oh that these ancient members had not died -(if it had been the will of God); or that this holy care and constant -faithfulness had still remained with those that survived. But, -alas, that still serpent hath slyly wound himself to untwist these -sacred bonds and ties. I was happy in my first times to see and -enjoy the blessed fruits of that sweet communion; but it is now a -part of my misery in old age to feel its decay, and with grief of -heart to lament it. For the warning and admonition of others, and -my own humiliation, I here make note of it.</p> - -<p>(This note was inserted by the author in his manuscript at a later -date.)</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3" class="label">[3]</a> “This decree, or law, about marriage, was published by the States -of the Low Countries, A. D. 1590: That those of any religion, after -lawful and open publication, coming before the magistrates, in the -Town or State-House, were to be orderly by them married, one to -another,” (Petet’s Hist., fol. 1029). And this practise was continued -by the Colony, and has been followed by all the famous churches of -Christ in these parts to this time,—A. D. 1646.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_4" href="#FNanchor_4" class="label">[4]</a> But he did not leave his own men a bite of bread!</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_5" href="#FNanchor_5" class="label">[5]</a> He means Mr. John Robinson.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_6" href="#FNanchor_6" class="label">[6]</a> This was John Oldham, and his like.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_7" href="#FNanchor_7" class="label">[7]</a> Mr. Weston’s men.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_8" href="#FNanchor_8" class="label">[8]</a> His commission was abused; he never had any authority for -such undertakings, as they well knew, nor had the adventurers -in England any authority to pay this money,—nor would they have -paid a penny of it if they had not had some other object in view.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_9" href="#FNanchor_9" class="label">[9]</a> There was cause enough for these fears, which were concerned -with the underhand work of some enemies to the churches here, -which resulted in the issue by the King of a new “Commission for -Regulating Colonies,” signed April 28th, 1634.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_10" href="#FNanchor_10" class="label">[10]</a> By this means they furnished them with supplies, and have -continued to do so.</p> - -</div> - -<div class="footnote"> - -<p><a id="Footnote_11" href="#FNanchor_11" class="label">[11]</a> But they were taken to the West Indies.</p> - -</div> -</div> - - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop"> -<div class="chapter"></div> - -<div class="p4 transnote"> -<a id="TN"></a> -<p><strong>TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE</strong></p> - -<p>Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been -corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within -the text and consultation of external sources.</p> - -<p>Some hyphens in words have been silently removed, some added, -when a predominant preference was found in the original book.</p> - -<p>Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text, -and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained.</p> - -<p> -<a href="#tn-xi">Pg xi</a>: ‘Uncas and hreaten’ replaced by ‘Uncas and threaten’.<br> -<a href="#tn-xv">Pg xv</a>: ‘some definantly’ replaced by ‘some defiantly’.<br> -<a href="#tn-xxvi">Pg xxvi</a>: ‘pastor at Leydon’ replaced by ‘pastor at Leyden’.<br> -<a href="#tn-2">Pg 2</a>: ‘in some meaure’ replaced by ‘in some measure’.<br> -<a href="#tn-59">Pg 59</a>: ‘Our pinace will not’ replaced by ‘Our pinnace will not’.<br> -<a href="#tn-149">Pg 149</a>: ‘as the hedghog in’ replaced by ‘as the hedgehog in’.<br> -<a href="#tn-155">Pg 155</a>: ‘had disparged them’ replaced by ‘had disparaged them’.<br> -<a href="#tn-165">Pg 165</a>: ‘load with corfish’ replaced by ‘load with codfish’.<br> -<a href="#tn-166">Pg 166</a>: ‘cargo of corfish’ replaced by ‘cargo of codfish’.<br> -<a href="#tn-176">Pg 176</a>: ‘it was absoluely’ replaced by ‘it was absolutely’.<br> -<a href="#tn-182">Pg 182</a>: ‘perpetuanes and other’ replaced by ‘perpetuanas and other’.<br> -<a href="#tn-188">Pg 188</a>: ‘agent, Mr. Allertion’ replaced by ‘agent, Mr. Allerton’.<br> -<a href="#tn-189">Pg 189</a>: ‘of New Pymouth’ replaced by ‘of New Plymouth’.<br> -<a href="#tn-209">Pg 209</a>: ‘None of us woud’ replaced by ‘None of us would’.<br> -<a href="#tn-254">Pg 254</a>: ‘fifteen Engish miles’ replaced by ‘fifteen English miles’.<br> -<a href="#tn-267">Pg 267</a>: ‘Monsieur d’Aulnay’ replaced by ‘Monsieur d’Aulney’.<br> -<a href="#tn-352">Pg 352</a>: ‘Masachusetts, 105’ replaced by ‘Massachusetts, 105’.<br> -</p> -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK BRADFORD'S HISTORY OF THE PLYMOUTH SETTLEMENT, 1608-1650 ***</div> -<div style='text-align:left'> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will -be renamed. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following -the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use -of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for -copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very -easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation -of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project -Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may -do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected -by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark -license, especially commercial redistribution. -</div> - -<div style='margin-top:1em; font-size:1.1em; text-align:center'>START: FULL LICENSE</div> -<div style='text-align:center;font-size:0.9em'>THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE</div> -<div style='text-align:center;font-size:0.9em'>PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project -Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; font-size:1.1em; margin:1em 0; font-weight:bold'> -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™ -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person -or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™ -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the -Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™ -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when -you share it without charge with others. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country other than the United States. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work -on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the -phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: -</div> - -<blockquote> - <div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most - other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions - whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms - of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online - at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you - are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws - of the country where you are located before using this eBook. - </div> -</blockquote> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project -Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg™ -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™ -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg™ License. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format -other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain -Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works -provided that: -</div> - -<div style='margin-left:0.7em;'> - <div style='text-indent:-0.7em'> - • You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation.” - </div> - - <div style='text-indent:-0.7em'> - • You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™ - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™ - works. - </div> - - <div style='text-indent:-0.7em'> - • You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - </div> - - <div style='text-indent:-0.7em'> - • You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works. - </div> -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of -the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set -forth in Section 3 below. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.F. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™ -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right -of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™ -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; font-size:1.1em; margin:1em 0; font-weight:bold'> -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™ -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; font-size:1.1em; margin:1em 0; font-weight:bold'> -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, -Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up -to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website -and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact -</div> - -<div style='display:block; font-size:1.1em; margin:1em 0; font-weight:bold'> -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread -public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state -visit <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/donate/">www.gutenberg.org/donate</a>. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate -</div> - -<div style='display:block; font-size:1.1em; margin:1em 0; font-weight:bold'> -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Most people start at our website which has the main PG search -facility: <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. -</div> - -</div> -</body> -</html> diff --git a/old/69871-h/images/colophon.jpg b/old/69871-h/images/colophon.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index 95a0688..0000000 --- a/old/69871-h/images/colophon.jpg +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/69871-h/images/cover.jpg b/old/69871-h/images/cover.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index d90fe8d..0000000 --- a/old/69871-h/images/cover.jpg +++ /dev/null |
