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diff --git a/old/68889-0.txt b/old/68889-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index b091b1c..0000000 --- a/old/68889-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,15239 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of A history of social thought, by Emory -Stephen Bogardus - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: A history of social thought - -Author: Emory Stephen Bogardus - -Release Date: August 31, 2022 [eBook #68889] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Tim Lindell, Turgut Dincer, Charlie Howard, and the Online - Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This - file was produced from images generously made available by - The Internet Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A HISTORY OF SOCIAL -THOUGHT *** - - - - - -A HISTORY OF SOCIAL THOUGHT - - - - - A HISTORY OF - SOCIAL THOUGHT - - BY - EMORY S. BOGARDUS, PH.D. - - _Professor and Head of Department of Sociology and Social Work - University of Southern California_ - - _Author of_ - INTRODUCTION TO SOCIOLOGY - ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY - ESSENTIALS OF AMERICANIZATION - - - 1922 - UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA PRESS - 3474 UNIVERSITY AVENUE - LOS ANGELES - - - - - Copyright 1922, University of Southern California Press - - - JESSE RAY MILLER - UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA PRESS - LOS ANGELES - - - - - DEDICATED TO MY STUDENTS - WHO ARE TRANSFORMING THEIR SOCIAL THOUGHT - INTO HELPFUL LIVING - - - - -CONTENTS - - - 1. THE NATURE OF SOCIAL THOUGHT 11 - - 2. EARLIEST SOCIAL THOUGHT 20 - - 3. THE SOCIAL THOUGHT OF ANCIENT CIVILIZATIONS 36 - - 4. THE SOCIAL THOUGHT OF THE HEBREWS 54 - - 5. PLATO AND GRECIAN SOCIAL THOUGHT 74 - - 6. ARISTOTLE AND GRECIAN SOCIAL THOUGHT 101 - - 7. ROMAN SOCIAL THOUGHT 114 - - 8. EARLY CHRISTIAN SOCIAL THOUGHT 121 - - 9. SOCIAL THOUGHT IN THE MIDDLE AGES 145 - - 10. MORE AND UTOPIAN SOCIAL THOUGHT 154 - - 11. INDIVIDUALISTIC SOCIAL THOUGHT 173 - - 12. MALTHUS AND POPULATION CONCEPTS 199 - - 13. COMTE AND POSITIVE SOCIAL THOUGHT 209 - - 14. MARX AND SOCIALISTIC SOCIAL THOUGHT 226 - - 15. BUCKLE AND GEOGRAPHIC SOCIAL THOUGHT 246 - - 16. SPENCER AND ORGANIC SOCIAL THOUGHT 257 - - 17. THE SOCIOLOGY OF LESTER F. WARD 277 - - 18. ANTHROPOLOGIC SOCIOLOGY 301 - - 19. EUGENIC SOCIOLOGY 325 - - 20. CONFLICT THEORIES IN SOCIOLOGY 338 - - 21. CO-OPERATION THEORIES IN SOCIOLOGY 352 - - 22. PSYCHO-SOCIOLOGIC THOUGHT 367 - - 23. PSYCHO-SOCIOLOGIC THOUGHT (_continued_) 389 - - 24. THE TREND OF APPLIED SOCIOLOGY 423 - - 25. THE RISE OF EDUCATIONAL SOCIOLOGY 442 - - 26. THE SOCIOLOGY OF MODERN CHRISTIANITY 451 - - 27. METHODS OF SOCIOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION 475 - - 28. THE DISSEMINATION OF SOCIOLOGICAL THOUGHT 489 - - INDEX 504 - - - - -PREFACE - - -This book is written for the world of students. In it any -seriously-minded person should find a fundamental background for -understanding the central theme of human progress, a substantial basis -for attacking the most important problems of the day, and a call to -renew his faith in the soundness of human aspirations. - -Inasmuch as this treatise is written for students, it is not intended -to be the last word on the subject, but simply a first word. The theme -of each chapter is in itself a subject for further investigation. -In fact, the student with an alert mind will find in each chapter -many subjects concerning which he will want to learn more. If the -discussions in this book stimulate the student to make inquiries on his -own initiative, they will have accomplished more than the author could -have expected. - - EMORY S. BOGARDUS. - - _University of Southern California. - June 1, 1921._ - - - - -A HISTORY OF SOCIAL THOUGHT - - - - -CHAPTER I - -THE NATURE OF SOCIAL THOUGHT - - -Man faces a world of social problems. As a result he is perplexed -beyond description; his thinking often ends in confusion. Inasmuch as -the average citizen, for the first time in the world’s history, is -beginning to attack social problems, he is entitled to all the aid -that can be made available. Upon the success of the average person in -mastering the intricacies of social thinking, the cause of democracy -depends. - -A large proportion of the analyses of social questions has been -academic. These discussions have often terminated in quibbles or -erudite generalizations. Insofar as social theories have been correct -they have unfortunately been reserved for the theorists alone. The -people themselves have not understood the nature of social thought; -they have not benefited; and hence, they have held social thought in -contempt. Sound social thought needs to be democratized, that is, to be -made available for all people. - -In thinking about social problems, the so-called practical person has -proceeded in his own way. He has had personal experience--and that to -him has been sufficient. He has been motivated by a sense of injustice, -and stung into fervid thought by circumstances which seemed to him -unfair; he has concocted a make-shift remedy, or impulsively accepted a -ready-made program. Perhaps he has urged a single cause for all social -ills and prescribed a single remedy for all social diseases. Usually, -he has been very limited in his observations, untrained in making -proper inductions, and hence, narrow and intolerant in his conclusions. -He has been entirely baffled, or else he has felt cock-sure. - -The practicalist is often a poor theorist. He may be even the most -dangerous type of theorist. He has scoffed at theory and then fallen -into the pit of incorrect theory. He has failed to see, for example, -that a good bridge does not project itself across a chasm, but that a -correct bridge-building theory is essential. With social practicalists -and theorists calling each other names, instead of co-operating and -unselfishly giving the world of people the benefit of their combined -points of view, the world has floundered and its social problems have -piled up, mountains high. - -Another difficulty in the pathway of sound social thinking is found in -an absence of proper backgrounds. People are prone to offer solutions -for social questions without first equipping themselves with a -knowledge of foundational elements. Moreover, they are often unwilling -to acquaint themselves with these necessary factors. It is only by -accident, however, that current social movements can be understood -unless the historical sequences of social cause and effect are -perceived. Nearly all social problems are essentially the outcroppings -of tendencies which have had a long human history. A current social -maladjustment is generally indicative of a long line of antecedent -factors. A knowledge of societary fundamentals is essential to sound -thinking about present-day evils. A history of social thought furnishes -a minimum social background for the understanding of current social -processes and problems. - -Social thought, as distinguished from individual thought, treats of -the welfare of one’s associates and of groups. It may be very simple, -merely observational, the result of daily experience, or it may be a -scientific study of social processes. Sociology as an organized science -has developed only during the past few decades. Inasmuch as sociology -has simply begun its work of formulating the principles of societary -progress, a large proportion of the thinking that has thus far been -done in human history about the welfare of _socii_ or associates is -either individual or social, rather than sociological. A history of -social thought, therefore, includes the larger social field as well as -the more specific one of recent development, namely, the sociological. -The time is hardly ripe for a history of distinctly sociological -thought. - -Social thought, as here used, is a synthesis of the observations of -individuals about the welfare of other individuals, considered as -individuals or as groups. The focus of social thought is not the -welfare of the ego but of the alter, not of the self but of others, -not of the individual but of the class, group, organization, or -process. Social thought draws from the thought-life of persons who -have done unselfish thinking and who have focalized their attention -upon the nature and principles of associative activities. It tests -group progress by the degree in which human personalities secure -constructive, co-operative expression. It measures the individual in -his relationships to the social whole, whether that unit be the family, -school, church, state, or the world society. It rates the individual in -terms of a functioning unit in group life. It evaluates the group both -in regard to the quality of the personalities which it produces in its -membership, and to the loyalty which it manifests as a unit of a larger -group, even of human society itself. - -Social thought is both concrete and abstract. Concrete thinking rarely -goes deep. It asks few questions, raises few doubts, and perceives few -connections. Abstract thinking seeks causal explanations, classifies -concretenesses, penetrates relationships, and proposes well-balanced -procedures. The distinction, however, is largely one of degree. -Concrete thinking is characteristic of every normal person, but -abstract perceptions are uncommon. The ability to do abstract thinking, -to get at the deeper meanings of phenomena, to penetrate the mysteries -of life, is rare. Concrete thinking constitutes the major sector of the -thought-life of every person, nearly all the time. - -Here and there, however, in human history we find individuals who have -been freed or who have freed themselves from the daily struggle for a -living, from the race to make money, or from the selfish enticements -of life-long loafing, and have joined the world of scholars, seeking -to know the truth, the truth which makes men and women free--free to -develop useful personalities in a vast, changing complex of human -living. When man, having leisure to think abstractly, has set himself -to the task of thought research, his mind has ventured along at least -five pathways. - -(1) Man has given considerable attention to his relation to the -universe. Primitive man conceived of a personal universe, peopled with -spirits. Throughout human history man has been a religious being, -trying to solve the problems of a universe ruled by spirits and gods -or by one supreme God. This type of thought has produced polytheisms, -monotheisms, theocracies. It has formulated theological creeds and led -to bitter ecclesiastical controversies. It has created fears, hopes, -faiths, social ideals, and sacrificial standards. - -(2) Irrespective of religious needs, man has endeavored to discover -proper relations to his universe. He has philosophized. He has tried -to reduce to terms of thought this baffling, intangible, universal -environment. He has searched for a specific ground for explaining the -universe. He has sought unity in change and monism in multiplicity. He -has proclaimed that change itself is Lord of the universe, or perhaps -he has found solace in a creative evolution. At any rate, he has sought -ultimate meanings in as unbiased an interpretation of the universe as -is humanly possible. - -(3) From the far-flung horizons of religious and philosophic theory, -man has turned his thought in an opposite direction--he has directed -his thought upon itself. He has maneuvered his thought processes -introspectively. He has puzzled over the structure and functions of his -own mind. These series of studies have led on the one hand to treatises -such as the _Critique of Pure Reason_, and on the other hand to the -current expressions of behavioristic psychology or of psychoanalysis. - -(4) Man has sought to fathom the material secrets of the earth. Since -the Industrial Revolution in England, inquiring minds have focussed -tremendous energies upon attempts to master the physical elements. -Rocks and strata of rocks have been caused to yield a wealth of ores, -and subterranean caverns have been made to pour forth reservoirs of -gas and oil. Modern transportation has been made possible by the use of -steam, gasoline, electricity. Mechanical inventions have followed one -another in unanticipated fashion, paying awe-inspiring tribute to the -genius of man. Abstract thinking has given man a marvelous degree of -control over the material side of life. - -(5) Recently, the problem of man’s adjustment and responsibility to his -fellowmen is being accorded a worthy hearing at the bar of scientific -thought. For millenniums man has pondered hard over his relations and -obligations to his God and to his universe, over the nature of his mind -and spirit, over ways and means of acquiring individual success through -a manipulation of the material resources of the earth. Incomprehensible -as it may seem, it is true, however, that man has neglected almost -wholly, until recently, the very heart of all successful living, -namely, his relations and obligations to his fellow men and to society. -Social thought, the center of all sound thinking, has been ignored. -Consequently, the world, beneath its load of social ills, has slipped -backward nearly as often as it has advanced. - -In the present age, however, the world is making unprecedented -demands upon social thought, long before social thought is adequately -prepared for its gigantic tasks. Religion is seeking re-vitalization -through socialized thinking. In its modern endeavor to win the world, -Christianity is making tremendous demands upon applied sociology. - -After many vain searches among false theories and impersonal ends, -philosophy is seeking to find itself in a social universe. Psychology, -likewise, is no longer individual, structural, and formal; it is now -trying to interpret itself in terms of human behavior. Group processes -are being searched for the origins of stimuli that will explain -individual conduct. - -Economic thought, too, has reached a stage where it is endeavoring to -re-define its concepts in the light of sociological knowledge. The -material resources of the earth as well as industrial and business -enterprises, in fact all economic values, are being measured, and -re-valued in terms of their societary significance. The meaning of -industrial democracy is being sought in sociological terms. - -In the distinctively associative life enormous demands are being made -upon sociology. It is invited to formulate the criteria by which the -worth of an educational system may be determined. Groups are trying to -provide for the use of the leisure time of their members by methods -that are socially valuable. Many attempts are being made for restoring -to the family its fundamental prerogatives as a social institution. - -The history of social thought rises out of the beginnings of human life -on earth and with jagged edges extends along the full sweep of the -changing historical horizon. It finds expression through some of the -world’s best minds. Our quest will bring us in contact with the most -vital moments of the world’s most valuable thinkers. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -EARLIEST SOCIAL THOUGHT - - -Primitive people were inquisitive. They thought about what happened -and they sought explanations. Their attention was centered on the -tangible phenomena of life. Their imagination worked out fantastic -and superstitious interpretations. They reasoned about the daily -occurrences of life in concrete, graphic, and personal terms. - -Primitive people everywhere, apparently, sensed in a piecemeal and -microscopic way the meaning of social relationships. Archeological -records disclose crude and simple, but nevertheless genuine social -implications. Early mythologies recognize the importance of social -bonds. Out of the dim dawn of tribal life there appeared a rough-hewn -sense of social property. The proverbs of primitive people include -implications, if not definite statements, of social responsibility. - -Primitive people lived simple group lives. If the paternal relationship -was not always known or recognized, the maternal relationship -functioned for at least a few years. The loose family ties harbored a -degree of social responsibility. Wherever ancestor worship developed, -the family group assumed large proportions and manifested strong -social characteristics. The clan, or _gens_, betokened social fealty. - -Communal property testified to communal thinking. The existence of -common hunting grounds and tribal flocks was indicative of folk -thought. Group dances, feasts, building enterprises, celebrations -delineated the social spirit. Warfare produced bursts of tribal -loyalty. An examination of the folkways reveals indistinct but -incipient notions of societal welfare. Such a treatise as Sumner’s -_Folkways_ chronicles a vast amount of elemental folk thinking. - -Folk thinking permeated primitive religions. The earliest forms of -religion presupposed societies of spirits or gods. The conduct of the -individual was regulated by his ideas concerning the ways in which he -had pleased or offended the spirits or gods. An infant was born into -a society peopled with human and spirit beings. The latter were often -more numerous than the former; they frequently were more feared; and -hence were more powerful. The living people, the departed spirits, and -the gods in a hierarchal order constituted an effective society for the -exercise of many vigorous forms of social control. - -If pestilence came, it was because the gods had been offended by some -human being. As a result of the offense of one individual, the whole -tribe was considered to be liable to punishment. Consequently, the -tribe in turn would punish the offending member and through the use -of force and fear would exert a tremendous power over the conduct and -thought of individuals. - -Primitive people were dominated by custom. They were subject to the -autocracy of the past. They were hopelessly caught between ancestral -ascendance and current fears. They threaded their way, mentally, -through tantalizingly uncertain and narrow apertures. They learned the -meaning of obedience, but obedience to a harsh and rigorous past and a -fickle and disconcerting future. Leadership was drastic and capricious; -followership was frantic and tremulous. - -Some of the incipient social concepts of primitive peoples have been -preserved in the form of proverbs, maxims, fables, and myths. Many -of the subtler social relationships of life were recognized by early -man. His limited thinking drifted into simple formulae. His vocabulary -was scanty; his ideas were few. He spoke in conventional sayings. -“Primitive man spoke in proverbs.” - -Many folkthoughts, or primitive conceptions of social obligations, -have been preserved. The early proverbs of man reveal the beginnings -of social thought. Equally valuable and similar materials are found -in the sayings of the tribes which today are in a state of arrested -development. A few illustrations of embryonic social thought will be -given here.[II-1] - -The first examples will be selected from the folkthoughts of the -Africans of the Guinea Coast. The proverb, Ashes fly back in the face -of him who throws them, recognizes that evil deeds return upon the -doer, or as moderns declare, Curses come home to roost. In the saying, -Cowries are men, primitive man roughly but succinctly stated the -theory of the economic determination of human history. It is cowries, -or money, which molds human thought, determines human evaluations -and attitudes, gives social power, and “makes the man.” An age-long -conception, indicative of a low sense of social feeling, but possessing -great force in society, is revealed in the dictum, Full-belly child -says to hungry-belly child, “Keep good cheer.” Throughout human -history, the fortunate glutton has always recommended patience and -tranquility to the unfortunate, hard-working brother. An eminent -American financier of the multi-millionaire class expressed pity -for telephone girls who undergo hard labor, but declared that their -harsh conditions were what the good Lord had made for them. But how -far has this well-groomed citizen of our century advanced beyond the -“full-belly” social philosophy of savage man? - -In the observation, A fool of Ika and an idiot of Iluka meet together -to make friends, the African has noted that friends are persons of -similar types, of similar minds, of similar prejudices, and that “birds -of a feather flock together.” Whether conscious or unconscious, -association occurs among persons of a kind, among fools of Ika and -idiots of Iluka. - -Romantic love, evidently, has always been fickle, for the African has -discovered that “quick loving a woman means quick not loving a woman.” -If this naïve but shrewd reflection concerning lovemaking were taken -at its real worth at the present time, it would be crystallized into -a federal marriage law requiring that a license to marry should be -obtained at least fifteen or thirty days before the marriage could be -celebrated. - -A rather keen sense of social injustice is expressed in the monologue: -“The ground-pig said: ‘I do not feel so angry with the man who killed -me as with the man who dashed me on the ground afterward.’” Here the -injustice of striking an individual when he is down is depicted. Even -primitive man has a sense of sympathy for the defeated and helpless. - -“Three elders cannot all fail to pronounce the word _ekulu_ (antelope): -one may say _ekúlu_; another _ekulú_; but the third will say, _ékulu_ -(which is correct).” In other words, several heads are better than -one; or, in a multitude of counsellors there is safety. It was this -simple social precept which a highly individualistic man like Roosevelt -used frequently to the advantage of himself and the nation. When a -perplexing problem would confront President Roosevelt, he was wont to -invite to the White House persons whose beliefs were contrary to his -own in order to secure their opinions. He acted independently, but -after taking counsel with several “elders.” - -In _Thinking Black_, Daniel Crawford has presented phases of the -colored man’s philosophy.[II-2] While much is individual, more is -social philosophy. Custom imitation prevails. The social philosophy -of the African Negro is summarized in the rule: Follow your leader. -Social precedent, not principle, is the guide to conduct. If you are -a follower, follow patiently; if you are a leader, lead drastically. -“If thou art an anvil, be patient ... but if thou art a hammer, strike -hard.” - -The African understands the social psychology of language. He watches -the eyes more carefully than the voice. To him the human eye speaks all -languages under the sun. Mr. Crawford says that the wary eye of the -African “can easily fish news out of the two deep liquid pools of your -eye-balls.” If your eye says one thing and your tongue another, then -the African “will plump for the verdict of the eye.” - -The aphorism, There is no pocket in a shroud, warns the individual -against the possibility of taking his material goods into the next -world. To share with other persons is rated a higher act than to store -from others. He is richest who shares most. Among the Africans with -whom Mr. Crawford worked, the word for criminal was not applied to -the person who had stolen property or who had taken life, but to the -one who eats alone. “The high crime and misdemeanor of the town is to -dine alone;” the criminal above other criminals is “Mr. Eat-Alone.” -He who refuses to share his food with those who are less fortunate -than himself is an arch-devil. Such a vice is common among beasts; it -is beneath the dignity of man--according to the African. When several -primitives were taken to London and shown the wealthy and the poor -sections of that city, they were dumbfounded. They were utterly unable -to understand how any persons with the slightest spark of human nature -in them could endure to live to themselves in wealth when in the same -city there were the wretched and prostrated multitudes of Whitechapel -and the other cheerless slums. - -“What baby lion ever trembled at his father’s roaring?” A few mornings -ago, I heard an angry parent yelling at his son, but the disobedient -child kept on in his own way. I wondered how far this father had -advanced in parental influence and discipline beyond the stage -represented by the African seer who drew his social images from a -lion-frequented environment. “If a tree has grown up crooked, it is -because no one straightened it when young.” This statement postulates -social responsibility for juvenile delinquency and even for adult -crime. The underlying principle is the same as that in the Hebraic -injunction: Train up a child in the way he should go; and when he is -old, he will not depart from it. The principle has received current -recognition in the doctrine of contributory negligence of parents. -The modern observation full of socially dangerous implications, that -parents are blind to the weaknesses of their children, has its African -counterpart: The beetle is a beauty in the eyes of its mother. A gleam -of light is thrown upon the current discussions concerning social -parasitism by the African’s assertion: The parasite has no roots. - -The Australian Blackfellow who goes upon a journey, sometimes takes -a handful of mother earth with him. In this way he testifies to his -loyalty to home, and provides against the rise of lonesomeness which -he will experience during tribal hunts. His act crudely represents the -essence of the concept of patriotism. A sense of justice is common -to primitive Australians. Among the Whayook of Australia a man who -has wounded a fellow tribesman is required to present himself to the -injured in order to receive a similar wound.[II-3] Among the Wumbais, a -person who is absent when a relative dies must not speak on his return -to camp to anyone until he has had spears thrown at him.[II-4] Spencer -and Gillen report that the Australian primitive regards any offense as -wiped out by a suitable proffer of atonement.[II-5] - -The Filipino declares: A piece of green wood will burn if placed -near the fire. In other words, temptation is a subtle element -that ultimately may destroy even persons who are supposedly -temptation-proof. In the proverb, Boastfulness drives away wisdom, the -Filipino has pointed out that the desire to make a strong impression -upon associates hinders intellectual progress. The chief danger of -luxury is stated in the saying: He who is raised in ease, is usually -destitute. The leading result of being financially fortunate is -summarized thus: Easy earning means quick spending. The evils of -hypercriticism are bluntly phrased: The fault-finder has the biggest -faults. The law of social compensation is stated as follows: You laugh -today; I laugh tomorrow. The organic nature of society is implied in -the truism: The pain of a finger is the suffering of the whole body. -The need for independent thinking is urged in the declaration: Whoever -believes everything said, has no mind of his own. On the other hand, -the egocentric mind receives solemn warning in the dictum: He who -despises counsel is on the way to misfortune. The value of a social -spirit is proclaimed as follows: Kindness is a great capital; and -again: Good deeds are more precious than gold or silver. A gentle hint -of social importance is given in the formula: Kindness is with kindness -to be paid, not with gold or silver. In these and related proverbs the -earliest social thought of the Filipino mind is indicated. - -Let us now examine a few ancient Japanese axioms. (1) The mouth of -the mass melts gold. This proverb refers to the fundamental force -of public opinion. (2) The world is like a looking-glass; if you -smile, others also smile. Here is depicted the elemental character -of unconscious imitation. (3) What the ruler wants, the ruled also -wants. In other words, what the upper classes desire, the lower classes -long for; or, as Tarde has said: “The superior are imitated by the -inferior.” (4) Three men get together and have knowledge equivalent -to that of Monju (a famous Buddhist thinker). The African, Filipino, -and English equivalents of this adage have already been given. All -races, apparently, have early observed the safety which comes from -taking counsel. (5) The net of Heaven is rough, but will never miss one -victim. Our equivalent, of Graeco-Latin origin, is: The mills of the -gods grind slowly, but exceedingly small. Evil brings its own rewards -sooner or later. The law of retribution cannot be overcome, even by -social manipulations. (6) If one dog barks a falsehood, ten thousand -others spread it as a truth. In these words, gossip is condemned, and -the humanity-wide tendency of hearsay evidence to gain social force -is pictured. (7) The tongue is but three inches long, but it can kill -a man six feet high. Again, the vicious nature of gossip is shown. -Further, the severest punishment is not always physical; it may come -from the human tongue. (8) A man takes a drink; then the drink takes -the man. In this dramatic description, the drinking of intoxicating -liquors is effectively indicted. (9) Applause is the root of abuse. -Even the Japanese have recognized the force of opinion in influencing -the individual, and of favorable opinion in unduly expanding the ego. A -unique characteristic of many Japanese proverbs is the fundamental and -deep-moving knowledge of social psychology which they show. Judged by -their proverbs, the Japanese possess an unusual understanding of human -nature. - -Bulgarian proverbs disclose social thought. The “full-belly” philosophy -of the African, or the pig-trough philosophy that has been analyzed by -T. N. Carver, has its Bulgarian counterpart: The satiated man cannot -believe the hungry man. The South Slavs are noted for their weddings -which often continue for three days. When these festivities are over, -the bride enters upon a more or less monotonous round of bearing and -rearing children. These social conditions are aptly described: - - Dum! Dum! for three days; - Oh dear! Oh dear! for all days. - -Patience is enjoined in the Bulgarian adage: Endure, O horse, until the -time of green grass. Hope that rises in the heart of man is paid homely -but genuine tribute in the rural Slavic proverb: The hungry hen dreams -of millet. - -The Danes have many sayings which emphasize social dependence. The -individual is instructed: Act so in the valley that you need not fear -those that stand on the hill. The shrewd man is socially dangerous, -for: Cunning has little honor. Gossip is shown as a swift messenger in -the axiom: A man’s character reaches town before his person. The most -serious result of cheating others is the effect upon the cheater, or: -He is most cheated who cheats himself. The common character of sin -is recognized in the Danish proverb: He must be pure who would blame -another. Custom is a powerful agency of control. The Danes command: -Follow the customs, or fly the country. - -The Portuguese have a social saying to the effect: He buys very -dear who begs. The unscientific nature of love is indicated in the -Portuguese declaration: Love has no law. The frequent antithesis -between money lending and friend making is succinctly phrased: Money -lent, an enemy made. - -A few Arabian proverbs state social ideas. The laws of human -association and imitation can be found in the following axiom: A wise -man associating with the vicious becomes an idiot; a dog traveling with -good men becomes a rational being. The strength which comes from unity -is forcibly phrased: Three if they unite against a town will ruin it. -The transforming power of love is recognized: Love can make any place -agreeable. An idealistic social standard is set for the individual in -the aphorism: It is more noble to pardon than to punish. On the other -hand, mercy may be misplaced: Mercy to the criminal may be cruelty to -the people. The individual must beware of being an ingrate; he must not -permit his selfish desires to crush out the spirit of gratitude: A tree -that affords thee shade, do not order it cut down. The omnipresence of -envy is understood: Envy assails the noblest; the winds howl around -the highest peaks. The anti-social tendency of a vicious habit is -well described: A hand accustomed to take is far from giving. Perhaps -the Malthusian advocate will find solace in the simple dictum: If -the sailors become too numerous, the boat will sink. He who pleases -everybody has done so at the expense of his own character, or as the -Arabs say: He deserves no man’s good will of whom all men speak well. - -From Ceylon comes the philanthropic request: When you eat, think of the -poor. The Cingalese, however, recognize the importance of maintaining -the scientific attitude in charity, for they have a saying: He who -gives alms must do it with discretion. The blighting influence of -wealth is stated in the Cingalese axiom: A covetous man has two sources -of iniquity--how to amass money, and how to use it. - -Among Mexican proverbs, social ideas are not missing. The reader will -catch the social significance of the following: (1) A howling cat is -not a good hunter; (2) Everybody can climb up the limbs of the fallen -tree; (3) A rich widow cries with one eye and rings the wedding bells -with the other; (4) The tongue slow, the eyes quick; (5) From January -to January the bankers have all the money. - -The illustrations which have been given from several racial sources -will suffice to show the nature of the earliest social thought of -primitive peoples. By way of comparison, a few social proverbs which -are common among English, Scotch, French, and German speaking peoples, -and which are of various origins, will be given. It will be unnecessary -to comment upon the social thought which is stated or implied in these -proverbs. - - That is not lost which a friend gets. - The shortest road is where the company’s good. - A man is known by the company he keeps. - Do unto others as you would have others do to you. - A man who would have friends must show himself friendly. - One bad example spoils many precepts. - Honesty is the best policy. - One good turn deserves another. - Birds of a feather flock together. - As the twig is bent, the tree is inclined. - People who live in glass houses mustn’t throw stones. - Bare is the gift without the giver. - What is not good for the swarm is not good for the bee. - He laughs best who laughs last. - To make a happy couple, the husband must be deaf and the wife blind. - Charity gives itself rich; covetousness hoards itself poor. - -The nature of the primitive social thought that has been preserved -through proverbs and sayings justifies the following observations. -(1) Primitive social thought was exceedingly simple, crude, and -undeveloped. (2) It was uncorrelated and unsystematic. (3) A -classification of the total number of known proverbs of any primitive -people into individual and social types shows that not more than ten -per cent are social. Primitive thinking was done in terms of the -welfare of the individual himself. The social thought was commonly of -individualistic origin. A social idea was originally not suggested -for its own sake or disinterestedly, but for the reason that its -observance would enable individuals to live together more harmoniously -and prosperously. (4) Social proverbs employ figures of speech. Similes -from nature are frequent; physical analogies are not uncommon. Many of -these figures disclose a rural or bucolic mind. (5) Frequently, the -social proverbs of the various races pertain to family and community -relationships. The sense of social responsibility does not penetrate -as a rule beyond the small group. The responsibility of group to group -is rarely expressed or implied. The social vision does not extend -to large groups. (6) A comparative study of primitive social sayings -indicates countless similarities, and testifies to the uniformity -of human experiences and social needs, irrespective of racial -distinctions. These resemblances do not imply collaboration, collusion, -or imitation. They mean that the needs of primitive individuals in -various and unrelated parts of the world have everywhere led the human -mind out in search of socially satisfactory explanations. Primitive -thinking produced fundamental social concepts, such as kinship, -authority, dependence, and tribal loyalty. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -THE SOCIAL THOUGHT OF ANCIENT CIVILIZATIONS - - -In this chapter the discussion of earliest social thought will be -presented from the standpoint of the ancient civilizations of Egypt, -Babylonia and Assyria, India, China, and Persia. The evidences of -social thought are meagre and inchoate. Nevertheless, there are data -which cannot be ignored. Inferential evidence and proverbial references -constitute the main portion of these data. - -(1) The ancient Egyptian social order was bureaucratic and autocratic. -The king was supreme. With the rise of the Theban hierarchy, the -priestly class came to power and established a theocratic régime. Then -military leaders came into prominence and overthrew the theocracy of -the priests. - -With the historical rise of Egypt, about 4000 B. C., the emphasis upon -law as the basis of the social order stands out prominently. The books -of laws early acquired sacred significance. They were reputed to be of -divine and monarchical origins; they provided courts of justice; and -they prescribed punishments for offenses. - -The social ideas are to be gleaned almost entirely from proverbial -sayings. Egyptian scholars refer to collections of these moral precepts -as being of a practical rather than a systematic philosophical nature. -The most frequently mentioned of the Egyptian books of proverbs are the -Proverbs of Ptah-hotep, and the Prescriptions of Ani. - -The social order was dominated as a rule by the king, who was supposed -to be divine. The king and a relatively small number of nobles owned -the land. The large percentage of the people were serfs and slaves. -Throughout ancient Egyptian history, the middle class must have been -weak, and small in numbers. When the lands passed under the control of -the temple authorities no change occurred in the social conditions of -the masses. The priests shared the authority with their auxiliaries, -the soldiers. The unprivileged classes included the farmers, boatmen, -mechanics, trades-people, besides the slaves.[III-1] - -Egyptian life was rural. Commerce was undeveloped. Higher education -was reserved for the very few, although it appears that elementary -education was widespread. The priests often used their educational -advantages to prey upon and excite the superstitions of the people, -thereby strengthening the social control which they enjoyed. - -An anomalous phase of the Egyptian mind was that it shifted back -and forth from a hedonistic enjoyment of the moment to a serious -contemplation of the future life. Amusements were fostered; the -drinking of intoxicating liquors was extensive, and music was promoted. -The game of draughts was perhaps the national pastime. The people were -not warriors. They employed mercenaries, who ultimately became socially -powerful. - -Polygamy was countenanced and practised, but only of course among the -wealthy. A relatively high degree of freedom was granted the women -among the privileged classes. They appeared in public with their -husbands; they publicly engaged in religious ceremonies; and they were -given unusual property rights. At one time it is reported that Egyptian -women could not only own property, but could dispose of it as they -wished, or could loan money at interest to their husbands. At another -time the following injunction seems to have been issued: “Thou shalt -never forget thy mother, and what she has done for thee, that she bore -thee, and nurtured thee in all ways.” Children were enjoined to obey -their parents, to be respectful to their superiors, and to be reserved. -Greatness was identified with kindness. Justice and kindliness were -urged upon the leaders.[III-2] - -The belief in the future world claimed a lion’s share of the attention -of the Egyptian. As a result, sculpture flourished. It was believed -that if the human figure was copied and the copy preserved, the spirit -and the body of the departed person could be more easily re-united. -Architecture developed, but with the tombs or pyramids and other -monuments as the chief forms. Urban mural divisions and fortified walls -are still to be found as evidences of Egyptian social institutions. - -It was taught that in the next world the individual would be held -accountable for his deeds in this life. This belief acted as a powerful -social control; it involved specific social obligations. The individual -must deal openly with his fellowmen. He must observe the rights of the -weaker members of society. For example, he must not make false charges -against a slave to the master of the slave. He must show that he has -respected the social rights that were invested in property. From the -moral and social writings of the Egyptian scribes, it is apparent that -in religious matters, the individual was moved to give thought to his -duties as a citizen and as a neighbor. - -(2) The ancient Babylonian and Assyrian social order was similar in -many ways to Egyptian civilization. The Babylonian description of a -great deluge resembles the account of the Flood that is given in the -Old Testament, and indicates thought about morals and social life. Both -Babylon and Assyria developed a religion which was expressed in terms -of the nation-group. The boundaries of one, with Merodach at the head, -and of the other with Assur in supreme control, marked the national -group divisions. Merodach, it was believed, accompanied the king in the -wars and fought for the nation. He was concerned entirely, according -to traditions, with the welfare of Babylonia as a population group. - -The attitude in Babylonian society toward the institution of slavery -was distinctly different from that in Rome, but similar to the Egyptian -practices. The slave was considered in a more social way than by the -Romans. He was frequently regarded as one of the family; he could even -become a free member of society. “Slavery was no bar to his promotion.” -Moreover, slavery did not necessarily imprint a social stigma upon the -slave. - -The social rights of women were similar to the Egyptian customs. -The married woman of the ruling classes possessed definite property -rights. She could use the property that she owned as she saw fit; -she could even bequeath it as she chose. Her dowry gave her economic -independence; it was her absolute property, which she could bequeath by -will in any way that she desired. - -The earliest well-known Babylonian ruler was Hammurapi (2124–2081). He -is known best through his famous book of laws, the Code of Hammurapi. -The Code bespeaks for the author the desire to rule Babylonian society -justly. There are minute regulations of private business and of labor -conditions which give the Code some of the characteristics of modern -mercantilistic thought. - -The Code contains perhaps the earliest forms of labor legislation that -were enacted. Hammurapi sought through legislation to determine wages -for different classes of labor. The Code prescribed severe punishment -for anyone who sheltered a runaway slave. In this and similar ways, -property rights were protected and human elements subordinated. It was -not until the Deuteronomic Code was written that the rights of labor -received legislative recognition. - -Hammurapi stood for a paternalistic control of society. His idea -of justice was literally that of an eye for an eye. “If a man has -caused the loss of a patrician’s eye, his eye shall one cause to be -lost.”[III-3] Justice, moreover, was subject to the law of social -gradation. An offense against a man of lower rank might be atoned by -paying money. “If a man has caused a poor man to lose his eye, he -shall pay one mina of silver.”[III-4] Additional light is thrown on -the concept of justice by other passages from the Code, especially by -this one: “If a builder has built a house for a man and has not made -strong his work, and the house he has built has fallen, and he has -caused the death of the owner of the house, that builder shall be put -to death.”[III-5] - -The intellectual progress and the inventions of the Babylonians are -indicative of social status. The development along artistic lines, -particularly in architecture and sculpture, must have exerted an -indirect but important social influence. Significant advances in -surgery had been made preceding the reign of Hammurapi. In medicine, -however, the demonic theory of the causes of disease enslaved the -people. - -The Assyrians, who lived to the north of the Babylonians, were less -social in type. They were little concerned about the future life; their -religion was relatively undeveloped. The Assyrian artists gave their -attention chiefly to the king, the court, and to war. They reproduced -in artistic form the king and the soldier, but ignored the life and -customs of the people. - -(3) When we turn to early East Indian records, we find a higher -development of social ideals than among any peoples which have thus -far been considered. In the Vedic documents there is considerable -evidence of communal life and of a remarkable degree of social spirit -and brotherliness. In the East Indian account of a Deluge--similar -to the Deluge that is described in Genesis--there is a conception -of punishment that falls upon the group because of the sins of -individuals. Sacrifice, among the Vedic believers, had acquired a -positive social function. It was considered as a social act, in which -the worshipper and the god took part. The food strengthened the god and -the spiritual contact strengthened the worshiper. Hence mutual sympathy -was generated. - -With the rise of Brahmanism, the caste system developed. It divided -society. It gave structure to the concept that some people are -naturally--and artificially--superior to other people. In the laws of -Manu, several social concepts are broached. The nature of marriage and -the duties of a householder are explained. The duties of a woman are -prescribed. The nature of private and public law is noteworthy, and -the recognition of the obligation of one caste to another in times of -distress marks the beginning of a reaction against the caste system. -It was considered possible for an individual to fall from a caste -to the one below, but not for an individual to rise in caste. The -moral standards for individuals reached a level comparable to those -represented in certain of the teachings of Jesus. For example, notice -this instruction: - -Let him patiently bear hard words, let him not insult anybody, nor -become anybody’s enemy for the sake of this perishable body. Against an -angry man let him not in return show anger; let him bless when he is -cursed. - -Buddhism inaugurated a set of social ideas which involved the abolition -of the caste system. In the fourth of the “Four Noble Truths” the -principles which are formulated, are partly of social import. -Commendation is extended to right speech--speech that is friendly, and -sincere toward others. The requirements include right conduct--conduct -which is peaceable and honorable toward other persons. Stress is placed -upon right means of securing livelihood--methods which do not involve -the injury or the taking of life. There are types of modern business -enterprise that are extolled in our Christian America which would fall -under the ban of the “Noble Truths” in pagan India. - -Among the “ten commandments” of Buddha, eight represent social ideas -and obligations: - -(1) Not to kill any living being. - -(2) Not to take that which is not given (not to steal). - -(3) To refrain from adultery. - -(4) To speak no untruth (not to lie to other people). - -(5) To abstain from intoxicating liquors. - -(6) Not to slander. - -(7) Not to covet. - -(8) Not to be angry. - -Buddha taught that hatred is to be repaid by love, that life is to be -filled with kindness and compassion, that the widest toleration is to -be practised. The teachings of Buddha engendered a delicate social -consciousness regarding the relation of the individual to his fellows. -The precepts were strong enough to break down rigid class barriers. The -underlying conception was broadly human. - -Additional light is thrown on the social thought of Buddha by the -following sayings which are credited to him: - -Pity and sympathy is the Buddha’s mind. - -Pity to his parents is the Supreme Law. - -Honesty is the Paradise of the Bodhisattva. - -O my Disciples, flee from fornication, know how to be content with your -own wife, and do not even for a single moment lust after another woman. - -A state without a ruler is like a body without a head; it cannot exist -very long. - -The king looks upon his subjects with a heart of mercy, as if they were -his children; and the people regard the king as their father. - -If there is no Buddha in the world, be good to your parents; for to be -good to one’s parents is to minister unto Buddha. - -Nursing a sick man is the great field where the righteous tree of mind -grows. - -Even a strong man cannot lift himself. - -Ten people have ten colors (opinions). - -The paint which is painted by ten fingers (men) is accurate. (In the -multitude of counsellors there is safety.) - -The sayings of Buddha may be summed up in the statement that, like -many of the teachings of Jesus, they accent the gentle virtues and -the passive traits of a people bearing a yoke against which they are -powerless to revolt, the virtues of obedience, respect to those in -authority, long-suffering, patience, even resignation. - -(4) The social thought of early China can best be gleaned from the -writings of Confucius. This scholar was not a reformer or a religious -leader, but primarily a conserver. He was interested in civil and -political affairs. His books reflect not his own ideas, for his -originality was not great, but the concepts which had been worked out -before his time. In the _Li Ki_, or Record of Rites, there are many -social and domestic precepts. In a way the _Li Ki_, “the Chinamen’s -manual of conduct,” is a treatise on social as well as individual -ethics. Around the family group, Chinese social ideas revolved. On the -death of his mother, Confucius, for example, went into seclusion for -twenty-seven months. On sacrificial occasions the living members and -the departed spirits of the household were accustomed to gather in one -filial communal group. The welfare of the individual was completely -subordinated to the interests of the family group of spirits. - -The Chinese worship, or honor, their ancestors. The worship of the past -has paralyzed new thought. Custom imitation has ruled and tradition has -been reverenced. - -Marriage receives special attention, but the arrangements are made by -parents or “go-betweens.” Socially, the sexes do not intermingle. The -parents exercise complete control over the children; the mother bears -a considerable portion of the burdens of parental discipline. Filial -piety is the cardinal virtue. Although polygamy is discountenanced, -concubinage is permitted. The sexes dress very much alike, except in -headdress and footgear. The style of wearing apparel is not only simple -and aesthetic, but it “minimizes the visible distinctions of sex.” - -Confucius, or Kung-fu-tsze, believed in the efficacy of setting good -examples. Imitation would then accomplish the desired results. By -these methods, Confucius expected that society would be improved. -Fundamental principles of a stable social order, more than of -social progress, were in the mind of Confucius. He conceived of the -universe as a perfect order. Likewise, he thought of the state as a -perfect social order. Confucius urged that the individual strive for -perfection. According to the Confucian doctrine of the Superior Man, -the individual should master his own passions and desires, substituting -an enjoyment of music, ceremony, and of friendship, for the enjoyment -that comes from the exercise of the bodily passions. He should seek -salvation through the study of nature and of things. Moral character -and intelligence if accompanied by bravery will produce the highest -type of personality. - -In Chinese social thought the family and state were early recognized -as the two leading institutions in society. In the civil organization -it is worth while to note the _hien_, or city district. The _hien_ has -been pronounced “the real unit of Chinese corporate life”; and the -_hien_ magistrate, “the heart and soul of all official life.” Since -this magistrate keeps closely in touch with the masses, he is called by -the people “the father and mother officer.” The _hien_ contains some of -the germ ideas of democracy; it emphasizes local self-government. - -The ancient laws were elaborate, giving an unusual degree of power -to the judges. Although customs ruled, the judges often possessed a -liberal margin of freedom in determining the nature of punishments. -Contrary to Western procedure, the Chinese consider an accused man -as guilty until proved otherwise. Excessive corporate punishment is -deplored.[III-6] Confucius objected to the maintenance of a government -by the use of fear and of coercive measures. He predicted that capital -punishment (even in a land ruled by custom) would be abolished in a -hundred years. - -The ideas of peace and harmonious social relationships have long held -sway in China. Militarism has been scorned, and war held in contempt. -It is ironical that as China begins to function as a world power in -contact with Western and Christian nations, she is compelled to find -her chief defense in an uncivilized and unChristian militarism. - -Sympathy is a fundamental concept among the Chinese. Unfortunately, -it has been instrumental in producing a highly specialized and -professionalized class of beggars. Industry and patience are -characteristic social virtues. Lao-tse, the founder of Taoism and a -contemporary of Confucius, taught the social precept: Recompense injury -with kindness. Confucius, who disagreed, taught that kindness should -be paid with kindness, and injury with injury. This conception led -Confucius to formulate his golden rule of human conduct: Do not do to -others what you would not have others do to you. - -Obedience to authority has been for centuries a cardinal social -principle of the Chinese. It was enunciated by Confucius, who spoke -as a representative of the ruling classes. In stressing obedience to -temporal authorities and in shunning the gods, Confucius has been -accused of fostering a materialistic philosophy. This charge is partly -offset by his ethical teachings. Confucius was a humanitarian rather -than a materialist; he was a utilitarian rather than an idealist. In -these attitudes he reflects not his own opinions so much as the thought -of the generations which preceded him. - -Mencius, who lived shortly after Confucius, was an environmentalist in -the sense that he believed that external evil influences have corrupted -man’s original good nature. On the other hand, Mencius urged progress -through regeneration of the heart. Mencius was a more thoroughgoing -humanist than Confucius, for he made the happiness of the people the -supreme goal for the individual. He condemned war and warriors alike -and declared that generals are criminals. He asserted that it is wrong -to conquer a territory against the will of the people of that territory. - -Additional sidelights upon early Chinese social thought are afforded by -the following social proverbs of ancient Chinese origin: - -If a cat cries after eating the mouse, this is false sympathy. - -Follow good, learn good; follow beggar, learn to beg. - -Gentlemen use heart; lesser men use strength. - -New clothes but old friends are good. - -Within the four seas all are brothers. - -If two people were 1000 miles apart and be like-minded, they will come -together; if they sit opposite one another and are not like-minded -there will be no mutual acquaintance. - -Speak language fitting to station of man you meet. - -All under heaven is one home. - -Although a man is away from home, his heart is there. - -The big fish eat the little ones, the little ones eat the shrimps, and -the shrimps are forced to eat mud (applied to the classes of society -who pay taxes). - -He who praises me on all occasions is a fool who despises me or a knave -who wishes to cheat me. - -Govern thyself, and you will be able to govern the world. - -The hearts of the people are the only legitimate foundations of an -empire. - -By nature all men are alike; but by education, widely different. - -For the sake of one good action, a hundred evil ones should be -forgotten. - -To forget one’s ancestors is to be a brook without a source, a tree -without a root. - -Rogues differ little; each began first as a disobedient son. - -Of all man’s actions, there is none greater than filial piety. - -When they saw an old man, people walking or driving gave him the road. -Men who had white hairs mingling with the black did not carry burdens -along the highways (care for the aged). - -When the man of high station is well instructed, he loves men; when the -man of low station is well instructed, he is easily ruled. - -Three friendships are advantageous: friendship with the upright, -friendship with the sincere, and friendship with the man of -observation. Three are injurious: friendship with a man of spurious -airs, friendship with the insinuatingly soft, and friendship with the -glib-tongued. - -Who taught you politeness? The impolite. - -To be a successful monarch, one must be a just monarch. - -Of the different peoples which have thus far been considered, the -Chinese have furnished the most elaborate degree of social thought. -While the social ideals of the Chinese are largely unsystematic, they -accent the family and the state as essential social institutions. They -also reveal even a significant conception of world brotherliness. -The Chinese have probably created more social proverbs than any -other people, past or present. For the stage of civilization that -is represented by proverbs and sayings, the social thought of the -Chinese is unsurpassed. In this regard the Chinese have but one close -competitor, the ancient Hebrews. - -(5) The Persians, who after their defeat by Alexander the Great in -331 B. C. have been credited with having turned over the torch of -civilization to the Greeks, made a contribution to social thought -similar to that of the other ancient peoples. Under Cyrus the Great, -Darius, and Xerxes a system of state education was fostered which -was designed chiefly to train soldiers. It did not stress social and -intellectual development, although it existed in a land that produced -the Magi. The individuals who were not in the army received slight -educational benefits. - -It is in the teachings of Zoroaster of the sixteenth century B. C. -that we first find the main trend of Persian social thought. The Zend -Avesta, the document from which Zoroasterism and the modern Parsee -religion have evolved, emphasizes the principle of kindliness in all -important human relationships. Sanitation, business honesty, and -chastity in family relationships are taught. - -The ancient Hebrews and the Greeks each made such large contributions -to social thought that separate chapters will be devoted to these -peoples. In a summary of the social thought of the Egyptians, -Babylonians and Assyrians, East Indians, Chinese, and Persians, it may -be said that there is a rather uniform emphasis upon the elemental -virtues, particularly upon kindliness. While the individual’s -salvation is given prominence, the individual is urged to be socially -considerate and to cultivate sympathetic relationships with the gods -and with his fellow human beings. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -THE SOCIAL THOUGHT OF THE HEBREWS - - -Ancient Egyptian, Babylonian and Assyrian, East Indian, Chinese, and -Persian records disclose a set of elemental and yet more or less -passive social backgrounds against which the social ideals of the -Hebrew prophets shine forth like stars of the first magnitude. The -Pentateuch and the writings of the Hebrew wise men are rich in gleams -of a social spirit, while the Hebrew prophets, notably, Amos, Hosea, -Isaiah, and Jeremiah, uttered flaming indictments of social evils. - -The Hebrews stood head and shoulders above their contemporaries in -social thinking. They left a series of historical documents, covering -several centuries and revealing a specific evolution in social -concepts. They expressed the fundamentals from which Christian social -thought developed, and from which much of the ethical and social -thinking of Western civilization on its practical side has evolved. - -The social thought of the Hebrews was born of group suffering. Through -the mists of the earliest Hebrew traditions we discern that conflicts -occurred in the Euphrates Valley which sent Abraham out on his -perilous journey toward unknown and hostile Canaan. The gaunt spectre, -famine, brought distress to the household of the domestic-loving -Abraham and drove him to Egypt where he sojourned for a time. Abram, -exalted father, or Abraham, father of a multude, became the founder in -a sense of three world religions, for to him Judaism, Christianity, and -Mohammedanism trace their origins. - -Throughout the years of migration, exile, and suffering, Abraham -maintained his religious faith and belief. By means of his simple -religion he was able to interpret sanely the troubles and conflicts of -life. Out of suffering interpreted religiously, Abraham developed a -remarkably well-balanced and social personality. From this beginning, -Hebrew social thought evolved. Ultimately, Israel created social -concepts which has won for her the distinction of being “the leading -social teacher of the human race.”[IV-1] - -As a social entity the Hebrews were the result of “a titanic social -struggle;” they arose out of an industrial crisis. The scene was -laid in Egypt. The descendants of Jacob were working long hours with -little pay, as slaves, and under harsh social conditions. One of their -number, more favored than the rest by heredity and environment, saw a -Hebrew workman being beaten by an Egyptian “boss.” The favored one, -Moses, felt the surging passions of social injustice rising within his -breast--and he slew the boss. Moses thereby became the founder of the -world’s labor movement. By an act of violence in the impassioned days -of youth, Moses became “a social agitator”; by years of patient service -of his people in the name of Jehovoh, he became one of the world’s -greatest social seers. - -Rameses II was “an unprincipled captain of industry.” He was haughty, -hard-hearted, and without social conscience. Moses was sympathetic, -socially sensitive, and keenly religious. Rameses II was a leading -representative of an ancient aristocracy; Moses was the first great -exponent of an incipient democracy, and “the first man in history with -a well-developed social consciousness.” - -According to the Exodus record Moses, as the murderer of an Egyptian -boss, felt no qualms of conscience, but he did fear the mighty Pharaoh. -At that time in history it was a minor matter to kill a slave; but -to have killed a boss was vastly different. The slave represented -weakness; the boss was the official representative of political and -financial power. Consequently, Moses fled the country. In Egypt he was -helpless, and in danger of losing his life. He fled to Midian. - -In Midian, Moses pondered over the economic and social injustices to -which his people were being subjected. He communed with God, from whom -he received the motive power to correct a gigantic social wrong. His -vision of Jehovah gave him the conviction that Jehovah is a God of -justice and mercy who understands social and industrial evils and -sympathizes with the socially defeated classes. Moses reports this -remarkable social message from Jehovah: - -“I have surely seen the affliction of my people that are in Egypt, and -have heard their cry of anguish because of their taskmasters, for I -know their sorrows, and I am come down to deliver them out of the power -of the Egyptians.”[IV-2] - -In other words, against the union of great wealth and political -power in the hands of an unjust man, God revolted, and God said to -Moses: “Rescue this Israelitish people from the heels of autocracy.” -Moses conceived of Jehovah as a God who is “full of sympathy for the -afflicted and dependent and ever eager to champion their cause against -cruel oppression.” Moses’ conception of Jehovah as a socially spirited -God is unique for that day in human history. God is described as a -lover of justice and even a lover of mankind. When God speaks, it is -usually in terms of democracy. The first social teachings of the Old -Testament, considered chronologically, are those against social and -industrial oppression. - -A momentous conflict ensued. Fired by the promises and presence and -power of Jehovah, Moses journeyed back to Egypt. He proceeded to -organize the first labor strike known to mankind. Thereupon, the angry -Pharaoh commanded the workers to make brick without straw. And when -the workers cried out against the impositions and burdens, the agents -of “the first great captains of industry” taunted the workers and cried -at them: “Ye are idle, ye are idle.” But God and Moses won against the -hosts of autocracy and plutocracy. The workers were freed. - -Out of these struggles the Hebrew nation took form. Group loyalty, or -patriotism, became a conscious Hebrew concept. The idea of kinship -was supplemented by an appreciation of the meaning of national life. -Furthermore, a sense of social and economic justice received a -clear-cut and positive human expression and divine approval. For the -first time the social problem was defined. - -The major social chord which the Hebrew prophets kept vibrating was -justice. Some of the recurring interpretations of the needs of the -hour were: Let justice roll down like waters; Rulers shall govern in -justice; Hear, I pray you, ye heads of Israel, is it not for you to -know justice? - -The Hebrew word for the English “justice” is _mishpat_. It is used in -various senses, such as, justice, order, law, right, legal right. Amos -wanted _mishpat_ established in the land. Micah asserted that Jehovah -requires the individual to do _mishpat_, and to love kindness, and to -walk humbly with his God. Isaiah urged the people to do well and to -seek _mishpat_; he pronounced woe upon those who turned aside the needy -from _mishpat_; he declared Jehovah to be a God of _mishpat_. Jeremiah -made plain that Jehovah exercises mercy and _mishpat_ among the people. - -Amos protested vigorously against special class privileges. He -denounced the wealthy classes because of their social arrogance and -economic injustice. In describing them, he points out a fundamental -principle of social procedure. By their repression of those who are -protesting, they “are heaping up violence”; that is, autocratic -repression will never right injustice, but will foster ultimate -revolution. Amos charged the rulers and all persons in positions of -social power with the primary obligation of seeing that the poor and -the outcast are protected from exploitation. What satire in a day when -rulers were noted for their exploitation of the weak social classes! - -A special responsibility rests upon judges. Amos severely arraigned all -who turn judgment to wormwood and cast righteousness to the ground. -Anathemas were heaped upon the takers of bribes, especially if they sit -in places of public authority and wear the robes of law and patriotism. -Hot denunciation fell also upon the private doer of injustice; upon the -merchant who makes smaller the measure and perverts the false balances; -upon all who trample in any way upon the needy, who trample on the head -of the poor, who sell the righteous for silver, who turn aside the -way of the humble.[IV-3] The concept of justice was vividly defined -by Amos. Moreover, the shepherd prophet of Tekoa had the courage and -ability to make the concept clear to all who would listen to him. -Amos spoke for justice on the throne, on the judge’s bench, in the -activities of the wealthy, in the transactions of merchants, and in the -daily dealings of individuals with one another. - -The campaign against injustice is carried forward by the first Isaiah, -the statesman and orator. In the Kingdom of Judah, Isaiah found the -same social evils that Amos had earlier preached against in the -Northern kingdom. The boldness of his attack is startling: - -Thy princes are rebellious, and companions of thieves: everyone loveth -gifts, and followeth after rewards: they judge not the fatherless, -neither does the cause of the widow come unto them.[IV-4] - -Then Isaiah enters upon perhaps the most open, daring, and indignant -challenge to doers of social iniquity that is to be found anywhere: - -Ye have eaten of the vineyard; the spoil of the poor is in your houses. -What mean ye that ye beat my people to pieces, and grind the faces of -the poor?[IV-5] - -After the manner of Amos, Isaiah protested vigorously against the -judges and officers of the law who for a bribe vindicate the wicked and -deprive the innocent man of his innocence. He denounced in no doubtful -language the scribes who devote themselves to writing oppression, who -turn aside the dependent from securing justice, who prevent Jehovah’s -followers from receiving honest treatment, who prey upon widows and -despoil orphans. Special condemnation was heaped upon those who set up -iniquitous decrees. - -Isaiah was a forerunner in an indirect sense of Henry George, for he -vehemently rebuked land monopolists. His new principle is contained -in a pronouncement of woes upon the persons who join house to house -and add field to field, until there is no land left except for the -monopolist who dwells as a lord over all. Isaiah protested against -social injustice not only because of the harmful effects upon the -individual but also because of the destructive and enervating national -results. - -After the fashion of Amos and Isaiah, Micah conceived of Jehovah as a -just God. Micah depicts the social injustice of his day in terms of the -persons who hate the good and love the evil, who pluck off the skin of -the weak, even the flesh from the bones of Jehovah’s followers; “who -also eat the flesh of my people, and flay their skin from off them; and -they break their bones, and chop them in pieces, as for the pot, and as -flesh within the caldron.”[IV-6] - -Micah unhesitatingly condemns the priests who are giving oracles for -a reward, and the prophets who are divining for silver and who are -trusting in Jehovah to protect them. Micah was perhaps the first -person to describe the activities of the criminaloid which have -been so carefully analyzed by Professor E. A. Ross. He grasped the -concept of the social sinner who keeps within the law. He attacked -wealthy landowners who crush the small holders; he spared neither high -officials, nor priests. He presented his social concepts with precision -and effectiveness. - -The invectives against social injustice are carried into the teachings -of Jeremiah. They appear later in the Deuteronomic Code. The Psalmists -deprecated injustice. The wisdom teachers uttered profound warnings on -the subject. The writer of Job deplored injustice. Throughout the Old -Testament the almost countless references justify the conclusion that -justice is the leading social concept which is presented by ancient -Hebrew thought. - -The Old Testament parallels its denunciation of unjust social -relationships with diatribes against luxury. The evil effects of great -riches are again and again described. Amos boldly pointed the finger -of scorn at the idle rich, at those who “lie upon beds of ivory and -stretch themselves upon their couches.” - -The possession of vast wealth has usually been considered by those -persons who are immediately concerned as an expression of divine favor. -Amos exposed the fallacies in this belief, commanded the owners of -wealth to assume social responsibility, and instantly to cease their -unholy practices of securing gain. - -Isaiah united with Amos in treating the possession of wealth not -as a matter of favor or luck, but as a social trust. With one -stroke Jeremiah tore off the gilded frame from about the life of -the self-indulgent, luxury-loving King Jehoiakim. What powerful and -autocratic monarch was ever charged with indulging in luxury in such -relentless and uncompromising language as this? - -Woe unto him that buildeth his house by unrighteousness, and his -chambers by injustice.... - -Shalt thou reign, because thou closest thyself in cedar?... - -But thine eyes and thine heart are not but for thy covetousness, and -for to shed innocent blood, and for oppression, and for violence, to do -it. - -The ways of the dishonest rich are vividly described by Jeremiah. -They set snares and catch people with lying. Their houses are full of -evidences of their crooked dealings. They maintain themselves in luxury -despite wanton expenditures by violating the needs of the fatherless -and the needy. - -Zephaniah was no less direct in pointing out the dangers in wealth. He -declared that ill-gotten gains shall themselves become a prey and that -the houses of the sinful rich shall become desolate. All their silver -and their gold shall not be able to deliver them from their ultimate -desolation. - -In a beautiful and effective style the Wisdom writer in Proverbs -unconsciously sums up the Old Testament philosophy concerning wealth: - -Labor not to become rich; cease from thine own wisdom. Wilt thou set -thine eyes upon that which is not? For riches certainly make themselves -wings; they fly away as an eagle toward heaven. - -The Old Testament with surprising uniformity supports the cause of -labor. The welfare of the slave is frequently espoused. According -to the Deuteronomic Code a runaway slave who was caught did not -necessarily need to be returned to his owner. In fact, a person who -harbored such a slave was expressly enjoined not to return him. By -this injunction the rights of property and vested interests in slaves -were ignored. Such an attitude was in opposition to the Code of -Hammurapi and to the codes of vested interests throughout history. -Slavery, however, was a well-established institution among the ancient -Hebrews.[IV-8] - -Although the law book of Hammurapi fixed the wages of laborers, the -Old Testament law book restricted the hours of labor. Not only is the -master to limit his labor to six days a week, but he is commanded to -see that his slaves, male and female, do not work more than six days. -Modern industry, even twentieth century manufacturing enterprise in -the United States, has been persistently violating the labor rules of -the Hebrew law-givers. Employers are commanded not to take advantage -of poor and needy hired servants. They shall not oppress labor simply -because they are powerful and labor is weak. Even the poor immigrant -laborer is not to be exploited! - -The first legislation in behalf of immigrants is found in Deuteronomy. -Employers must respect the needs of alien workers. The foreigner -shall not be oppressed. In the ordinary dealings between citizens and -foreigners, justice must not be perverted. The Hebrew law makers even -went so far as to issue the command: Love ye therefore the strangers, -for ye were strangers in the land of Egypt. - -The institution of marriage is early accented in the Old Testament. In -the second chapter of Genesis divine approval is placed upon marriage. -In accordance with biological and social needs the institution of -marriage is made sacred. Although the Hebrews are noted for their -emphasis upon the responsibility of children to parents, the husband is -ordered to forsake his father and his mother and cleave unto his wife. -A man’s obligation to his helpmate exceeds even his obligations to his -father and mother. - -The concept of a long-suffering, patient husband is extensively -elaborated in the teachings of Hosea. This prophet of the eighth -century, B. C., demonstrated the sanctity of the marriage relation by -remaining true to it even after his wife bore children of whom he was -not the father. It is remarkable that Hosea should not have divorced -his wife at once when he learned of her unfaithfulness to the marriage -vow. Hosea taught, by example, that divorce should be the last resort -after all the means of love have been used in trying to win back the -erring partner. - -The description of Hosea’s domestic difficulties, whether allegorical -or not, is an early protest against the double standard of morals for -man and woman. The attitude of people in modern society who blame and -shun the fallen woman but permit the guilty man to continue to enjoy -the company of respectable men and women is vigorously challenged by -Hosea. - -The last word against sex immorality was pronounced by Hosea. His -description of the effects of widespread sex immorality is brief but -incisive. - -Whoredom and wine and new wine take away the heart. - -Their glory shall fly away like a bird, from the birth, and from the -womb, and from the conception. - -Their root is dried up, they shall bear no fruit. - -In the Deuteronomic laws we find the duties of parents to children and -of children to parents carefully outlined. Parents, primarily, are made -responsible for moral and religious education in the home; and children -are under obligations to obey their parents. This teaching is summed -up in the injunction:[IV-10] Honor thy father and thy mother, that thy -days may be long upon the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee; and -in the imprecation: Whoso curseth his father or his mother, his lamp -shall be put out in obscure darkness.[IV-11] - -The Wisdom writers dwell at considerable length upon the proper -relationships of husbands and wives and of parents and children. -They point the finger of shame at the quarrelsome woman. They warn -against the woman whose chief asset is her beauty. A virtuous wife is -a crown to her husband, but an immoral wife is as rottenness in his -bones.[IV-12] - -The Wisdom teachers do not minimize the importance of parental -discipline. On occasion parents must act with force. Correction of -children is commanded. The situation is pictured in the following -language:[IV-13] - -The word and reproof give wisdom; but a child left to himself bringeth -his mother to shame. - -In other words, it is necessary that parents assume a positive, -definite attitude in regard to child nurture. They must see that their -children are actually trained in the ways in which they should go. Even -the loving parent must sometimes show his affection for his child by -chastising the child. Only by such a procedure do children grow up to -be a comfort to parents in their old age. - -On the other hand the child must assume his share of responsibility. It -is the part of wisdom for children to receive willingly the instruction -that parents can give. The wise son loves parental advice. He listens -gladly to his father; he does not despise his mother’s counsels. - -It has already been intimated that the Old Testament writers frequently -stress the importance of high standards of conduct for women. Amos -rebuked the wives of nobles and the wealthy who fritter away their best -impulses in idleness and sinful living and who dissipate their deepest -instincts in debauchery. Amos and Isaiah agreed, apparently, that a -nation’s welfare depends on the attitudes of its women. The wrath of -God will fall upon women who are haughty, who walk with heads held high -and with wanton glances, who go tripping along, “making a tinkling with -their feet.” - -The anti-social character of sin was pointed out in Genesis. Cain was -the first to raise naïvely and blandly the question: Am I my brother’s -keeper? Sinful living narrows the soul, increases selfishness, and -vitiates a genuine social attitude. Sinning is repudiating social -responsibility. Amos advanced the idea that selfish living was nothing -less than disloyalty to one’s country. To dissipate one’s energy is to -undermine one’s usefulness to his country. - -Intemperance was deplored. Isaiah has been called the first temperance -reformer of the world. His impassioned and classic utterances are well -represented by the following lines:[IV-14] - -Woe unto them that rise up early in the morning that they may follow -strong drink; that continue until night, till wine inflame them. - -Isaiah warned especially the priests and prophets of the evils of -intemperance. Wine will swallow them up, it will put them out of the -way, it will cause them to err in wisdom and to stumble in judgment. - -In both Leviticus and Numbers the danger that lurks in the wine cup is -recognized. The special servants of Jehovah are commanded to separate -themselves from wine and strong drink. In Proverbs the Wisdom writer -declares:[IV-15] Wine is a mocker, strong drink is raging and whoever -is deceived thereby is not wise. The same authority admonishes rulers -and judges not to drink wine lest they forget the law and pervert the -judgment of the afflicted. On the other hand, a reversion to a lower -standard is made in Proverbs when the legitimacy of giving strong drink -to the poor and miserable is recognized, so that they may forget their -poverty and misery.[IV-16] The general teaching, however, is that -strong drink leads to social inefficiency and the disintegration of -human personalities. - -The cities of refuge represent a new social idea. A person who has -taken life without intention may flee to and find protection in the -cities of refuge. The altar and the sanctuary are designated as places -to which persons may flee who are not wilful murderers.[IV-17] - -The social concept of democracy occupies an interesting place in the -Old Testament literature. In the days of Abraham the kinship group -prevailed. Within this group there were many households, ruled by -patriarchs. Within the kinship groups high standards of honor were -maintained, but anti-social attitudes toward outside and foreign groups -were encouraged. It was justifiable, for example, to lie to foreign -groups and even to kill the representatives of such peoples. - -The concept of democracy developed _pari passu_ with the evolution of -the idea of Jehovah. In the minds of the Hebrews, Jehovah, or Jahweh, -was first a tribal god, then a national god; and finally, a universal -God, that is, a being who is interested in the welfare of all peoples, -and not simply in the welfare of “the chosen people.” - -The Hebrew conception of the state contained several democratic -elements. The fundamental purpose of the state was declared to be the -welfare not of an irresponsible monarch, but of the people themselves. -This idea stands out in marked contradiction to the practices of the -Canaanites, who submitted themselves helplessly to capricious and -autocratic rulers. - -The Hebrews treated the state as a part of a theocracy. But when -Jehovah spoke, he usually arraigned false wealth, arbitrary political -power, selfish ambition of kings, luxurious living, and special -privileges. Jehovah spoke for the oppressed, the poor, the defeated, -the laborer,[IV-8] in short, for humanity. - -Consequently, loyalty to the nation was positive and persistent. -Consider this statement from Psalm 137 of Hebrew patriotism on the -part of exiled Hebrews who longed for their native land: - -By the rivers of Babylon, there we sat down, yea, we wept, when we -remembered Zion. - -We hanged our harps upon the willows in the midst thereof.... - -If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cunning. - -If I do not remember thee, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my -mouth; if I prefer not Jerusalem above my chief joy. - -According to Hosea, Jehovah charged the citizens of the land to deal -with one another on the basis of fidelity and true love, and to stamp -out all social evils, such as perjury, stealing, committing adultery, -and mob violence. The writer of the Book of Job portrayed a good -citizen as one who delivers the poor, who helps those about to perish, -who causes the widow’s heart to sing for joy.[IV-18] He is eyes to the -blind, feet to the lame, and a father to the needy. He searches out the -cause of social evils. Moreover, he breaks the jaws of the unrighteous, -and plucks the prey from their mouths. He defends the blameless. He -does not put his confidence in gold or rejoice at his enemies when -evils beset them or they are destroyed. It may be truly said that -fundamental ideas of democracy were originated by the Hebrews. - -Amos raised the question of internationalism. For the first time in -history, the idea of a universal God was postulated. Amos pronounced -Jehovah the God of other peoples besides the Israelites. “Have not I -brought up Israel out of the land of Egypt?” said Jehovah, “and the -Philistines from Caphtor, and the Syrians from Kir?”[IV-19] The day -would come, according to Isaiah and Micah, when Jehovah would judge -over many peoples and rebuke strong nations. The conception of Jehovah -as a Being who transcends both time and space gave to the Hebrew mind -at its best a broader cast and a more universal comprehension than the -peoples of contemporary tribes and nations possessed. - -The concept of universal peace was invented by the Hebrews. Isaiah and -Micah share the honor of being the first persons to advocate world -peace, and to predict the day when all nations shall worship a just God -and thereby be enabled to beat their swords into plowshares and their -spears into pruning-hooks, when nation shall not stand against nation, -and when the methods of warfare shall no longer be taught. The spirit -of hatred and of blind, selfish antagonism shall pass away. No modern -writer has ever spoken the doom of militarism so trenchantly as the Old -Testament prophet, Isaiah, who said, according to the translation by -Charles Foster Kent:[IV-20] - - “For every boot of the warrior with noisy tread, - And every war-cloak drenched in the blood of the slain, - Will be completely burned up as fuel for the flame.” - -The Hebrews strongly emphasized laws as a social dynamic. Love will -make socialized individuals. It will demonstrate to a person his -responsibilities as a member of society and his duties to his fellow -human beings. It will stifle hatred. It will even return good for evil. -It is the cardinal virtue and an eternal principle of right living. - -The Old Testament teaches social salvation. Jehovah is fundamentally -interested in the improvement of social and living conditions. He -commanded the socialization of all human relationships. His teachings, -as given by the prophets and Wisdom writers, take cognizance of the -influence of environment upon character. - -Hebrew social thought deals largely with social injustice. Social -evils are vividly described and evil-doers, chiefly kings and judges, -are vigorously and fearlessly arraigned. The family is made the chief -social institution, and love is crowned servant of all. Education is -centered in the home, and moral discipline is made the keynote of -education; hence the Hebrews survived the Greeks and Romans. A new -and perfect social order, directed by a just Jehovah, and motivated -throughout all its individual and social relationships by love, is -prophesied. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -PLATO AND GRECIAN SOCIAL THOUGHT - - -In turning to a study of Grecian civilization we find a development of -social thought which on the rational side excels in many particulars -the social thinking of the Hebrews, but which in its affective elements -falls far below the quality of Hebrew social thought. We may expect to -find, therefore, in Grecian social thought important new contributions -which are complementary to the legacies from the Hebrews, and which -when taken in conjunction with the early Christian forms of Hebrew -social thought constitute the main foundations of modern social thought. - -The thought life of the Greeks reached the crescendo in the idealism of -Plato (427–347 B. C.) and the opportunism of Aristotle (384–322 B. C.). -In an idea-world Plato depicted an ideal society. After studying -158 constitutions, Aristotle formulated rules of practical social -procedure. Plato’s _Republic_ and Aristotle’s _Politics_ are the two -leading source books of Grecian social thought. - -Plato and Aristotle were the first two thinkers in history who left -definitely organized analyses of societary life. Although in point of -time they stand close together, in content of social reasoning they -are at many places antagonistic. However, their high rank as thinkers -need not blind anyone to the fact that their social thought was in part -an outgrowth of theories held by predecessors. Antecedent to Plato -was Socrates and the Sophists; antecedent to these scholars was a -large number of thinkers who, incidentally to their main intellectual -efforts, gave expression to isolated but significant social ideas. - -As early as the ninth century, B. C., Lycurgus declared that the state -owned the child, and urged a system of education which would prepare -the child for the state. Despite, however, of a similar emphasis by -many later Greek leaders, “Hellas” never developed a genuine national -unity. She experienced a temporary national patriotism only when -attacked by the Persians and at the seasons when the national games -were at their height. - -It was Hesiod, the founder of Greek didactic poetry, who about 700 -B. C. described the Golden Age and the subsequent ages of society. -Hesiod protested mildly against the social injustice in his time.[V-1] -In the following century, Anaximander, the philosopher, and Theognis, -the elegiac poet,[V-2] discussed the value to society of providing that -children should be well born and well trained--the fundamental concepts -of current eugenics and euthenics. - -Solon, the Athenian lawgiver, about 590 B. C., began to put into -legislative practice certain ideas of social reform, thereby preventing -revolution. At that time it was customary to sell persons into slavery -who could not pay their debts--a procedure which Solon ended. The cost -of living was very high, consequently Solon forbade the export of food -products and thereby reduced prices for the consumer. He introduced -a measure which today would be considered revolutionary, namely, the -limiting of the amount of land which an individual might hold. For -the classification of people on the basis of wealth, he substituted -a classification on the basis of income. He lessened the severity of -the laws of Draco, and in other ways increased the freedom of the -individual. Although Solon’s régime was followed by a tyranny, Solon is -credited with initiating certain essential ideas of democracy. - -After the Tyrants, Athens under the leadership of men like Cleisthenes -became “a pure democracy.” Cleisthenes democratized the Athenian -Constitution. For the four phylae he substituted ten phylae, or -units of government, thus securing a new and better distribution -of authority. He is credited with introducing ostracism as a mode -of punishment; he, it is alleged, was the first individual to be -ostracised by his government. - -The fifth century precursors of Plato and Aristotle were numerous. -Aeschylus (525–456 B. C.), the first of the famous Athenian tragic -poets, described in general terms the evolution of civilized -society.[V-3] The artistic historian, Herodotus, developed through his -imagination a world point of view. From an almost unlimited store of -legendary and ethnological materials, he elaborated a planetary theme -which had its beginning in the Trojan War and its culmination in the -conflict between Eastern and Western civilizations. The basic social -principle in the writings of Herodotus is that downfall awaits the -insolent autocrats of earth. Herodotus describes the customs and habits -of the peoples[V-4] whom he visited on his numerous foreign travels -in such a detailed and elaborate fashion that he has been styled the -world’s first descriptive sociologist. - -Pericles (495?-429 B. C.), perhaps the greatest statesman of Greece, -furthered the cause of democracy. His conception of democracy led -him to make the entire body of citizens eligible to office-holding. -Pericles initiated a social program which in certain aspects was -paternalistic. He instituted the plan of granting allowances for -performing public duties. As a result, unselfish public service was -minimized and political morale was weakened. Pericles was led into this -error[V-5] by the desire to compete for public esteem with Cimon, who -made extensive gifts to the poor in the form of dinners and clothes. - -In his tragedies, Euripides (480–406 B. C.), aroused interest in the -experiences, not of legendary characters as many of his predecessors -had done, but of the ordinary members of Athenian society. He was a -spokesman for the emancipation of woman;[V-6] his writings reveal the -social changes that were occurring in the fifth century in Athens. -Likewise, the comedies of Aristophanes reflected social changes, and, -in addition, caricatured social conditions. - -Hippocrates, the so-called father of medical science, wrote several -works which attracted the studious attention of Plato. He gave as -the first of two chief causes of disease, the influence of climate, -seasons, weather on the individual.[V-7] He might be called the -first anthropo-geographer. At any rate he opened the field which has -recently been so well covered by Ellen C. Semple in her _Influences of -Geographic Environment_. - -By their disconcerting and sceptical teachings the Sophists, who -also lived in the fifty century, B. C., stimulated the intellectual -activities of Socrates. The influence of the Sophist leaders, such -as Protagoras, Gorgas, Callicles, Thrasymachus, brought forward the -problem of training pupils to solve civic questions rather than -scientific or philosophical questions. According to Plato, Callicles -believed that government was an instrument for exploiting the masses. -Thrasymachus argued that so-called justice is that type of activity -which favors the interest of the strongest members of society, and -that might determines what is called right.[V-8] Epaminondas, the -Theban statesman, personified in his own career an unusually high -interpretation of the concept of patriotism, perhaps a more unselfish -expression of patriotism than is represented by any other political -spokesman of the Hellenic states. - -The argument of the Sophists that what is best for the individual is -best for society aroused the antagonism of Socrates (469–399 B. C.), -whose ideas are reported by Plato and Xenophon. Socrates, the son of -an Athenian sculptor, asserted that the qualities of justice, wisdom, -temperance, and courage, which make a person a good member of society -and which increase social welfare, are the same qualities which make -a person a good individual and secure his individual advancement. -Socrates spent many years at the market places, on the streets where -people congregate and at the public resorts in studying the actions of -individuals and in engaging them in conversation concerning their moral -life. As a result Socrates evolved a significant social philosophy. -The heart of this philosophy is found in the statements that virtue is -knowledge, not in the sense of mere memorized facts but of a thorough -understanding. If a person understands completely the good and evil -phases of a proposed act, he will choose the right. For example, when -one is completely convinced of the harmful effects of poor teeth, he -will employ the regular services of a dentist to keep his teeth in good -condition. When he perceives the evil effects of dishonesty, he will -establish honest habits. The conclusion might be drawn that social -virtue rests upon societary knowledge. - -Socrates was convinced that something was fundamentally wrong with -Athenian society. Everywhere he saw that ignorance led to vice. Only -in the mechanical and professional activities did he discover correct -action, but this was preceded by correct knowledge.[V-9] - -A good carpenter is an individual who thoroughly understands carpentry; -a good man is an individual who truly knows the value of good actions. -Similarly, it might be said that a good urban resident is an individual -who deeply appreciates what it means to have a city of mutually -developing people. - -Socrates wished to make all men intelligent. His teachings raised the -deep-seated social question: How can social organization be made highly -advantageous to the individual, and the individual made so aware of -these advantages that he will always act socially?[V-10] Inasmuch as -Socrates left no writings, it is impossible to explain with certainty -his teachings. Fortunately, he left a permanent impress of his -personality on the lives of his associates, and particularly, upon his -able and brilliant pupil, Plato. - -In the fundamental dictum that virtue is knowledge, Socrates is -theoretically correct, but practically he ignores the overpowering -influence that oftentimes is exerted by the instincts and established -habits. He underestimates the power that is represented by a deeply -ingrained instinct or a habit which has existed for several years. -Instincts and nearly all habits are firmly established neurologically, -whereas knowledge is often new to the individual and merely a veneer on -the surface of the individual’s life. The acquisition of knowledge is -no guarantee that instincts centuries old will be promptly overcome or -re-directed. - -Furthermore, with a young child the instinctive tendencies begin to -assert themselves and to give direction to the growth of the character -of the child, long before his mentality has unfolded and developed -to the point where he is capable of genuinely understanding the real -meaning of many forms of activity, and where many phases of knowledge -are entirely beyond his ability to comprehend. - -Little is known concerning Plato’s early life and training. The most -influential factors were the life and teachings of Socrates. The strong -Socratic personality left its indelible impress upon the thought-life -of Plato. As a young man, Plato became greatly interested in Athenian -social and civic life. When he was perhaps twenty-three years of age, -the self-styled “Fair and Good” rulers came into control of Athens. The -failure of these men, whom history calls the Thirty Tyrants, to govern -wisely, produced an attitude of thorough disgust in the mind of Plato. -Further, the legalized murder of Socrates by the restored democracy in -399 B. C. aroused the bitter antagonism of Plato to the existing forms -of government. In the years which followed the death of Socrates, -popular rule produced loose and licentious social conditions. As a -consequence, Plato turned to the realms of the thought world in order -to find a perfect society. As a result of his contact with every-day -life and government, Plato evolved in his mind an ideal republic. - -The Socratic principle that virtue is knowledge was accepted by Plato. -In Plato’s thinking this proposition led to the generalization that -education is the most important thing in the world. Upon this doctrine -more than any other, Plato’s twentieth century influence thrives. - -What shall be the nature of a world-molding education? Theoretically, -Plato gives his answer in his epistemology. Ideas are the ruling forces -in life. Over against the uncertain fluctuating sense world, Plato set -up a realm of eternal, changeless ideas. An individual man is simply an -ephemeral expression of Man. Plato created a concept of unchangeable -reality which he found in Ideas. These, alone, are the permanent, -worth-while elements which man must seek to know and understand. - -Because of his aristocratic attitudes and of his early disgust with -the experiments in democracy in his day, Plato turned away in his -social philosophy from the direct study of the people, such as had -engaged the attention of Socrates, to a search for a just society in -the world of ideas. This line of thinking found expression chiefly in -the _Republic_, written during Plato’s mature manhood. A discussion of -these idealistic concepts is found in the _Laws_ and the _Politicus_, -the latter being written in Plato’s old age and representing a -partial reaction from the idealism of the _Republic_. Because of its -consideration of nearly every aspect of social life from a specific -viewpoint, the _Republic_ may be called the first treatise in social -philosophy. While it falls below the social writings of the Hebrews -in its dynamic and practical phases, it excels them in its unity, its -profundity, and its philosophic quality. - -Inasmuch as Plato had turned away from an inviting though strenuous -public career to a private life of scholarly thought, his perfect -society assumed characteristics that were far from mundane. Because -Plato lived in a day of small political groups and in a country of -limited size, he limited his ideal society--to a group represented by -5040 heads of families. Consequently it is impossible to apply Plato’s -social ideas with accuracy to a modern metropolitan center of 5,000,000 -people, or to a nation-state of 100,000,000 people. Several phases of -Plato’s thought, however, were given a practical turn in the _Laws_. In -revealing Plato’s social philosophy, the _Politicus_, or _Statesman_ -ranks third.[V-12] - -In Plato’s ideal society there is a hierarchy of rank, which -includes three classes of people: the rulers, or true guardians; the -soldiers, or auxiliaries; and the artisans, or the industrial and -agricultural workers. In introducing the ideal state Plato uses mature -individuals.[V-13] Out of the needs and through the activities of -fully-developed persons, Plato builds an ideal commonwealth. - -No individual is self-sufficing. Each has his peculiar bias, or -ability. By uniting, all will profit. There are not only specialized -classes, but there is specialization within the occupational groups. -An essential rule for the building of a just society is that each -individual shall find his place in the social order and shall fulfil -his special function. Plato recognized the need for correlating the -diversities of nature and the different types of occupation.[V-14] - -The common people are engaged in the foundational occupations as -skilled artisans. The advantages of a special education are not open to -them. They receive the common education, including gymnastic and music -training. But, in accordance with the aristocratic strain in Plato’s -social philosophy, it is useless to try to give a higher education to -that large proportion of the population who are mentally incapable of -profiting by higher education. The logic is good but the major premise -is faulty in this pedagogical rule. - -The second class, the soldiers, will maintain order at home, repel -invaders, and conduct territorial wars. The growth of population will -create a demand for more territory. Other states likewise will need -more territory, and war will become inevitable.[V-15] Plato frankly -admits the territorial basis of wars. From this factor he sees no -escape, although he declares peace to be better than war.[V-16] In his -_Tamias_ and _Critias_ he pictured a peace-state, “Atlantis.” - -The soldier’s occupation is an art which requires years of training. -The chief physical trait of a true soldier is courage. The social -psychological significance of a military régime is that soldiers -are continually inciting their country to go to war. Such a régime -raises up enemies against itself, many and mighty, and results -either in ruining the specific people or in enslaving the foes of -these people.[V-17] On the other hand, the non-soldier classes, -since they prefer to lead a peaceful life and seek to conduct their -affairs quietly, unduly endeavor to avoid war. By degrees they become -unwarlike; their children develop a like attitude. Eventually, they -find themselves at the mercy of their enemies and are enslaved.[V-18] - -Among the members of the state there will be a few especially able -individuals, destined by birth and reinforced by training to be rulers -and true guardians of the welfare of all.[V-19] They are lovers -of wisdom and philosophy. Flabbiness of character, drunkenness, -selfishness are unbecoming to them.[V-20] Selfish living is -condemned.[V-21] The guardians are characterized, according to Plato, -by the greatest eagerness to do what is for the good of their country. -They show utter repugnance to anything that is contrary to the best -interests of the state.[V-22] - -The guardians, however, rule aristocratically.[V-23] They do not -inquire of the citizens the kind of laws which they want passed, for -the same reason that a physician does not ask the patient the kind of -medicine which he wants. In the _Republic_, the _Laws_, and the other -dialogues where the nature of rulers and philosophers is discussed, -Plato’s “best men” show an indifference to earthly or material things -and uniformly seek righteousness, even social righteousness. - -The candidates for guardianship receive first the elements of -education. At twenty years of age they must pass a general education in -order that they may go on with a special course, including arithmetic, -geometry, and astronomy.[V-24] At thirty they are subjected to a -further examination, after which the successful individuals devote -five years to the study of philosophy. At thirty-five they enter -practical life, hold minor offices, balance their theoretical training -by practical studies, and submit to diverse temptations.[V-25] They -undergo a civil service examination which extends over a period of -years. At the close they are subjected to a final series of three-fold -tests. The first test is that of logic; they must argue successfully -that it pays an individual, especially a guardian, to serve society. -The second test is that of fear; they are faced with dangers, for -example, the dangers to life, which beset those who undertake to -rule without favoritism and without compromising their principles -when confronted with the ambitions and desires of powerful selfish -interests. The third test is that of pleasure; they are submitted -to all the pleasures which thrill the heart of man. In other words, -they must show proof that the highest interest of the state is to be -the ruling interest of their lives.[V-26] Neither pain nor threats -must affect their loyalty. The temptations which come from pleasures -and enchantments must not disturb their self-control or weaken their -qualities of guardianship. From these requirements it will be seen that -Plato provided for a long period of intensive and extensive training -for the rulers. His idea varied widely from the ancient theory of the -divine right of kings and from the current practice of distributing -political spoils to friends. - -Plato saw that the rulers when once selected and installed in office -would be tempted to become avaricious at the expense of the state. -Instead of becoming and remaining allied to all the citizens, they -will be prone to become tyrannical.[V-27] Plato perceived that it -would be difficult, after good rulers had been selected, to keep them -on the plane of good rulership. In order to preserve their virtue as -guardians and to remove the powerful temptation to wink at exploitation -that is carried on by the economically powerful, Plato indicated -certain protective devices. The guardians shall be permitted no private -property beyond a few incidentals. They shall not live in private -houses, but shall dwell and eat together. They shall receive a fixed -salary, sufficient to meet necessary expenses but no more. They shall -not be allowed to touch gold and silver or to wear gold and silver -ornaments. They shall be taught that they are made of divine gold and -silver, and therefore shall have no need of the earthly dross. They -shall not be subject to pollution from any earthly contacts. If the -guardians should acquire lands or moneys or homes of their own, they -would be unable to give their undivided attention to the state, and -they would become not guardians of the welfare of the citizens, but -tyrants, plotting and being plotted against.[V-28] In his zealous care -that the rulers might not be distracted from guarding with undivided -attention the interests of the state, Plato advocated community of -wives and children for the rulers.[V-29] - -The question arose: Will the people be content to accept the division -of the population into hierarchal classes? In reply, Plato suggested -that the power of public opinion be utilized, and that all the -inhabitants of the state be taught that they are brothers, that is, -children of their common Mother Earth. This instruction will serve to -keep the masses in a humble attitude. Further, they are to be told that -different metals have been used by Mother Earth in making different -individuals. Those persons in whose make-up gold has been mingled have -the power of command and may become rulers. Others who are made of -silver may become auxiliaries, or soldiers; while the masses, being -made of brass and iron, are destined to become artisans.[V-30] - -The objection is raised that people will not believe this “audacious -fiction.” The truth of the objection is admitted, and a solution of the -problem is offered. Teach the children the gold, silver, brass and iron -fiction; and they will believe it. When they grow to maturity, they -will tell their children, who in turn will teach it. Posterity, thus, -will accept it.[V-31] In this way Plato founded his social philosophy -upon education. Plato made clear that any kind of social or economic -theory can be foisted upon a whole people through the utilization of -the educational processes. A few selfish exploiters, by controlling the -educational system, can ruin a nation in a generation. - -The guardians are instructed to examine the children in order to -discover of what metals they are made. Plato admitted a democracy of -talent in the sense that talent is likely to appear in the children -of brass and iron parents, while gold parents may beget brass and -iron children. If a gold child is found among the children of the -artisans, he is to be encouraged and trained to become a guardian. -If a brass and iron child is found among the children of the gold -parents, he must descend the social scale and be trained for husbandry -or artisanship.[V-32] Plato foresaw the fact, now scientifically -established, that geniuses are born indiscriminately among all classes -of society from the highest to the lowest. They are just as likely -to be born in the hovel or overcrowded tenement as in the spacious -and luxuriant palace. Consequently, society should seek out potential -genius and give it opportunities commensurate with its possibilities -and not allow its dynamic and divine spark to be snuffed out in a -heavy-laden tenement atmosphere. - -Furthermore, according to Plato, the guardians are to seek out the -imperfect children and put them out of the way as easily as possible -and without attracting public attention.[V-33] If the capable must -devote their energies to the care of imperfect children, they would -presumably be wasting their ability and would be prevented from -devoting themselves to upbuilding the state. This doctrine neglects -the consideration of the harsh, unsympathetic attitude which it would -engender. Although rigorously eugenic, the doctrine is undemocratic, -unchivalric, and unChristian. It is thoroughly aristocratic. - -The guardians are to supervise marriage. Plato especially deplores -the fact that almost all persons choose their life-partners in -marriage without proper regard to the kind of children that will be -procreated.[V-34] The marriage relationship should not be primarily -an individual affair, but should be governed by the thought of the -children that are not yet born and by due regard to the welfare of the -state and society.[V-35] The true purpose of marriage is not found in -wealth or power or rank, but in the procreation of healthy minded -children. Marriage is sacred in the highest degree because it is -socially necessary. Plato deplores class marriages, that is, marriage -within temperamentally similar groups. Persons of gentle nature seek -persons of gentle nature; the courageous seek the courageous. It would -be better if the gentle would seek the courageous in marriage, and -vice versa.[V-36] Marriage is sacred, and hence should be subjected to -strict eugenic safeguards. - -The guardians shall prevent the extremes of poverty and riches. -With far-sighted social wisdom Plato points out that poverty is the -parent of meanness and viciousness, and that wealth leads to luxury -and indolence.[V-37] Both result in discontent and both cause the -deterioration of the arts. The poor man cannot properly equip or train -himself, or enter into his work painstakingly; the rich man will grow -careless and no longer act diligently when he comes into the possession -of unlimited wealth.[V-38] - -In the acquisition of wealth the laws of imitation function powerfully. -One person accumulates property; others are immediately stimulated to -do likewise. In consequence, all the citizens may become lovers of -money.[V-39] But a money-loving public would be disastrous to the state. - -The larger the amount of wealth that an individual accumulates, the -more he will want to accumulate. The momentum of the desire for -money-getting is socially destructive. The more the individual is -hypnotised by the wealth-getting delusion, the less attention does he -give to the maintenance of virtue. When the desire for virtue is in -competition with the desire for riches, the former decreases as the -latter increases.[V-40] - -When the state becomes established on a property basis, the rich -exercise power and the poor are deprived of it.[V-41] In ordinary -times the rich are as indifferent to the welfare of the poor as to -the development of virtue, but in times of group crises they will not -despise the poor. In the days of prosperity and peace the poor man is -given the hindmost position, but when war comes, “the wiry, sunburnt -poor man” is placed in battle at the side of the wealthy man[V-42]--and -social democracy obtains. But in battle the poor man fights longer -and better than the rich man “who has never spoilt his complexion and -has plenty of superfluous flesh.” In the words of the poor man Plato -draws the astounding conclusion that many persons are rich because no -one has had the courage to despoil them.[V-43] At this point Plato has -given a striking explanation of the rise of socialism, syndicalism, and -economic radicalism. - -When you see paupers, according to Plato, you may safely conclude that -somewhere there are also present thieves, robbers of temples, and -malefactors.[V-44] The causes of pauperism are given as (1) a lack of -proper education, (2) ill-training, and (3) unjust social laws and an -unjust constitution of the state.[V-45] - -Plato suggested two instruments for preventing extreme wealth and -poverty--legislation and education. Each individual is to be guaranteed -a minimum amount of property. He may acquire as much as four times -this amount, but above the maximum a one hundred per cent excess tax -operates.[V-46] Plato planned a form of communism, not primarily to -secure the material well-being of the state, but to safeguard the -rulers against falling before selfish temptations. Plato also wanted to -protect the state from splitting asunder because of the distractions -that arise from labor-capital controversies. By educational means the -children are to be trained to be satisfied with the necessaries of -life[V-47]--at least some children are to be so trained. Parents should -bequeath to their children not riches but the spirit of reverence.[V-48] - -The guardians shall be censors. They shall establish a censorship over -the arts in order to protect the children from seeing indecent sights -and hearing vulgar sounds. The works of fiction shall be censored in -order to prevent the children from reading and adopting bad ideas. The -creative artists shall be prevented from exhibiting forms of vice and -intemperance, in order that the future guardians may not grow up in an -atmosphere contaminated by images of moral deformity, and in order that -all children may develop in an environment of fair sights and should -and may receive unhindered and unhampered the good in everything.[V-49] - -The guardians shall protect the _mores_. When Plato described a -perfect state, any change in the established customs would mean -retrogression.[V-50] Hence, the rulers should jealously guard the -customs, allowing no insidious innovations. Further, if any change is -permitted to take place in small things, there may be no stopping the -spirit of change. - -Plato rested his argument for an ideal society upon the education of -wise leaders. Their judgment is better even than government by law. -Law is too rigid and inflexible. In view of the changeable character -of human conditions, which Plato recognized, no final or absolute laws -can be laid down.[V-51] The chief advantage of laws, however, is not -that they make men honest but that they make men act uniformly, and -hence in a socially reliable way. Laws are to be respected because they -represent the ripe fruits of long experience.[V-52] - -Considerable attention is given to penology in the _Laws_.[V-53] In -view of the sanctity of custom and of the necessity of law, obedience -is a highly important social virtue. In theory Plato is modern and -scientific, for he advocated punishment, not as a vindictive but as -a preventive and reformatory measure.[V-54] Reformation is the true -aim of punishment.[V-55] In practice Plato is rigid and harsh. For -example, beggars are simply to be sent out of the city and out of the -country.[V-56] The death penalty is utilized freely.[V-57] - -Plato opened all occupations to women as well as men, even the highest, -that of ruling.[V-58] The only difference between the sexes that needs -to be recognized occupationally is that men are stronger physically -than women.[V-59] Women, like men, vary in occupational temperament. -One individual is fitted for one kind of vocation; another, for some -other type of work. - -Although the fundamental importance of bearing children is appreciated, -Plato observed that it is unnecessary that a woman devote her whole -life to the rearing of children. All women should have opportunities -for the development of their personalities. Those women who have -special talent for public service should enter thereupon. Although -a social conservative Plato admits an innovation in the ideal -republic--universal woman suffrage. - -Since women have the same duties as men, they receive the same -opportunities for training. Women must share in the toils of war and -the defense of their country.[V-60] Women are priestesses;[V-61] they -serve on committees for the regulation of marriage, and for deciding -divorce cases.[V-62] - -Although Plato was averse to change, he advocated a dynamic type of -education. This educational system, however, is to be definitely -controlled by the guardians. It is also paternalistic. Common education -shall be of two kinds: gymnastic, for the body; music, for the -soul.[V-63] Gymnastic training will produce a temper of hardness, and -music will lead to gentleness. The extreme of the one is ferocity and -brutality; the extreme of the other is softness and effeminacy.[V-64] -When taken together, they produce a well-ordered personality. The one -sustains and makes bold the reason, the second moderates and civilizes -the mildness of passion.[V-65] Gymnastic exercises provide for the -care and training of the body through childhood and youth so that in -maturity the body may best serve the soul.[V-66] Music, including -literature, trains through the influence of its qualities of harmony -and rhythm. For example, through exercises in harmony the child -develops a harmonious temperament. - -Education is not a process of acquisition, but of the development of -the powers within the individual.[V-67] It is a life-long process; -it begins with birth and continues until death. It, however, slows -up as the individual grows old. An aged person cannot learn much, no -more than he can run much.[V-68] Education in the early years of life -is the most important. As a child is educated, so will his future -be determined.[V-69] A child should be taught early to respect his -parents. Great care should be given to the first years of life. From -three to six years of age the children in Plato’s republic come under -the supervision of chosen matrons and nurses. - -Education shall be universal, but not compulsory, that is, all shall -be taught, but not compelled to learn. Education shall be made -attractive, almost a form of government.[V-70] The laws of imitation -shall be utilized. The tutor shall carry out his teachings in -practice.[V-71] - -A well-trained individual is a replica of a just society. Plato draws -a parallelism, which is inaccurate, between the three classes in -society and three traits of the individual. The rulers, soldiers, and -artisans are compared respectively to the reason, the spirit, and the -passions of the individual. The passions must be subordinated to the -spirit, and both must be controlled by reason. The result will be a -just individual.[V-72] In society a similar hierarchal relation shall -hold between the rulers, soldiers, and artisans. The fundamental aim -in education shall be to secure a change in the attitudes of people. -Such changes are more important than modification in external matters. -Thus, according to Plato, the divine foundations of a state are laid in -education. - -Religion plays a basic rôle in the ideal Republic. Plato held that -belief in God superseded in importance the doctrine that might is -right. Impiety undermines the strength of the social kingdom. God -created the individual for the whole, but not the whole for the -individual. The worship of God is necessary for the individual in -order to prevent him from reverting to selfishness and from making his -humanitarian beliefs purely egoistic phenomena. - -Inasmuch as Plato outlined at the start a perfect republic, any change -would likely constitute a deterioration. But even an ideal state is not -immune to the entry of destructive ideas. The wise men, the rulers, -are not proof against the temptations of absolute power. To remove -the stirrings of self-interest in the minds of the guardians, Plato -planned a communistic order. He overlooked, however, the weaknesses of -communism, but these were pointed out at a later time by Aristotle. - -In spite of excellent safeguards the wisdom of the best rulers will -occasionally fail them. Sooner or later they will err. In examining -the youth they will allow warrior youth to be trained for the guardian -class. With their spirit of contention and of ambition for honor these -adventitious guardians will start the perfect state upon the downward -road.[V-74] When the rulers seek personal power and honor, the ideal -republic will be superseded by a timocracy. - -In a timocracy the ruler with the most private wealth will possess the -greatest personal power and receive the highest honor. Moreover, other -persons will be stimulated, thereby, to acquire wealth and power. In -the meantime the masses will lose nearly everything. The result is an -oligarchy in which the wealthy are honored and made rulers.[V-75] The -poor are treated with dishonor and deprived of position. - -In such an oligarchic state there is a fundamental division; there are -two states instead of one. In spirit, the rich and the poor comprise -separate states. They live in the same territory but are conspiring -against one another.[V-76] Social stability is destroyed by the -conflicts between the extremes of countless riches and utter poverty. -The propertyless hate and conspire against the propertied.[V-77] Civil -war ensues. Because the wealthy have fallen into carelessness and -extravagance, and because the poor possess superior numbers, the poor -are the victors. A democracy--the rule of the Demos--comes into being. -Everyone rules. - -But the populace is not fitted to rule. They are without experience. -Since the drones are numerous among the common people, the drones -manage almost everything in a democracy.[V-78] Excess of liberty -among people untrained for liberty leads to anarchy. Individuals will -set themselves up as the special friends of the common people. These -self-appointed friends of the people will prove to be self-seeking -tyrants; the democracy will be transformed into a tyranny--the lowest -state of all in Plato’s five-fold devolution. - -With distrust of the masses and with a paternalistic government, Plato -coupled a belief that the individual must participate in the life of -society. Social justice does not consist in doing good to one’s friends -and ill to one’s enemies, or in catering to the interests of the most -powerful. The theory that might is right is repudiated.[V-79] A just -society is one in which every person has found his place of greatest -usefulness to the state and fulfils his entire obligations in that -place. On the whole Plato exhibited an impassioned faith in the moral -and social order. - -Plato believed that Ideas are real and that they are the tools with -which the world is made over. He perceived perfect Forms, even a -perfect social Form. Through intellectual control, Plato planned a new -social order. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -ARISTOTLE AND GRECIAN SOCIAL THOUGHT - - -Aristotle (384–322 B. C.), the distinguished pupil of Plato, did not -make, like his master, a unified contribution to social thought. -He sacrificed unity for the examination of parts. Aristotle was an -opportunist, a pragmatist, and a practical student of conditions and -constitutions. Unlike Plato, Aristotle did not look for Ideas separate -from but in things. - -Aristotle studied 158 constitutions inductively and comparatively. His -primary attention was given to what is, rather than to what ought to -be. His eyes were directed first of all to the parts, and then to the -whole. In this examination he found that the parts are related, and -further, that they hold a developmental relation. Instead of Plato’s -perfection, we shall now consider Aristotle’s process of becoming. -Although unsystematic, the social ideas of Aristotle reveal the -concepts of process and progress. - -In Aristotle’s _Ethics_ the discussion of virtue is socially valuable. -Virtue is a mean. Virtue is an impulse which is expressed neither in -excess or in deficiency. It is an impulse expressed temperately until -it becomes a habit. Excess and deficiency are equally fatal. The coward -is he who avoids and fears anything; the foolhardy is he who rushes -into danger anywhere.[VI-1] Liberality is the mean between prodigality -and avarice; civility is the mean between obsequiousness and insolence. -Virtue itself is the mean between self-indulgence and asceticism. In -virtue, lies happiness, man’s _summum bonum_. - -Aristotle’s _Politics_ affords a searching analysis of many phases -of societary life. The family and the state are by nature prior to -the individual, since the whole must exist before any individual -part.[VI-2] When isolated, the individual is not self-sufficient. -Thus, the state is founded on the social needs of the individual. By -virtue of these social needs, man possesses the gregarious, or social, -instinct. By nature, man is a political animal,[VI-3] that is, he is a -being who by nature or necessity lives in association with his kind. -Man can attain his highest good only as a member of society. - -Property is accorded by Aristotle a fundamental social position. -Physical necessities can best be provided through the efforts of -individuals. Communal ownership of property on a large scale will -fail. In referring to Plato’s communism, Aristotle declared: “For that -which is common to the greatest number has the least care bestowed -upon it.”[VI-4] Further, when one feels a thing to be his own, how -much greater is his pleasure in it.[VI-5] Then, if one has private -property, he may have the great pleasure which comes from making -gifts to others. Moreover, communism will lead to an unusual amount -of quarrelling; those who work faithfully will feel aggrieved when -they see that those who work dilettantishly receive and consume a full -portion.[VI-6] - -Aristotle deprecated land equalization. Equalization of the desire for -land is urged. Instead of dividing land equally or of establishing -communism in land, Aristotle advocated that the higher classes be -trained not to desire more land. He also stated that speculators and -land schemers should be prevented from getting more land.[VI-7] - -The communism in wives and children that Plato suggested, Aristotle -denounced as impracticable and foolish. Such a procedure will weaken -friendship and destroy love. Moreover, it will break up the unity of -the state.[VI-8] - -Aristotle held the prevalent disdainful attitude toward manual labor, -and theoretically justified slavery. A slave is a person who by nature -is a slave, a person who by nature expresses himself through bodily -action. He is unable to guide himself by means of reason.[VI-9] - -The subject of social control and government received extended -treatment from Aristotle. After considering a great variety of forms -of government, he avoided a dogmatic choice of any particular form. -He arrived at what is the modern, scientific conclusion, namely, that -no one form of government is to be worshipped to the exclusion of -all other types. A successful, or virtuous, government depends on -the attitude of the people. Human nature must be changed. All people -must become socially virtuous before a perfected government can be -established. - -Theoretically, Aristotle believed that the best government would -come through the absolute rulership of one man, provided that there -is available a man pre-eminently wise and virtuous. But practically, -Aristotle held that in choosing a form of government which will -succeed, it is necessary to consider the actual social conditions, the -state of development of the people, and the attitude of the ruler or -rulers. It does not matter whether one person, or a few persons, or a -large number of persons perform the function of ruler so long as the -best interests of the state are kept uppermost. If the interests of the -entire group are the guiding principles, then royalty, aristocracy, or -constitutionalism is commendable. The one, the few, or the many are -good rulers, providing they are dominated by the common interests. In -these declarations Aristotle overlooked the fact that participation in -government by the governed is essential. He also neglected the fact -that a “best” ruler would be subject to very many temptations as a -result of personifying in himself all the forms of political, economic, -and social power that exist within the state. After a period of time -he would probably yield to some interests which are inimical to the -welfare of the whole.[VI-10] - -When private interests control the government, the resultant forms of -government are either tyranny, oligarchy, or democracy. According to -Aristotle the chief difference between oligarchy and democracy is that -an oligarchy is the rule of the rich and a democracy is the rule of -the poor. Evidently, he believed that the poor are as selfish as the -rich and that the poor are incapable of being trained to the levels of -virtuous citizenship. - -Although Aristotle is aristocratic in his political science and -advocated frequently the rule of the best few, he endorsed a -constitutional republic. Such a form of government will succeed where -there are many wise and virtuous individuals. He admitted that in large -numbers there is a stability of judgment and that common sense bulks -large. Under constitutional government, the extremes will cancel one -another, and the virtuous mean will rule. Large numbers of persons are -less likely to be corrupted than a few persons or even the one best -person.[VI-11] - -There are two fundamentals in a good government: first, actual -obedience of the laws by the citizens; second, the social goodness -of the laws. Aristotle’s formula for an ideal society is this: -virtuous people and good laws, both judged by the common welfare. -And practically, the form of political organization--a monarchy, an -aristocracy, or a constitutional republic--depends upon the place of -the members of the social order on the incline of socialization. - -If a constitutional republic is established, then rotation in office -should be practiced. The tenure of office should be restricted to six -months.[VI-12] An office should rarely be held more than once by the -same person. - -On the other hand, the laws should be changed slowly.[VI-13] Law has no -power to make people obey in spirit, except through force of habit. The -state must guard itself against small changes in laws. Any apparently -slight neglect or disregard of law is insidious; transgression creeps -in unperceived.[VI-14] At first, small transgressions may not be -observed; then, they may gain such momentum that they will ruin the -state. Hence, there should be at all times strict observance of laws. - -The major chord in Aristotle’s ideal society is the social mean. The -existence of two classes only, the very rich and the very poor, will -bring disaster to the state. The very wealthy consider themselves -above legalistic or social authority; the very poor are too degraded -to understand the necessity for and the reason for authority.[VI-15] -In fact, all who possess, not simply an unusual degree of wealth, but -great beauty, great strength or a “noble” birth feel that they should -be accorded special privileges. Further, not only those who are very -poor, but also the persons who are very weak, or very disgraced find -it difficult to follow the dictates of law or of social reason. With -the privileged characters who possess a superabundance of advantages, -the arrogant attitude developed when they were yet children. At home, -they received special considerations; they did not learn obedience -within the small family group. In consequence, how could they be -expected to be obedient citizens within the larger nation-group? -The rich are likely to become insolent and avaricious; they will -rule despotically.[VI-16] Not everyone can bear either prosperity or -adversity. An increase in prosperity in any part of society should -be carefully noted, and that part of society should be placed under -surveillance. No one should receive extraordinary power, either from -friends or through money. Even the pre-eminent are not above egotism. - -A society is safest when the middle class is in control.[VI-17] The -states will likely be well administered in which the middle class is -numerous. Persons of about equal condition do not plot against others; -neither are they plotted against. A middle class prevents both the -arrogant wealthy and the impetuous proletariat from dominating the -state. “Inequality is the source of all revolutions.” - -Poverty is a cause of revolution and crime.[VI-18] In time of war, -it is important that the poor be well fed else they will cause -disturbances. Aristotle might have added that in time of peace the poor -should be able to feed themselves well else they will in due season -cause revolution. - -But poverty is not the only cause of crime. Riches often lead to crime. -Wealth causes the commitment of greater crimes than does poverty. The -greatest offenses are not occasioned by necessity but by excess.[VI-19] -In order to gratify some passion or desire, crime is often committed. -Of the passions ambition and avarice are the chief causes of -crime.[VI-20] Intoxication produces crime.[VI-21] - -The causes of social revolution are manifold. The desire for equality -and the desire for inequality are common factors.[VI-22] Inferiors -revolt in order that they may attain a state of equality with other -persons. Equals revolt in order that they may gain superior levels of -honor and status. Aristotle cited a long list of additional factors in -social revolution: insolence, fear, political graft, a disproportionate -increase of wealth in some part of the state, neglect of trifles in -the observance of laws, dissimilarity in elements such as racial. The -fundamental cause, however, of social revolution is love of gain and -honor. - -Aristotle was not a militarist, for he believed that war in itself is -not a social good. No people should be trained to conquer and obtain -dominion over neighboring states.[VI-23] Military states are safe only -when they are at war. After they declare peace the weight of their -military burdens brings about their downfall.[VI-24] - -The principle of social telesis, which has been recently developed by -Lester F. Ward, was foreseen by Aristotle. A society of individuals, -like the individual himself, has a work to do.[VI-25] It should adapt -itself to its task. - -Aristotle was a public health advocate. The location for an ideal city -should be carefully chosen. It should be selected, first of all, with -reference to the health of the citizens. This point is of greater -importance than that of locating a city wisely for the purpose of -public administration or war.[VI-26] The importance of a pure water -supply is given almost a modern emphasis. - -The question of eugenics received the attention of Aristotle. In order -that children may be as physically sound as possible, legislators -should give special attention to the institution of marriage. Youthful -marriages are condemned because the children that are born to such -unions will be wanting in respect for their parents.[VI-27] Late -marriages will be unsatisfactory because there will be too great -difference between the ages of the parents and their children. The -marriage of a man and a woman whose ages are widely disproportionate -will lead to misunderstandings and quarrels. According to the rigorous, -unsympathetic dictum of Aristotle, no deformed child shall be permitted -to live.[VI-28] Even the advocates of modern birth control may turn for -encouragement to Aristotle. - -In the marriage relation there is inequality. The man is by -nature better fitted to command than the woman.[VI-29] The chief -characteristic of a good wife is obedience to her husband--a doctrine -which is patriarchal. Unfaithfulness of either sex in marriage is -disgraceful.[VI-30] - -Aristotle, like Plato, considers education the leading social force. -There is a fundamental educational problem: Shall youth be trained -primarily (1) to do useful work, (2) to be virtuous, or (3) to gain -higher knowledge?[VI-31] No final answer is given. Aristotle’s -conception of education, however, is paternalistic. - -Utilitarian education possesses a danger line. To be seeking always -after the useful prevents one from developing a free and exalted -soul.[VI-32] Utilitarian education should cease when it cramps the body -or spirit and makes either less fit for the practice of virtue. - -Gymnastic education should never be professionalized or allowed -to hinder the individual’s higher education.[VI-33] The excessive -training which leads to Olympic victories is anti-social, because the -constitution of the given individual is exhausted. Music is valuable -inasmuch as it has the power of forming character.[VI-34] The persons -who are engaged in seriously-minded occupations need amusements which -will give relaxation. - -In summary of Aristotle’s social thought it may be said that the -Stagirite introduced the comparative method of studying human -institutions. He demonstrated the relative value of institutions, -showing that those which are best for one age of society will be -worthless for a later period. In order to meet changing social needs -and conditions, institutions must change. There is a fundamental -evolution in social changes. - -A communistic social organization, according to Aristotle, is -psycho-sociologically untenable. The importance of the middle -classes is socially inestimable. Laws should be respected in small -particulars. The attitude of the members of society toward their social -organizations is more important than the type of organization itself. -Human conduct in the mass is to a degree predictable. - -After the time of Aristotle, Hellenic life degenerated. Political -corruption, military intrigue, and intellectual scepticism vitiated the -Hellenic morality that was founded on custom. The ideal, held by Plato -and Aristotle, of man as an integral part of a constructive social -order was supplanted by a philosophy of pure individualism. - -In Athens, Epicurus (341–270 B. C.) became the leader of the popular -hedonistic philosophy with its emphasis upon pleasure. Self-sacrifice -and noble conduct in the social sense are foreign to Epicureanism. -Friends should be sought, not for the sake of cultivating their -friendship, but for the pleasure to the seeker. If you treat other -persons unjustly, they will retaliate; therefore, treat others justly. - -Stoicism which was founded in Athens by Zeno reached its culmination -among the Romans and hence will be discussed in the following -chapter. Polybius (203–121 B. C.), known as the last Hellenic social -philosopher, developed a theory of social evolution, based on the -belief that people associate because of the selfish benefits that -accrue, and on the fact that group approval and disapproval play a -leading part in the development of human attitudes. - -Grecian social thought is noteworthy because of its intellectual -foundations. It ignored many affective elements, and for that reason it -became one-sided and unbalanced. It was rational rather than affective -or supernatural. It was designed to meet the needs of this life. It -moved away from authority and towards opportunism. - -Economically, Hellenic social thought assumed or justified human -slavery. It postulated a democracy, but a democracy builded on the -backs of thousands of slaves. In practice at the height of the Athenian -democracy there were only about 25,000 free Athenians as against -300,000 slaves. Women were not enfranchised. The governments put slaves -into the armies, and ultimately attempted to throw out a commercial net -over the other Mediterranean states. As a result they lost the spirit -of democracy. The whole system and concept of democracy was undermined -by the debilitating influences of an industrial autocracy. The social -thought of the Greek was limited in its actual application largely -to the privileged few, who aristocratically ignored the needs of the -helpless many. - -Grecian social thought at the height of the Athenian democracy did -achieve, however, for its day and epoch, a unique degree of expression -among the free citizens. For example, in the matter of athletics and -recreation, the Athenians worked together in furnishing themselves -organized group activities. Their athletic contests were of a free -community nature, untrammelled by commercialized motives. In furnishing -recreation for themselves, they co-operated, they acted as community -units. Moreover, in these community activities they generated in -themselves the spirit of a genuine democratic consciousness. - -The fundamentals of Grecian social thought were preserved by the -Romans, without being augmented by them. Together with the Hebrew -and early Christian social thought, Grecian social thought laid -the foundations for the rise of modern social science, and even of -sociology. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -ROMAN SOCIAL THOUGHT - - -Roman social thought is an outgrowth of Hellenic philosophic movements. -It is represented in part by the codification of important phases of -societary control--the product of the legalistic genius of the Romans. -Stoicism, moreover, greatly affected and conditioned the meager social -thinking of the Roman scholars. - -Lucretius (99–55 B. C.) was the chief Roman exponent of Epicureanism. -In his story of social evolution he began with the various phases -of the biological struggle for existence, and proceeded to depict -in a remarkably significant fashion the origins of social practices -and customs.[VII-1] Although his data are of questionable value, his -descriptions of social origins often run strangely parallel to modern -findings. - -The ideal commonwealth of Cicero (106–43 B. C.) is founded on the -belief that Rome has the possibility of becoming an ideal state.[VII-2] -The best ideas in this connection were selected by Cicero from the -Aristotelian, Epicurean, and Stoic philosophies. Cicero was apparently -an exponent of honest statesmanship and finally gave his life for -civic efficiency. He argued that a child should not be punished by -either a parent or a teacher in a fit of anger. Corporal punishment -should be considered only when other methods fail to discipline. - -The descriptive studies of Julius Caesar (100–44 B. C.) are noteworthy. -The _Commentaries_ present social studies of contemporary conditions; -they possess modern value. In a large number of instances the accuracy -of Caesar’s social notes has been verified. - -The teachings of the Roman Stoics may be traced back to the Socratic -formula: Virtue is knowledge. Virtue is knowledge which grows out of -practical human conduct. Unlike Aristotle, the Stoics believed that -sympathy is a disease. It is pathological and hence must be overcome. -In helping other people the wise individual does not allow the emotion -of pity to appear. - -Contrary to the theory of the Epicureans, the Stoics taught that -pleasure is a tiresome and sickly goal. Seneca (4 B. C.-65 A. D.), a -leading Roman Stoic, declared: “I am seeking to find what is good for a -man, not for his belly.”[VII-3] Virtue, according to Stoic philosophy, -consists in living a free and undisturbed life. A line was drawn -between the virtuous and non-virtuous, between a few virtuous and a -multitude of fools. This doctrine tends to engender in the few virtuous -a contemptuous regard for the pig-trough philosophy of the many. - -This tendency, however, was offset by the Stoic belief that all -persons originally possess the same nature and that all are children -of the same universal Spirit. Social differences, hence, are external -and superficial. Beneath the surface of human nature there is a -cosmopolitanism which constitutes a passive brotherhood of man. -Brotherly love should rule, according to the Stoics, but it should rule -temperately, and not in such a way as to disturb the individual’s self -control. Brotherly love should be not a passionate but an intellectual -element. - -In his treatise on Benefits, Seneca makes benevolence the most -social of all virtues; and ingratitude the most venal of all crimes. -Marcus Aurelius (121–180 A. D.) gave the social injunction: Love -mankind.[VII-4] Living should consist in passing from one social act to -another.[VII-5] This is a social world; men exist for the sake of one -another.[VII-6] - -The Stoic Emperor declared that God is social and that individuals are -part of God’s universe. Each individual is a component part of the -social system, and hence every act of the individual is an integral -phase of social life.[VII-7] Inasmuch as the Intelligence of the -universe is social, human society functions as a phase of the cosmic -co-ordination. We are all co-laborers and co-operators. Even the -persons who find fault and who hinder what happens, are performing -useful co-operative functions.[VII-8] That which is harmful to the -swarm is likewise harmful to the individual. Man is a citizen of the -world.[VII-9] The services of a good citizen are never lost. The good -citizen does good chiefly by the example he sets.[VII-10] - -But the cosmopolitanism of the Stoics never extended beyond a passive -interest in the world of affairs. It meant that the individual should -be agreeable with other persons, that he should be tolerant of the -weaknesses of others, and that he should be aware constantly that -others are watching him and likely to copy the example he sets.[VII-11] -Stoicism requires the suppression of anger and the exercising of -clemency toward all human beings. While Stoicism does not extend so far -in its profession as Christianity’s doctrine of brotherhood of man, it -represents a broader viewpoint of life than any code of conduct which -previously had developed in the non-Christian world. - -The purpose of punishment, according to Seneca, is two-fold: either -to reform the evil-doer; or to prevent the operation of his evil -influence and to stop him from setting harmful examples.[VII-12] The -social medicine must be determined, quantitatively and qualitatively, -by the nature of the offender and the offense. Above all things else, -he who administers punishment must not act in anger. Justice cannot be -angry.[VII-13] Lynch procedure is entirely contrary to the teachings of -Stoicism. - -First of all, thieves and robbers should be instructed in the error -of their ways. Obtain their point of view and administer punishment -accordingly. Pity them. The individual who understands why criminals -commit offenses is prevented from becoming angry with them.[VII-14] -Aurelius, like Jesus,[VII-15] gave the injunction: Love even those who -do wrong. Aurelius, like Paul,[VII-16] urged an attitude of charity -toward wrong-doers.[VII-17] - -The Stoics condemned luxurious living and fashion racing. True riches -consists not in augmenting one’s fortune, but in abating the desires -for securing material wealth.[VII-18] The words of Emperor Aurelius -regarding ostentatious living do not seem out of place when applied to -the modern display of wealth. Seneca asserted that he would despise -wealth as much when he has it as when he does not possess it. - -Stoicism urged the Aristotelian social mean regarding property. Much -property is a burden and a cause of worry and fear. It excites envy -in others. The best society is that which is characterized by neither -poverty nor plenty. The poor should not condemn riches, and the -wealthy err in extolling the benefits of poverty--each is speaking of -a situation which is objective to him and outside his sphere. Since it -is objective to him, he is not qualified to speak concerning it. The -individual is a great man who is not corrupted by his wealth; but he -is a greater man who is honestly poor in the midst of plenty.[VII-19] -Riches constitute a power to do evil, hence mediocrity of fortune with -a gentleness of mind represents the best status.[VII-20] - -Stoicism enunciated excellent social ideals, which were, however, -passively intellectual. They were not affectively dynamic. Despite -their implications, they begat social inertia. The teachings of the -Stoics removed rather than instilled a sense of public responsibility. -The doctrines are available to the few rather than to the masses, -although a Roman slave, Epictetus, as an exception, rose to a full -interpretation of Stoic principles. The social ideals and concepts of -the Stoics did not possess enough power to regenerate a degenerate -society. They had sufficient strength, however, to maintain themselves -in a voluptuous and pleasure-seeking world. They performed the -exceedingly useful function of preparing the way for the invasion -of the Roman Empire by the new and active Christian propaganda. -The teachings of the Stoics made easier the conquest of Rome by -Christianity. They softened a little an otherwise hard-hearted world. - -As a class the Romans were men of action. They were soldiers and -administrators. The name of Rome is still synonymous with power. On -the whole it must be said that the Romans made little contribution to -societary thought. - -The constructive work of the Romans was legal and administrative. They -built up a special social science--legal science. The legal genius of -the Romans emphasized the rights of contract, of private property, of -interest. Although this attention to the development of individualistic -institutions was fatal to the rise of new social attitudes and to an -increase in the sense of social responsibility, it nevertheless was -instrumental in constructing a stable framework for the evolution of -the social process. - -The Romans preserved a portion of Hellenic culture. The teachings of -Plato and Aristotle were saved to modern civilization. Credit is due -the Romans for receiving, keeping, working over, and handing on a part -of the best Hellenic civilization. - -Roman thought accentuated military principles of authority, even to the -point of autocracy. It tended to crush the unprivileged populace. It -tried to keep the masses contented by generous state aid. It denied to -personality its complete individual and social expressions. In building -an individualistic framework which would provide an orderly _milieu_ -for the rise of the institution of private property, it ignored the -needs of the uneducated and poverty-enslaved masses for a full measure -of liberty. - -Rome developed the concept of organized power. The organizing ability -of the Romans was marvelous, an organizing power that lives today in -and through the Catholic Church. - -The greatest gift of Rome was its Stoic concepts. Although these -originated in Hellas, they attained their maturity in Rome. They opened -the way for the reception of the Christian social concepts of love, -service, brotherhood of man. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -EARLY CHRISTIAN SOCIAL THOUGHT - - -Christian social thought is the direct outgrowth of Hebrew social -concepts. Amos and Hosea and Isaiah paved the way for the social -teachings of Jesus. The social commandments of the Old Testament -were the progenitors of the modified social injunctions of the New -Testament. Job, the social citizen, was not an unworthy precursor of -Jesus, the lover of humanity. Out of the love and tender care for -children which thrived in Hebrew homes there arose the concept of -the brotherhood of man and the Fatherhood of God--the two cardinal -principles of Christianity. - -Jesus gave expression to no system of social thought, but uttered -social principles and concepts which, when put together, constituted -the basis of a new social order. He dealt with personalities rather -than with institutions. He looked to the individual rather than to the -mass. He emphasized functions rather than structures. He proclaimed -the need for socio-religious personalities. If he could get these, -he was sure of the ultimate societal results. He foresaw a perfect -society--the Kingdom of God. - -Unlike Plato and Aristotle, Jesus was a continual student of everyday -life. Like Socrates, Jesus was fond of people. He was a student of -individual and social affairs. He mixed with all types of human beings. -Like Socrates, he wrote practically nothing. Unlike Socrates, Jesus had -a dynamic element in his nature which forbade him to remain content -to argue with people (after the Socratic manner), but which drove him -to help and to heal. He went about doing good. The Gospel records are -replete with instance after instance of his work in healing the sick of -their infirmities. He was not, however, a physician but a teacher and a -savior from sin and evil. - -Behind all the teachings of Jesus, there is the concept of a perfect -human order. This Kingdom begins in the hearts of individuals.[VIII-1] -It is a spirit or an attitude of mind which leads the individual toward -co-operative living. The Kingdom may come on earth as well as in -heaven. Consider the picture of a harmonious community life which Jesus -gave when lamenting over Jerusalem: “How often would I have gathered -thy children together, as a hen doth gather her brood together under -her wings, and ye would not!”[VIII-2] - -Jesus extended the concept of brotherhood. Whoever shall do the will of -God is a brother to me.[VIII-3] The world, under God, is one family. -The Kingdom, therefore, is to include all human beings, who worship God -in spirit and in truth and who at the same time love their fellowmen -in justice and co-operative living. - -The ideal society is organic. It grows from good examples. Live so that -other persons, seeing the helpfulness of your life, may live likewise. -The Kingdom grows like a grain of mustard seed, which finally becomes -a tree in whose branches the birds find homes.[VIII-4] Love grows, and -like leaven, permeates and transforms the whole mass,--the result is -the perfect Kingdom. - -God is the spiritual leader of the new society, to whom Jesus prayed in -the social term, Our Father. God is the personification of love. God -loved the sinful world so much that he gave his only son to the task -of saving not simply the Jews or modern Europeans, but the whole world -from all sins. The Star which guided the Magi was God’s service Star, -announcing that he had given his only son in the war against sin. - -Love is the new note that is to re-form the world. Love is the -scientific principle from which all other true sociological concepts -are derived. Love received the most perfect human expression in the -personality and life of Jesus, who came not for self glory but to save -people from hate and sin; who sought not the sheep to oppress and slay -them for his own gratification, but to direct them, when lost, back -to safe living; who sought not to weigh down the burdened with unjust -taxes and harsh living conditions, but to relieve and give rest to the -heavy-laden: who cared less for the upper Four Hundred than for the -lower Four Hundred Million. - -The principle of love compels the members of the Kingdom to show mercy. -God is full of mercy, therefore, let his followers show mercy. Love -forgives. The Christian citizen is instructed to become reconciled with -his brother citizen before worshipping at the altar of God.[VIII-6] If -the individual would be forgiven of his sins, he must acquire the habit -of forgiving other persons. He must be careful not to judge harshly, -lest other persons judge him harshly. He should forgive others seventy -times seven times, that is, without stint or measure. - -St. Luke, the physician, recites the story of a loving father. The -prodigal son impetuously demanded his share of the inheritance, and -going into a far country, wasted his substance in riotous living. But -upon showing true remorse for these exceedingly grave offenses, his -father received him back with a loving, forgiving heart, a feast, the -best robes, and music and dancing. One of the malefactors who was -crucified with Christ, showed a penitent heart at the last moment and -received forgiveness from the loving, dying Christ. Since no one is -without sin, no one has a right to be unforgiving. Even the woman taken -in adultery came within the law of forgiving love. - -The societary principle of love is the major chord of Christianity. -It is Christianity’s unscientific but greatest gift to sociology. It -has become the fundamental concept of sociology. To the Old Testament -type of love which urged the individual to love his neighbor and to -love the alien and stranger, Jesus repeatedly insisted upon a love -that is still greater, namely, a love which will include enemies. Love -your enemies.[VIII-7] Jesus himself exemplified this form of love. He -made no idle interpretation of an impossible love, but demonstrated -and lived a love which forgave his enemies, even those who mockingly, -shamelessly nailed him to a cross. So great is the drawing power of -this almost superhuman love which Jesus expressed in deeds that he -himself predicted that if he were lifted up he would draw all people -unto him. - -Love fills people with compassion. The Gospels are replete with -references to the fact that wherever Jesus saw sickness, poverty, sin, -he was moved with compassion. The illustrations range from the blind -men by the wayside to the bread-hungry multitudes, from the unclean -leper in Galilee to murderous Jerusalem. - -Love is cosmopolitan. All peoples are entitled to know the meaning of -Christian love.[VIII-8] Both Jew and Gentile shall feel its warming -glow. The Samaritan lives it. Loving neighborliness includes more than -priestly and Levitical acts; it involves Samaritan kindness. The love -in the heart of Jesus reached first to a few close friends, then to -sinners and outcasts, then to the Samaritans and the Gentiles, and -finally to the whole world. It led ultimately to that most unselfish -of all human enterprises--the missionary movement. - -Love leads to humility and self-sacrifice. Alms-giving is done in -private, not for social plaudits. The individual prays, not to be seen -of men and thereby to be accounted good.[VIII-9] He who seeks to save -his life shall lose it; whoever loses his life for the sake of the -Kingdom shall save it. He who stores up for himself the wealth of the -world shall lose himself. Salutations in the market places and chief -seats in the synagogues in themselves are unworthy. The poor in spirit -are blessed. - -Love shuns positions of worldly power, lest they be secured at the -loss of one’s soul.[VIII-10] The best positions in life are not to -be seized; they are obtained through the exercise of love; they are -bestowed in recognition of merit and worth. He who exalts himself will -be abased; the humble will be exalted. - -Love creates true greatness. The members of the society of perfect -love are characterized by the sincerity, purity, humility of little -children.[VIII-11] He who serves most is greatest. The Kingdom of God -is an aristocracy, not of Might but of Service. The Son of God came to -serve, not to be served. For the sake of those outside the Kingdom, -Jesus sanctified himself, sacrificing even his life in that cause. - -Love makes the Golden Rule the best sociological proposition in Hebrew -and Jewish literature. “Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, -do ye even so to them.” In reply to a lawyer of the Pharisees, Jesus -enunciated a two-fold commandment, the first part of which invoked -complete love to God; and the second part, to man. The love of the -individual for his fellow man as shown in both attitude and deeds is -the test of the love of the individual for God. Love means service. -Love does not connote lip-service; neither does it mean divided -service. No one can serve two masters, God and mammon. - -Christian love implies definite and continued public service. Social -service is the test of entrance to the Kingdom, and of the sincerity -of the individual’s religious profession.[VIII-12] On the judgment day -those on the right hand will be blessed and given life eternal, and to -them the king of the judgment will say: - - I was an hungered, and ye gave me meat; - I was thirsty, and ye gave me drink; - I was a stranger, and ye took me in; - Naked and ye clothed me; - I was in prison, and ye came unto me. - -Then the righteous, with surprise, will inquire of the Lord of the -judgment: When did we see you hungry and feed you; or thirsty, and give -you drink? When did we see you a stranger and take you in? Then the -Lord of the judgment will answer them that when they had served the -weak and poor and the heavy-laden on earth, they had been serving him -and thereby had proved their loyalty to God and earned the rewards -of everlasting life. And those who fail to measure up to the social -service test, whether professing Christians or not, will be turned away. - -The importance and nature of religio-social service is indicated by -Jesus when he symbolizes the giving of a cup of cold water in his name -as a test for receiving eternal life.[VIII-13] He who has two coats -should give one to him who has none. The sharing of food with those who -have no food is commanded. Give liberally; give all thou hast.[VIII-14] -It is blessed to give under all circumstances. Material riches are -insignificant in value when compared with spiritual wealth. To give the -things of this world is to receive the greater things of the spirit. He -is richest who gives most, both of material and spiritual goods. As an -expression of his love for God, Jesus lived a life of social and human -service. - -Whenever Jesus mentioned the ten commandments--all three synoptic -writers agree on this point--he omitted the four commandments of -individual import and repeated only the social rules, or principles: - - (1) Thou shalt do no murder, - (2) Thou shalt not commit adultery, - (3) Thou shalt not steal, - (4) Thou shalt not bear false witness, - (5) Honor thy father and mother, - (6) Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself. - -After the fashion of the major social prophets, Jesus cried out -vehemently against social injustice. He denounced the persons who -devour widows’ houses, or who lay unnecessary economic burdens upon -their fellowmen. - -Anti-social religion, above all things else, angered Jesus. He wanted -no followers who were practicing social or political injustice. Cursed -are those persons who appear righteous, who make long prayers, or who -go about in long robes, but who inwardly are hypocrites, are full of -dead men’s bones, of uncleanness, of extortion and excess.[VIII-15] The -shedding of innocent blood is condemned. The paying of money in order -to expiate sin will avail nothing. Such money is tainted; it is blood -money.[VIII-16] - -Anti-social and commercialized religion so angered Jesus that, contrary -to his customary attitudes toward sinners, he committed violence on -one occasion against offenders. He overthrew the tables of the money -changers in the temple, and, making a scourge of small cords, he drove -out the money changers. In so doing, he declared that the worship of -God should not be commercialized.[VIII-17] He would not have the house -of worship turned into a cultured den of thieves. - -So furious were the scribes and the chief priests because of the attack -of Jesus upon anti-social religious practices that they planned how -they might kill him.[VIII-18] It appears that as a direct result of the -antagonism of Jesus to the anti-social practices of the religious, or -temple, authorities and of the other religious leaders the conspiracy -against Jesus finally brought about his death. Jesus went about -stirring up the common people in a democratic movement against the -autocratic, hypocritical, anti-social religious leaders among the Jews. -He met his death while championing the needs of the masses who were -being exploited in the name of religion. - -Jesus was the highest type of social democrat. The perfected social -order which he foresaw is a democracy, ruled by the principles of love -and service in the name of God. Furthermore, no one shall be compelled -to come into the Kingdom. The good tidings shall be presented to all -individuals, but the liberty of the individual shall not be violated. -The principle of voluntary assent, not compulsion or conscription, -rules in recruiting for the Kingdom. Moreover, within the Kingdom, -compulsion is unknown. Love sufficeth. - -Jesus hated sin. To him, sin was anything which overcomes love and -which causes the individual or society to disintegrate. Sin is that -which defeats or hinders the coming of the Kingdom of Love. Sin breaks -up or holds back the social process. Sin, like love, is organic. Sin -grows. An evil tree brings forth evil fruit; grapes and figs are not -gathered from thorns or thistle-bearing plants. - -Jesus forgave sinners; even social sinners. By means of his -imagination, he put himself in the place of the sinner and sought -to understand the causes of the sinning. As his mind filled with an -understanding of sin, his heart overflowed with pity and forgiveness -for the sinner. He sought primarily to reclaim; he thought secondarily -of punishment. Even in the case of the adulterous woman, he sought to -save what was left of the broken spirit rather than to punish. His -cardinal penological principle was reformation. - -It is significant that the social institution which Jesus supported -above all others, even above the church and the state, was the family. -Jesus spoke frequently for the family. He commanded that children -should unwaveringly act loyally toward parents; he used not only the -clear-cut terms of the writer of Exodus but added a curse of death upon -those who abuse their parents.[VIII-19] - -An even stronger command was given by Jesus concerning loyalty to -the marriage relation. A man’s genuine loyalty to his parents, -undiminished in intensity, must be subordinated to faithfulness to his -wife.[VIII-20] This social theory is opposite in character to that of -Confucius concerning attitudes toward parents and wives. The conception -which Jesus urged leads to social progress, while the teaching of -Confucius leads to social stagnation. - -A man and woman who have been spiritually joined together in wedlock -are one flesh, above and beyond separation by civil authorities. Jesus -uttered the stern and awe-inspiring sanction: What therefore God hath -joined together, let not man put asunder. The family as an institution -is accorded a sacredly fundamental place in the social order. - -Jesus recognized woman as equal with man spiritually. His attitude -toward his mother and the other women of his day was one of respect, -chivalry, and gentleness. He laid the foundations of a social process -in which women function on terms of equality with men. - -Honor to parents and honor to wife must be supplanted by honor to -children. Jesus worshiped little children. In them he saw the innocence -and purity of God. When he wished to describe the attributes of the -Kingdom, he selected a little child and held him up as typifying the -simple, natural spirit of perfect living. Although without children -himself, Jesus loved little children, choosing them for special honors, -and declaring that of such is the Kingdom of God. It is not God’s will -that one of these little ones should perish; it is the stupidity of man -and the lack of social conscience that causes a high mortality rate of -little children. He who harms the trustful child shall be cursed. It -were better for such a miscreant that a millstone were tied about his -neck and that he were thrown into the sea.[VIII-21] - -In regard to the influence of private property Jesus was fearful. -His zeal for and whole-hearted loyalty to spiritual values made him -suspicious of vested interests. He repeatedly warned in vigorous -language against the lure of gold and the baneful influences of -material wealth upon the attitudes and acts of the individual. He -himself showed no interest in owning property. He lived without a home -of his own and without private means. If he had possessed these, his -life-work probably would have failed. He urged his disciples to remain -free from the desire for money; he even commanded them to rely for the -means of material subsistence upon the people with whom they labored. -Jesus believed that private property hindered the realization of the -principle of brotherhood of man. He made a sharp distinction between -the interests of God and mammon. He believed that these two sets of -interests are diametrically opposed to each other. To the extent that -the individual relies upon property, he separates himself from God and -the things of the Spirit. The disciples were instructed to scorn, not -only the earning of wealth, but if they possessed earthly goods, they -were to sell these and give the proceeds to the poor.[VIII-22] The -disciple of the spiritual life must divorce himself from the love of -monetary gain. - -Toward the poor, Jesus was sympathetic. The Gospel shall be preached -chiefly to the poor, not because the poor, _per se_, need it more than -the rich and not because the poor should be specially favored, but -because they recognize their needs. They are in a receptive attitude -whereas the attitude of the rich has been calloused by their wealth. -The response to the Gospel is not likely to be whole-hearted by persons -who possess an extensive interest in riches. - -Jesus taught a spiritual socialism. He thought in terms of spiritual -love for all persons, not of material well-being for the proletariat. -But he seemed to prefer the company of the poor. Blessed are the poor, -was his attitude; for they are in a frame of mind which makes them fit -subjects for the perfect Kingdom. The possession of property gives -the individual a feeling of self-exaltation; poverty gives rise to -humility--a cardinal virtue of the Kingdom. - -Jesus did not attack poverty with preventive measures. Poverty will -continue to exist.[VIII-23] Perhaps it is well that it should continue, -for a nation of economically satisfied people might not be religiously -minded. It is harder for a camel to go through a needle’s eye than for -a rich man to get into the swing of an untrammeled social process. Woe -unto the rich, because they are self-centered, materially inclined, and -pleasure-loving. The man who pulled down his barns in order to build -larger barns, saying to himself, “Take thine ease, eat, drink, and be -merry,” is scathingly condemned by Jesus.[VIII-24] He is ostracized -from the ideal society. In the story of Lazarus and the rich man, the -former is carried to Abraham’s bosom, but the latter, in torments, begs -for a cup of water and the company of Lazarus. He wanted Lazarus sent -to him; he longed for the company of him whom he once ignored. The -attention of Jesus was continually centered on the dangers of wealth, -but rarely on the need of preventing poverty. - -Zaccheus, a rich man, was called as a disciple of Jesus. But before -the discipleship began, the superintendent not only had to come down -from the mulberry tree and declare his allegiance to God, but he had to -become socially converted as well. He promised to give one-half of his -wealth to the poor and to restore falsely acquired possessions fourfold. - -Then there was the rich young man who came to Jesus, asking how he -might obtain admittance to the Kingdom, declaring that he observed the -commandments. One more thing, however, was required of him, namely, -that he sell all his possessions and give the returns to the poor. Only -by so giving might he have treasure in the social Kingdom. - -The teaching of Jesus concerning the Sabbath throws light on the -exceedingly human element in his thought. The Sabbath is a special -day for doing good deeds.[VIII-25] The Sabbath is to be treated not -primarily from the standpoint of religious rites but from the viewpoint -of human welfare. Works of necessity, and deeds of mercy and kindness -to man and beast are proper to the Sabbath.[VIII-26] Man was not made -for the Sabbath, but the day of rest and good deeds was designed for -the benefit of man. - -The attitude of Jesus toward the problem of peace versus war has -aroused considerable controversy. There are certain of his sayings -which seem to contradict each other. But an analysis of all his -teachings demonstrates that his emphasis was on peace. The exceptions -to the rule will be stated first.[VIII-27] On one occasion he said: I -came not to send peace, but a sword. The context shows that Jesus was -speaking in an individual and not a national way. He had in mind the -conflicts which arise between the individuals who are converted to -the ideals of the Kingdom and those who are not. Jesus explained that -those who love him must do so even at the expense of forsaking father -and mother.[VIII-28] Loyalty to the Kingdom may mean that the son will -oppose the practices of his father in business, the daughter will -object to the time wasted in the unChristian practices of her mother, -the parents will protest the sowing of “wild oats” by son or daughter. - -In the temple, on one occasion, Jesus displayed anger and used -violence. He was dealing, however, with a group of criminals, cultured -criminals, who apparently would respond to no treatment except -violence. They would not cease their nefarious practices except through -compulsion. - -On the other hand, the illustrations are many where Jesus used love -in order to change the ways of people. He never used force in his own -behalf, even to save his life. He rebuked Simon Peter for drawing his -sword and cutting off the right ear of the servant of the high priest -who in company with others were seeking Jesus in order to bind him and -kill him.[VIII-29] At another time Jesus specifically enjoined: Resist -not evil; and instructed his followers when smitten upon the right -cheek to turn the left also. Those who take the sword shall perish -by the sword; the nation that builds itself up by the sword shall be -destroyed by it.[VIII-30] - -The birth of Jesus was accompanied by glad tidings and song, -proclaiming peace on earth and good will toward men.[VIII-31] Blessed -are the peacemakers. In the perfect society, good will by all to all -will be shown, perfect love will reign, and permanent peace will -prevail. - -Jesus may or may not have expressed himself on several important issues -of his day. The incomplete records do not indicate his attitude upon -many vital social problems. It appears that Jesus usually spoke in -remedial rather than preventive social terms. However, beneath this -remedial terminology there are fundamental social principles, which, -if put into common practice, would solve all social problems. Jesus -proposed to build an ideal society by re-making and regenerating -individuals. He dared to promulgate the radical program of re-making -human nature itself. He commanded that all selfish impulses and -instincts be completely subordinated to the altruistic and socializing -desires. - -Jesus insisted throughout his life-work upon the principle that -material factors must be subjected to spiritual values. In order to -make this principle clear he often took particular pains to treat -material goods with the utmost insignificance. He perceived that -individuals are made slaves by the worship of wealth, either on the -part of themselves, of the privileged classes, or of society itself. He -inaugurated a program of spiritualization which would free the world -from the slavery which may come from economic forces. - -Although a religious teacher above all things else, Jesus insisted upon -the necessity of the existence of something more than saving faith -alone. He required a social attitude of mind, a heart of social love, -and a spirit of service. Give freely to others. Serve others. By giving -himself for others, the individual will function in the Kingdom of -perfect love, and win other individuals to that Kingdom. - -Jesus required that love be substituted for hate. Unkind deeds must -be supplanted by kind deeds. According to this principle, employers -and employees must learn to love one another; and business must be -put upon the basis of love and service. Government must be a series -of mutual services. Religion must harbor no selfishness. In all human -relationships, Jesus reiterated the principle: Love, love, love. This -is the spiritualizing and socializing principle by which Jesus proposed -to make over the social process. - -Paul, the apostle to the Gentiles, by virtue of unique experiences -and many travels, possessed a cosmopolitan attitude of mind. He gave -a practical application of the teaching of Jesus concerning the -brotherhood of man. He urged the equal treatment of Jews and Gentiles, -bond and free.[VIII-32] He preached the essential unity of mankind. God -is no respecter of persons; his Kingdom is a spiritual democracy. We -are all--Jew and Gentile--children of the same Father, who gave his son -in service for all.[VIII-33] To the call to come over into Macedonia -for the purpose of rendering aid, Paul responded immediately and -favorably. By so doing he believed that he was carrying out the true -implications of the love of God. - -The greatest tribute that has ever been paid to love as a social force -was given by Paul.[VIII-34] Although possessing the highest educational -qualifications and being able to speak with the greatest eloquence, -any individual leads a practically useless life unless that life is -motivated by love. Giving one’s possessions to the poor and sacrificing -one’s body counts little if one does these things in any other spirit -than that of love. Love protects the individual from envying his -neighbors, from becoming proud and haughty and boastful. Love is the -greatest principle of life. - -The members of the Kingdom of God should love one another under -all circumstances.[VIII-35] They should bear one another’s -burdens.[VIII-36] They should do good to all men, even to those who -persecute. Above all, they should not recompense any man with evil -for evil, or fail to feed their enemies if the latter hunger. Love is -the law of God. Perfect love is more powerful than principalities and -powers and even death.[VIII-37] Love conquers all evil. Love is more -powerful than might. A practical, cosmopolitan brotherhood of man is -one of the fundamental concepts of Paul’s teachings. - -Paul taught the organic unity of mankind. In the perfect Christian -order each individual has a specific function to perform which is a -part of the whole process. Paul compares this situation to the human -body in which there are many organs, each performing its individual but -correlated function.[VIII-38] No one liveth to himself, no one dieth -to himself.[VIII-39] Every individual, even in dying, influences the -social equilibrium and affects group progress. All individuals in the -perfect Kingdom are co-laborers and co-operators. Whatever weakens -one individual weakens society; whatever strengthens the individual -strengthens society, providing that strength is used societarily. - -Another fundamental element in the social thought of Paul was his -concept of sin. Sin is socially and individually destructive. The wages -of sin--a generic term--is death. Paul made a long list of social -sins, namely: covetousness, maliciousness, drunkenness, wantonness, -dishonesty, fraud, stealing, fornication, murder. In nearly all his -letters, Paul warned his followers against the evils which beset -mankind. He urged people to beware of the appearance of doing evil. -Paul’s rule of conduct was the Aristotelian mean: Be temperate in all -things. - -On the other hand, Paul cited long lists of virtues. Love is -continually urged. Temperance, meekness, gentleness, honesty, purity, -and justice are repeatedly stressed. Paul’s description of a good man -and bishop is the delineation of the character of a social citizen, who -is temperate, a good husband, who is not mercenary nor covetous, and -who ruleth well his household, with good reputation and character. - -In all Paul’s thought, righteous living was uppermost. Cheerful giving -was commended. The strong should bear the infirmities of the weak, not -only for the sake of the weak, but in order that the strong may not -become self-centered. - -Paul taught a gospel of peace. He deprecated strife between -individuals. He trusted in the operation of the law of love. Love will -bring order out of confusion, and peace out of discord. The social -Kingdom of God, motivated by love, moves orderly, harmoniously, and -constructively. - -Paul firmly supported the family as an essential institution of -society. He admonished children to obey their parents, to honor their -fathers and mothers. He commanded wives to obey their husbands, and -husbands to love their wives even as Christ loved the church and as -men love themselves.[VIII-40] He commanded men to remain true in the -marriage relation, and to keep the single standard of morals inviolate. - -The dangers of wealth were frequently pointed out by Paul. We brought -no riches into this life: we can not take any riches out. Riches -continually subject us to temptations, snares, and lusts. The love of -money is the root of all evil.[VIII-41] The greatest wealth which any -person can acquire is the wealth of good deeds done to other persons. - -The thought of Paul concerning law is exceedingly modern. Law is not -for the righteous; law is for the lawless and disobedient. The honest -and righteous and just are above the law in the sense that a well-mated -husband and wife are above the law of divorce. If there were none -other than happily-mated husbands and wives, there would be no need of -divorce laws. In a similar way, if perfect love prevailed among all -people, law could be entirely discarded. The teachings of Paul run the -gamut of brotherly love. Paul thought in terms of concepts such as -these: being well-grounded in love; abounding in love; let brotherly -love continue; the love of Christ constraineth. Paul carried a message -of love to all men, and established the church as a home for all who -would accept Christ’s message of love. - -The apostle James spoke in no uncertain terms of the democracy of -God, the need of helping the weak, the dangers of riches, the evils -of strife, and the social commandments. James made social service a -fundamental test of religion.[VIII-42] - -Peter attacked the same social sins that Jesus and Paul had flayed, -argued in behalf of the justice of God, and proclaimed with new vigor -the law of love. - -John is the chief exponent of the principle of love. God is love. The -reign of God is a reign of love; the Kingdom of God is a Kingdom of -perfect love. In the Book of Revelation, John describes two cities; -one wicked; and the other, perfect. The first is elegantly clothed -in purple and gold, bedecked with precious stones. But her heart -is rotten. Lust and vice have ruined her. Her dominating sins are -sex immorality and luxury. The perfect city is the new Jerusalem, a -community of happy people, motivated in all things by love. Nothing -that defileth is permitted in the New Jerusalem, nor anything that -worketh abomination, or maketh a lie.[VIII-43] - -The fundamentals of early Christian social thought may now be -summarized. The New Testament authorities offered no system of -sociology; they did not submit a scientific program for the social -reorganization of the world, but made, however, substantial -contributions. - -(1) Early Christian social thought represented a system of changing -the attitudes of individuals. By making over individuals the world -can be improved. The individual is exalted. The individual must be -re-educated. The right sort of men will produce the right sort of -social structure and the proper type of social process and society. -Christianity indicated socialized principles of conduct which the -disciples of Christianity must accept. - -(2) The Fatherhood of God is made a cardinal principle of the Kingdom. -When all persons recognize the Fatherhood of God, they will have a -strong tie binding them together and impelling them to regenerated -living. - -(3) The universal brotherhood of man is a natural corollary of the -principle of the Fatherhood of God. When everyone recognizes the -underlying brotherhood of all individuals, the prejudices of race which -now so bitterly divide mankind will begin to dissolve. - -(4) Marriage is a divine right, and husbands and wives shall work -together in behalf of their children. The family is the chief social -institution which the New Testament writers supported. - -(5) Little children set examples of simple faith and trust. They call -for sacrifice and transform parents into altruistic beings. - -(6) Early Christian thought was missionary. It was not self-centered. -It said: Go. It drove out its adherents unto all forms of unselfish -living. It required that its followers help the sick, preach the -gospel, travel into foreign lands. It was an activity religion. It -defined in living terms the dynamic and driving principle of love. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -SOCIAL THOUGHT IN THE MIDDLE AGES - - -The social thought of the Middle Ages was in part a reflection of the -unsettled social conditions, and in part an outgrowth of the thought -and life of the five centuries which intervened between the beginning -of the Christian Era and the Fall of Rome. During these centuries the -Church Fathers moved away from the pristine Christian teachings. While -they accepted the underlying social nature of mankind and believed that -government and social organization were necessary in order to curb evil -tendencies, their teachings treated government as a divine institution -and transformed rulers into super-powerful beings with divine rights. -The autocratic rather than the democratic element in government -received support. - -The strong Roman bias for organization and administration was builded -into the church--the result was the powerful Church of Rome with its -hierarchal structure. After the Fall of Rome, the Roman proclivity for -centralization of government lived on and produced within the Church a -center of power that has been the marvel of church history. - -The Church Fathers directed the attention of the people to the next -world and to preparation therefor. Sacramental and sacrificial methods -of salvation were elaborated. The importance of improving social -conditions was ignored. In fact, the injustices in the current social -order were considered as disciplinary measures for the soul in its -preparation for the next world. The improvement of living conditions -was considered to be wasted effort, if not indicative of heretical -tendencies of mind. - -By the third century, loyalty to creed had become a dominant note in -Christianity. The poor constituted a decreasing influence in church -life; wealth was exerting unChristian influences. The aristocratic -elements in church organization began to transform the poor into a -special class within the church. Poverty was not viewed preventively. -By the time of the Fall of Rome the poor had become objects upon which -to bestow alms as a means of expiating sin. - -The greatest of the Latin Fathers was Saint Augustine (354–450). Among -other works, he wrote a large set of twenty-two volumes under the title -of _The City of God_. In this gigantic undertaking social thought was -submerged beneath theological discussions. A part of the argument is -devoted to an explanation of the Fall of Rome. The leading causal -elements are described as economic factors, such as the rise of luxury; -and religious unbelief, such as the worship of pagan gods. Augustine -describes two cities, one of this world, materialistic and debasing; -and one of the next world--the City of God, which through the will of -God will finally triumph. - -During the first half of the Middle Ages the dominant tendencies are -Roman and Christian. The Roman power of organization gains increasing -strength in its new form--the Church. The Christian influences were -expressed in high ideals, new duties, and asceticism. The church acted -as a soothing and quieting force in the centuries of unrest. It built -elaborate monasteries and gathered together under its protecting wing -large numbers of people, chiefly the poor. Under the supervision of the -church, these religious believers lived in communal and sympathetic -fashion. Along with these developments the church also manifested grave -abuses. At the expense sometimes of the ignorant and the poor the -church grew powerful. - -Out of the period of social disorder which characterized the early -Middle Ages there developed educational movements, such as that which -Charlemagne sponsored, and the system of Feudalism, which gave to the -Middle Ages its most distinctive set of characteristics. Feudalism made -land the central institution of society. The ownership of land gave -power; land constituted social and political power. Land was parcelled -out upon the receipt of oaths of homage and fealty. Under this land -system there were three classes of people: the nobles, the clergy, -and the peasants. The nobles were the rulers and exercised military -prerogatives. The clergy were either the privileged subjects of the -nobles, or else through the institution which they represented they -acquired land power. The peasants often despised the nobles, although -they worked for and supported them. - -As an outgrowth of feudal industry various forms of guilds or -industrial organizations flourished from the tenth to the fifteenth -centuries. Sometimes the masters and workmen jointly belonged to -guilds, as in the case of the merchant guilds. Sometimes the guilds -became local monopolies. Always they possessed the aim of improving the -conditions of the membership. - -The religious wars, or Crusades, of the eleventh to the thirteenth -centuries inaugurated many changes. They gave the restless nobility -major themes of attention and even removed many nobles through death in -battle from the European arena. They created intellectual unrest. They -enlarged the horizons of many individuals and gave rise to skepticism. -They led to the Reformation. - -Social thought in the Middle Ages received a considerable stimulus from -Teutonic sources. The barbarous Teutons contributed ideas of freedom. -They increased the emphasis upon the individual. They were rough, -bold exponents of “personal liberty,” and disregarded mere churchly -procedure, social traditions, and some of the finer ideals of life and -character. On the other hand, chivalry and knighthood were perhaps of -Teutonic origin. - -The church utilized chivalry. It became the duty of the knight to -defend the church and that which belonged to the church. Chivalry -became a form of social discipline which ruled in the latter part of -the Middle Ages. It softened manners and became the sponsor for virtue. -It remained, however, a modified military structure with military -traditions. - -The rise of scholasticism took place in opposition to monasticism. -In the ninth century the leading thinkers had not advanced beyond -the conception of a natural social state, characterized by chaotic -conditions, and organized by political machinery. By the twelfth -century only the faintest glimmerings of a doctrine of popular -sovereignty had begun to appear. The thought of the day was largely -theological. - -The church through its systems of monasteries had maintained centers -where religious and intellectual traditions had been preserved. These -centers were undoubtedly important factors in conserving much that -was valuable in an age when ruthless disregard for civilized values -prevailed. - -Because of the abuses which sprang up in connection with the -monasteries, certain positive reactions against the monasteries arose. -St. Francis of Assisi (1181–1226) turned from the monastery to actual -life. He inaugurated a method for the regeneration of society. He -and his followers lived and spent themselves among the actual poor, -subjecting themselves to the economic conditions of the poor. They -helped the poor, not by giving alms as an expiation for sin and to -secure self-salvation, but by the first-hand giving of their lives. -St. Francis ignored the regular ecclesiastical conception of charity -and gave it all the reality of a new and genuine social force. By -renouncing the possession of property and living as the poor live, he -obtained what he could secure in no other way--the poor man’s point of -view. In this way, also, he secured an entrance into the poor man’s -mind and heart that could not be had so well by any other method. By -renouncing wealth and accepting literal poverty he reached the core of -the problem of poverty. St. Francis was motivated by a desire to live a -life of love. He spent not wealth but his life for the poor. - -Scholasticism developed as a reaction against churchly asceticism. -According to scholasticism the individual should look to reason -rather than to church dogma for religious and spiritual guidance. -Scholasticism repudiated church traditions as a guide for individual -action; it turned to Aristotelian logic for its technique. Thomas -Aquinas (1226–1274), the best known of the scholastic philosophers, -pushed forward the Aristotelian premises as follows: Man is a social -being: he unites with other individuals in a social organization in -order to gain his own purposes. The individual looks to able rulers -for wise political guidance; he accords the requisite power to these -rulers. Aquinas thus recognized a tacit social compact, or contract, -foreshadowing Rousseau. - -In religion, scholasticism reduced religious mysticism to rational -forms. It based religion on learning rather than on authority; it -pursued the methods of reasoning rather than of contemplation. - -Scholasticism furthered the advancement of learning; it aided and -developed the life of the universities. It encouraged the growth of -independent thinking, although its decline set in about the fourteenth -century, before it had had a fair opportunity to inaugurate a movement -which would lead to an inductive or a positivistic philosophy, or -sociology. - -Various other thought elements appeared in the closing centuries of the -Middle Ages. As early as the ninth century a maritime code, a military -code, and a rural code were formulated in the Byzantine Empire in -order to meet new social needs. Until the fall of Constantinople the -Byzantine influence was a deterrent against the forces from the East. -Byzantium preserved and gave a new impetus to Grecian literature, art, -architecture, and law. - -In Arabia the celebrated historian and philosopher Ibn Khaldun -(1332–1406), made a detailed and surprisingly accurate description of -the social life of the Arab tribes. With the evolution of the life of -the individual, he compared the development of the successive stages -in social life. This distinguished historian urged that history should -consider not simply rulers, dynasties, and wars, but also racial -factors, climatic forces, the laws of association, and the stages of -associative life. He wished to make history scientific, even a social -science. He formulated an evolutionary doctrine of social progress. He -evolved a spiral theory of social evolution, beginning with the crudest -primitive life and ending with the most civilized urban life. - -In the latter part of the fourteenth century, England’s great popular -poet, William Langland, wrote an allegorical poem entitled, _Piers -Ploughman_. In this work the oppressed laboring and peasant classes -cry aloud their longings for improved conditions. They are personified -in Piers the Ploughman, who as a dignified laborer, plays for the -first time the leading rôle in serious thought. He is the leader of -a field of all types of people who are laboring together and longing -for a better social order. Along with the agricultural laborers we see -weavers and tailors, friars and minstrels, merchants and knights. Labor -of every sort is dignified. All living laborers who work with their -hands and minds, truly earning, living in love and according to the -laws of social order and progress, will become the pure and perfected -leaders of truth. - -Langland depicted well the living and working conditions of the English -laboring classes. Productive toil, he argued, will receive its crown -of glory. But he did not indicate practical solutions. Langland -was sure, however, that the service of labor to society is sacred. -He pronounced patient poverty to be the prince of all virtues. He -personified Jesus in the form of a working man. Langland’s fourteenth -century social message was that the individual should renounce wealth, -join the honest laboring poor, and follow Christ’s example of living a -life of labor and love.[IX-1] - -Social thought in the Middle Ages is fragmentary. While several -centuries are included in the period, new social ideas are very few. -The centuries of unrest and transition, the paucity of great leaders, -the intellectual stagnation, and the prevalent illiteracy of the masses -produced situations in which little social thinking of importance was -stimulated. New thought of any type was almost negligible except as an -isolated individual stood forth, such as Augustine, Charlemagne, Ibn -Khaldun, Aquinas. A portion of the social thinking of the preceding -age, however, was preserved, constituting a foundation for the -renaissance of social thought that was coming. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -MORE AND UTOPIAN SOCIAL THOUGHT - - -Shortly after the close of Middle Ages with its modicum of social -thinking, the idealism of Plato appeared in a new form, namely, in -descriptive utopias. Of these, the chief and subtlest was the work of -England’s sane, shrewd, tolerant student of society, Sir Thomas More -(1478–1535). More’s _Utopia_ deserves a degree of attention which is -not customarily accorded it. - -More mediated Plato to modern social philosophy; he moved in the field -of Platonic ideas and ideals. He was also indebted to Plutarch’s -account of Spartan life. At the dawn of the Renaissance he presented -the concept of a perfect commonwealth. - -If one would understand the social thought of More, a contemporary -of Columbus, he must put himself under the spell of fifteenth and -sixteenth century conditions in England. He must remind himself of -Henry VII and Henry VIII, two autocratic rulers whom it was difficult -for any individually-minded person to please. The living conditions -of the peasants were almost intolerable. Unemployment was common. -Punishments were severe and brutalizing. Even thieves were subject to -capital punishment. If an individual stole a loaf of bread, he might as -well kill the person who saw him steal the bread. In fact, by so doing, -he might be better off--the only witness to his theft would thus be -unable to testify against him. - -Sir Thomas More could not have openly criticised the unjust social -conditions of his day, and long escaped death. It was necessary for -him to put his radical ideas into the mouth of a fictitious traveler, -Raphael Hythloday, and thereby disown them. At is was, More became a -martyr to his religious faith and to the cause of social freedom. - -More wrote the _Utopia_ in two parts. Part one was written as an -explanation, or introduction, to part two. In part one a conversation -involving three persons is reported. A conservative Dutch citizen of -Antwerp converses with Raphael Hythloday, an experienced traveler, and -with More. Hythloday, however, is the chief speaker. He is well versed -in Latin and especially in Greek culture. Moreover, he has traveled -extensively, even with Amerigo Vespucci, the Florentine navigator. In -this way he is given prestige in the mind of the reader. It is not -impossible in part one of _Utopia_ to recognize a distinct resemblance -to the dialogue form of Plato. - -Part one describes certain factors in the political situation in -England. The untoward phases of poverty and the vicious forms of -punishment that prevailed are painted in gloomy colors. The reader is -glad to turn from this unpleasant social picture to the description in -part two of _Utopia_, where the people are living under well-ordered -conditions. - -The ideal commonwealth is located on the mystical island of Amaurote, -where Raphael Hythloday lived for five years. On this island the -economic and social life is communistic, somewhat after the manner -of Plato’s _Republic_. It is a fundamental communism which More -postulates. Complete communism of goods exists on Amaurote.[X-1] All -possess equal portions of wealth. The Utopian communistic state implies -a radical change in human nature. More justifies communism on the -grounds that it roots out that serious social evil, covetousness.[X-2] -Likewise, the incentive for stealing and plundering is removed. If -there is a scarcity of economic commodities in any part of Utopia, -the surplus in any other part is immediately drawn upon to meet the -need. Thus the whole land conducts itself as if it were one family or -household.[X-3] The guiding principle in regard to economic goods is -that of human needs. - -In Utopia everyone finds his greatest pleasure in giving to others. The -strongest league of peoples or of nations is not that which is united -chiefly by covenants or treaties, but one which is knit together by -love and a benevolent attitude.[X-4] The strongest league in the world -is that which is based on the fellowship of kindred natures--a genuine -Christian brotherhood of nations. - -In Utopia, agriculture is the most highly respected occupation. -Agriculture is a science in which all Utopian men and women are expert. -In the harvest days the urban people, both men and women (farmerettes) -go out into the country and help gather in the crops.[X-5] Urban and -rural co-operation at harvest time solves the farmer’s employment -problems to the pleasure, good feeling, and advantage of all concerned. -The food question is considered of paramount national importance. The -agriculturist is equipped with the best tools and follows intensive -methods.[X-6] - -In addition to agricultural science, every citizen of Utopia learns -at least one trade or craft.[X-7] Even every woman learns a skilled -trade. The advantages of learning a trade by every citizen are -obvious--they include a great increase in the potential industrial -resources of a people. The question may be raised here, if it would -not be a worth-while asset for every citizen in our modern days to -learn a trade. Such an accomplishment would give a sense of economic -independence to every individual; it would afford to everyone the point -of view of the skilled workman; it would add a gigantic potential force -to production. - -In Utopia, there is one leader, or syphogrant, to every thirty -families. Although there are other officers, including a prince for -each city and a king for the island, the syphogrants are in reality -the leading officials. It is noteworthy that no public matters are to -be decided until they have been considered and debated for at least -three days. By this scientific procedure the necessity of rescinding -hasty legislative action is reduced to a minimum. - -An important duty of the syphogrants is to regulate employment. Not -only is everyone in Utopia to have a trade, but all are to work. -There are no idle poor or idle rich. All rich men, commonly called -“gentlemen,” all women, priests, monks, and friars (except a few) -engage in productive labor. Even the syphogrants, or officials, work -spontaneously. All useless occupations are prohibited. In countries -where the dollar rules, there are many vain occupations which serve -only to augment riotous superfluities.[X-8] Thus, since all persons -work and since only needed occupations are permitted in Utopia, the -working day is shortened to six hours. - -In the case of a season of unemployment, the simple device is adopted -of shortening temporarily the labor day. By cutting down the hours of -labor to four a day during an unemployment period, work is provided for -all. When an individual, it may be added, visits his friends, he works -the same as if he were at home. He sets himself to the task in which -his friends are engaged. No one in Utopia is encumbered with visitors -who sit about doing nothing and at the same time hinder their hosts -from productive activities. - -The syphogrants prevent idleness; they also prevent overwork. They -permit no one to work at a task like a laboring and toiling beast; they -allow no one to become a slave to his labor. - -Laws in Utopia are few in number. Inasmuch as all the people are well -instructed and socially minded, many laws are needless.[X-9] Each -citizen is above the law in the same way that an honest person is above -the law against stealing. In the case of those disputes which must -necessarily arise, the plaintiff and defendant go before the judge and -plead for themselves. Utopia is noted for its scarcity of laws and the -absence of attorneys. No crafty and subtle interpretation of laws by -attorneys is permitted. Every man is his own attorney and simply states -the facts in the given dispute; the judge knows the law and decides the -case. - -The organization of the cities is interesting. In the middle of each -quarter of each city there is a market place for the exchange of all -manner of goods. Public _abattoirs_ are in operation. Splendidly -appointed hospitals are located outside the cities in a quiet -environment. Contagious wards are provided. So excellent is the care -which is afforded the patients in the public hospitals that any person -who falls sick prefers to go to a hospital than to be cared for by the -kindly ministrations of relatives at home. It may be noted that every -city is provided with a hall of fame. - -Every urban community is a garden city; every house has a garden plot. -Furthermore, the people take much pride in their gardens; they compete -with one another, endeavoring to excel in the fruitage and in the -beauty of the gardens.[X-10] - -City planning rules in Utopia.[X-11] Overcrowding is not permitted; -whenever a city exceeds the norm, a new city is established. New urban -communities are established by public action. - -Social centers are common on the island of Amaurote. In the winter when -the people cannot work in their gardens after the supper hour, they -gather in their community halls, where they engage in music, wholesome -conversation, and games. Dice-play and similar foolish and pernicious -games are unknown.[X-12] Wine taverns, alehouses, “stewes,” lurking -corners, and places of wicked counsels are prohibited.[X-13] - -Good health is a virtue in Amaurote; great pleasure is derived from -possessing a well-ordered state of public health. Health is considered -a sovereign pleasure in itself.[X-14] Preventive measures are -substituted for remedial medicines. - -Fashions are regulated rigidly. Fashion imitation is prevented. The -garments for men are all of one mode; and for women, of another -mode.[X-15] The married are distinguished from the unmarried by the -style of wearing apparel. Thus, there are simply four sets of styles in -Amaurote. Coats of uniform colors--the natural color of wool--are worn. -It is argued that coats of many colors are no warmer and hence no more -practical than coats of the one natural color; they are more expensive -and hence more wasteful. - -In Utopia, gold and silver are held in reproach. They are not -considered to be as useful as iron. Consequently, the Utopians load -down their slaves with gold and silver ornaments and pearls.[X-16] In -this connection the description of the visit of a group of ambassadors -to Amaurote is amusing. The ambassadors from an adjoining country were -dressed in gorgeous apparel like the very gods. They came to Amaurote -wearing chains of gold and displaying peacock feathers. The citizens of -Amaurote, coming out to meet the guests, rushed past the ambassadors -and saluted the plainly dressed slaves of the ambassadors. They mistook -the ambassadors for fools and knaves. Even the little children of -Amaurote, when they saw the jewelry of the ambassadors, looked at -their mothers and said: “See, how great a lubber doth wear pearls and -precious stones, as if he were still a little child.”[X-17] After being -in Amaurote a short time, the ambassadors perceived how foolish it was -to set emphasis on the doubtful glistenings of trifling stones. They -recognized that it is foolish to consider oneself nobler than other -selves because one can wear clothes that are spun from finer wool than -the clothes of other persons. After all, whether the wool is coarse or -fine, it may have come from the self-same sheep. - -An individual does not become a god by wearing precious stones. The -more the individual burdens himself with heavy stones and gorgeous -apparel, the more insignificant he is. - -Although in Utopia no man is wealthy, yet in a sense, all men are -wealthy. All live joyfully, without worrying, and without fearing that -they or their children will fall into poverty. Amaurote is a gigantic -household, wherein the more able take a personal interest in the less -able and in the unfortunate. No one lives in idleness and no one lives -by virtue of any form of unnecessary economic enterprise. Rich men are -not permitted by either private fraud or common law to snatch away -from the poor man some portion, great or small, of his daily earnings. -There are no idle rich, conniving how they may keep their unearned -wealth or how they may grind down the poor in order to get more wealth. -Since the love of money is unknown in Amaurote, other passions are also -absent. Since the people do not love money, they have lost the desire -to perpetrate the money crimes, such as fraud, theft, murder, treason. -Likewise, pride which measures its satisfaction, not in terms of its -own merits, _per se_, but by comparison with the poverty of human -beings, is destroyed. The Utopians have conquered materialism. They -are not subject to the death grapples which are caused by the love of -money. Luxuries have been suppressed and the leisure class has been -eliminated. Social extremes are unknown. - -People are honored, not for their wealth but for their serviceableness -to the community.[X-18] In the halls of fame, to which allusion has -already been made, benefactors of the commonwealth are rewarded by -having images of themselves set up in perpetual memory of their good -deeds to their fellows. - -The family is the fundamental social unit, but it is of the patriarchal -type. Pure monogamic love is idealized. Especial care is taken that -neither of the parties of a marriage vow possesses any hidden vices. -Adultery is the chief justification for breaking the marriage bond. A -single standard of morals for both husband and wife is set. Love may -be won by beauty, but it can be kept and preserved only by virtue and -obedience. - -Because of freedom from long hours of monotonous labor, nearly every -one in Utopia is able to maintain his intellectual interests and to -experience intellectual growth throughout life. It is the solemn -custom to have daily lectures early every morning and it is the habit -of multitudes of people of all types to attend.[X-19] All of the time -that it is possible to spare from the necessary occupations is devoted -to the development and garnishing of the mind.[X-20] Nearly all the -citizens devote their extra-occupational hours throughout their lives -to the arts and sciences. The chief felicity of life is said to be -found in learning. In training the mind, the Utopians never weary. -As a matter of course, a common school education is provided for -every individual. Classes for adults and adult education are made the -outstanding features of the public school system in Amaurote. One must -learn to live and must go on learning throughout life. Hence, the -provisions of public education should be adequate for the adult as well -as for the adolescent. - -Religious education and practice are considered essential. More’s -tolerant attitude in an age of brutal intolerance is shown by the -fact that the Utopians are permitted whatever religion they prefer. -Superstitious beliefs are taboo. More makes a subtle thrust when he -observes that the priests of Amaurote are possessed of great holiness -and hence are few in number.[X-21] It is no esoteric or monastic -religion which More endorses. Future happiness may be secured best by -busy labors and social efforts in this life.[X-22] Public service, -including the care of the sick, is religiously emphasized. - -War is beastly. Contrary to the attitudes of the people in all other -countries, the people of Amaurote count nothing so inglorious as the -glory that is obtained in fighting and killing.[X-23] No imagination is -necessary in order to understand the courage which More displayed in -making a vigorous attack in the sixteenth century upon war. - -Under limited conditions, however, war is justifiable. More gives -three worthy reasons for declaring war: (1) the defense of one’s own -country; (2) the defense of the country of one’s friendly neighbors; -and (3) delivering oppressed peoples anywhere from the yoke and bondage -of tyranny.[X-24] From the twentieth century point of view, these -justifications of war are sound. - -These reasons are all “defense” factors,--which is remarkable in view -of the fact that they were enunciated in an age when “offensive” wars -were common. The only reason for assuming the offensive in matters of -war is the social one of taking land away from people who deliberately -withhold land from cultivation and fail to produce food for the -nourishment of mankind.[X-25] By this plan, More severely indicts the -holders of large landed estates which are held chiefly for the selfish -gratification of the owners. - -Hired or mercenary soldiers are employed in war. The people of Amaurote -employ hideous, savage fighters from the wild woods and the high -mountains to do their fighting for them. The larger the number of these -impetuous barbarians who are killed in battle, the better off is the -world. - -More opposed conscription. Ordinarily, no one is forced to fight, -because under such circumstances he will not fight well. In the case, -however, of defending Amaurote, the cowards are distributed among the -bold-hearted. In warfare, the people of Amaurote do not allow their -warriors to lay waste or destroy the land of their enemies. Neither -foraging nor the burning of food supplies is permitted. No one who is -unarmed is to be hurt. - -More’s penological ideas are modern. He points out the folly of making -theft a capital offense the same as murder. The temptation will be to -steal, or rob, and to kill also, whereas under a more reasonable law -the temptation in many cases would be to steal only. A law which makes -theft a capital offense is harsher than even the harsh Mosaic law of -an eye for an eye, a life for a life, because the former justifies -the government in taking the life of an individual who is guilty of -stealing money. In Utopia the thief is compelled to restore the stolen -goods to the person from whom he stole, and not to the king, as in many -lands in More’s time. The thief is put at common labor, not thrown into -a city or county jail and left in idleness. Compulsory labor is the -common method of punishment.[X-26] - -The fundamental penological principle which More developed was that -crime should be prevented by taking away the occasion of offense.[X-27] -He condemned the prevailing method in England of allowing wickedness -to increase, and then of punishing the sinners after they had been -permitted to grow up in an environment of sin. He objected to taking -men from the trades for war service and then later irresponsibly -discharging them, leaving many of them industrially stranded, -unemployed, and subject to the temptation of stealing. More’s dictum -was: Show people how to live; do not let them steal and then take their -lives away. Life in Utopia is more or less equally divided between -five factors: industry, study, music, travel, and domesticity. - -In the _Utopia_, Sir Thomas More made a direct criticism of conditions -in England; he showed himself an able student of social problems; and -his ideas are noted for their “modernness.” Altogether, the _Utopia_ -has made a remarkable impression, not simply upon social idealists but -also upon practical thinkers. As a literary invention for shrewdly -suggesting criticisms of vicious but entrenched social wrongs it has -been followed by imitations, but remains unparalleled in quality. - -In the _New Atlantis_, Sir Francis Bacon (1561–1628), wrote an -unfinished description of a utopian island where there is a high degree -of social welfare and where “social salvation by scientific education” -obtains. An Order or Society of “Solomon’s House” is established -which sends out every twelve years merchants of light (intellectual) -who travel for the following period of twelve years, gathering facts -in all branches of science and art.[X-28] Upon being relieved by the -next group of traveler scholars, they return home and contribute their -knowledge to the acquired store, which in the meantime has been added -unto by many trained experimenters and research scholars. Airplanes, -horseless wagons, and submarines are not unknown in the _New Atlantis_. -Superstition is banished. Social knowledge will lead to a nation of -socialized persons,--this is the Baconian implication. - -Tommaso Campanella (1568–1639), a monk, a philosopher, and an Italian -contemporary of Francis Bacon, urged that human nature should be -studied rather than books. Because of so-called heretical ideas, he was -imprisoned for twenty-seven years. Shortly after his release he fled -to Paris, where he died. In prison he wrote _The City of the Sun_, a -crude but significant psychological analysis of society. It is a social -order based on the balanced relations of the three principles of Power, -Intelligence, and Love. These forces are equally expressed in the -social process and produce a perfect society. - -_Oceana_, “a Midsummer Night’s Dream of politics,” is the title of a -romance which was written by James Harrington (1611–1677). His social -order rests on economic factors, chiefly landed estates. However, the -author advocates the election of rulers by ballot every three years and -the choosing of the rulers from the intellectually élite. - -In this chapter it is impossible to note all the “utopias” that have -been written. The utopian and communistic systems of socialists, such -as Fourier, Saint Simon, and Owen will be referred to in Chapter XIV. -There are other important utopian contributions, such as those by -William Morris and Edward Bellamy. In _News from Nowhere_, William -Morris (1834–1896), an English artist and socialist, describes his -native England as a perfected society under a régime of socialism. -Because of its American setting, Bellamy’s _Looking Backward_ will be -presented in some detail in the following paragraphs. - -In recent decades the utopian postulates of Edward Bellamy (1850–1898), -in _Looking Backward_ and _Equality_ have had a wide reading. The -author was the first American to command attention in the field of -utopian thought. Bellamy presents a plan of industrial organization on -a national scale with individuals sharing equally in the products of -labor, or in public income, in the same way that “men share equally in -the free gifts of nature.” Bellamy protests against an economic order -whose chief evil is summed up in the following question: How can men be -free who must ask the right to labor and to live from their fellows, -and seek their bread from the hand of others? - -Society is likened to a gigantic coach to which the masses of humanity -are harnessed, toiling along a very hilly and sandy road. The best -seats are on top of the coach. The occupants of the elegant seats are -constantly in fear of falling from their cushions of ease, splendor, -and power,--and hence their interest in the toilers. - -In _Looking Backward_ the entire social process is made an expression -of service. Service is a matter of course, not of compulsion. No -business is so fundamentally the public’s business as the industry and -trade on which the livelihood of the public depends.[X-29] Therefore, -to intrust industry and commerce to private persons to be managed -for private profit is a folly “similar to that of surrendering the -functions of political government to kings and nobles for their -personal glorification.” - -Buying and selling are pronounced anti-social. They are an -education in self-seeking at the expense of others.[X-30] Citizens -who are so trained are unable to rise above a very low grade of -civilization.[X-31] They are sensible chiefly to such motives as fear -of want and love of luxury. For buying and selling, credit books are -substituted which are good at any public warehouse. In place of higher -wages, the chief motives to activity are honor, men’s gratitude, the -inspiration of duty, patriotism, the satisfaction of doing one’s work -well--in other words, the same motives that now influence, for example, -the members of the teaching profession. - -The arduousness of the trades are equalized, so that all shall -be equally attractive, by making the hours of labor in different -trades to differ inversely according to arduousness.[X-32] Everyone -works as a common laborer for three years and then chooses an -occupation--agriculture, mechanics, the professions, art. The working -life is twenty-four years long, from the ages of twenty-one to -forty-five, after which all may devote themselves to self-improvement -and enjoyment, but subject to emergency calls along industrial and -other social service lines. - -Bellamy challenges an individualism which incapacitates people for -co-operation. He builds his society upon solidarity of race and -brotherhood of man. He does not fear corruption in a society “where -there is neither poverty to be bribed nor wealth to bribe.”[X-33] - -All cases of criminal atavism are treated in hospitals. There are no -jails. Under capitalism nineteen-twentieths of misdemeanors are due to -economic inequality. The remainder are the outcropping of ancestral -traits. In Bellamy’s ideal society there are no private property -disputes and no lawyers. - -The educational system in _Looking Backward_ does not educate some -individuals highly and leave others untrained.[X-34] It gives everyone -“the completest education that the nation can give,” in order that -individuals may enjoy themselves, in order that they may enjoy one -another, and in order that the unborn may be guaranteed an intelligent -and refined parentage. - -Bellamy holds that human nature in its essential quality is good, not -bad, and that men are naturally generous, not selfish; pitiful, not -cruel; godlike in aspirations, moved by divine impulses of goodness, -images of God and not the travesties upon Him which they have -seemed.[X-35] It is our economic order which has fostered shameless -self-assertion, mutual depreciation, a stunning clamor of conflicting -boasts, and a stupendous system of brazen beggary. - -In three utopias, H. G. Wells portrays societary conditions that -are kinetic rather than static and world-wide rather than local in -scope.[X-36] While the author provides a changed economic system, -socialistic in nature, he urges that changed social attitudes are also -needed. - -In the utopian social thought that has been presented in this chapter -and in similar works which are not mentioned here there is generally -displayed (1) a common weakness of impracticability under current -circumstances, (2) an over-emphasis upon simply changing the economic -order, and (3) static rather than dynamic principles. The strength of -utopian social thought is found (1) in its drastic criticism of current -social evils, (2) in its relative harmlessness at the given time, (3) -in the force of its indirect suggestion, (4) in the widespread hearing -which it secures, and (5) in its social idealism. - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -INDIVIDUALISTIC SOCIAL THOUGHT - - -At the dawn of the Renaissance, tradition and dogmatism were ruling -mankind. Here and there, however, individuals were perceiving the -nature of the bondage. Occasionally a cry for individual freedom was -uttered. Petrarch dared to say that the world was made for man’s -enjoyment. The early Teutons crudely developed the idea of personal -liberty. In France a movement arose which culminated in the doctrines -of natural rights and “Back to Nature.” The stress upon individualism -in England became so deeply ingrained that it exists today as a -powerful form of traditionalism. The United States was founded, in -part, upon a doctrine of natural rights. - -Absolutely unlike Sir Thomas More in many ways, Niccolo Machiavelli -(1469–1527), an Italian contemporary, broke with tradition and received -the sobriquet, the Galileo of social science. Unfortunately, many -people think of the Italian writer in terms of the adjective which -bears his name, Machiavellism, or political intrigue. While he deserves -this reputation, he also should be considered in another light. He cut -loose from the customary ways of thinking of his time and asserted -that it is not necessary to take all things on fiat or alleged -divine decree. Although this may be dangerous doctrine, it serves a -useful and constructive purpose when people are ruled by political -and ecclesiastical autocrats. Machiavelli was no idealist in the -accepted sense of the term, but a man who mixed with people, traveled -extensively, and studied actual conditions. He declared that people -should be considered as they are, and not according to false teachings -about them. - -A century before the time of Sir Francis Bacon, the inaugurator of the -so-called inductive or scientific method of study, Machiavelli was -observing human conditions and upon the basis of these observations -was drawing conclusions. He believed that it does not pay to be guided -in one’s conduct by abstract ethics or impracticable ideals--and said -so, in an age when imprisonment, exile, or death awaited anyone who -opposed the autocratic authorities. From abstract ethics, Machiavelli -swung to the extreme of concrete expediency. He lived and thought in -the exigencies of the moment. He is an example of one who reacts so -strongly against the stress and strain of the hour that he cannot -get the larger vision that is necessary for balanced thinking on -fundamental issues. - -Machiavelli wrote on the subject of leadership and government. -He advocated either an autocratic or democratic form of -government--according to the conditions of the time and place. In the -_Prince_ he described with noteworthy accuracy the traits and methods -of a leader whose constituents must be treated with absolute authority. -In the _Discourses_ he dealt with a democratic-republican type of -leadership and control. - -The succesful prince, or leader, in the selfish sense, makes himself -both beloved and feared by his people.[XI-1] On occasion he uses -force and even fraud. Sometimes he must either exterminate or be -exterminated. He must repeal or suppress old laws and make new ones to -fit the social situation. He seeks to be considered merciful rather -than cruel. He exercises universal pity in order to prevent social -disorders from occurring and producing rapine and murder.[XI-2] He -does not allow his mercy to be taken advantage of by ungrateful and -hypocritical persons. He is strong-minded; he is either a sincere -friend or a generous foe. He is paternalistic, urging that his -subjects be well-fed and have a good livelihood,[XI-3] thus gaining -and maintaining the affection of the people. In international affairs -he acts with a strong hand, fortifying well his city or nation, and -providing good laws for internal growth.[XI-4] He errs grossly, -however, in his fundamental philosophy that any plan or action that is -for the welfare of the state, or nation, considered as a supreme unit -of authority in itself, is morally sound. - -Sir Francis Bacon, whose contribution to utopian social thought -has been indicated in the foregoing chapter, placed all social and -sociological thinkers under deep obligations by his emphasis upon -inductive reasoning. He helped to free the individual from control by -dogma and superstition. He provided the individual with a technique -for securing a new sense of individual freedom. In freeing himself -the individual discards his irrational pre-judgments, whether -socially inherited or individually developed. He protects himself -from anthropomorphic judgments, i. e., from judgments which he makes -because he looks upon life and the universe through human eyes. These -pre-judgments are common to all mankind--they are “the idols of the -tribe.” On the other hand, the individual avoids purely personal -preferences, which he is likely to hold because of his own peculiar -experiences, and which thus place him outside the pale of common -experience--these are “the idols of the cave.” - -Then there are “the idols of the forum,” which cause the individual to -give undue dependence to words and language. “The idols of the theater” -are traditional systems of thought. Bacon’s dictum has been stated as -follows: Get as little of yourself and of other selves as possible in -the way of the thing which you wish to see. - -Having eliminated human predispositions, the individual is ready to -gather facts, arrange them in groups, draw conclusions from them, and -act according to the resultant laws. Knowledge gives power.[XI-4] -Social knowledge gives power to improve human conditions and makes -possible wise social control. Thus, Bacon opened the road to individual -freedom. - -Too much individual freedom, however, destroys government and the -social order. If each individual is a law unto himself, anarchy reigns -and progress is prevented. Consequently, the question arises: How can -individually free persons unite in a society without giving up their -freedom? The answer to this question took the form of a controversy on -the subject of the social contract, i. e., the contract or agreement of -individuals, as units, to form and maintain societies. This controversy -arose in the seventeenth century and was waged vigorously in the -eighteenth century. - -Thomas Hobbes (1588–1678), the distinguished social philosopher of -England, introduced his analysis of society with the idea that man was -originally self-centered, egoistic, and pleasure-loving. He was an -independent center. His interest in other people was based on their -ability to cater to his own good. He and they desired the same things -in life. His hand was thus raised, in competition, against every other -man. This state of continual conflict became mutually destructive -and unbearable.[XI-5] In consequence, each individual agreed to give -over some of his precious, inalienable rights to a central authority -or sovereign, whose decrees should constitute law and serve as the -guide for conduct. The war of each against all, with the concomitant -state of fear, was thus supplanted by a mutual contract, conferring -sovereignty by popular agreement upon the ruler. In this way Hobbes met -the dilemma of supporting an absolute form of government in which he -believed and of denying the divine right of kings which he abhorred. -Hobbes performed a useful service in intellectually destroying the -idea of the divine right of kings, but urged after all an undemocratic -political absolutism. Hobbes conferred humanly derived but irrevocable -authority upon the king. He, however, traced sovereignty back to the -people rather than to a divine right. - -In getting away from the conditions “of Warre of every one against -every one” in the natural state where “every man has a Right to -everything,” Hobbes swung to an undemocratic extreme. His Puritanic -training gave an undue severity to his social thought. The Puritans, -however, believed in the complete eradication of the savage human -tendencies and also in the ultimate elimination of kings. Hobbes did -not analyze deeply the instinctive bases of human nature. He built his -_Leviathan_ out of natural human qualities and tied its units together -by means of a strong, central will--this was his perfect society. - -Baruch Spinoza (1632–1677), the Portuguese Jewish philosopher of -Holland, improved the social contract idea. He believed that man was -originally of an anti-social and a tooth-and-fang nature, possessing -only incipient social impulses. Hence, man is not naturally bad, but -naturally anti-social. Social organization was effected for purposes -of individual gain and glory; it was promulgated and furthered by -individuals in order that they might escape the miseries of unregulated -conflict. Agreements were made whereby sovereignty was embodied in a -ruler, but if the ruler abused the sovereignty entrusted to him, it -reverted immediately to the people. This democratic conception was -vastly superior to the idea of Hobbes, that sovereignty is delegated by -the people to the king as an irresponsible monarch. - -John Locke (1632–1704) strengthened the social contract theory, -elaborating the idea that sovereignty reverts to the people whenever -the king becomes a tyrant. He held that the natural state of -individuals is a condition of perfect freedom to order their actions, -not asking leave of any man.[XI-6] This state of liberty is not -a state of license to individuals to destroy themselves or their -neighbors.[XI-7] The state of liberty has the law of nature to govern -it. Since all are equal, no one ought to harm another in his liberty or -possessions. - -Locke affirmed that men are in a state of nature until by their own -consent they join in a political society.[XI-8] In order to meet their -needs effectively, they join in societies. One of these important needs -is the preservation of property. Locke defended private property on the -ground that it is a normal expression of individuality and necessary -to individuality. - -Right and wrong are not determined by the ruler or the state; they -existed before society developed. Here the Puritanism of Locke enters. -He stressed moral values. He made the natural rights of individuals -supreme; individuals may even overturn the government and still keep -within their rights. - -Locke’s justification of revolution is his most startling doctrine. -Imagine the heart-throb of the common people who heard Locke’s -contention that the end of government is the good of mankind, that -people should not submit to tyranny, that whoever uses his force -without right and law puts himself in a state of war with those against -whom he uses it, and that in such a state the people have a right to -resist and defend themselves.[XI-9] Further, the people have a right to -act as the supreme social force and to put legislation into new forms -and into the hands of new executives. By these bold declarations Locke -created a new public opinion, and aroused new moral power in the minds -and hearts of the common people. - -By the middle of the eighteenth century the concept of individual -freedom became crystallized in the doctrines of the natural rights -of the individual, the contractual societary relationships between -independent individuals, and the _laissez faire_ principle in -governmental science. The physiocrats, who took up the ideas of natural -liberty and economic freedom, exercised a tremendous influence in -France during the three decades following 1750. Their leaders were -Quesnay, de Gournay, Condorcet, and Turgot. They believed that there -was a natural law ruling human lives, just as there is a natural law -ruling the physical world. They chafed under social restraints. Under -the natural law, every individual has natural rights, chief of which is -the right to the free exercise of all his faculties so long as he does -not infringe on the similar right of other individuals. Unlike John -Locke and other English thinkers who accepted the idea of individual -liberty, the physiocrats argued that this natural liberty could not be -abridged by a social contract. - -According to the physiocrats the chief function of governmental control -is to preserve the natural liberty of individuals. Industry and -commerce must not be governmentally regulated, for by such regulation -the rights of some men, chiefly employers, will be infringed upon. -Employees, on the other hand, who are being treated unjustly will -freely quit a harsh employer and obtain employment with considerate -masters. Thus, an unjust employer will be unable to secure workers -and be forced to discontinue his unjust practices--without government -regulation. Likewise, a dishonest merchant will lose his customers and -be forced to become honest or to close his shop--and again without -government regulation. The physiocrats became known by their famous -phrase, _laissez faire, laissez passer_. - -Jean Jacques Rousseau (1712–1778), an able but baffling character, -is the best known champion of the social contract idea. Although he -advocated the family as a social institution and praised fatherhood, -he reports that he carried his own children to a foundling asylum. -He deprecated the disintegrating elements in civilization and urged -a return to nature’s simple ways. In his chief works, the _Contrat -social_ and _Emile_, he attacked civilization vigorously. He asserted -that civilization had almost destroyed the natural rights of man. His -dictum was: Trust nature. - -According to Rousseau the early life of mankind was nearly ideal in -its simplicity and pleasantness. War and conflict were relatively -unknown. In his later writings, Rousseau modified his belief and -asserted that primitive confusion made necessary some kind of social -organization. On the other hand, it became the belief of Rousseau -that civilization generates social evils and results sooner or later -in social deterioration. Corruption in society has become notorious. -Social inequality is rampant and unbearable. “Man is born free, and -is everywhere in chains.” People have become so engrossed in the -artificialities of social life and so bewildered by its complexities -that happiness has been lost. - -Leave the individual free to carry out his own plans, untrammelled -by complex social rules, restrictions, and duties. There is no -social sanction at all; there is no authority except nature, which is -necessity. In _Emile_, Rousseau takes his two leading characters to an -island, where they live alone--happily! Liberty not authority reigns. -But Emile, who has declared for liberty as opposed to authority, -insists in his discussions of domestic relationships that “woman is -made to please man.” The “unselfish, unsocial life” of Emile and Sophie -turns out to be more than purely individualistic--it is anarchic -and sensual. Emile fails to demonstrate the merit of Rousseau’s own -theories, such as “Man is good naturally but by institutions he is made -bad,” and “Everything is good as it comes from the hands of the Author -of Nature; everything degenerates in the hands of man.” - -Slavery is wrong, according to Rousseau.[XI-11] It is a contract or -agreement, at the expense of the slave and for the profit of the -slaveholder, in which the slaveholder asserts: I’ll observe the -agreement and you will observe it--as long as it pleases me. - -Strength does not make right. Strength and moral force are not -necessarily the same. Strength may often be ironically accepted in -appearance and established in principle. By a social contract man -loses his natural liberty and gains civil and moral liberty.[XI-12] -In this connection Rousseau was simply the spokesman of a point of -view which found frequent expression in the seventeenth and eighteenth -centuries. For example, in 1635, John Winthrop, the first governor of -the Massachusetts colony, made a clear-cut distinction between natural -liberties, and civil and moral liberties. Natural liberty is liberty to -do what one lists, to do evil as well as good. Civil, or moral, liberty -is liberty under the covenant between God and man, under the political -covenants between men and men, and under the moral law. It is a liberty -to do only that which is good, just, and honest.[XI-13] - -It was Rousseau who contended that life, liberty, and the pursuit of -happiness are man’s inalienable rights. It was this doctrine which -profoundly influenced Thomas Jefferson, as evidenced in the Declaration -of Independence. Sovereignty rests not in a ruler or monarch but in the -community of people--this was perhaps Rousseau’s main contribution to -social thought. - -Before Rousseau, however, wrote the _Contrat social_, the social -contract theory had been overthrown. The writings of Montesquieu -(1689–1755) offer an elaborate analysis of social and political -processes. These analyses are similar, in some ways, to Aristotle’s -analyses of 158 constitutions. Montesquieu discussed the doctrine of -natural rights, but did not believe that the natural state of mankind -was one of conflict, in which social organization was forced as a -means of meeting the needs of individual protection. He asserted that -there was a natural, innate tendency in man toward association. In the -support of this belief, Montesquieu drew facts from the lives of the -individual members of the primitive tribes which were extant in his -day. The influence of Montesquieu was clearly inimical to the social -contract doctrine. - -In the _Esprit des lois_, Montesquieu dissected the laws of many -nations and tried to show the relations between these laws and social -and political conditions. The general implication is that laws are a -natural outgrowth of life conditions rather than of formal contractual -agreements. Hence, society is a natural evolution rather than a -contract. - -Perhaps the chief antagonist in the eighteenth century of the social -contract theory was David Hume (1711–1776), the father of social -psychology. According to Hume, the origin of society was not in a -contract arrived at by intellectual processes; it was instinctive. -Man is a social animal. At the basis of this sociability lies the sex -instinct, which resulted in the establishment of the family. The sex -instinct is strongly supported by the sentiment of sympathy, which -also is innate, and which may develop into intelligent co-operation. -Man is not entirely self-centered; he takes pleasure in other people’s -pleasures and suffers when others are in pain, or the victims of -disease, or are dying. - -Sympathy, like the sex instinct, is a genuinely fundamental element in -human nature and in society. However, the combination of sympathy and -the sex instinct is not strong enough to support the family in either -its simple or complex stages from the attacks upon it that are made by -inherent human selfishness. Hence, social and political organizations -are necessary to hold the selfish impulses and interests of mankind -in check. Intellectual control of society thus becomes necessary and -consciously recognized. Environment alone does not cause people in -a given community to act alike. It is imitation, primarily, which -operates to bring about group conformity.[XI-14] - -Man in a large measure is governed by interest. It is impossible for -men to consult their interests “in so effective a manner as by a -universal and inflexible observance of the rules of justice, by which -alone they can preserve society, and keep themselves from falling into -that wretched and savage condition, which is commonly represented as -the state of nature.”[XI-15] - -According to the contract theory, people expect protection and -security. If they meet with tyranny and oppression, they are freed from -their promises and return to that state of liberty which proceeded the -institution of government. But Hume maintained that if people entered -into no contract and made no promises, government would still be -necessary in all civilized societies. The obligation of submission to -government is not derived from any promise of the subjects.[XI-16] - -Adam Ferguson (1723–1816) wrote an _Essay on the History of Civil -Society_ and _The History of the Progress and Termination of the Roman -Republic_. He argued that social institutions and social convenience -lead to inherent sociability, and pointed out that competition and -conflict are vital to social development. Thomas Paine (1737–1809) -asserted that man is inherently social and that social organization is -a natural development. - -The natural rights theory and the resultant individualism not only -repudiated their false derivative, the social contract concept, but -also wrestled with considerable success with the socio-economic concept -of mercantilism. Mercantilism was a system of regulating industrial -enterprise by governments in order to build up strong nation-states. -Mercantilism reached its strictest form in France in the writings of -Colbert (1619–1683). It prevailed in Europe during the sixteenth and -seventeenth centuries, and the first four decades of the eighteenth -century. It was a system which grew out of feudalism and the city-state -type of society. It operated to bring together towns and cities into -national unities. Under feudalism, the town had regulated industry for -its own advancement and against the welfare, perchance, of neighboring -towns. Mercantilism served to unite towns and to create in townspeople -a national loyalty. - -Under mercantilism, the nation entered upon the task of regulating -industry and finance so as to build a strong state. A favorable balance -of trade was sought in order to add to the bullion within the state. -High tariffs were enacted, which sometimes defeated the intended -purposes. A dense population was favored as a means of securing cheap -labor, and hence of furthering manufacture, which in turn would develop -foreign trade and bring in the coveted bullion--the heralded strength -of a nation. - -In the eighteenth century, mercantilism in France and England met -defeat in the contest with the _laissez faire_ theory, with which the -names of the physiocrats and of Adam Smith are inseparably connected. -It often fathered too stringent regulations. Instead of supporting -national ends, mercantilistic measures frequently furthered private -interests. Mercantilism, however, played a strong part in building up -the concepts of national unity and loyalty. - -In the German states and Austria, cameralism represented the ideas for -which mercantilism stood in England, France, and elsewhere in Western -and Southern Europe. Among the leading cameralists were Seckendorf, -Horing, Justi, and Sonnenfels. Cameralism obtained a far deeper hold -upon the German states than mercantilism did, for example, in England. -The _laissez faire_ philosophy was never able to make a deep inroad -upon cameralism. In fact, the _laissez faire_ philosophy did not -receive serious consideration in the German states before 1800, and -did not strike deep. National self-sufficiency, paternalistic control, -minute regulation of internal affairs, rearing of large families, and -subordination of the welfare of the state--these are the concepts which -ruled in Germany. - -Adam Smith (1723–1790), primarily an economist and often referred -to as the father of political economy, exerted a profound influence -upon social thought. He coupled a modified natural rights theory -with a doctrine of sympathy; he spoke for the natural rights of the -individual, of the poorer classes in society, and of the smaller -nations. He vigorously attacked mercantilism with its system of -minute regulation of individuals. He objected to promoting unduly -the interests of one class of men in a country, for by so doing, the -interests of all other classes in that country and of all persons in -all other countries are harmed.[XI-17] He pointed out the fallacy of -building a nation of shopkeepers, for in so doing the government of -such a nation will be unduly influenced and controlled by the interests -of shopkeepers. The interests of other classes will be more or less -ignored. Adam Smith protested against Great Britain’s methods of -regulating the American colonies. To prohibit the American colonies -from making all they could of every part of their own produce or from -employing their stock and industry in the way that they judged most -advantageous to themselves, was “a manifest violation of the most -sacred rights of mankind.”[XI-18] - -Mercantilism made use of monopoly of one kind or another, and hence -is objectionable, according to Smith. Mercantilism is regulation, -and regulation is often carried on for the benefit of the rich and -powerful, thus neglecting and oppressing the poor.[XI-19] Smith failed -to note, however, that the _laissez faire_ policy likewise favored the -rich and powerful and neglected the poor. Mercantilism, according to -Smith, considers production and not consumption as the end of industry -and commerce, and thus favors one class at the expense of other classes. - -“Wherever there is great property,” said Smith, “there is great -inequality.” For every very rich man there must be at least 500 poor -men, and the affluence of the few supposes the indigence of the -many.[XI-20] But no society can be flourishing and happy wherein the -greater part of the members are poor and miserable.[XI-21] The laboring -men should have “such a share of the produce of their own labor as to -be themselves tolerably well fed, clothed, and lodged.” Poverty does -not prevent the procreation of children, but is on the other hand -extremely unfavorable to the rearing of children.[XI-22] - -Smith pointed out four causes of social inequality:[XI-23] (1) -Superiority in personal qualifications, such as strength, beauty, -agility of body; or wisdom, virtue, prudence, justice, fortitude, -moderation of mind. (2) Superiority of age and experience. (3) -Superiority of fortune. Riches give social authority; riches possess -power to buy. (4) Superiority of birth, based on family prestige. - -Smith extolled the merits of division of labor in industry with the -resultant increase in the quantity of work. There are three sets of -causal circumstances:[XI-24] (1) the increase of dexterity; (2) the -saving of time in passing from one kind of work to another; and (3) -the invention of a large number of machines. Smith, however, deplored -the deadening effect upon the individual of repeating over and over -a simple process, hundreds or thousands of times daily. In summary, -Adam Smith (1) applied the concept of natural rights to industrial -conditions; (2) developed Hume’s concept of sympathy into a theory of -mutual aid between individuals, classes, and nations; and (3) supported -the necessity of division of labor. - -The natural rights and social contract theories affected in one way -or another the thinking not only of the men who have already been -considered in this chapter, but also of many other individuals. -Blackstone (1723–1780) held that man’s weakness in isolation led to -association. The primary group was the patriarchal family. Blackstone -was not an advocate of social regulation. His exposition of English law -in the _Commentaries_ stood for law itself, and became the bulwark at -once of the doctrines of individual rights and property rights in both -England and the American colonies. In the United States, its influence -remained dominant for more than a century after the founding of the -republic. - -Although Edmund Burke (1729–1797) believed in a corporate unity of -society, he became in his century the chief spokesman of humanity for -humanity’s sake. He pleaded for justice for and conciliation with the -American colonies; he spoke for the benighted Hindus who were being -plundered by English stockholders; and he championed the rights of -slaves. He failed, on the other hand, to appreciate the struggles of -the French people which culminated in the French Revolution. - -Immanuel Kant (1724–1817) declared man in a natural state is both -social and unsocial and referred to the “unsocial sociableness” of man. -“Man cannot get on with fellows and he cannot do without them.” Man has -an inclination to associate with others and also a great propensity -to isolate himself from others. He wishes to direct things according -to his own ideas and thus courts resistance and conflict. It is this -conflict, however, which leads to individual advancement. - -Kant laid great stress upon a good will.[XI-25] The individual may have -intelligence and sagacity, power and wealth, but he may still be a -pernicious and hurtful member of society. He is not even worthy to be -happy unless he possesses a good will. A man’s will is good not because -of the end he seeks nor because of the results of his activities but -because he inherently wills the good. It is this “good will” of Kant -which is in conflict with the utilitarianism of Bentham and Mill, and -also with modern behavioristic psychology and objective sociology. To -Kant, morality is subjective. Social laws may regulate and control -man’s conduct but they cannot control his motives. - -Johann Fichte (1762–1814) joined with Kant in the interpretation of a -good will. He held that property is essential to the development of -freedom. However, he pushed the social contract idea to an extreme and -developed a doctrine of an idealistic state socialism, including the -superiority of Germany among the nations of the world. - -Hegel (1770–1831) supported cameralism by developing the State idea, -with the implication that Germany would become the supreme State in the -world. Hegel even asserted that man has his existence and his ethical -status “only in being a member of the State.”[XI-26] Morality is not a -matter of striving independently to realize one’s inner self, but of -living in accord with the traditions of one’s State. - -Perhaps the individual rights theory never manifested a greater -aberration than in the mind of Friedrich Nietzsche (1844–1900). Power -is supreme. The individual or the nation with the greatest power has -the greatest right to live. Against this idea or the expressions of -this idea, the weaker individuals tend to combine and to extol their -weaknesses as virtues, even building a religion out of these glorified -weaknesses, for example, Christianity. Nietzsche’s doctrine of the -superman and the superstate will be discussed in Chapter XXI. - -Closely related to the discussions concerning natural rights and the -social contract is the doctrine of utilitarianism, a modified form -of individualism with certain objective standards. Jeremy Bentham -(1748–1832) made utilitarianism well-known, and particularly the -standard: The greatest good of the greatest number. In accordance with -a formal idea of social change, Bentham urged that social improvements -be made by legislation. He demanded objective standards as opposed to -Kant’s emphasis on the inner motive. Where Kant accented the “how” of -conduct, Bentham insisted on the “what” of conduct. He pointed out -the need for improved forms of government, apparently ignoring or at -least greatly underestimating the fact that real progress comes chiefly -through modifying organic processes. However, Bentham may be rated a -virile social reformer, for he strongly advocated such measures as the -secret ballot, woman suffrage, trained statesmancraft. He made social -welfare a main goal. - -The doctrine of utilitarianism was carried forward by James Mill -(1773–1836) and was brought to its highest fruition by the son, John -Stuart Mill (1806–1873). The elder Mill contended that utility is -morality. Like Bentham the elder Mill urged many social reforms. - -John Stuart Mill adopted a modified form of the natural rights theory. -He asserted that the individual should have all the rights that he -can exercise without infringing upon the equal rights of other -individuals. Mill recognized a gradation in the pleasures which satisfy -individuals. He declared that it is better to be a man dissatisfied -than a pig satisfied; he objected to the prevailing classification of -people on the basis of poverty and wealth, and urged the substitution -of standards of personal worth, honor, and true leadership as bases for -social classification. - -Sir Henry Maine (1832–1888) invented the phrase: From status to -contract. He applied this phrase to a program of social welfare. There -are many illustrations, he pointed out, in business and industrial -life, and even in political and fraternal activities where people -make social contracts. The marriage contract also has many of the -characteristics of a genuine social contract. Maine pushed the social -contract idea to its furthest practical point; but deprecated the -possibility that the masses might come into power. His individualism -deprived him of a faith in the possible social development of the -uneducated. - -Herbert Spencer, whose ideas will be discussed more extensively in a -subsequent chapter, became one of the chief exponents of the doctrine -of _laissez faire_ in governmental matters. He brought a vast reading -knowledge and able arguments to the support of individualistic -doctrines. He added very little that was new to individualistic and -_laissez faire_ theories although he was at one time perhaps their -leading exponent. One of his chief contributions to social thought -was indirect and unintentional, namely, the way in which his writings -challenged the attention of an American paleontologist, Lester F. -Ward, and led him to point out the psychical nature and hence telic -possibilities of civilization. In consequence of this challenge Spencer -fell, and Ward rose to the rank of dean of American sociologists. An -entire chapter will be devoted to the sociology of Lester F. Ward. - -William G. Sumner (1840–1910) was the last noted champion of a -governmental _laissez faire_ doctrine. He held that the State owes -nothing to anybody except peace, order, and the guarantee of rights. -It is not true that the poor ought to care for each other, and that -the churches ought to collect capital and spend it for the poor; it is -not true that if you get wealth you should support others; and that -if you do not get wealth others ought to support you. In a society -based on contract there is no place for sentiment in public or common -affairs.[XI-28] Every individual will develop the self-reliance of -a free person, if he is not taught that others will care for him in -case he fails to care for himself. Sumner spoke vigorously as well as -harshly in support of liberty, contract, and private property. Although -he took an extreme and untenable position his ideas will bear careful, -unbiased study, for they contain a large amount of common sense. His -ethnological work will be indicated at some length in another chapter. - -A noteworthy statement which has come from a current American school -of legal thinkers concerning individualistic social thought, is found -in the writings of Professor Roscoe Pound of Harvard Law School. In -“A Theory of Social Interests” he has summed up the new point of -view.[XI-29] In the last century all interests were thought of in terms -of individual interests, all were reduced to their purely individual -elements and considered as rights. - -In this century, Dean Pound indicates that law, for example, aims -primarily to conserve some general social interest. It conserves the -social interest in the general security, that is, in public health and -in peace. It conserves the social interest in institutions,--domestic, -religious, political. It conserves the social interest in natural -resources, preventing the waste of oil and gas and protecting water -rights. It conserves the social interest in general progress, in -economic, political, cultural progress, although its main contribution -in other fields, such as promoting the esthetic interests, are yet to -be made. It conserves the social interests in individual life and in -seeing that people live humanly and that the will of the individual -is not trodden upon. Legal processes have thus become types of social -engineering. - -The doctrine of natural rights reached its largest degree of acceptance -in England, France, and the United States. It was not only reflected -in the thought of Thomas Jefferson but in the fundamental principles -upon which the United States was established. It suffered an aberration -in the form of the social contract theory which in its extreme forms -was later repudiated. Its greatest weakness was the exaggerated form -which it assumed, especially in England and the United States. In the -latter country it became greatly magnified through contact with the -spirit of discovery, invention, and pioneering which prevailed for over -a century. Consequently, it dominated the thought life of the United -States throughout the nineteenth century. It permitted captains of -industry to exploit the helpless masses, and encouraged politicians -to pursue selfish practices until governments became honeycombed with -graft. It nearly capsized the good Ship of State--Democracy. - -Theories of natural rights have been supplanted by considerations -of natural needs, both individual and social. Human needs are now -considered the only imperatives, but even they are relative and -changing. - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -MALTHUS AND POPULATION CONCEPTS - - -A unique and distinctive trend in social thought with important -sociological implications developed in the closing years of the -eighteenth century, namely, Malthusian thought regarding population. -Malthusianism, however, was preceded by the ideas of William Godwin -and Adam Smith. In 1775, Adam Smith had stated that “every species -of animals naturally multiplies in proportion to the means of their -subsistence, and no species can ever multiply beyond it.”[XII-1] -Scanty subsistence, however, destroys a large percentage of offspring. -Inasmuch as men, like all other animals, multiply naturally in -proportion to the means of their subsistence, food is always, more -or less, in demand; and food, or the cost of living, regulates -population.[XII-2] City people must depend upon the country for their -subsistence, whereas seaport towns can command food resources from all -parts of the earth. - -The population ideas of William Godwin (1756–1836) were the immediate -stimuli which set Malthus at work. In 1793, Godwin’s _Enquiry -Concerning Justice_ was published. Godwin elaborated several radical -social ideas of the French Physiocratic philosophers. He declared -that human misery is caused by coercive institutions. Government, -he asserted, is an evil and should be abolished. He urged also the -abolition of strict marriage relations, although he personally -acquiesced in the custom and in his last days he commended marriage. -He thought that no social group should be larger than a parish, and -that there should be an equal distribution of property. Godwin thus -carried the doctrine of natural rights to the verge of anarchy and -licentiousness. His ideas furnished a basis for the nineteenth century -experiments in communism. But what is more important, Godwin’s ideas -regarding the reconstruction of society stimulated Thomas Malthus, -who developed what is commonly known as the Malthusian doctrine of -population. - -In 1798, under an assumed name, Thomas Robert Malthus (1766–1834) -offered to the world the first carefully collected and elaborated body -of data, dealing with what he called _the_ social problem, namely: -What is the underlying cause of human unhappiness? This study may be -counted, in a sense, the beginning of modern sociological study. Early -in life Malthus showed an interest in social questions. Godwin’s ideas -had centered Malthus’ attention on population. Malthus’ well-known -treatise entitled, _An Essay on the Principle of Population as it -Affects the Future Improvement of Society_, undertook two important -tasks: (1) To investigate the causes that have impeded the progress of -mankind toward happiness, and (2) to examine probabilities of a total -or partial removal of these causes.[XII-3] - -Among both plants and animals there is a constant tendency to reproduce -numerically beyond the subsistence level. Wherever there is liberty, -this power of increase blindly asserts itself. Afterwards, a lack of -nourishment and of room represses the superabundant numbers.[XII-4] -It appears, therefore, that the ultimate check to population is lack -of food, due to the fact that population increases faster than food -supply. Nature, in other words, sets a harsher law over the increase -of subsistence than she does over the birth rate. Man fails to take -cognizance of this law and brings untold misery upon himself. The lower -economic classes are the chief victims, and the giants of poverty -and pauperism rule over whole sections of human population. Malthus -considers the question of population the fundamental social problem. - -Since population outruns food supply, dire human consequences -naturally follow. Food supply, as a check upon population, operates -harshly; it is but representative of an entire series of rigorous -natural, or positive, checks upon population. In this list there are -unwholesome occupations; forms of severe labor; extreme poverty; -damp and wretched housing conditions; diseases, epidemics, plagues, -poor nursing; intestine commotion, martial law, civil war; wars of -all forms; excesses of all kinds.[XII-5] These positive checks upon -population are the results of two main causes, namely, vice and misery. -As a result of the operation of these factors, population is being -continually cut down and kept near the mere subsistence plane. - -Malthus pointed out another check upon population, the preventive. -The fear of falling into poverty causes many young people to postpone -marriage until they can safely marry--economically. This check so -far as voluntary is peculiar to man and, to the extent that it is -not followed by irregular sex gratification, is prudential. The -actual pressure of population upon food supply, or the fear of this -impingement, prevents people from marrying earlier than they do and -from reproducing their kind faster than they would do otherwise. This -pressure, or the fear of it, cuts down the marriage rate in times of -economic depression. But let prosperity come and the marriage rate -leaps upward, especially among the poorer classes. - -The positive and preventive checks upon population hold a definite -relation to each other. “In every country where the whole of the -procreative power cannot be called into action, the preventive and the -positive checks must vary inversely as each other.”[XII-6] That is to -say, when positive checks, such as famine and war, slay large numbers -of people, moral restraint is diminished and the population numbers -rapidly increase. When the preventive check expresses itself strongly, -the population is kept down numerically, and positive checks, such as -famine or even war, are defeated. - -Malthus attempted to establish three propositions: - -(1) The limitation of population by the restriction of the means of -subsistence. - -(2) The invariable increase of population whenever the means of -subsistence increase, unless prevented by powerful checks. - -(3) The factors which keep population on a level with the means of -subsistence are all resolvable into three: moral restraint, vice, and -misery.[XII-7] - -No one can gainsay the importance or the seriousness of the problem of -population. Plato wrestled with it, and urged that procreation when it -goes on too fast or too slow should be regulated by the state--through -a proper distribution of marks of ignominy or of honor. The number of -marriages should be determined by the magistrates. - -Aristotle suggested that the ages of marriage for both sexes should be -regulated; he even advocated the regulation of the number of children -for each marriage. Additional children should be aborted. - -Malthus, however, was wiser than either Plato or Aristotle, for he -observed that the cause which has the most lasting effect in improving -the condition of the poorer classes is the conduct and prudence of -the individuals themselves.[XII-8] Malthus asserted that it is in the -power of each individual to avoid all the evil consequences to himself -and society which result from the principle of population, “by the -practice of a virtue clearly dictated to him by the light of nature and -expressly enjoined in revealed religion.”[XII-9] - -Malthus demonstrated clearly the weakness of liberal poor-laws. Give -more food to the poor, and they will produce more children, and suffer -more misery. Poor-laws increase the numbers of children of the poor, -and hence increase the amount of misery. Both private benevolence and -poor-laws increase the number of marriages and of children.[XII-10] - -Education is the solution which Malthus demanded.[XII-11] Educate the -poor to postpone marriage, to keep the birth rate down, and to practice -economic thrift. To a great extent education will secure the operation -of the prudential check upon population. The science of moral and -political philosophy should not be confined within such narrow limits -that it is unable to overcome in practical ways the obstacles to human -happiness which arise from the law of population.[XII-12] - -There are factors in the population situation which did not exist -at the time of Malthus, or which he did not see. Today there are -additional preventive checks upon population, for example, the rise -of democracy in the family whereby the wife and mother no longer -is dominated by the husband and father, but has a voice of her own -regarding domestic matters, such as the number of children. Closely -related to this tendency is the feminist movement, or woman’s rights -movement, whereby women are demanding that they not be confined to -the sphere of bearing and rearing children. Increasing intelligence -and foresight has served as a powerful preventive check upon -population. The current emphasis upon luxury is inimical to the birth -rate. A higher economic status almost uniformly cuts down the birth -rate. Within the last score of years the new science of eugenics -has attracted widespread attention. Eugenics stresses quality of -population. It would effect a decrease in the numbers of children -born among the lower classes, among the poorer stocks, and prevent -procreation among the mentally deficient. It would increase the birth -rate among the cultured and the high grade stocks. - -Malthus appreciated the dependence of urban population upon rural -districts, but he could not foresee the degree to which cities would -grow in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The relative decrease -of agricultural labor and the proportional increase in non-agricultural -labor has thrown a burden upon the food supply which even Malthus could -not forecast. - -On the other hand, Malthus did not realize the extent to which new -countries such as the United States, Canada, Australia, Argentina would -contribute to the world’s means of subsistence. He could not predict -the way in which invention would be applied in solving agricultural -problems, and how today one man with improved machinery and intensive -methods can produce a hundred ears of corn where one was produced a -century ago. Nevertheless, the “new country” argument against Malthus’ -principle of population is ultimately fallacious, for new countries -soon become old, the supply of new countries becomes exhausted, and -there is even a limit to soil productiveness. The very pressure of -population against means of subsistence is, however, a cause of -inventiveness, so that unanticipated increases in food supply may occur -at any time. - -Socialism has criticized Malthus severely. Socialism holds that at -a given time the food supply is sufficient to meet human needs but -that it is poorly or unjustly distributed. With just distribution of -the returns from industry, food supply would not impinge strongly on -population. But socialism might greatly endanger the prudential check -on population, and hence result in an increased birth rate; which in -turn would more than balance any release from human misery that a just -distribution of the returns from industry would effect. - -Another point which Malthus did not observe is that the increase in -technical skill which comes with vocational education is overcome by -the tendency of the world’s population to overtake the world’s food -productiveness. With increase in population, the price of land rises, -the rent for land increases, the cost of living mounts upward, and the -purchasing power of the dollar, or its equivalent, declines. - -Some of the followers of Malthus have advocated birth control as an -artificial means of regulating population. Birth control prevents by -physical means the birth of children. It is a useful weapon against -sexually brutal husbands. It does not provide for self control or moral -control of the sexual impulses. It encourages rather than controls -gratification of the sexual desires. By it a gain is made in protecting -helpless women and in cutting down the birth rate among the lower moral -classes, whether wealthy or poor, but the gain is more than lost by the -opportunity which birth control gives to the irregular gratification of -sexual impulses and by the resultant weakening of moral fibre. - -Thomas N. Carver, whose work will be referred to again in subsequent -chapters, has developed an interesting population theory which is -partly Malthusian.[XII-13] The increase in population from both -immigration sources and the birth rate should be cut down, thereby -decreasing the percentage of unskilled labor. Further, persons should -be trained out of the unskilled group into the skilled group and then -into the _entrepreneur_ class. Thus, by greatly decreasing the number -of unskilled laborers and by increasing the number of entrepreneurs, -wages will advance and profits will be increasingly subdivided. The -poor will become well-to-do, and poverty as it is now known will -tend to disappear. This theory underestimates the importance of -psychological motives and of social attitudes under a system where a -marked degree of competition is encouraged. - -In conclusion, it may be stated that the principle of population as -given by Malthus is fundamental to an understanding of the problems -of social progress.[XII-14] There is a positive relation between -population and means of subsistence. Positive and preventive checks -upon population are continually at work. Moral restraint and self -control, based on scientifically devised human laws, create a better -moral fibre than birth control. The quality of personality is far more -important than mere numbers of population. The struggle for quality in -personality must be supplemented by justice in industrial and social -processes before the population problem can be solved. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -COMTE AND POSITIVE SOCIAL THOUGHT - - -An organized foundation for the field of social thought was not laid -until near the close of the first half of the nineteenth century. -At that time Auguste Comte (1798–1857) gave at least an organized -groundwork, if not a synthetic introduction to sociology. He was -the first to stake out the territory of social thought, to show -the relation of social thought to other fields of knowledge, and -to separate social statics from social dynamics. He was the first -important social philosopher, and his _Positive Philosophy_ the first -treatise roughly to outline the field of sociology. - -Auguste Comte invented the term, sociology, by which he meant the -science of human association. While he did not contribute much to -the science itself, he laid important foundation stones. He reacted -against all forms of loose thinking about man, rejected metaphysical -and theological speculations, and insisted upon the observation and -classification of social phenomena. He repudiated attempts to discover -causes of social uniformities, and coined the name, positivism, for the -philosophical system upon which he founded sociology. The bases of -positivism may be found in the ideas of Bacon, Galileo, and Descartes. -As each of these three men broke with tradition and sought observed -facts in their respective fields, so Comte was likewise prompted to do -in the field of social thought. - -Auguste Comte was born at Montpelier, France, the son of humble and -law-abiding Catholic parents. At the age of nine he displayed unusual -mental ability, a strong character, and a tendency to defy authority. -He is described as brilliant and recalcitrant. He possessed a wonderful -memory and a remarkable avidity for reading. In school he won many -prizes, and took a position of leadership among his fellow students, -who called him “the philosopher.” At the age of sixteen he was devoting -his energies and abilities to the study of mathematics. - -As a youth Comte demanded the resignation of one of his instructors, -criticized Napoleon, and disregarded both ecclesiastical and parental -authority. He especially enjoyed to point out the stupidity of his -superiors and to oppose tyranny. - -At the age of nineteen Comte made the acquaintance of Saint Simon, the -well-known socialist. The friendship lasted for only a few years, but -long enough to exert a deep influence upon the youthful mathematician. -Saint Simon (1760–1825) had indicated the need for a scientific -classification of the sciences with political science at the head of -the list, and had developed a new fraternalism under the name of _Le -nouveau Christianisme_. This system was optimistic and humanitarian, -but dreamy. Comte was dissatisfied with it, and undertook to work out a -better scheme of social analysis and organization. - -In 1822, Comte’s first important work was published. It contained -an introduction by Saint Simon, and was entitled _A Prospectus of -the Scientific Works Required for the Reorganization of Society_. It -represented an important beginning of the task on which Comte was to -spend his life. Upon the problem Comte read and worked assiduously, -save as he was interrupted by an unhappy married life and by mental -aberrations, due to overwork. He gave courses of public lectures, but -insisted upon working gratuituously. He would not accept royalties -from the sale of his books, despite the fact that he lived continually -on the verge of starvation. His friends, however, made him gifts and -established a subsidy. He insisted upon the rule that all his literary -productions should be given to the public gratuitously.[XIII-1] - -His method of composition has been commented upon by his biographers. -As a result of his unusual memory and the high degree of mental -concentration to which he attained, he was able to plan chapters and -volumes in their smallest details, and then from memory to put them -into written form. This method enabled him to secure “an extraordinary -unity of conception and organic symmetry of plan.” - -Comte manifested an unusual regard for the truth. This attitude -required him to modify and qualify statements of fundamental principles -at great length. As a result his works are often tedious reading. He -preferred, however, to write meticulously and thus to safeguard truth, -rather than speak in epigrams and sacrifice truth. - -Comte’s two leading works are: the _Positive Philosophy_ and the -_Positive Polity_. The first appeared in six volumes during the years -from 1830 to 1842. The second work, in four volumes, was published -in the years from 1851 to 1854. It is not the equal of the _Positive -Philosophy_, which was translated into English in 1853 by Harriet -Martineau. - -John Stuart Mill has referred to Comte as among the first of European -thinkers; and, by his institution of a new social science, in some -respects the first.[XIII-2] George Henry Lewes called Comte the -greatest of modern thinkers. John Morley, the English statesman and -author, says of Comte: “Neither Franklin, nor any man that has ever -lived, could surpass him in the heroic tenacity with which, in the -face of a thousand obstacles, he pursued his own ideal of a vocation.” -Harriet Martineau summarizes his methods as follows: “There can be -no question but that his whole career was one of the most intense -concentration of mind, gigantic industry, rigid economy, and singular -punctuality and exactness in all his habits.”[XIII-3] - -In laying the foundations for a new social science, Comte began with -an analysis of types of thinking. (1) Primitive and untrained persons -everywhere think in supernatural terms. They suppose that all physical -phenomena are caused by the immediate action of capricious supernatural -beings. The primitive man believes in all kinds of fetishes in -which spirits or supernatural beings live. Fetishism admitted of no -priesthood, because its gods are individual, each residing in fixed -objects.[XIII-4] - -As the mind of primitive man became better organized, fetishism -became cumbersome. Too many fetishes produced mental confusion. A -coalescence of gods resulted and polytheism arose. The polytheistic -gods represented different phases of life. This state in human thought -is well illustrated by the Homeric gods. - -But a large number of capricious divinities are mentally -unsatisfactory. They create mental contradictions. Consequently, -the gods are arranged in a hierarchy. Finally, the idea of one God, -or of monotheism, developed. The belief arose that every phenomenon -is produced by the immediate action of the one God. As man’s vision -widened and his observations increased in scope and depth, the concept -of a monotheistic universe became clarified. Monotheism is the climax -of the theological stage of thinking. - -But rationalism argues that God does not stand directly behind every -phenomenon. Pure reason insists that God is a First Cause or an -Abstract Being. Pure reason speaks in terms of inalienable rights: -metaphysical explanations, however, are unsatisfactory to the mind. - -Hence, Comte developed his concept of positivism, which is a purely -intellectual way of looking at the world. Comte held that the mind -should concentrate on the observation and classification of phenomena. -He believed that both theological and metaphysical speculations, as -he used the terms, were as likely to be fiction as truth, and that -there is no way of determining which is the case. Thus it will be more -profitable if the individual should direct his thoughts to the lines -of thinking which are most truly prolific, namely, to observation and -classification of data. - -Comte even took the position that it is futile to try to determine -causes. We can observe uniformities, or laws, but it is mere -speculation to assign causes to these uniformities. Positivism deified -observation and classification of data. Its weaknesses should not -hinder the student, however, from seeing the importance of its emphasis -upon the scientific procedure of observing and classifying data in an -age when dogmatism and speculation were rife. - -The three stages of thought which Comte described are not three levels -of thought, as Comte contended, but, as Herbert Spencer indicated, they -may represent the same plane of thinking. Each requires about the same -degree of thinking ability. Moreover, as John Fiske argued, the three -methods of approach to problems are often pursued simultaneously by -a given person. Some phenomena are explained theologically; others, -metaphysically; and others, positively. - -A second main contribution which Comte made to social thought is that -each of the three modes of thinking determines and corresponds to a -type of social organization. Speaking from the standpoint of his own -religious contacts, he declared that theological thinking leads to a -military and monarchial social organization, with God at the head of -the hierarchy as King of kings and a mighty warrior, and with human -beings arranged in a military organization. Divine sanction rules. As -expressed through the human leaders, this divine sanction must not be -questioned. Dogmatism must be meekly endured, or else its threatened -punishments will be turned loose upon helpless offenders. Divine rights -rule. - -Metaphysical thinking produces a government dominated by doctrines of -abstract rights. Natural rights are substituted for divine rights. -A priesthood is furthered. Social organization becomes legalistic, -formal, structural, without adequate content. - -Positive thinking produces practical results in the form of industrial -enterprises, and ushers in an industrial age. It inquires into the -nature and utilization of natural forces. It transforms the material -resources of the earth, and produces material inventions. - -Comte failed to postulate a fourth mode of thinking, namely, socialized -thinking, or a system of thought which would emphasize not simply -the use of natural forces, but the use of natural forces for social -ends, for the purpose of building constructive, just, and harmonious -societies, and of developing personalities who will evaluate life in -terms of the welfare of other personalities. Comte, however, should be -credited with opening the way for the rise of socialized thinking. - -A third phase of Comte’s system was his classification of the sciences, -with sociology as the latest and greatest of the group. The Greek -thinkers, it will be recalled, undertook to classify all knowledge -under three headings: physics, ethics, and politics. Bacon made the -divisions correlative to the so-called mental faculties of memory, -imagination, and reason, namely: history, poetry, and science. - -Comte chose as his principle of classifying knowledge, the order of -increasing dependence. He arranged the sciences so that each category -may be grounded on the principal laws of the preceding category, and -serve as a basis for the next ensuing category.[XIII-5] The order, -hence, is one of increasing complexity and decreasing generality. The -most simple phenomena must be the most general--general in the sense -of being everywhere present.[XIII-6] - -Comte began with mathematics, the tool of the mind. Accurate thinking -is always done in terms of mathematics. With mathematics as its chief -tool, the mind of man can go anywhere in its thinking. Mathematics -is the most powerful instrument which the mind may use in the -investigation of natural laws.[XIII-7] - -Mathematics is not a constituent member of the group of sciences. It is -the basis of them all. It holds the first place in the hierarchy of the -sciences, and is the best point of departure in all education, whether -general or special.[XIII-8] It is the oldest and most perfect of all -the sciences.[XIII-9] - -Mathematics is the science which measures precisely the relations -between objects and ideas. It is _the_ science.[XIII-10] The Greeks -had no other. Its definition is the definition of all science. Its -function is that of ascertaining relationships, a process which is -basic to scientific thinking in all fields. Education that is based on -any other method is faulty, inexact, and unreliable. It is only through -mathematics that we can understand science. - -The highest form of mathematics is calculus. There is no scientific -inquiry in which calculus is not used. Even the physician in -prescribing for the cure of a disease, must provide for the mixing -together of different quantities of different medicines, so that, -when taken at determined intervals of time, they will possess the -right qualities for bringing the human body back to its normal state. -Calculus is the branch of science which has the highest intellectual -dignity. In it the proportion of reasoning to observation is greater -than elsewhere. - -With mathematics as the tool, the classification of knowledge may -proceed. All natural phenomena fall into two grand divisions: inorganic -and organic. The inorganic are more general and should be considered -first. Inorganic phenomena are of two classes: astronomical and -terrestrial. Astronomical phenomena are the most general of all. The -stars and planets appear under the least varied aspects.[XIII-12] -Astronomy is the science by which the movements of the heavenly bodies, -including the earth, are measured. How can we thoroughly understand any -terrestrial phenomena without considering the nature of the earth and -its relation to the other units of the solar system?[XIII-13] - -Terrestrial physics includes two fields: physics proper and chemistry. -Material bodies may be regarded in either their physical or chemical -aspects. Physics is more general than chemistry; it deals with masses -rather than elements. Chemical phenomena depend upon the laws of -physics, without being influenced by them in turn. Chemical action is -conditioned by the laws of weight, heat, electricity. The study of -inorganic phenomena thus falls under three scientific heads: astronomy, -physics, and chemistry. - -Organic phenomena include two types: individual and group. The first -refers to the function and structure of all individual forms in the -plant and animal worlds. It is general physiology, or, in modern -terms, biology. It involves the study of all life and the general laws -pertaining to the individual units of life. - -Biology rests on chemistry, because it is in chemistry that all -reliable knowledge about nutrition or secretion is found. Biology is -indebted to physics for knowledge concerning the weight of, temperature -of, and related facts about living organisms. Biological laws are -partially determined by astronomical factors. If the earth were to -rotate faster than it does, the course of physiological phenomena would -be accelerated, and the length of life would be shortened.[XIII-14] -If the orbit of the earth were to become as eccentric as that of a -comet, changes of a fatal nature would occur to all life on the earth. -If there were no inclination of the earth’s axis, the seasons would -be unknown, and the geographical distribution of living species would -be vastly different from the present situation. All accurate work -in biological studies is mathematical in character. Thus biology, -the science of organic phenomena, is dependent on all the preceding -divisions on the scale of knowledge. - -The study of gregarious or associative life is a special field. -Comte called this science social physics, and for it invented the -specific term, sociology. It rests in turn upon biological, chemical, -physical, astronomical knowledge and uses mathematics as its tool. -Comte virtually defines six sciences: mathematics, astronomy, physics, -chemistry, biology, and sociology. He treats of transcendental biology, -which is the basis of modern psychology. Comte urged that no science -could be effectually studied without competent knowledge concerning -the sciences on which it depends. It is necessary not only to have a -general knowledge of all the sciences but that they should be studied -in order--this is Comte’s dictum to the student of sociology. Comte -insisted that one general science could not develop beyond a given -point until the preceding science has passed a given stage. - -Each of the six general sciences has passed through the three stages -of thought. Mathematics, which has advanced furthest into the positive -stage, is still connected with superstition, such as that which hovers -round the number 13. The other general sciences are less further along. -Sociology, the latest science to develop, Comte hoped by his works to -push over into the positive stage. - -Comte divided sociology, or social physics, into social statics and -social dynamics. Social statics is the study of the laws of action -and reaction of the different parts of the social order, aside for -the time being from the general social movements which are modifying -them.[XIII-15] Social dynamics considers the laws of progress. Social -statics inquires into the laws of co-existence of social phenomena; -social dynamics examines the laws of social succession. Sociology is -the study of social organization and of social progress. - -Society is in a state of anarchy. Individuals with the best of purposes -are continually weakening the efforts of each other. Powerful persons -are crushing the weak. The defeated are conniving against the strong. -Why all this social anarchy? To Comte the answer is clear. Behind moral -and social anarchy there is intellectual anarchy. People do not have a -knowledge of the fundamental laws of social order and social progress. - -Moreover, people fail to appreciate the necessity of knowledge of -social laws. They are insensible to the value of sound social theory. -They want nothing but the “practical,” unmindful of the fact that the -“practical” is as likely to be based on incorrect social theory as upon -sound social conceptions. - -The necessity of fundamental concepts concerning society underlies -social organization. In the absence of these general ideas, there -is “no other daily resource for the maintenance of even a rough and -precarious social order than an appeal, more or less immediate, to -personal interests.”[XIII-16] In the absence of a moral authority, the -material order requires the use of either terror or corruption; the -latter is less inconvenient and more in accordance with the nature -of modern society.[XIII-17] Moreover, politicians and other public -men work against the elaboration of the social theory which is -necessary for the salvation of society. They sneer at the development -of social science. Many of those who occupy the chief political -stations regard with antipathy the true reorganization of society. -Social principles are not even sought. On the other hand, social -charlatanism attracts by the magnificence of its promises and dazzles -by its transient successes. Comte deplored attempts to re-make society -through institutionalism, regardless of social theory. He stressed -the fundamental importance of social principles as the only means -of guaranteeing a correct institutional procedure. As a practical -principle of social adjustment, Comte endorsed the Catholic ideal: In -necessary things, unity; in doubtful things, liberty; in all things, -charity. - -Comte protested vigorously against materialism. He pointed out that for -three centuries the best minds had been devoted to material science and -had neglected societary problems.[XIII-18] Material institutions should -be modified and made to harmonize with the underlying laws of social -evolution. A moral reorganization of society must precede and direct -the material and political reorganization.[XIII-19] - -Social improvement is a result of mental development. This development -favors the preponderance of the noblest human tendencies. Prevision -and science when applied to society will bring out the best phases of -human nature, and thus result in social improvement. Although the lower -instincts will continue to manifest themselves in modified action, -their less sustained exercise will debilitate them by degrees.[XIII-20] - -The three chief causes of social variation result from, first, race; -second, climate; and third, political action in its whole scientific -content. The first and second factors cannot be changed greatly, but -the political influences are wide open to modification by social -prevision. In this connection sociology finds its manifestation. - -With the development of society, intellectual activity and -gregariousness slowly overcome the preponderance of the affective -over the intellectual phases of life. But even in the best natures -the personally affective elements are more powerful than the social -affections. Real intellectual development, however, will strengthen -man’s empire over his passions, refine his gregariousness, and release -his energies for social activities. - -Comte makes the family the social unit. Man cannot live in isolation, -but the family can survive by itself.[XIII-21] The striking -characteristic of domestic organization is its establishment of the -elementary idea of social perpetuity, by directly and irresistibly -connecting the future with the past.[XIII-22] Family life will -always be the school of social life, both for obedience and for -command.[XIII-23] Comte failed to escape the logic of the patriarchal -family life. He did credit women, however, with being superior to men -in the spontaneous expansion of sympathy and sociality, although -inferior in understanding and reason. - -The direction of social evolution is toward further development of the -noblest dispositions and the most generous feelings, and away from the -expression of the animal appetites and the material desires.[XIII-24] -The trend is from the satisfaction of the selfish impulses to the -habitual exercise of the social impulses. Happiness depends on the -presence of new stimuli in one’s form of activity. A life of labor that -is full of constructive stimuli is after all the fittest to develop -personality. - -Comte was the friend of popular education.[XIII-25] He based his -contention on the invariable homogeneity of the human mind. The minds -of people of all races are potentially similar. All members of the race -are capable of development to a common plane. - -In his _Positive Polity_, Comte made important changes in his thinking. -This work was the product of his later years, and shows the effects -of deprivation and struggle. It is inferior in quality to his earlier -treatise on _Positive Philosophy_. It is a question, therefore, how -far his later ideas should be permitted to supersede his thinking -when he was in his prime. In his later thought-life he receded from -his emphasis upon the intellectual nature and stressed the importance -of the affections. He made affection the central point of life and -developed the concept of love. We tire of thinking and even of acting, -he asserted, but we never tire of loving.[XIII-26] - -The Comtean ideal became a disinterested love of mankind. Comte -developed a religion of humanity. His contact with Christianity gave -him the belief that it is chiefly ecclesiastical. He did not see in -Christianity a social keynote. Hence, he attempted to create a purely -social religion. He made mankind an end in itself; he failed to see -that human society is probably an outcropping of universal purpose. - -If we judge Comte by his own time and age, we shall see the importance -of his contributions to social thought, which were as follows: 1. -There is need for accurate thinking about society. Mathematics is the -best tool for obtaining social accuracy. 2. Comte developed positivism -with its emphasis upon observation and classification of social data. -3. Knowledge has scientific divisions, according to the principles of -increasing dependence and decreasing generality. This scale begins -with mathematics and astronomy, includes physics, chemistry, biology, -in order, and ends with the social sciences, particularly sociology. -4. Sociology deals with the static and dynamic phases of human -association. 5. Comte developed a humanitarian philosophy. 6. Comte -insisted on an intellectual understanding of social processes as the -only true basis for overcoming social anarchy and for solving the -problems of society. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV - -MARX AND SOCIALISTIC SOCIAL THOUGHT - - -Socialism proper had its beginning in the second and third decades of -the nineteenth century. It developed primarily in continental Europe -and in England. Although Plato’s communism and More’s utopianism were -forerunners of socialism, the social unrest in Europe in the early -years of the nineteenth century was the direct causal factor. Socialism -also represented a reaction against the prevailing _laissez faire_ -thought regarding the evils of society and the suffering of the poorer -classes. - -Socialism began with the concepts and experiments of Saint Simon -and Fourier in France, of Robert Owen in England, and of Rodbertus, -Lassalle, Marx, and Engels in Germany. In France the movement was -carried forward by Proudhon and Blanc; and in England by the Christian -socialists, chiefly Maurice and Kingsley. In Germany, Marx maintained -the position of leadership for many decades, and finally became the -best known exponent of socialist thought in the world. - -In his _New Christianity_, Saint Simon, who was referred to in the -preceding chapter, made a unique contribution to social thought. His -thinking was not deep, or systematic, but characterized by ingenuity. -Saint Simon advocated a society in which only useful things are -produced. In this industrial order, men of science will be in control. -Saint Simon was greatly interested in the welfare of the poorest -classes. His _New Christianity_ was essentially a plea that the whole -world devote itself to the improvment of the living conditions of the -very poor. The influence which Saint Simon had upon Comte has already -been mentioned. - -Another important socialistic ideal was developed by Fourier -(1772–1837), who worked out a social system in which the _phalange_ -is the chief instrument in securing a perfect society. The phalange -is composed of from twenty-four to thirty-two groups of people. Each -group comprises from seven to nine individuals. The unifying bond is -natural attraction, or free elective love and sympathy. The members -of each phalange live communistically in a large commodious structure -called a _phalanstère_. The phalanges were to unite in one large world -federation, with headquarters at Constantinople. - -The people work according to their interests, frequently changing -occupations. The products of labor are subdivided; a minimum goes -equally to all, irrespective of any conditioning factors; of the -remainder five-twelfths goes to labor, three-twelfths to special -ability, and four-twelfths to capital. Difficult common labor is paid -the most, on the assumption that he who does pleasant labor receives -pay in mental ways. Every individual should have an opportunity to -become a capitalist; and every woman should be enabled to become -independent economically. These utopian plans of Fourier called for a -sudden and complete transformation of human nature. They underestimated -the force of human selfishness. - -Socialistic thought was carried into politics by Louis Blanc -(1811–1882). He declared that no genuine reformation of society could -take place until political machinery was organized democratically. -The democratic state would endow national workshops. These workshops -would be operated by industrial associations composed of workingmen, -who would elect their own officers, regulate their own industries, and -provide for the distribution of the returns from industry. Once started -by the state these industrial associations will expand and increase in -number until the whole nation, and then the world, will be organized in -this way. - -Blanc participated in the French Revolution of 1848 and became a member -of the provisional government. His national workshop idea failed -in practice. His enemies were partly responsible for this defeat, -because the essentials of productive work and guarantees of character -which Blanc urged were disregarded. The fact, however, that these two -essentials were considered necessary for the successful development -of national workshops indicates that the system, under average -conditions, might not be a success. - -Nearly all the early socialists were evolutionists rather than -revolutionists. They did not advocate class struggle theories. They -developed bourgeois rather than proletariat ideas. An outstanding -exception to these statements is found in the radical attitude of -Babeuf (1760–1797), who was essentially a forerunner of Marxian -socialism and also of the anarchistic philosophy of Proudhon and -Bakunin. Babeuf vigorously proclaimed the sovereignty of the -proletariat, and advocated the abolition of inheritance laws and -of private property. He urged that the property of corporations be -confiscated, and that a communistic state be established. - -The well-known principles of justice, liberty, and equality were -utilized by Proudhon (1809–1865), a philosophic anarchist. He would -have the same wages paid to an unskilled workman as to a successful -business or professional man. He predicted that equalization of -opportunity would bring about an equalization of ability. - -Proudhon attacked property rights. He declared that property is theft. -In itself property is lifeless, but it nevertheless demands rent, -interest, or profits, or all three. It protects itself behind law, and -in order to guarantee its alleged rights, it calls out the militia, -evicts families, and takes bread from the mouths of little children. It -robs labor of its just returns.[XIV-1] - -By unsatisfactory reasoning Proudhon urged the free development of -individuals in society, whereby each individual would learn to govern -himself so well in society that government would no longer be needed. -This theory is Proudhon’s concept of anarchy. In this doctrine Proudhon -neglects to provide an adequate dynamic or to foresee the ultimate -complexity of human relations. - -In England, Robert Owen (1771–1858) became a founder of socialism. As -a factory manager, Owen developed social ideas. Living in an age of -long hours, woman and child labor of the worst forms, and deplorable -housing conditions, Owen deserves the credit of inaugurating a -twentieth century program of welfare work. It was Owen’s theory that -the workingman is so subject to his environment that even his character -is determined for him. Owen attempted in theory and practice to -prevent the impingement of the economic environment upon the workers. -He believed in self-governing organizations of labor. He inaugurated -the co-operative movement as a means of securing industrial justice -and of giving the workingman a chance at the free development of his -personality. - -Owen objected to Malthus’ doctrine of population on the ground that it -failed to consider the marvelous increase in the means of subsistence -which might come from the application of inventive genius to the -sources of the food supply. He also protested against the Malthusian -argument for the restriction of population, because this argument did -not give due weight to the unjust distribution of wealth and to the -enslaving social organization to which labor is subject. - -Owen’s experiments, particularly at New Harmony, Indiana, demonstrated -that a communistic organization of society in itself cannot save -society. The strength of Owen’s social thought lay in its accentuation -of the need for providing labor with opportunities of industrial -initiative and co-operation. - -During the middle of the nineteenth century in England, the Christian -socialists flourished. The founders of this movement were Frederick -Maurice and Charles Kingsley. These men were clergymen who became -greatly interested in the welfare of the working classes. They made -clear the evils of the prevailing economic order, the formality of the -Manchester school of economics, and proposed to apply the principles of -Christianity to the economic system of the day. They opposed economic -competition. For this method they urged the substitution of the ethical -and spiritual principles of co-operation and love in industrial -relationships--for both employer and employee in all their dealings -with each other. Their socialism is essentially a vigorous application -of Christian love to every-day relationships. - -The influence of Christian socialism strengthened the experiment -of the Rochdale weavers who in 1844 had organized a consumers’ -co-operative society. The concept of consumers’ co-operation received -its original impetus from the thought and practice of Robert Owen, -achieved a measurable degree of concreteness under the efforts of the -Rochdale weavers, and through Maurice and Kingsley won the assistance -of Christianity. - -In Germany, Rodbertus, Lassalle, Marx and Engels molded the thinking of -socialists about the nature of human society. Rodbertus (1805–1875), -the son of a university professor, was a quiet, deep thinker about -social processes. According to his analysis of social development, -three stages may be pointed out. The first was marked by slavery, or -by private property in human beings. The second state is an indirect -form of the first, namely, one of private property in land and capital. -Through this type of ownership the economically fortunate or shrewd -are able to exercise widespread power over the unfortunate and the -uneducated. In the third state, toward which society is trending, -the concept of service will rule, and private property as a dominant -concept will be compelled to take a thoroughly subordinate place in -human activities. The ultimate goal, according to Rodbertus, is a world -communist society, with land and capital as national property, and with -labor rewarded according to its productiveness.[XIV-2] - -Rodbertus denied the validity of the wages fund theory and argued -that wages are not paid by capital; it is that part of the productive -earnings of labor which labor receives. His fundamental thesis is -that labor is the source and measure of all value. He advocated an -evolutionary procedure whereby the state should pass legislation that -would guarantee just returns to labor. This form of state socialism is -to be gradually developed, until a scientific socialism is reached with -its emphasis upon a government of labor, for labor, and by labor. - -The founder of Social Democracy in Germany, Ferdinand Lassalle -(1825–1864), wrote two significant treatises, the _Bastiat-Schulze_ -and the _Working Men’s Programme_. Lassalle believed that natural -conditions are productive of misery and vice, and that it is the -chief business of the state to extricate men from this thraldom. The -state should provide means for lifting the laboring man to a level of -industrial freedom. - -Lassalle objected to the theory known as the iron law of wages. He -protested against the smallness of the share of his earnings which the -laborer really receives. He advocated the establishment of productive -associations wherein labor might perform the double function of -workman and capitalist. In order that these productive associations -might be started, the state should advance funds. After the productive -associations have secured momentum they will continue by virtue of -their own strength. Ultimately, industry will be conducted exclusively -through productive associations; both industrial and social democracy -will finally rule in political life. Lassalle became the founder of -the Social Democratic party in Germany. Lassalle boldly denounced the -reactionary classes that were in political power in his time and led -the workers in a movement to overthrow the existing social order.[XIV-3] - -The name of Karl Marx (1818–1883) is supreme on the list of socialists. -Marx was born in Germany of Jewish parents, and educated at the -universities of Bonn and Berlin. He became a journalist, but the paper -which he edited was considered too liberal and was suppressed. Marx -went to Paris in 1842, where he continued editorial work. At this -time he was influenced by French socialism and its leader, Proudhon. -In 1845, he was expelled from Paris at the request of the Prussian -government. He went to Brussels. In the meantime a deep friendship with -Friedrich Engels (1820–1895) had been established. - -In 1847, Marx and Engels issued the Communist Manifesto.[XIV-4] This -radical document was circulated widely and became extensively accepted -by social revolutionists. Its doctrines were: - -1. Abolition of property in lands; rents to be used for public purposes. - -2. Abolition of all rights of inheritance. - -3. Progressive income tax. - -4. Nationalization of the means of transportation and commerce. - -5. Extension of productive enterprises by the state. - -6. Compulsory labor. - -7. Free education; no child labor. - -8. Elimination of the distrust between town and country. - -Marx returned to Germany and established the _Neue Rheinische Zeitung_ -in Cologne in 1848. Engels served as editor. Because of revolutionary -activity, Marx was forced to leave Germany in 1849. He went to Paris -and then to London, where he became a newspaper correspondent and where -he lived until his death in 1883. - -In 1859, the _Kritik der politischen Oekonomie_ was published. It -contains the essential principles of Marx’s system of thought. In 1864, -Marx found the opportunity for which he had long been seeking, namely, -to organize the workers of the world into one large association. On -September 28, in St. Martin’s Hall, Marx in the presence of a vast -concourse of people, he initiated the “International Workingmen’s -Association.” The fundamental idea was to organize the societies of -workingmen which have a common purpose, namely, the emancipation of the -working classes, into a world or international union for co-operative -purposes. The International proposes that governments shall put the -interests of the working classes to the forefront of national concern, -and subordinate the present attention they give to war, diplomacy, and -national jealousies. - -In 1869, Marx, aided by Karl Liebknecht (1826–1900), Engels and others, -organized in Germany the Social Democratic Labor Party. The movement -which Lassalle had started became united with the Marxian movement, -and in 1875 the German Social Democracy presented a united front to -capitalism. Marx, Engels, Liebknecht, and Bebel are its best-known -leaders. Bismarck was forced to acknowledge its power, and condescended -to inaugurate a system of social insurance in order to appease its rank -and file. - -In 1867, 1885, and 1895, the three volumes of _Das Kapital_ appeared, -in chronological order.[XIV-5] By this work, _Capital_, Marx is known -throughout the world. The style is laborious; the analyses are minute -and in places difficult to follow. The method is historical. Marx -analyzes social evolution. He traces the rise of capitalism from its -humble beginnings to its autocratic fruition. In this development the -instruments of capital showed a tendency to congregate in a decreasing -number of hands. By this token it will be seen that the number of the -propertyless ever increases. Likewise, their influence decreases. In -this way, the proletariat is developed, a product of capitalism. - -A definite class, the capitalist, acquires increasing industrial, -political, and social power. The proletariat suffer increasing misery. -They own nothing except their ability to labor. They are forced to -throw this human quality on the commercial market and sell it to the -highest bidder. But capitalism increases the number of the proletariat. -This tendency, together with the increase in population, creates a -superabundance of labor. Laborers are forced to compete in the labor -market. The laborers who will sell their labor for the least wages will -be employed. Capitalism thus forces wages to a mere subsistence level, -with the result that the misery and suffering of the proletariat are -greatly augmented. In this way the laborer is crushed by the operation -of the iron law of wages. - -By the operation of the iron law, the capitalist is enabled to -appropriate to himself an increasing amount of the earnings of labor. -This appropriated amount is called the surplus value. Marx developed at -length the concept of surplus value. Capitalism exploits the laborer by -taking possession of as large a proportion of the earnings of labor as -it can obtain--through its might and its shrewdness. - -The growth of capitalism, also, causes a class consciousness to develop -among the members of the proletariat. This class consciousness is -increasing. It produces labor organizations; these organizations are -acquiring vast power. The struggles between them and the capitalistic -classes go on. The two groups have little in common. By force of -numbers the proletariat are bound finally to win, and to overthrow the -capitalistic classes which are now in power. They will seize the means -of production and manage them for the good of all. - -Marx did not outline an utopia. He described the historical evolution -of society as he saw it, and he participated in plans for the -organization of all laborers for their common good. Inasmuch as Marx -advocated compulsory labor, the laboring class under Marxian socialism -would include all people. Marx advocated an equal distribution of -wealth, not in the sense of the popular misconception of that term, but -in the sense that the earnings from the industry shall be distributed -to the workers in proportion to their achievements. - -In Russia, Marxian socialism in 1918 came into power. The Bolsheviki -represent the radical wing of the Marxian followers. They established -essentially a dictatorship of the proletariat, substituting it for the -dictatorship of capitalists which existed under the reign of the czars. -Bolshevism substitutes occupation for geographic area as a basis of -representative government. This program is deficient and sociologically -untenable, because occupational groups do not encompass all phases of -human personality. A government based on occupational group needs is -representative of only a portion of the elements of human life. When -seventy-five per cent of the people are illiterate, as has been the -case in Russia, no form of government whether democratic or not can be -other than a dictatorship. - -Revolutionary socialism coincides, in part, with syndicalism, a -movement which developed in France and England. Syndicalism is a -radical form of trade unionism. It declares that workingmen cannot -hope for genuine betterment through politics. They must organize and -inaugurate a general strike. This universal strike will paralyze the -present régime and render it helpless. As a result the workers will -come into power. In the meantime, the workers must keep up a running -warfare with capitalists and the government which supports capitalism. -Sabotage is a common concept among syndicalists. It implies a program -of destroying machinery, hindering the production of economic goods, -and creating inefficiency in capitalistic industry. In both England -and the United States, syndicalism has appeared. In the United States, -the Industrial Workers of the World, or I. W. W., confess to doctrines -similar to those which have been espoused in Europe under the name of -syndicalism. The philosophic exponent of syndicalism has been George -Sorel. - -Revolutionary socialism has been paralleled in certain ways by -anarchism. These teachings first acquired force through the writings -of Proudhon. Another leading anarchist was the Russian nobleman and -military officer, Michael Bakunin (1814–1876). Although of aristocratic -birth, Bakunin became furious when he observed the human misery among -the masses which Russian autocracy was producing. He became an -agitator. He was confined in dungeons and exiled to Siberia. He escaped -from Siberia, and by way of California went to England and then to -Switzerland. His chief work is _God and the State_. Vital, vigorous, -magnetic, fearless--these are the adjectives which describe the -personality of Bakunin. - -Bakunin scorned rank, birth, and fortune. He attacked external -authority of all kinds. He denied the validity of concepts such as -“God” and the “state”; they are parts of systems which enslave the free -will of man. Classes must be abolished and the masses of individuals -freed from all enslaving institutions, such as marriage, the church, -the state. - -In a related way Prince Kropotkin (1842–1921) developed anarchistic -principles. Peter A. Kropotkin was of aristocratic Russian birth and -a person of mild, courteous manners. His father was a serf owner; the -son could not bear to see the sufferings which the serfs underwent. -He threw away the privileges of rank and became a defender of the -oppressed. He attempted to correlate the theories of anarchism -with those of mutual aid, and fought socialism with the concept of -centralized control on the ground that it would destroy individual -liberty.[XIV-6] In Chapter XXII, Kropotkin’s theory of mutual aid will -be analyzed. - -Anarchism and socialism make similar attacks upon the evils of -capitalism. Both are determined to overthrow capitalism. Both believe -in revolt. They part ways when they advocate a constructive program for -the new order which shall follow the violent overthrow of capitalism. -Unlike socialism, anarchism holds that all government is an evil and -that industry can go on without organization. It advocates a free -communism. - -One of the essentials in the Communist Manifesto was the appropriation -of rents for public purposes. Starting from a viewpoint distinctly -different from that of Karl Marx, Henry George (1839–1897) became the -founder of single tax propaganda. In early manhood Henry George came -to San Francisco and established a struggling newspaper. At once he -found himself practically overwhelmed by the brutal competition of the -metropolitan press and telegraphic news service. George was crushed by -monopoly. It was this defeat which gave him a new idea--an idea that -was to command the attention of the world. - -As George walked the streets of New York City he puzzled over the -existence of indescribable destitution and suffering in the shadow -of the princely rich with their ostentatious luxuries.[XIV-7] Why in -a land blessed with generous natural resources should there be such -poverty? Although discovery has followed discovery and invention has -followed invention, neither has lessened the toil of those who most -need respite. With material progress poverty takes on a larger aspect. -Material progress may be likened to an immense wedge which is being -forced, not underneath society, but through society. “Those who are -above the point of separation are elevated, but those who are below are -crushed down.”[XIV-8] George set himself the task of finding out why -poverty is associated with progress. - -This cause George found in the land situation. As land increases -in value, poverty increases. The price of land is an index of the -disparity in the economic conditions of the people at the extremes of -the social scale. Land is more valuable in New York City than in San -Francisco, and there is more squalor and misery in New York City than -in San Francisco. Land is more valuable in London than in New York -City, and likewise there is more squalor and destitution in London than -in New York City. - -When increasing numbers of people live in a limited area under a system -of private property in land, rents are raised and land values go up. -The cost of living mounts, wages are kept to a minimum, overcongestion -of population ensues; and again, rents and land values are increased. - -Upon what does title to land rest? Where did it originate? In force. -But has the first comer at a banquet the right to turn back all the -chairs, and claim that none of the other guests shall partake of the -food that has been provided? Does the first passenger who enters a -railroad car thereby possess the right to keep out all other persons, -or admit them only upon payment to him of sums of money? “We arrive -and we depart, guests at a banquet continually spread, spectators -and participants in an entertainment where there is room for all who -come.”[XIV-10] These illustrations are pertinent to the unjust elements -in the present economic order. - -As a result of private property in land, the owner possesses power over -the tenant, a power which is tantamount to a system of slavery. There -is nothing strange, therefore, in the poverty phenomena of the world. -The Creator has not placed in the world the taint of injustice. The -fact that amid our highest civilization men faint and die with want, -is not because of the niggardliness of nature or the injustice of the -Creator, but is due to the injustice of man.[XIV-11] Since the owner of -land receives wealth without labor to an increasing degree, so there is -an increasing robbery of earnings of those who labor. - -George attacked Malthusianism, and pointed out the deficiencies in the -proposed remedies for poverty, such as greater economy in government, -diffusion of knowledge, and improved habits of industry. He then -proceeded to give his own and well known solution, namely, making land -common property through a system of taxation of land values alone. -Since land, not labor, is the source of all wealth, it is just and -necessary to make land common property. - -The weakness of Henry George’s argument lies in his single panacea -for securing justice. He over-emphasized the importance of one line -of procedure. He neglects other important factors, such as a selfish -human nature. He rendered, however, a splendid service in showing -the weaknesses in the system of private property in land. In this -connection he has been unequaled in his contribution to social thought. - -In this discussion of the contributions of socialism to social thought, -many types or expressions of socialism have not been presented. The -educational propaganda of the Fabian socialists in England should be -mentioned as being very effective. Although small in number this group -of intellectuals, the best known being Sidney and Beatrice Webb, have -exerted a constructive and practical influence upon social thought. - -Socialism has assumed various phases. (1) It originated in utopianism -and in a loose, broad type of communism. (2) It then took the form -of associationism, urging the organization of groups of associated -individuals, such as phalanges. As utopianism was in part the -expression of a poetic imagination, so associationism represented a -bourgeois philosophy. (3) In the next place socialism assumed political -aspirations, and advocated a governmental program whereby the existing -governments shall gradually extend their power until they exercise -control over rent-producing land and interest-producing capital. (4) -State socialism, however, was supplanted in many minds by ideas of -more radical procedure. Marxian socialism holds that a class conflict -is inevitable and that the workers must overthrow the capitalists, -together with the governments which they control. (5) To the other -radical extreme is philosophic anarchism, with its emphasis upon -the abolition of all existing governments and the establishment of -individual autonomy. - -Socialism has made several contributions to social thought. (1) It has -called the attention of civilized mankind, and particularly of the -economically wealthy classes, to the needs of the weaker classes. It -has introduced humanitarian concepts into the minds of the socially -unthinking educated classes. (2) It has jolted many economic autocrats -from their thrones of power. It has thrown the spot light of publicity -upon the selfish and wicked ostentation of the hereditary leisure -classes. (3) It has held social theory to a more practical course -and to developing more immediate social solutions than it otherwise -would have achieved. (4) It has developed a power equal to that held -by individualism. It has helped to demonstrate the dualistic nature -of social evolution, that is, that there are two poles to human life -rather than one. - - - - -CHAPTER XV - -BUCKLE AND GEOGRAPHIC SOCIAL THOUGHT - - -It has long been observed that climate, fertility of soil, rainfall, -and similar factors have had a powerful influence upon human nature -and upon the development of civilization. The chief founders of this -line of thought were Buckle and Ratzel. In recent years Semple and -Huntington have become well-known authorities. Many other thinkers -have contributed to the present knowledge concerning the interactions -between geographic factors and human development. - -One of the first writers to elaborate a climatic theory of social -evolution was Bodin (1530–1596). Hot climates, he observed, further the -rise of all kinds of superstitious beliefs. Cold climates produce brute -will-power. Temperate climates constitute an essential basis for the -development of reason. In the ideal commonwealth which Bodin described, -all three types of climate are represented.[XV-1] The northern zone -furnishes the fighters and the workers. The southern zone produces -poets, priests, and artists. The temperate zone is the parent of -legislative, judicial, and scholarly leaders. - -In the _Spirit of Laws_ to which reference was made in Chapter XI, -Montesquieu accentuated the importance of environmental influences on -social processes. He attempted to show the effects of climate upon -social institutions. Montesquieu did important pioneer work in what is -now known as the field of anthropo-geography. - -By way of contrast, the attitude of Hume, whose contributions to social -psychology have already been noted, stands out sharply. According to -Hume, physical causes have no particular effect on the human mind. No -geographic factors influence either the temperament, disposition, or -ability of people. Hume was led to this extreme position by his staunch -faith in the subjective and psychological factors of human nature. - -The distinguished German scientist, Alexander von Humboldt (1769–1859), -travelled extensively throughout the world, observing the physical -geography of many lands in conjunction with the meteorological -conditions of each. At the same time von Humboldt was a careful -observer of the customs, manners, and standards of the various -peoples with whom he came in contact. In these travels and studies, -von Humboldt was careful to note relationships between soils and -civilizations. His contributions to social thought were of this -descriptive nature, based on first-hand observations in many parts of -the world. - -The writings of Henry Thomas Buckle (1821–1862) contain an extensive -and detailed explanation of the ways in which geographic and natural -factors modify human life. Buckle starts with a decidedly dualistic -universe--a dualism which is disjunctive. The dualism consists of -nature and mind, each subject more or less to its own laws. Rejecting -both the doctrine of free will and of predestination, Buckle concludes -that the actions of men are determined solely by their antecedents -and that they have a character of uniformity.[XV-2] Man modifies -nature, and nature modifies man, but in the past in many parts of the -world the thoughts and desires of men are more influenced by physical -phenomena than they influence such phenomena. Because of this dominant -activity of the physical forces, these should be studied as a basis for -understanding the history of man. - -The physical factors which have powerfully influenced men are four: -climate, food, soil, and the general aspects of nature. By the fourth, -Buckle refers to those appearances which are presented chiefly through -the medium of sight and which produce their chief results by exciting -the imagination and suggesting superstitions. The three first-mentioned -factors do not operate on the mind directly.[XV-3] - -The first effect of climate, food, and soil upon man that may be -noted is that they lead man to accumulate wealth. These accumulations -permit that degree of leisure from “making a living” which enables -some members of society to acquire knowledge. Upon these acquisitions -of knowledge, particularly of socialized knowledge, civilization -depends. This progress in the early stages of civilization rests on -two circumstances: “First, on the energy and regularity with which -labor is conducted, and second, on the returns made to that labor -by the bounty of nature.”[XV-4] Both these causes are the results -of physical antecedents. The returns which are made to labor are -regulated by the fertility of the soil. Moreover, Buckle asserted, the -energy and regularity with which labor is conducted will be entirely -dependent on the influence of climate.[XV-5] When heat is intense, men -will be indisposed and partly unfitted for active industry. Climate -also affects the regularity of the habits of laborers. In very cold -climates, the weather interferes with regular habits and produces -desultoriness. In southern countries regular labor is likewise -prevented--this time by the heat. Thus, in the early stages of -civilization the fundamental law may be stated: the soil regulates the -returns made to any given amount of labor; the climate regulates the -energy and constancy of labor itself.[XV-6] - -Of the two primary causes of primitive societary growth, the fertility -of the soil is more important than the climatic influences. It is only -where soil fertility exists that civilization can arise at all.[XV-7] -But in Europe, climate has been more effective than soil fertility. In -Europe a climate has existed which has stimulated human activities. - -Since the mental powers of man are unlimited they are more important, -once they get started, than the powers of nature, which are limited -and stationary. Man has endless capacity, through his dynamic mental -tendencies to develop the physical resources of the earth. - -The birth rate depends on food supply. In hot countries, where -less food per capita is required than in cold countries, and where -an abundance of food exists, the birth rate is very high. In cold -countries highly carbonized food is necessary, but this food is largely -animal in origin and great risk is involved in procuring it. Hence the -people of cold countries become adventuresome.[XV-8] - -By the study of physical laws it is possible to determine what the -national food of a country will be. In India, for example, the physical -conditions are decidedly favorable to the growth of rice, which is the -most nutritive of all cereals, and which, consequently, is a causal -factor in a high birth rate. - -But where there is a cheap national food, the increase in population -becomes very great. As a result, there are multitudes of people who are -able to keep just above the subsistence level. A few individuals who -understand the operation of these physical laws are able to manipulate -the multitudes in such a way as to make themselves immensely wealthy. -Since wealth, after intellect, is the most permanent source of power, -a great inequality of wealth has been accompanied by a corresponding -inequality of social and political power.[XV-9] It produces classes -and even castes. Poverty provokes contempt. Class conflict results. The -poor are ground low, murmur, and are again subjected to ignominy. Under -such conditions democracy has a hard struggle. When physical conditions -favor one class, that class will constitute itself the government and -bitterly oppose the extension of government to all other classes. In -Europe there was no cheap national food, no blind multiplication of -population, and hence no such disparity between classes as in India. In -Europe it has been easier for democratic movements to spread. - -Early civilization developed in the Euphrates valley, the Nile valley, -and in the exceedingly fertile regions of Peru, Central America, and -Mexico. Modern civilization is found largely in fertile river valleys, -such as the Thames, Seine, Rhine, Po, Danube, Hudson, Mississippi. But -in the Amazon valley, the fertility of soil has not invited the growth -of a large population. The trade winds have brought in a superabundance -of moisture, producing torrential rains, and a luxuriance of plant life -and a complexity of virile animal life which thus far have defied the -skill of man to overcome. - -The fourth physical factor which Buckle presents is the general aspects -of nature. Of these the first class excites the imagination and the -second stimulates the rational operations of the intellect.[XV-10] -In regard to natural phenomena it may be said that whatever inspires -feelings of terror, of the vague and uncontrollable, and of great -wonder tends to inflame the imagination and to cause it to dominate -the intellectual processes. Where nature is continually exhibiting its -power, man feels his inferiority. He assumes a helpless attitude. He -ceases to inquire or to think. His imagination, rather than his reason, -reigns. On the other hand, where nature works smoothly and quietly, man -begins to assert his individuality. He even essays to dominate nature -and other men. His cognition develops and his volition expresses itself -vigorously. - -All early civilizations were located in the tropics or sub-tropics. -In these regions nature is dangerous to man. Earthquakes, tempests, -hurricanes, pestilences prevail. Consequently, the imagination of man -takes exaggerated forms. The judgment is overbalanced; thought is -paralyzed. The mind is continually thrown into a frantic state. These -reactions throw human life into feeling molds, into poetic rather -than scientific forms. Religious feelings are promoted. The leading -religions of the world originated in the sub-tropical and tropical -regions of the earth. - -East Indian literature and thought illustrate the effect of nature upon -the feelings and the imagination. The works of the East Indians on -grammar, law, history, medicine, even on mathematics, geography, and -metaphysics are nearly all poems.[XV-11] Prose writing is despised. -The Sanscrit language boasts of more numerous and more complicated -metres than can any European tongue. The East Indian literature is even -calculated to set the reason of man at defiance.[XV-12] - -The imagination, for example, in India has produced an exaggerated -respect for the past; it is this situation which has led poets to -describe a Golden Age in the remote past. In the literature of India -there is recorded the statement that in ancient times the average -length of life of common men was 80,000 years. There are instances of -poets who lived to be half a million years old. - -In Greece, on the other hand, nature is more quiet and the mind of man -functioned in a reasoning way. In the North Temperate zone science -developed. “The climate was more healthy; earthquakes were less -frequent; hurricanes were less disastrous; wild beasts and noxious -animals less abundant.”[XV-13] Buckle, in other words, insists that -everywhere the hand of nature is upon the mind of man. - -The work of Buckle, the chief exponent of the influence of physical -nature upon mental man, accentuates important phases of the growth -of civilization. Buckle over-emphasized his anthropo-geographic -observations. However, they constitute a part of the whole picture of -human progress, and when seen in the light of modern mental growth and -control of environment they shrink into proper proportions. - -The field which Buckle opened has been developed extensively by -Friedrich Ratzel (1844–1904). This German scholar, traveler, and -geographer is generally credited with putting anthropo-geography on a -scientific basis. Miss Ellen Semple attempted to translate his work on -_Anthropo-Geographie_ into English, but found the German constructions -so difficult to handle accurately that it was necessary for her to put -Ratzel’s observations into her own words. She also points out in Buckle -a lack of system and an undue tendency to follow one generalization -after another. Her own _Influences of Geographic Environment_ has now -become a standard work on the ways in which physical nature affects -mankind. - -Miss Semple, following but improving upon Ratzel, has shown in turn the -influences of geographical location, area, and boundaries upon people. -She indicates the various ways in which oceans, rivers, and coast lines -have molded human minds; she distinguishes between mountain, steppe, -and desert effects upon mankind. She describes man as a product of -the earth’s surface. She stresses unduly the physical influences; she -considers nature the dominating force. Even where civilized man has -developed inventive powers and spiritual prowess, nature is given -the credit.[XV-14] Nevertheless, Miss Semple has marshalled facts in -powerful array and increased their force by literary skill. No student -or teacher can afford to neglect Miss Semple’s extensive survey of the -interactions between physical nature and human progress. - -Among the many other writers upon the relation of geographic factors -to civilization the investigations of Ellsworth Huntington are -significant.[XV-15] He has described the climatic conditions that -are most favorable to mental stimulation and growth, and then has -classified all districts of the earth according to the degree in which -they stimulate or arrest mental advance. - -In this same connection William Z. Ripley has investigated the relation -of climate to races.[XV-16] After analyzing races and distinguishing -between them and the geographic influences upon pigmentation, head, -form, stature, and other traits, mainly structural, he classifies -climatic elements in order of importance, as follows: humidity, heat, -and monotony. A high humidity, excessive heat, and long series of -sunshine or of cloudy weather produce mental enervation, stagnation, -and retrogression. - -Acclimatization of races is a very slow process, according to Ripley. -It requires centuries. Perhaps the white race can never become truly -acclimated in the tropics. Racial differences he shows are due to -environmental factors far more than is ordinarily supposed. - -In conclusion, it may be said that physical forces have operated -strongly on man. But when man has developed modern mental tools, -he has been able to escape a part of the enslaving environmental -influences. The history of the relation of geographic factors to human -progress indicates a fundamental but a proportionate decrease in those -influences. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI - -SPENCER AND ORGANIC SOCIAL THOUGHT - - -In the second half of the last century social thought passed under -biological influence. Society was discussed in terms of biological -analogies, that is, it was compared in its structure and functions -to organic life. Herbert Spencer was the leader among those writers -who attempted to analyze society in terms of biological figures of -speech. He also stressed the structural nature of society, and in -his _Principles of Sociology_ he went into great detail in giving a -historical description of social institutions. - -The Greek writers, the Hebrews before them, the founder of Christianity -made references to the likenesses between human society and plant and -animal life. Mankind has often been compared to a tree or a plant with -its manifold, evolving branches and fruit. - -Spencer’s famous organic analogies were preceded by the studies of -biologists, such as Lamarck and Darwin. Lamarck (1744–1829) argued that -by activity and use man could develop traits which would be transmitted -by inheritance. Although this theory has been undermined by Weismann, -it served as a basis for the further study of the biological laws of -human evolution. - -The thought of Charles Darwin (1809–1882) upon the nature of evolution -was stimulated in part by Malthus’ doctrine of surplus population -and the consequent struggle for existence. He also based his ideas -on the Lamarckian theory of transmission of acquired characters. He -developed the concepts of the prodigality of nature and the struggle -for existence, which led to the resultant concept of natural selection -and survival of the fittest. The process of natural selection accounts -for the instincts, imitation, imagination, reason as well as for -self-consciousness, and the esthetic and religious impulses. In this -way man, according to the Darwinian formula, has ascended by stages -from the lower orders of life. - -The fittest to survive, concluded Darwin, are those individuals who -are best fitted to meet the conditions of their environment. If the -environment be competitive, savage, brutal, then the fittest will be -the strongest physically and the most vicious. If the environment be -co-operative, then the fittest will be the individuals who co-operate -best. With the development of intelligence and sagacity in early human -society, individuals otherwise cruel learned to co-operate. A tribe -of co-operating individuals would be victorious in a conflict with a -tribe of non-co-operating members. Thus co-operation and a co-operating -environment themselves are the result of natural selection. - -Unfortunately, Darwin’s concept of natural selection has been grossly -distorted. Upon this misapprehension, a doctrine of “social Darwinism” -has gained recognition. According to this false interpretation of -Darwinism, the tooth and fang struggle for existence among animals is -the normal procedure among human beings. The most brutal, cruel, and -shrewd men are “fitted” to survive in an environment of physical and -mental competition. Likewise, the nations which can marshal together -the most powerful armies and navies are the “fittest” to survive in a -world where each nation is accountable unto itself alone. Thus, it is -seen that human society is simply an extension of the animal society -and that the fundamental law of social progress is the law of force and -might, first physical, and then physical and psychical. - -But this interpretation is false to Darwin’s own principles. While -Darwin did describe and lay great emphasis upon the tooth and fang -struggle for existence, he noted and stressed the fact that even -among animals, modifying influences were at work. He made clear that -co-operation exists among many species of animal life, and that this -co-operative tendency is an important survival factor. He also saw -that among the highest types of animals there were new and complex -expressions of co-operation, and that the higher mental activity -of these animal types seemed to be a correlate in some way of the -greater co-operative spirit. The application of this principle to human -progress implies that the co-operative spirit may ultimately become -the chief survival force, and that some day the “fittest” to survive -will be those individuals or groups of individuals who co-operate most -wisely. This theory will be developed further in the chapter upon -“Co-operation Theories in Sociology.” The chief contributors have been -Kropotkin and Novicow. - -Darwin made another important contribution to social science in his -theory of sexual selection. This idea is a phase of natural selection. -Among the higher animals the females choose their mates. The males, -for example, with the singing voice and beautiful plumage, are the -most likely to be chosen. These males thus become the progenitors of -the next generation of the given species; the less attractive males -mate if at all with the inferior types of females. Thus signs of male -attractiveness come to possess survival value.[XVI-1] - -Among human beings the principle of sexual selection operates, but in -a reversed sexual form. During the earlier centuries of human history -the custom developed whereby the males took the initiative in choosing -mates. As a result, the females resorted to all sorts of devices to -make themselves “attractive” and to get themselves “selected.” - -The social theories of Herbert Spencer (1820–1903) have caused more -controversy than those of any other writer in the sociological field. -The fact that in these controversies the ideas of Spencer have usually -been worsted will not blind the fair-minded seeker after truth to the -important rôle which Spencer took in the field of social thought. - -Spencer early developed the habit of causal thinking, that is, he -believed in causes, and hence searched everywhere for causes. Because -of the acrimonious discussions which took place between his father -and mother, and because of his own independent nature, he repudiated -the orthodox religious explanations of the universe. He was trained -for the profession of civil engineering. His studies in mathematics -and mechanics accentuated his precise and somewhat materialistic -interpretation of the universe. His social theories are an outgrowth in -part of his emphasis upon the laws of co-existence and sequences in the -physical world. - -In order to understand Spencer’s social laws it is necessary first to -consider his general law of evolution. He traced everything in the -world back through causal chains to two fundamental factors, namely, -matter and motion--two aspects of force. As a result of the operation -of some First Cause, an integration of matter began to take place, -accompanied by a concomitant dissipation of motion. As a result, matter -passes from an indefinite, incoherent homogeneity to a definite, -coherent heterogeneity. During this process the unexpended motion -undergoes a similar change.[XVI-2] - -The best explanation of this law of evolution can be found in its -application to societary phenomena. Suppose that a modern city -neighborhood undertakes to organize itself. It possesses physical -resources and mental abilities. The “neighbors” are all more or less -untrained in community organization activities. In this sense they are -homogeneous. At first they are unable to work together; in fact they -do not know what to do; thus, they form “an indefinite, incoherent -homogeneity.” But with experience in community organization activities, -the individuals of the neighborhood learn to work together. Each finds -the type of work which he can do best. All work toward a definite -goal. Thus, a definite, coherent heterogeneity arises. Further, the -unexpended energies of the people are influenced and transformed by the -pattern ideas which experience in community organization measures has -taught.[XVI-3] - -This application of Spencer’s law of evolution to human progress -has weak as well as strong points. There is not always an original -homogeneity. Upon close examination this homogeneity disappears -before a variegated conglomeration of heterogeneous experiences and -potentialities of all the individuals who are concerned. It is not -necessary to point out additional errors. Spencer deserves credit, -however, for developing the concept of social evolution as a phase of -natural evolution and for stressing the idea of natural causation in -societary matters. - -Spencer began his _Principles of Sociology_ with a very elaborate -description of primitive man--the original societary unit corresponding -to the biological cell. The physical, emotional, and intellectual -life of primitive man is given prominence. An analysis is made of the -behavior of man, the original social unit, when he is exposed to the -various environing conditions--inorganic, organic, and super-organic. -The emphasis upon “man” as the primary unit neglects the importance -of the “group” in the social evolutionary process. Moreover, Spencer -underrated the intellectual nature of primitive man; he denied to early -man the qualities involving excursiveness of thought, imagination, and -original ideas.[XVI-4] - -Spencer’s discussion of primitive ideas shows widespread reading of -volumes of source materials. The “inductions” are often influenced -by preconceived notions of human life, despite Spencer’s sincere -desire and effort to be scientific. While the horde, the family, and -other groups are described, the influences which are the result of -the interaction of individual minds and the interactions between the -individual and his group are scarcely recognized. - -In regard to the state, Spencer carried forward the theories which have -already been noted, namely, of individual rights. He repudiated the -state which is the product of the military organization of society. -Such a régime is primordial and uncivilized. It is an organization of -homogeneous units in which the units, or the individuals, are slaves to -the organization. - -Spencer believed in a new industrial development whereby individuals -would become differentiated and developed, and whereby individuals -would be shifted from an autocratic maximum to a democratic maximum. To -Spencer, man is vastly superior to the state. In the coming industrial -order Spencer foresaw an era in which the main business of society will -be to defend the rights of individuals. Spencer forecasted an epoch -of industrial states which have abolished war. In such a day the only -conflicts that will take place between states will be natural. These -will be only the competitions that arise naturally between states that -are engaged in building up the best individuals, that is, those persons -who develop their individuality most freely and harmoniously. - -The rise of industrial states with a minimum emphasis upon government -and a maximum emphasis upon individuality will produce a world order -in which national barriers will slowly melt away and a planetary -unity will develop. Spencer’s industrialism, however, has fundamental -weaknesses. It implies that social organization is more important than -social process. It neglects to provide for inherent psychical changes. -It assumes that an industrial society, _per se_, will be peaceful. It -underestimates the importance of socializing motives. - -In the changes from a military to an industrial organization -of society, the six main sets of social institutions undergo -deep-seated changes. Spencer describes at length these six -institutional structures, namely, the domestic, ceremonial, political, -ecclesiastical, professional, and industrial. Two, the political and -industrial, have been mentioned on the preceding page. Spencer’s -treatment of the other four is accurate to a degree but at fundamental -points is unreliable--judged by current conceptions and data. - -Perhaps Spencer is best known for his treatment of the organic analogy. -He set up the hypothesis that society is like a biological organism and -then proceeded to defend his thesis against all objections with great -logical force. But logic was his sociological downfall, for it overcame -his scientific insight. - -Spencer found four main ways in which society resembles an -organism.[XVI-5] (1) In both cases growth is attended by augmentation -of mass. (2) In each instance growth is accomplished by increasing -complexity of structure. (3) In the organism and in society there is an -interdependence of parts. (4) The life of society, like the life of an -organism, is far longer than the life of any of the units or parts. - -But there are ways in which society and an organism are unlike.[XVI-6] -These were analyzed by Spencer and determined to be merely superficial -differences. There are four of these main differences. (1) Unlike -organisms, societies have no specific extensive form, such as a -physical body with limbs or a face. (2) The elements of society do not -form a continuous whole as in the case of an animal. The living units -composing society are free, and not in contact, being more or less -dispersed. (3) The parts of society are not stationary and fixed in -their positions relative to the whole. (4) In an organism consciousness -is concentrated in a small part of the aggregate, while in society -consciousness is diffused. The alleged superficiality in this -difference between society and an organism was difficult for Spencer to -maintain. - -In discussing the organic analogy further, Spencer compared the -alimentary system of an organism to the productive industries, or the -sustaining system in the body politic.[XVI-7] Furthermore, there is a -strong parallelism between the circulatory system of an organism and -the distributing system in society with its transportation lines; but -more particularly, its commercial classes and media of exchange. Then, -in both cases there has developed regulating systems. In an organism -there is a dominant center and subordinate centers, the senses, and -a neural apparatus. A similar structure appears in society in the -form of an adjustive apparatus, or government, for the purpose of -adjudicating the differences between the producers and the consumers. -These parallelisms throw only a small measure of light upon the nature -of society. They appear ridiculous when carried to an extreme, for -example, to the extreme to which Spencer himself went when he compared -the King’s Council to the medulla oblongata, the House of Lords to the -cerebellum, and the House of Commons to the cerebrum. - -Spencer uses his analogies very extensively and vigorously, and later -refers to them as merely a scaffolding for building a structure of -deductions. This conclusion contains contradictory elements. When the -scaffolding is removed, society is left standing as a more or less -intangible affair. If a society is like an organism, it experiences a -natural cycle of birth, maturity, old age, and death. But according to -the telic concept of progress that was advanced by Lester F. Ward and -developed by later writers, the death of society does not come with -organic inevitableness, but depends on the vision, plans, courage, and -activities of that society’s members. A society need never die. - -For many years it has been popular to criticise Spencer. Nearly all -the criticisms are justified. Moreover, they have been so numerous -that little of worth seems to be left in Spencer’s writings. However, -Spencer’s contributions to social thought are not negligible for -several reasons. (1) He emphasized the laws of evolution and natural -causation. (2) He described social evolution as a phase of natural -evolution. (3) He pointed out the likenesses between biological -organisms and human society. (4) He made the rôle of social structures, -or institutions, to stand out distinctly. (5) He stressed the -importance of individuality. (6) He undermined the idea that the State -is a master machine to which all the individual citizens must submit -automatically. - -In the United States, Spencer possessed an able and loyal friend -in John Fiske (1842–1901). Fiske built his social thought upon -the evolutionarily formulae of Darwin and Spencer. In his _Cosmic -Philosophy_, or philosophy of the universe, Fiske contended that -the evolution of man produced fundamental changes in the nature of -cosmic evolution. With the development of man there appears a new -force in the universe, the human spirit, or soul. The advent of this -psychical entity has produced a subordination of the purely bodily, -physical, material forces and established a control by spiritual -forces. Moreover, in human evolution there has been a slowly increasing -subordination of the selfish phases of spiritual life to the -altruistic. With the apparent cessation in important bodily changes -there have come unheralded and unanticipated psychical inventions, -which have released man from the passive adaptation to environment -which animals manifest, and given to him an increasingly positive -control over the processes of adaptation. Humanity as the highest -product of the evolutionary processes has the power to change the -whole course of cosmic development. Fiske distinctly emphasized the -psychical forces in evolution and the part which they are playing -in making mankind purposeful and in organizing groups on social -principles. Humanity is not a mere incident in evolution; it is the -supreme factor.[XVI-9] The main purpose of man is not the perpetuation -of the species, but the development of increasingly higher and more -social purposes. - -Following the ideas of Maine, Tylor, McLennan, and Lubbock, Fiske -concluded that social evolution originated when families, “temporarily -organized among all the higher gregarious mammals, became in the case -of the highest mammal permanently organized.”[XVI-10] Gregariousness -developed into definite family relationships and responsibilities. -Social evolution produced an increased complexity and specialty in -intelligence, which in turn required a lengthening of the period -“during which the nervous connections involved in ordinary adjustments -are becoming organized.” Such a transformation requires time, and hence -the need for a period of infancy which is not common to the lower -animals. Accompanying this period of infancy, there is the development -of strong affection of relatively short duration among higher animals. -Among mankind parental love takes on the characteristics not only -of intensity and unselfishness but of duration and forgiveness. In -this phase of evolution there is a correlative development of three -factors, namely, the prolongation of infancy, the rise of parental -affection, and increasing intelligence. The gradual prolongation of the -period of infancy is partly a consequence of increasing intelligence, -and in turn the prolongation of infancy affords the circumstances for -the establishment of permanent relationships, of reciprocal behavior, -of sociality. - -Fiske was one of the first social philosophers to point out the -significance of foresight as a phase of evolutionary development. -Perhaps the chief way in which civilized man is distinguished from the -barbarian is in his ability “to adapt his conduct to future events, -whether contingent or certain to occur.” Civilized man has the power to -forego present enjoyment in order to safeguard himself against future -disaster.[XVI-12] This quality is the essence of prudence and is due -in large part to civilized man’s superior power of self-restraint, -one of the chief elements in moral progress. It is equally important -as “an indispensable prerequisite to the accumulation of wealth in -any community.” It is the basic factor in civilized man’s elaborate -scientific provisions and in his numerous far-reaching philosophic and -religious systems. - -Paul von Lilienfeld (1829–1903) made the organic analogy a definite -part of his theory of society. He compared the individual to the -cells in an organism; the governmental and industrial organizations, -to the neural system; and the cultural products of society, to the -intercellular parts of an organism.[XVI-13] - -Lilienfeld compared the stages of growth of the individual to the -stages of racial development, namely, savage, barbarian, and civilized. -This analogy was made use of by Fiske. Although somewhat true in a very -general sense, this recapitulation theory cannot be carried into minute -details. - -The concept of social capitalization was originated by Lilienfeld. By -it he meant the ability of society to store up useful ideas and methods -and transmit them from generation to generation. In this way each -generation becomes the inheritor of all the human experiences that have -gone before. - -Lilienfeld was one of the first sociological writers to develop the -definite concept of social pathology.[XVI-14] His treatment of this -theme, however, was exceedingly weak. He distinguished between a -normal and diseased organism and then, by analogy, between a normal -and diseased society. Social pathology, according to Lilienfeld, deals -with three sets of diseases, namely, of industry, of justice, and of -politics. Lilienfeld carried the organic analogy to a ridiculous and -puerile extreme when he compared the diseases of industry to insanity; -of justice, to delirium; of politics, to paralysis. He also elaborated -a system of social therapeutics to correspond to the diseases. - -In Albert Schaeffle (1831–1903), the organic analogy found another -disciple, but a more worthy one than either Spencer or Lilienfeld. In -the thought of Schaeffle, society is not primarily a large organism but -a gigantic mind. Schaeffle presented a functional analogy rather than a -biological analogy. Whereas Spencer was especially interested in social -structures, Schaeffle set his attention upon social functions. - -In his functional analogies Schaeffle compared the reason with the -legislature in society; the will, with the executive officers; and -the esthetic judgment, with the judiciary. Schaeffle’s psychology is -inaccurate and on the whole unscientific; his analogies add little -to an understanding of society. Nevertheless, his thought on these -subjects represents an advance over the ideas of Spencer. - -In the _Bau und Leben des Socialen Körpers_, Schaeffle undertook -to develop a complete sociological system. His teachings follow -the principle that “function leads structure and structure limits -function.” Activities produce developments in bodily structure, and -also cause the formation of new social institutions. Bodily structures -and social institutions alike limit activities and usefulness. These -propositions are a reversal of the emphasis which Spencer maintained. -They are fundamentally correct. - -Although Schaeffle referred frequently to the “social body,” he did not -give the concept a specific meaning. He introduced the term “social -process,” but did not analyze its nature. He repudiated the idea that -the individual is the social unit; he considered the group to be the -all-important unit in society. Natural selection in social evolution -manifests itself in conflicts between the ideals of different groups. -René Worms, it may be added, has assumed the existence of a social -consciousness apart from the consciousness of individuals, and argued -that the chief difference between biological organisms and social -organizations is one of degree. - -Schaeffle considered that government justifies itself in protecting -the weaker members of society, and in maintaining the highest welfare -of all. He pointed out the social responsibility which rests upon the -best educated and most fortunate members of society. Schaeffle wisely -emphasized the development of purposeful activity on the part of both -the individual and society. - -The ideas of John Stuart Mackenzie differ from those of Spencer, -Lilienfeld, and Schaeffle. Mackenzie does not use the figure of an -organic analogy; he speaks in terms of homologies. According to -Mackenzie, society is not like an organism; it is organic. - -The organic nature of society is three-fold. (1) There is an intrinsic -relation between the parts of society and the whole. The individual -reflects the culture of the group in which he has been trained. (2) The -development of a group is by virtue of intrinsic processes. A group -builds on ideas derived from both the past and from other groups, but -it does not genuinely grow unless it takes these ideas and makes them -over into a part of its own nature. (3) Society develops towards ends -which are discoverable in society itself. By analysis of the ideals and -motive forces of a group, it is possible to determine in what direction -the group is moving. - -Mackenzie argues for the inner principle of things and particularly -of society. He believes, however, that knowledge concerning this -inner principle and the essential unity of mankind cannot be reduced -to a science, but will constitute the basis of a social philosophy. -Social philosophy does not supply facts, but seeks to interpret the -significance of the special aspects of human life with reference to the -social unity of mankind.[XVI-15] - -The family and the state are the two forms of association in which -the most intimate bonds of union are nurtured. Language, if it can -be called a social institution, is perhaps the most fundamental -institution of all, because it produces that community of spirit -whereby intimacy in social intercourse can take place and whereby the -realization of a common good can be achieved.[XVI-16] - -According to Mackenzie, there are three main lines of social progress, -and hence three main types of social control to be encouraged.[XVI-17] -(1) The control of natural forces by human agencies. (2) The control of -individuals by the communal spirit. (3) Self control. - -The road of social advance is beset with obstacles. The chief are -these: (1) The dominance of vegetative needs. These economic factors -are so universal and insistent that they are likely at any time to -override all other human needs. (2) The insistence of animal impulses, -chiefly love and strife. While love promotes unity, it generally -produced a limited unity. Moreover, one mode of unity is apt to -conflict with other types of unity, and thus lead to intense strife. -(3) The mastery of mechanism. Life is easily crushed under the weight -of organization; thought, by scholastic pedantry; industry, by economic -systems; nationality, by soulless bureaucracy. (4) Anarchism. The -remedy for over-organization is not anarchy, for life and society are -composed of numbers of conflicting tendencies, which must be controlled -by the power of thought. But the exercise of merely individual thought -will not suffice. Individual thought is likely to be egocentric, to -evade the problems of group life, or to solve them selfishly. (5) -Conservatism. An established and successful civilization is in danger -of relying too much on its past. It often carries within itself the -canker of decay, and frequently lacks any clear vision of higher -development. - -Mackenzie is committed to internationalism. It is no longer fitting -for anyone to think of his own country as an exclusive object of -devotion. “The earth is our country, and all its inhabitants are our -fellow-citizens; and it is only the recognition of this that entitles -us to look for any lasting security.” - -Mackenzie advances beyond the organic analogists when he describes -the ways in which society is organic. As a social philosopher he has -contributed important pattern-ideas. He has escaped from the foibles of -the organic analogy and at the same time indicated the values that lie -beneath that concept. - -This chapter deals with a significant period in the history of social -thought. The biology of the time was very faulty and the sociological -applications of biological knowledge were consequently of little merit. -The early years of the present century were characterized by noteworthy -improvements in biological thinking. The facts about the laws of -heredity and variation increased in number; a science of heredity was -established. The first decade of the present century also marks the -rise of the science of eugenics. In a later chapter the contributions -of recent scientific biology, and particularly of eugenics, to social -thought will be presented. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII - -THE SOCIOLOGY OF LESTER F. WARD - - -The name of Lester F. Ward (1841–1913) stands forth between the old -and new eras of social thought. Ward belongs to both the old and -new. He adopted Comtean positivism and built in part upon Spencer’s -evolutionary principles, but opposed Spencer’s _laissez faire_ ideas -and his evolutionary determinism, especially in regard to education. -Perhaps his most notable work was the way in which he shocked a -Spencerian-tinged world of social thought into a new method of thinking. - -Ward became the ardent advocate of social telesis. Man can modify, -defeat, or hasten the processes of nature. Ward brought the concept -of dynamic sociology to the attention of the world. Although he was -interested in social statics, his primary concern was in the fact that -man through the use of his intelligence can transform not only the -natural world but the social world, and that he can harness not only -the natural forces to social ends, but even the social forces to social -purposes. Hence it is that Ward holds rank today, despite his monistic -philosophy and his false psychological beliefs, as one of the world’s -leading sociologists. - -Lester F. Ward was born in Joliet, Illinois. He received a limited -schooling, and early went to work, first on a farm and then as a -wheelwright. He manifested an unusual liking for books and to a -great extent was self-educated. He entered the employment of the -United States Government, where he remained for more than forty -years, after he was honorably discharged from service in the Civil -War. In the Government service he held the positions of geologist -and paleontologist. Despite his strenuous and efficient work for the -Government, he found time to think through and write out an elaborate -sociological system of thought. - -Ward’s published works in sociology began with his _Dynamic Sociology_ -(1883) and ended with the _Glimpses of the Cosmos_ (1913) in several -volumes, which, with the exception of volume one, have been published -posthumously. The intermediate books of importance in order were: _Pure -Sociology_, _Applied Sociology_, and _Psychic Factors of Civilization_. - -Ward was characterized by an impressive command of his subject and “a -terrific mental drive.” In 1906, he began the unique experiment of -teaching sociology at the age of 65. As a professor of sociology he -served Brown University until his death--for a period of seven years. -He was supported by the indefatigable assistance of his wife, as shown -by the many files which she kept of “Reviews and Press Notices”, -“Autograph Letters,” and “Biography.” - -Ward was led to produce the _Dynamic Sociology_ because of his -observation that preceding 1875 there was an essential sterility in -social science thinking. Ward observed that the prevalent teachings of -Herbert Spencer were statical, and that the ideas of Spencer’s American -disciples were only passively dynamic. Ward believed that before the -science of society could be truly established the active dynamic -factors must be described. A science which fails to benefit mankind -is lifeless. To save sociology from the lifelessness which it was -manifesting, Ward wrote the _Dynamic Sociology_. He contemplated social -phenomena “as capable of intelligent control by society itself in its -own interest.”[XVII-1] His main thesis in the _Dynamic Sociology_ is -“the necessity for universal education as the one clear, overshadowing, -and immediate social duty to which all others are subordinate.” -He argued for a truly progressive system of popular scientific -education.[XVII-2] He declared that not one-hundredth of the facts -which original research has already brought forth are today obtainable -by a one-hundredth of the members of society, and hence not one truth -in ten thousand is fully apprehended.[XVII-3] - -The prevailing doctrine in social thought, that of _laissez faire_ as -championed by Spencer, drew forth Ward’s best intellectual efforts as -a challenger. Ward protested against the teaching that natural forces -are operating only as elements in the all-powerful evolutionary -process. He pointed out that man is distinguished from animals by -the development of his psychical nature, i. e., of his foresight and -reason. He demonstrated that by this development man is able to master -and regulate the operation of the blind evolutionary forces. Hence, -the doctrine of _laissez faire_ is not only false but pernicious. It -defeats social progress. The truth is, said Ward, society is able to -improve itself, and it should set itself scientifically at once to the -opportunity. - -Passive, or negative, progress is represented by the social forces -operating in their natural freedom, subject only to general -evolutionary laws.[XVII-4] Active, or positive, progress is represented -by the social forces guided by conscious human purposes. Social statics -deals with the nature of social order; social dynamics treats of the -laws of social progress. Social dynamics concerns itself with two -types of studies. One line analyzes and describes what is going on in -society under the influence of natural laws--this is pure sociology. -It is pure diagnosis; it has nothing to do with what society ought to -be. It describes the phenomena and laws of society as they are.[XVII-5] -The other procedure discusses the application of human purpose to the -natural social forces--this is applied sociology. It studies the art of -applying the active, or positive, forces to the natural evolution of -society. This method is distinctly a human process and “depends wholly -on the action of man himself.” Applied sociology treats of social ends -and purposes. - -Pure sociology describes the spontaneous development of society; -applied sociology deals with the artificial means of accelerating -the spontaneous processes in society.[XVII-6] Pure sociology treats -of achievement; applied sociology, of improvement. But applied -sociology is not social reform; “it does not itself apply sociological -principles, it seeks only to show how they may be applied.” It lays -down principles as guides to social action. The carrying of these -principles into social and political practice is social reform. - -The distinction is now clear between natural and artificial -progress.[XVII-7] The former is a blind growth; the latter, a -purposeful manufacture. One is a genetic process; the other, -a teleological process. One is characterized by increasing -differentiation; the other, by a process of calculation. Artificial -progress is considered superior to natural progress. - -Ward was a monist. He believed in the absolute unity of nature, from -the revolutions of celestial orbs to the vicissitudes of social -customs and laws.[XVII-8] He held that “life is a property of matter,” -and naïvely declared that “it is simply the result of the movements -going on among the molecules composing a mass of protoplasm.”[XVII-9] -Psychic phenomena are “the relations which subsist among the material -molecules of the brain and nervous system and between these and the -material objects of the outside world....” Since mind is relational, -it is immaterial, but it has matter for its basis. Relations, however, -constitute the properties of matter, and hence mind, as well as life, -is a property of matter.[XVII-10] The logical length to which Ward goes -in supporting his monistic doctrine is in itself a proof of his error. - -Unlike Comte, Ward believed that man originally was anti-social and -completely selfish. In the earliest stage of human existence, man lived -a life almost solitary, or at least in small groups.[XVII-11] He was -surrounded by destructive forces both inorganic and organic. Against -the wild and ferocious beasts he found himself almost physically -helpless. Some of his number overcame their physical defenselessness -by using their “wits.” Through sagacity and cunning they were able to -withstand the attacks of the wild beasts, to survive, and to propagate -their young. Along with increased cunning there went an increased -brain size in proportion to size of body, and also an improved brain -structure qualitatively. - -This brain development is the essential prerequisite for perceiving the -advantages of association.[XVII-12] Man early recognized the merits -of association, and moved up from the solitary, or autarchic, stage -of social life to the second, or constrained aggregate stage. This -second stage does not contain the elements of permanency because of its -forced nature. The tendencies toward association are often counteracted -and at times destroyed by fierce contests for the limited natural -foods. In contending that man’s early ancestors were very irascible -and quarrelsome beings, Ward went beyond the limits of scientific -induction. In believing that altruism is an outgrowth of egoism, Ward -again violates the best scientific thought. The probabilities are that -both egoism and altruism have developed _pari passu_, and in part from -different causes. During the second stage human speech became an art. -It was a natural outgrowth of the associational life. - -The rise of the rudiments of an established government marks the -beginning of the third period in human society. For protection, -tribes unified themselves under central controls. Through compulsion -or interest, and for protective reasons, tribes united; the spheres -of social organization thus were enlarged. But government, which was -established for the purpose of securing peace, became one of the chief -causes of external wars. Governments, autocratic control, and territory -hunger led peoples into destructive war. The world is still in this -third stage. - -But some day, according to Ward, wars between nations will cease, -national prejudices will soften, diversity of language will be -overcome, and all governments probably will be consolidated into one. -This picture represents the fourth, or ideal, level of societary life, -and may never be attained. Ward cherishes the strong belief that the -present national stage will be succeeded by the cosmopolitan, or -pantarchic, age. Ward perceives an ultimate triumph of humanitarian -sentiments, which will be also “a triumph of practical interests, that -shall sweep away the present barriers of language, national pride, -and natural uncongeniality, and unite all nations in one vast social -aggregate with a single political organization.”[XVII-13] - -Ward’s analysis of social evolution rests on his conception of the -social forces. The primary social force is desire. Desire is the -expression of any of the native impulses which, at the given moment, -has not been gratified. This striving for gratification constitutes -desire and the moving force in the societary world. “Desire is the -essential basis of all actions.” - -The desires are numerous and complex, but upon examination lend -themselves to classification. There are two fundamental and primary -sets of desires, the nutritive and the reproductive. The end of the -first is to preserve the individual; and of the second, to preserve and -maintain the race. - -“The first desire of all creatures is for nourishment.” This desire -remains dominant throughout life. The human race, Ward summarizes, -spent its infancy--thousands of years--in the single pursuit of -subsistence.[XVII-14] When the natural food supply failed, man was -forced to be inventive and to labor or die. Too many individuals in one -place meant either the migration of some individuals or that others -must compel nature through labor to increase her normal yield of -subsistence.[XVII-15] - -The nutritive desire has led man to labor. Labor, however, is not -the natural condition of man.[XVII-23] Work, according to Ward, is -unnatural and irksome. The constant spur of hunger transformed man -into a working man. To be useful, however, work must be continuous and -applied steadily to a given object until that object is attained. This -process is the essence of invention, the highest and most useful form -of labor. Without wings, valuable weapons of offense and defense, claws -for digging, man has had but one line of advance open to him, namely, -invention, whereby he could overcome his limitations and master nature. - -Ward overlooked what Veblen has called the instinct of workmanship. Man -has a desire to do, to achieve, to be active--only so can he escape -the terrors of ennui. He secures illimitable enjoyment from seeing the -crude materials of nature change under the manipulations of his hand -and mind into works of art. - -Nevertheless, the need of nutrition was probably the chief factor in -the invention of tools and in the storing of food against the hungry -day. These tools and stores constituted property. Property at once -represented power. The law of acquisition soon exerted a great force. -Intense rivalries in acquiring property developed. “The grand rivalry -was for the object, not the method; for the end regardless of the -means.”[XVII-16] Through the centuries and until the present hour, the -morality of obtaining wealth has rarely risen to the morality of many -other phases of life. - -Deception early came into prominence. We deceive an animal, in order -to catch and domesticate or kill him. We deceive a fellow human being -and take his hard earned property away from him. Society, blindly, has -praised deception even when used by one individual against the welfare -of his fellows. Society has honored him who could “drive a bargain.” - -Ward declared that the desire to acquire property regardless of the -method is as strong as ever.[XVII-17] The only changes that have -come are a mitigation of the harshness of the method and the rise of -compulsory laws and codes which force individuals to “drive their -bargains” and to practice their deceptions within prescribed limits. -The acquisitive impulses have created major social evils, as evidenced -by “the exceeding indigence of the poor and the exceeding opulence -of the rich,” and by a relatively large proportion of non-producing -rich people to the entire number of wealthy.[XVII-18] On the other -hand, those who are poor because they are indolent are only a small -proportion of those who are poor and industrious. - -The evils of acquisitiveness cannot be overcome by softening the human -heart. Ward would make it impossible for individuals to take away the -property of others by making it to the interest of all individuals not -to act in that way. And then he would teach them, through the social -sciences, that such conduct is against their own highest development. - -Ward pronounced the money-making tendency one of the most useful and -at the same time “one of the coarsest and cheapest of all mental -attributes.”[XVII-19] It is useful because it is “the spur of all -industry and commerce; it provides the leisure which makes intellectual -pursuits possible; it encourages exploration, discovery, and invention; -it is the basis of all large business undertakings; and it has been an -essential force in the development of civilization. Since civilization -is so exclusively artificial, money can buy a vast variety of objects -of human desire; hence, the possession of money is strenuously sought. - -On the other hand, money-making confers a pleasure which after all is -sordid.[XVII-21] It often leads to avarice. It has produced a pecuniary -inequality of mankind which socially admits of little justification. -From a moral viewpoint the great struggle for pecuniary possession -has been man’s greatest curse.[XVII-22] Because of it, many infants -have opened their eyes as millionaires in a world of boundless plenty; -others (equally worthy) have opened their eyes as beggars in a world of -abject poverty. - -Society becomes divided into two main classes: the industrials and -the non-industrials, or parasites. The non-industrials use their -cunning in various ways.[XVII-24] The leading non-industrial modes of -acquisition are these: robbery, theft, war, statecraft, priestcraft, -and monopoly. This list represents the chronological order and history -of non-industrial types of acquisition. - -Robbery is the coarsest manner of acquisition. Theft represents the -lowest order of cunning. Wars of conquest are robbery on so large a -scale that they arouse group patriotism. Cunning and treachery in war -have given way to strategy. Statecraft has often been characterized by -the egoistic attempts of a few shrewd individuals, who have devised -means for supplying the wants of the many, and appropriated rich -rewards for themselves from “the befriended and grateful community.” -Priestcraft as represented by many of the priests of Brahma, Buddha, -Osiris, Ormuzd, Mahomet and even Jesus have developed successful modes -of acquisition. They have often stood at the gates of death, and for -pay guaranteed to the stricken and fearful friends of a departed loved -one a safe journey through the perils following death. Monopoly takes -cunning advantage of a scarcity of the means of substance, or creates -an artificial and false scarcity. Monopoly has organized the fields of -transportation, exchange, finance, labor, manufacture. - -The non-industrials co-operate better than the industrials and against -the welfare of the latter. The industrials, unfortunately, do not -understand the principles of co-operation very well and do not -have the intelligence to carry them into practical operation. They -receive less education than the non-industrials; the years of their -industrial apprenticeship are taken from their school days. After their -apprenticeship begins, the fatigue of their labor gives them little -time or energy for intellectual improvement.[XVII-25] In pronouncing -co-operation the product of superior intelligence Ward neglects -the rôle played by the gregarious, parental, and related social -instincts. Ward sees only part of the truth when he calls competition -a natural law, and co-operation artificial. He wisely observes, -however, that those who co-operate thrive at the expense of those who -compete.[XVII-26] In the same way that individuals co-operate in order -to secure their own gain, society must organize to secure the progress -of all. - -The second primary set of fundamental forces is the reproductive. -These operate for the future and for the species. In animals they -operate without arousing shame or modesty. Among human beings they are -manipulated through the agencies of the reason and the imagination and -give rise to the sentiments of shame and modesty.[XVII-27] They are so -clouded in secrecy that they arouse dangerous forms of curiosity. - -Among animals the choice of mates is largely determined by the females. -In fact, among the lowest types of animals there are no males. Among -certain higher forms of animal life the male appears as a mere -adjunct. But among human beings, male sexual selection developed. -This change in sexual selection is one of the differences between the -brute and the human worlds. This transition is explained by the fact -that the higher a being rises in the scale of development the more -sensitive its organs become, and by the correlated fact that the male -human being through his reason is able to arouse and satisfy a thousand -desires within the female, and thus cause her to look to him for “that -protection and those favors which he alone can confer.”[XVII-28] - -In the human world the reproductive forces have first produced a crude -sexual love, animal in its nature, but far-reaching in its basic -implications. Sexual love is an unconscious but dominant factor in -courtship. In its refined form, and modified by the addition of genuine -but often short-lived affective elements, it becomes romantic love. -Romantic love, according to Ward, unfits lovers for the normal pursuits -of life. While under its spell they are unable to enjoy anything but -each other’s presence. “The man is unfitted for business, the woman for -social life, and both for intellectual pursuits. The only spur that can -make either party pursue other things, is the sense of doing something -that the other desires.”[XVII-29] - -In the sense that natural, or sexual, love becomes the basis of -romantic love, so romantic love in turn represents the genesis of a -still higher form of love, namely, conjugal love. The love of a man -for his wife or of a woman for her husband is, however, fundamentally -different from romantic love. It is more stable, less disturbing to the -normal processes of life, and makes the home and the family socially -productive institutions. It often reaches a high state of refinement -and develops its beauty of content from the sharing together by husband -and wife of great joys and sorrows. - -Maternal love, an outgrowth of maternity, manifests startling degrees -of courage even among animals. Under the spur of the need for defending -her young, a mother will often perform miraculous deeds. In its highest -form maternal love manifests a remarkable strength throughout life and -an extra-human power of forgiveness. - -Then there is consanguineal love, which according to Ward includes -paternal and fraternal affections. It becomes the blood bond or feeling -of attachment that exists among the members of a primitive kinship -group, and it leads to feelings of race and world solidarity and -attachment. - -Ward also pointed out that for each of these forms of love there is a -correlative hate. This force of repulsion is often greater than the -correlative love. Jealousy often leads to violent and destructive -actions. Race hatred frequently becomes a vicious, brutal, and -widespread sentiment that paralyzes all tendencies toward world -progress. - -Marriage institutions have developed from the operation of the -reproductive forces. Polygamy, polyandry, and a score of other types of -marriage have arisen, although monogamy has demonstrated itself to be -the superior type of marriage institution. - -The reproductive forces have led to numerous sexuo-social inequalities. -Men and women have come to occupy separate spheres of activity, and to -represent distinct social conditions.[XVII-30] Although the two sexes -live together and appear to be companions, they are in fact dwelling in -separate worlds and on different planes. There are several principal -inequalities. (1) There is an inequality of dress, which has loaded -woman with ornaments and caused her an enormous amount of disease and -suffering. (2) There is an inequality of duties, which has kept woman -confined to the house, and made a slave or a pampered pet of her. -(3) There is an inequality of education. Society has shut woman in -the past from all opportunities for gaining knowledge by experience. -Moreover, society has seen fit to debar women from the knowledge that -is acquired by instruction. (4) An inequality of rights has meant that -women have been discriminated against before the law. Without direct -representation in legislatures, women have suffered in proprietary -matters. (5) A general sex inequality has at times made woman the -property or the slave of man. In short, women have been denied, until -with recent years, entrance to the higher intellectual forms of -activity and at the same time denied social and political rights. - -Reverting to Ward’s classification of desires, we may now proceed -to a discussion of the third set of forces, the sociogenetic. In -contradistinction to the nutritive and the reproductive desires, or -to the ontogenetic and the phylogenetic forces, respectively, the -sociogenetic forces lead directly to race, or social, improvement. The -ontogenetic forces guarantee individual preservation; the phylogenetic, -race preservation; and the sociogenetic, race and social progress. -Ward classified the sociogenetic forces as moral, esthetic, and -intellectual.[XVII-31] - -Morality is either racial or individual. Race morality is largely -an outgrowth of custom. Duty, according to Ward, is conduct -favorable to race safety, while virtue is “an attitude of life and -character consistent with the preservation and continuance of man on -earth.”[XVII-32] Individual morality on the other hand, is based on -altruism. Altruism is the expenditure of energy in behalf of other -individuals, and involves the power of representing the psychic states -of others to one’s self. Morality leads to humanitarianism, whose -aim is meliorism. Meliorism aims to reorganize society so that the -minimum pain and the maximum enjoyment may be insured. Meliorism is -a non-sentimental improvement or amelioration of the human or social -state.[XVII-33] - -Ward holds that the esthetic forces consist of a desire for open or -deep-seated symmetrical forms. Behind a landscape which at first -appears irregular and jagged, there is a fundamental symmetry and -balance. Sculpture, painting, and landscape-gardening are largely -imitations of nature. Architecture, however, emphasizes straight lines, -regular curves, and other symmetrical and geometrical figures.[XVII-34] -Because of the invention of popular musical instruments, music is open -to and enjoyed by the common people. No such invention, unfortunately, -has taken place in the fields of painting and sculpture. These realms -are limited to the highest geniuses and “their choicest productions -appropriated by the few who combine wealth with taste.”[XVII-35] - -The intellectual forces are chiefly the desires to know. These desires -are three-fold: (1) to acquire knowledge, (2) to discover truth, and -(3) to impart information.[XVII-36] The desire to acquire knowledge -is perhaps strongest in the young. Youth will often learn anything, -without exercising any powers of discrimination. The gratification -of the desire to discover new truth yields almost divine thrills of -satisfaction. There are four methods of imparting information to -others, viz., (1) by conversing, (2) by teaching, (3) by lecturing, and -(4) by writing. - -In addition to the dynamic forces there is the directive agent in -society, namely, the intellect. Ward makes a precarious distinction -between the feelings and thought, or between intellect as a seat of -emotion, appetite and motive power, and intellect as the organ or -source of thought and ideas.[XVII-37] Ward’s psychology is admittedly -unscientific. The thought or ideational phase of the intellect Ward -divorced almost absolutely from the affective aspects of consciousness. -He failed to perceive the dynamic character of thought and ideas. He -made thought simply the directive agent in society. - -In thought, Ward found the hope of the race. Thought can restrain and -control social energy. It can produce telic methods of progress which -are immeasurably superior to the blind, ruthless methods of nature. -The procedure of nature with unlimited resources is “to produce an -enormously redundant supply, and to trust the environment to select -the best.”[XVII-38] Nature secures success through “the indefinite -multiplication of chances.” Hence the survival of the fittest results -in a sacrifice of a great majority--a highly wasteful method. The -method of mind is the reverse. Though prevision, mind utilizes all the -dynamic forces of society, that is the human desires, in constructive, -orderly ways. Social waste may be reduced, by telic methods, to a -minimum. Mind can perceive the best social ends and pursue them, -whereas nature works blindly. Thought has in its power the possibility -of subjugating natural forces and turning them into contributors to -human needs. - -Ward developed essentially four leading principles of social dynamics -and hence of societal progress. (1) The first law he called “difference -of potential.” This term, which he borrowed from physics, refers to the -difference in potential possibilities of individuals. This difference -is manifested, for example, in the crossing of cultures. It disturbs -social stability, and creates social liability. Sex is a device whereby -a difference of potential is maintained. While asexual reproduction -is characterized chiefly by repetition of forms, sexual reproduction -creates changes in the stock in countless directions. The difference of -potential which is caused by a crossing of strains is highly dynamic, -resulting in unnumbered variations, and hence in providing endless -opportunities for progress. In a similar way a cross fertilization of -cultures opens many opportunities for social advancement. “Progress -results from the fusion of unlike elements.”[XVII-40] Difference of -potential, again, is illustrated in the friction of mind upon mind. -Thoughts conflict, and the result is likely to be an invention. - -Difference of potential may lead to creative synthesis.[XVII-41] When -two elements are joined, the result is usually more than the sum of -the parts. The combining of hydrogen and oxygen in given proportions -produces water, which manifests characteristics that are not possessed -by either of the constituents. Likewise, the combining of two ideas by -the human mind may result in a new idea, and thus in progress. - -(2) A second dynamic principle is innovation, which has its biological -homologue in the sport, or mutant. Throughout nature and society, -fortuitous variations occur. Life at times breaks over the bounds of -pure heredity--the result is innovation. Variation, in the sense of -mutation or innovation, appears to be due to the exuberance of life. -At times nature appears to react against being bound by rigid laws of -heredity, to defy her own rules, and to become rampant. - -Social innovation is invention. New ideas often appear accidentally. -The mind in its exuberance coins new phrases, catches new glimpses -of reality, and creates ideas which are contrary to all that is -established and supposedly true. - -(3) Ward’s third law of progress is called conation. This concept -refers to social effort which is carried on naturally to satisfy -desire, to preserve or continue life, to modify the surroundings. In -satisfying normally the gregarious desires, the individual advances -the cause of social progress. In preserving the life of the child, -the mother presumably contributes to the welfare of the race. The -sacrifices which parents make in behalf of children are efforts which -further the welfare of society. Every constructive modification -of either the physical or spiritual environment benefits mankind. -Conation is thus a term which covers a multitude of activities that -are performed in the ordinary course of daily life, and which -unconsciously to the doers are adding to the sum total of human welfare. - -(4) The fourth dynamic principle which Ward described has already been -discussed, namely, the principle of social telesis. The possibilities -in social telesis are illimitable. Social telesis can turn the passions -and desires of men into socially useful channels. These passions are -bad only when directed to wrong ends. They are like fire--they can -destroy or they can refine. If individuals as members of society could -develop prevision and work together for societary ends, they would be -able to transform the world. - -Ward believed that greatness does not rest so much in intellectual -power as in emotional force. He had great faith in persons of average -intellectual ability who are ambitious. It thus becomes the part of -wisdom for society to educate wisely the average intelligence. Ward -challenged the idea that only a very few persons are geniuses and -that these individuals, by virtue of their superior abilities, will -uniformly overcome their environments. He held that genius is largely a -matter of focalization of psychic energy, and that by this process all -individuals may have the honor of contributing something valuable to -civilization. - -Ward pointed out that geniuses are as likely to appear in one social -stratum as in another, among the poor as among the healthy, in the -hovel as in the palace. He also demonstrated how society allows genius -and talent to be ruthlessly destroyed among the lower classes through -denial of opportunity. As a solution for this problem, Ward advocated -social distribution, that is, the distribution of all useful knowledge -to all humanity everywhere. A scientific system needs to be perfected -for the more thorough and equal distribution of the great volume of -valuable knowledge which has already been discovered. Ward was a strong -advocate of the socialization of education. - -In an article which appeared in the month following his death, Ward -discussed his idea of social progress under the terms, eugenics, -euthenics, and eudemics.[XVII-42] He supplemented a theory of sound -birth with a theory of sound environment. The practical result in -society would be a state of eudemics, or a society of sound people. - -Ward was an advocate of sociocracy. By sociocracy he did not mean a -democracy or a rulership that is likely to be conducted selfishly by -the individuals who exercise sovereign power. Sociocracy connotes a -rulership of the people in which each individual is governed primarily -not by his own interests but by the interests of society. - -Achievement was a large concept in Ward’s mind. He made “achievement” -one of the chief goals of human life. By achievement in behalf of human -progress individuals gain social immortality. The masses of humanity -are achieving little or nothing in behalf of society. - -In this treatment of Ward’s sociological thought it has not been the -aim of the writer to enter upon a dissertation regarding the abstract -and philosophic implications that are involved in the subject matter. -Neither has he attempted a polemic against the weaknesses in Ward’s -thinking, except to note the defective monistic philosophy and the -erroneous “faculty” psychology. It has been his purpose to let the -strong, constructive elements in Ward’s system of sociology speak -clearly and effectively for themselves. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII - -ANTHROPOLOGIC SOCIOLOGY - - -Additional light upon the nature of sociological thought may be secured -by consulting the anthropologists, and particularly, the students -of social origins. The last mentioned group of scholars have been -unusually successful in making valuable contributions to sociological -thought, because they have used the psychological approach. - -For more than a century the anthropologists have been searching -for materials and advancing theories concerning the origin of man, -of conflict and co-operative tendencies, and of the early ideas -and institutions of the human race. They have been aided by the -investigations of the geologists and especially of the paleontologists. -The ethnographers and ethnologists have also discovered important -data. The findings of all these groups of investigators, as far as -they relate to the main thread of this book, will be here treated -essentially as a unitary contribution. There is not space to deal -specifically with the work of anthropologists, such as Tylor, Morgan, -Pitt-Rivers, Haddon, Frazer, Goldenweiser, Keane, and a number of other -prominent authorities. - -Anthropological social thought will be indicated here under several -headings. As far as possible the controversial and technical theories -in anthropology will be avoided. Certain of the ideas that have been -advanced by Sumner, Westermarck, Hobhouse, Wundt, Boas, and Thomas will -receive special attention, because they are unusually pertinent to the -main theme of this volume. - -1. There is common agreement among anthropologists that man is the -descendant of a branch of higher animal life, and that the creation of -man took place by a slow, evolutionary process. The slowness of this -developmental process does not necessarily lessen the mysterious or -miraculous character of it. It places the origin of the human race at -a much earlier date than was once supposed--perhaps from 200,000 to -500,000 years ago. The animal inheritance of man need not lead anyone -to deny the correlative fact that man possesses spiritual qualities not -common to the highest developed animals.[XVIII-1] - -Even the psychic equipment of man can be traced in its origins to the -primates with their individual and social instincts. The instinctive -bases of human conduct are hundreds of thousands of years old. They are -so intrinsically a part of human nature that no discussion of current -social problems will neglect the imperiousness of the ancient instinct -heritage of the human race. - -2. There is extensive anthropologic evidence that mankind had a -common origin. The remains of the earliest human beings are found -in a region which extends through India from Java to England. From -these geographic centers primitive man seems to have migrated in -various directions--northeast, southwest, and finally to the Western -Hemisphere. Different climatic and environmental conditions affected -the migrating groups in different ways. Those who migrated into the -tropical regions were retarded because of the enervating climatic -factors. Those who reached the frigid zone were also retarded, or -subjected to recidivism for a different reason--a harshness of living -conditions and an excess of environmental obstacles. The north -temperate zone with its fertile lands and its invigorating climate -afforded the proper _milieu_ for the development of the race. - -3. An important question relates to the alleged potential equality of -all races. The common origin of races is admitted, but the question -remains open whether, for example, the African races possess the same -innate mental abilities as the Caucasian races. The controversy here -is sharply drawn between the environmentalists and the eugenists. Each -side of the debate has collected a large body of evidence. In reality, -the question apparently boils down to this: Have the many centuries of -living under the enervating torrid zone conditions effected the African -races so deeply that under favorable cultural circumstances they have -become incapable of developing beyond a certain mental level which -is lower than that attained by the Caucasian races? In the past the -answer to this question has been a strong affirmative. The bulk of the -evidence that has been collected in recent years indicates that the -affirmative answer is incorrect. - -4. It is becoming clear that every race is a composite of several -races. Ethnological data show that the five grand divisions of the -human race may be subdivided into racial stocks, and into races and -sub-races, until more than 600 races may be described; and furthermore, -that each of the 600 or more races represents an amalgamation of at -least three or four races. It is evident that no clear line of racial -demarcation can be drawn, and that purity of race may be a fictitious -term. - -5. Intermarriage of the representatives of races belonging to similar -racial stocks seems advisable--according to the ethnologist. Pure -bloods apparently die out. The strongest races today are those in which -amalgamation has taken place recently--that is, within one thousand or -two thousand years, for example, the English, or the Scotch-Irish. - -A mooted question of world importance relates to the intermarriage -of the representatives of races widely different, such as the white -and the yellow races, or the white and the black races. No race has -yet developed out of such combinations. Race prejudices and social -distinctions have produced conflicts which thus far have prevented -the formation of such a race. Very few scientific data are available -regarding miscegenation. - -Apparently, the interbreeding of whites and blacks leads ultimately -to the elimination of the racial characteristics of the blacks and -to the complete dominance of the whites. There are some writers who -assert that this process takes place to the gain of the lower race and -to the loss of the higher race. The last-mentioned point has not yet -been proved. Miscegenation between whites and blacks occurs under such -abnormal and vicious social conditions that the racial tendencies are -definitely obscured. - -6. Conflict between races is primordial; conflict between races today -is illustrated in national wars and race persecutions. Weaker races -have often combined against a stronger race; from these experiences -there has come a growing sense of the value of co-operation. Nations -with high moral principles have united against a powerful neighbor -nation with bullying tendencies. Out of these temporary combinations -there has arisen a sense of need for permanent forms of national -co-operation. This common need will ultimately lead, undoubtedly, to a -permanent association of nations. - -The conflict between the grand divisions of the human race will -probably continue for a long time to come. Sometimes it is concentrated -in an antagonism between the white and yellow races; and again, it is -expressed in the more fundamental struggle between Occidentalism and -Orientalism. - -7. The origin and development of primitive ways of doing constitute -a well-cultivated field of study. Anthropologists have published an -endless amount of materials on the origin of languages, religions, -occupations, sex distinctions. A portion of this work has been done -without an accurate understanding of the psychological principles that -are involved, and hence has to be viewed with caution or neglected -entirely. - -W. G. Sumner, whose argument in favor of individualism and of a -_laissez faire_ governmental policy was given in Chapter XI, published -in his _Folkways_ a minute and extended account of the nature of -primitive institutions. - -In the development of his theories, Sumner began with the needs of -primitive peoples and with the attempts to meet these needs. Repetition -of these acts leads to established ways of doing, that is, to folkways. -Folkways are “the widest, most fundamental, and most important -operation by which the interests of men in groups are served.”[XVIII-2] -Societal life consists chiefly in making folkways and applying them. -Even the science of society might be defined as the study of folkways. -Folkways are the product of the trial and failure method of meeting -needs. They tend to become firmly established and to be passed on from -generation to generation. They become traditional. They acquire all -the authority which is attached to the memory of respected ancestors. -Even the ghosts of ancestors stalk the earth keeping guard over the -folkways. The folkways carry with them the conviction that they are -essential to human welfare. It is this conviction which gives them -the force of _mores_. Thus the folkways are not purposeful methods of -securing progress but unconscious ways of meeting current exigencies; -they are blindly and rigorously forced upon successive generations. - -8. Races are guilty of ethnocentrism.[XVIII-3] Each race considers -itself the center of mankind. It judges all other races by its own -standards, and not by a higher standard that is determined by data that -are representative of the best interests of all races. Ethocentrism -compels each race to exaggerate the importance of its own folkways and -to depreciate the folkways of other races. For example, the Romans -and Greeks called all outsiders “barbarians.” The Jews considered -themselves “the chosen people,” and the Romans and Greeks as “pagans.” - -9. Sumner divided the chief motives of human action into four classes: -Hunger, sex passion, vanity, and fear (of ghosts and spirits). Behind -each of these motives there is a set of interests. (1) Hunger led -primitive man to invent simple weapons and tools, such as arrows and -hoes, and then to produce and hoard more complex forms of wealth. A -strange peculiarity of wealth is its effect on its creator; it seems to -be stronger than its creator. It often bears him down to a slavish, -materialistic, and even selfish existence. Labor in the struggle -for existence is irksome and painful. Wealth and labor, however, -are both commendatory when they are used to increase human welfare. -In this statement Sumner overlooked the fact that wealth in order -to be commendable must also be produced under constructively social -conditions, and that labor in order to be praiseworthy must in its -exercise be individually helpful. In other words, Sumner’s test of the -use to which wealth and labor are put is incomplete. - -Sumner gave a new meaning to the term, slavery. He held that “men -of talent are constantly forced to serve the rest. They make the -discoveries and inventions, order the battles, write the books, and -produce the art.”[XVIII-4] Sumner deplored the tendency to call -whatever one does not like by the name of slavery. He felt that -marriage slavery, rent slavery, sin slavery are terms which are coined -by a too easily disgruntled people. - -(2) The sex passion leads to sex _mores_ which cover the relations of -men and women to each other before marriage and in marriage, and the -obligations of married persons to society. The sex _mores_ determine -the nature of marriage and of divorce. Sumner derided sex equality. Man -has a more stable nervous system than woman, is more self-absorbed, -more egoistic, less tactful. Since man has greater physical strength -than woman, woman was educated by circumstances in primitive days -to adapt herself to the stronger sex, and to win by developing -charms where her lack of comparative strength rendered her helpless. -Resignation and endurance thus became acquired traits of women. - -Neither renunciation nor license is the proper method of control of the -sex passions. Both produce unnecessary agony. License, for example, -“stimulates desire without limit, and ends in impotent agony.” Sumner -advocated temperance and regulation--a regulation which comes from -knowledge and judgment. - -Women by necessity must bear an unequal share in the responsibilities -of sex and reproduction. Likewise, men must bear an unequal share of -the responsibilities of property, war, and politics. For the latter -types of duties women are hampered by a delicately adjusted and -cumbersome generative system which men do not possess.[XVIII-5] - -Formerly women yielded to the will of men. Today, the marital state is -one of endless discussion, a defeat for one party or the other, with -unpleasant effects upon life and character. In ancient times women took -pride in the supervision which their husbands exercised over them and -valued themselves as hidden treasures.[XVIII-6] This protected position -was considered aristocratic. Under polygamy, women looked with pity and -disgust upon the man who cannot, or is unwilling to, support more than -one wife. - -At this point it is interesting to note that W. I. Thomas has -distinguished between the sexes on the basis of differences in -metabolism--men being katabolic and women anabolic. Man consumes more -energy than woman.[XVIII-7] He is better fitted for bursts of energy, -while woman possesses more endurance. Man’s structural variability is -toward motion; woman’s, toward reproduction. Hence man seems to have -been assigned in primitive society to tasks requiring violence and -exertion, whereas to women fell the work requiring constant attention. - -Civilization thus far has largely profited by the intelligence of man. -If to this situation it will develop and add the intelligence of women, -it will be supplanted by a higher type of civilization. Under these -conditions a large percentage of marriages will represent “the true -comradeship of like minds,” instead of being frequently, as now, an -arrangement in which woman is treated as a pet. - -(3) The motive of vanity is all-powerful. “One likes to be separated -from the crowd by what is admired, and dislikes to be distinguished for -what is not admired.”[XVIII-8] To satisfy vanity, barbarian mothers -“deform their babies toward an adopted type of bodily perfection.” -Aristocracies grow up out of appeals to vanity. An aristocracy is a -group of persons closely united who define the possession of things -for which they are admired and which the masses do not possess. Vanity -leads to all types of absurdities and indecencies in dress. Teeth are -knocked out for the sake of appeasing vanity. An Indian woman puts a -board on the forehead of her baby to make the forehead recede. - -(4) Fear as a motive rules the lives of primitives. Fear of ghosts and -spirits is peculiarly enslaving. Pestilence, defeat in war, bodily pain -were all considered the result of the wrath of the gods. - -The mass phenomena of fear are especially pitiful. Manias of various -types rule whole masses. Witchcraft thrived for centuries on the -strength of fear. Pilgrimages and crusades were partly due to fear; -demonism was a product of fear. When fear became firmly established -in the folkways, it acted as an ever-ruling tyrant. In the _mores_ -it became firmly entrenched and was a leading factor in moulding -character. Through religious practices and dogmas it defined a “hell” -and ruled with a fearful hand. - -10. Upon simplest analyses, according to Sumner, four societal -values stand out with clearness: intellectual, moral, economic, and -physical.[XVIII-9] Each of these, however, is composite. The highest -societal value seems to result from a harmonious combination of the -four values enumerated. The best member of society is he in whom the -intellectual, moral, economic, and physical values are more or less -equally and harmoniously represented. - -11. Sumner divided society into five main classes.[XVIII-10] (1) -The masses represent social mediocrity. They are of average social -usefulness. (2) Then there are the dependent and defective classes--a -drag upon society but not harmful or vicious. (3) The delinquent -classes are grossly harmful. They are anti-social and a grievous -burden. (4) Above the masses there are the people of talent, and (5) -above the talented are the geniuses. “A man of talent, practical -sense, industry, perseverance, and moral principle is worth more -to society than a genius who is not morally responsible, or not -industrious.”[XVIII-11] - -It is a mistake to think of the masses as being at the base of society; -they are located at the core. They are traditional, conservative, and -the bearers of the _mores_. The lowest sections of the masses are a -dead weight of ignorance, disease, and crime. - -12. A social institution is composed of an idea, notion, or interest, -and a resultant structure. The primary institutions are property, -marriage, and religion.[XVIII-12] These began as folkways; they became -customs. Social institutions can be modified only when the _mores_ -are changed; they develop rituals, which are ceremonious, solemn, and -strongest when perfunctory and when exciting no thought.[XVIII-13] - -Sumner boldly asserted that nothing but might has ever made right, -and that nothing but might makes right now.[XVIII-14] The fact that -property began in force is not proof that property is an unjust -institution. Marriage and religion also began in force, but the element -of justice in the existence of these institutions is not seriously -questioned today. Sumner, however, did not discriminate between force -as an agent or a tool, and force as a primary cause. He did not -distinguish clearly between hate and love as the dynamic factors behind -action that is decisive. He did not set forth the distinction between -harsh, material, immutable force and a kindly, spiritual, attracting -love. - -13. The persistency of folkways and _mores_ is illustrated in a -thousand ways by Sumner. He described (1) their slow variability -under changed life conditions, (2) their sudden variability under -revolutionary conditions, (3) the possibility of changing them by -intelligent action, (4) the problems involved in adjusting one’s self -to the _mores_ of another group, (5) the conflicts between the _mores_ -of different groups.[XVIII-15] - -The _mores_ are powerful engines of societal selection. The most -important fact about the _mores_ is the power which they exert over the -individual. He does not know their source. He is born into them. He -accepts them in his early years uncritically. His habits and character -are moulded by them. If in adult life he challenges them, he is -ostracized by his group, labeled unpatriotic, and even trodden under -foot.[XVIII-16] The _mores_ develop powerful watch-words, slogans, -and even epithets of contempt and disapproval which only the most -independent and courageous individuals dare to face. - -14. Ideals are entirely unscientific, declared Sumner.[XVIII-17] -They are phantasies little connected with fact. They are often formed -to pacify the restless, or to escape settling a question justly in -the present. The “poor” are told to look to the next life for their -rewards. The radicals are urged to accept the Christian virtues of -meekness and lowliness. Ideals are useful, chiefly, in homiletics, -in self-education _via_ auto-suggestion, in satisfying vanity, in -marriage. In these observations, Sumner undoubtedly pointed out genuine -weaknesses in ideals. He underestimated the psychological fact that -they spring from the very real affective phases of consciousness, -and that they can be projected rationally. He was right, however, in -deploring the chasm which exists between ideals and practices, and in -showing how ideals may become encysted in literature although not in -the _mores_. “The Greeks proved that people could sink very low while -talking very nobly.” - -Immorality is conduct contrary to the _mores_ of the time and -place.[XVIII-18] Chastity is conformity to the current taboo on the -sex relation. “Modesty is reserve of behavior and sentiment.” Even -“nakedness is never shameful when it is unconscious,” that is, when -there is no consciousness of a difference between fact and the rule set -by the _mores_. - -Sumner deduced an important principle when he asserted that the -“_mores_ can make anything right.” The _mores_ give usages a certain -order and form, and cover them with a protecting mantle of propriety. -The sanction of the _mores_ is utilized by the class in power in order -to maintain the established régime, even though it be one of injustice. - -Sumner decried the importance which is ordinarily attached to book -learning,[XVIII-19] because it is addressed to the intellect rather -than to the feelings which are the springs of action. The real -education is that which comes through personal influence and example. -It is derived from “the habits and atmosphere of a school, not from the -school textbooks.” - -15. Despite Sumner’s failure to appreciate the significance of a -thoroughgoing psychological approach to an analysis of folkways, his -description of these societal phenomena constitutes a unique and -valuable contribution to social thought. Sumner’s rigorous attitude -toward social life did not permit him to enter into an extensive -interpretation of the folkways in the light of folk ideals. He dealt -with what _is_ to the exclusion of what _ought to be_. He saw the past -so clearly, and the present so much as a reflection of the past, that -no enheartening forward look was possible. He rested his theories on -the inexorable work of the laws of biological evolution, modified -chiefly by his belief in a strong individualism. - -Sumner’s fundamental theses have been developed and modified by A. G. -Kellor. Professor Kellor has projected the Darwinian principles of -variation, selection, transmission, and adaptation into societal -concepts. In fact, he has done this so well that he has given the -Darwinian principles full sway, not allowing sufficiently for the rise -and operation of complex psychic principles. He has made the folkways -the connecting link between organic and societal evolution, but has -not noted fully the new, countless, and often intangible but powerful -factors by which societal evolution is characterized. - -16. The rôle that concepts of conduct have played in the evolution of -society, has been analyzed by E. A. Westermarck and L. T. Hobhouse. -The former is usually known as an anthropologist, and the latter -as a sociologist. Professor Westermarck has shown that, strictly -speaking, a custom is not merely the habit of a certain group of -people; it also involves a rule of conduct.[XVIII-21] It possesses two -characteristics--habitualness and obligatoriness. - -Not every public habit, however, is a custom, involving an -obligation.[XVIII-22] There may be certain practices which are more -or less common in society, but which at the same time are generally -condemned. The disapproval of these is as a rule not very deep or -genuine. - -Dr. Westermarck has indicated that there is a close similarity between -the conscience of a community and of an individual.[XVIII-23] If a -group commits a sin twice, it is likely to be considered allowable. In -order to get at the real nature of societal life, the “bad habits” as -well as the professed opinions of groups must be examined. - -“Society” says Dr. Westermarck, “is the birthplace of the moral -consciousness.”[XVIII-24] Emotions which are felt by the community at -large tend to take the form of conduct standards. The moral emotions -lead to a variety of moral concepts. These fall into two main classes: -concepts of disapproval, such as the concepts, bad, vice, wrong; and -concepts of approval, such as good, virtue, and merit. - -Professor Westermarck is convinced of the tremendous influence -that religious beliefs have exerted upon the moral ideas of -mankind.[XVIII-25] This influence has been exceedingly varied. -Religion has taught the principles of love and yet has indulged in -cruel persecutions. It has condemned murder and yet been a party to -child sacrifice. “It has emphasized the duty of truth-speaking, and -has itself been a cause of pious fraud.” Professor Westermarck has -contributed to social thought not only in his valuable descriptions -of the rise and evolution of moral ideas, but also in his _History of -Human Marriage_, to which reference will be made in Chapter XXIV. - -The writings of L. T. Hobhouse reveal a thorough, comparative study -of the conduct rules of mankind. Professor Hobhouse has described the -evolution of ethical consciousness as displayed in the habits, customs, -and principles that have arisen in human history for the regulation of -human conduct. He has shown how, in the lowest forms of the organic -world, behavior is regulated, and directed to some purpose.[XVIII-27] -This behavior is somewhat definitely determined by the structure of the -organism itself.[XVIII-28] - -There are three forces which may be called social, or which tend to -keep society together. These social bonds are: (1) the principle -of kinship, (2) the principle of authority, and (3) the principle -of citizenship.[XVIII-29] Kinship is the moving force in primitive -society. The principle of authority becomes prominent when one tribe -captures and enslaves a weaker group. This principle is also invoked in -order to secure an integration of openly diverse attitudes within the -group, even of modern national groups. It is exemplified in the various -forms of absolutism in government. The principle of citizenship finds -expression when certain individuals within the group are delegated to -perform as servants and ministers of the public as a whole.[XVIII-30] -Personal rights and the common good are the two reigning ideals. Every -individual is recognized as having a right to the conditions requisite -for the full development of his social personality. The good in life -consists “in the bringing out into full bloom of those capacities of -each individual which help to maintain the common life.”[XVIII-31] The -third principle, that of citizenship, when carried to its conclusion -reveals the possibility of a world state.[XVIII-32] - -It is the contention of Professor Hobhouse that there is a close -connection between the growth of law and justice and the prevalent -forms of social organization. Organized law has developed out of a -sense of community responsibility, which, however, has expressed itself -as a rule in crude ways, and without distinguishing between accident -and design. This sense of community responsibility in primitive groups -tends to hold in check the spirit of anarchy and of self-redress. -Sooner or later, the method of community self-redress yields to -the authority of a chief or of a council representing the whole -community.[XVIII-33] Ultimately the community develops a special social -organ for adjusting disputes and preventing crime. It is then that the -ethical idea becomes separated from the conflicting passions of the -collectivity. Thus, the foundations are laid for true judicial inquiry -by evidence and genuine proof, and for a system of scientific public -justice. - -17. In applying the principles of folk psychology to the anthropologic -field, William Wundt has developed a new method and new theories. Folk -psychology is the study of “the relations which the intellectual, -moral, and other mental characteristics of peoples sustain to one -another.”[XVIII-34] The term was originated by Lazarus and Steinthal, -whose works will be referred to again in Chapter XXII. In the -masterpiece on the _Elements of Folk Psychology_, Wundt has given -a psychological description of the main processes and institutions -in society, tracing them from their beginnings in the processes of -nature; he has made a survey of human progress. His study opens with -a discussion of the processes which produced the digging stick, the -club, and the hammer; it ends with an analysis of world empire, world -culture, world religions, and world history. The intervening ages are -the totemic and the age of heroes and gods. - -World empire affected primarily the material aspects of the life of -peoples. It led to world intercourse, which in turn multiplied the -needs of peoples. These multiplied needs were followed by exchanges of -the means of satisfying the needs. The external and material phases of -culture are survived by the spiritual phases--thus world culture is -a sequence of world empire. It may be said that the vicissitudes of -peoples under the rule of the world empire idea brings forth a unified -history. World culture in turn creates a common mental heritage for -mankind.[XVIII-36] - -In the establishment of a world culture, world religions are the -leading forces. They have been foremost in creating the idea of a -universal human community. In particular, Christianity is based on -a belief in a God who makes no distinction between race or class or -occupation. Consequently, “it has regarded missionary activity among -heathen peoples as a task whose purpose it is finally to unite the -whole of mankind beneath the cross of Christ.”[XVIII-37] - -For a long time in human history, religious development was considered -to be the main connecting link--such was the contention of St. -Augustine. In 1725, Vico argued that the development of language and -jurisprudence is of universal import.[XVIII-38] Finally, world history -has become an account of the mental life of peoples--“a psychological -account of the development of mankind.” - -18. The work of Professor Wundt is similar in many ways, although -characterized by a distinctive starting point and by many differences, -to the contributions of Franz Boas and W. I. Thomas. Professor Boas has -declared his belief in man’s ability to dominate the laws of organic -evolution as expressed in human life. He has brought forward a large -amount of evidence in support of the theory that environment has caused -differences between races. He has pointed out that race prejudice -is largely a product of social environment, and that under changed -conditions of life it has little place in the world. Boas is a strong -advocate of the theory, already advanced in this chapter, that all -races are potentially equal in ability, and that they would demonstrate -the truth of this statement, if given a common cultural background and -social opportunities. He has advanced the idea that “the organization -of mind is practically identical among all races of men.”[XVIII-39] - -Professor Boas has amassed considerable evidence to show that in the -matter of inhibition of impulses, of power of attention, of ability to -do original thinking, primitive man compares favorably with civilized -man. Inasmuch as the social environment is powerful and education is -effective in making over social environments, education can raise all -races to the same high level, and at the same time unify them upon -the same knowledge bases. This contention is similar to the position -that Professor Hobhouse has made clear, namely: “While race has been -relatively stagnant, society has rapidly developed.” Moreover, social -progress is determined not by alterations or racial type, but by -modifications of social cultures.[XVIII-40] These modifications are -caused primarily by the interactions of social causes. - -19. Noteworthy pioneering in the field of social anthropology and -social origins has been done by W. I. Thomas. He has developed the -theory that progress results from “crises.”[XVIII-41] As long as -life runs along smoothly, a lack of interest is likely to ensue. The -result is ennui. But a crisis in any of the life processes arouses -the attention, that is, produces a concentration of psychic energy. A -disturbance of any habit is a crisis. When the exigences of the crisis -are solved through a focalization of consciousness, the situation is -said to be controlled by the individual, who again lapses into a state -of disinterestedness until another disturbance of habit occurs. The new -method of control will be imitated. If imitated widely, it will mark a -rise in the level of civilization. - -It will be observed at once that the power of attention to meet crises -is largely an individual matter and that the rôle of the individual is -very important. The group level of culture limits the power of the mind -to meet crises and to make adjustments.[XVIII-42] The mind is limited -by the psychic fund which the group already possesses. If there is no -knowledge of mathematics in the group, then a large banking system is -impossible. Crises, attention, control--these are the three leading -concepts in Thomas’ theory of social origins. - -Control is the object of all purposeful activity.[XVIII-43] It is the -end, and attention is the means. An animal differs from a plant in -that it has a superior control over a larger environment than does the -plant. “It does not wait for food, but goes after it.” Man differs from -an animal partly in the fact that his fore limbs are free to secure -new and varied forms of control. Moreover, man through his mind has -a superior instrument of control. By the use of knowledge, mind is -effective in controlling factors that are present in neither time nor -space. Through its inventions, such as language, religious creeds, -mechanical appliances, forms of government, man has risen to a high -level of civilization. - -Thomas has analyzed the social process in terms of social attitude and -social values. An attitude is a process of individual consciousness -that determines “the real or possible activity of the individual in -the social world.”[XVIII-45] A social value, on the other hand, is any -datum that has an empirical content accessible to the members of a -social group and a meaning which may make it an object of activity. -Activity is thus the bond between a social attitude and a social -value. The value is the meaning which a material or spiritual datum -may have. An attitude is a real or implied going out after value. -Social psychology is the science of social attitudes. At this point -anthropologic social thought has merged into social psychology. - -Until twenty-five years ago, anthropology interpreted societary origins -pretty largely in terms of the individual. With the use of a social -psychology such as Cooley represents, “anthropology has given more -accurate explanations and become essentially a social anthropology.” - -Before we discuss the different phases of psycho-sociologic thought, it -will be well to make clear the recent advances that have been made in -the biologic phases of social thought. The center of attention in this -field is the relation of the laws of heredity to human progress, which -constitutes the problem in eugenics. A discussion of eugenic social -thought will bring forward in a scientific way the chief elements -of an intellectual situation that was left, in Chapter XVI, in the -unsatisfactory Spencerian formulae. A presentation of eugenic social -thought will give a valuable background to the discussion which follows -concerning psycho-sociologic thought. - - - - -CHAPTER XIX - -EUGENIC SOCIOLOGY - - -Eugenic social thought is the child of biological discoveries. -Eugenics, the science of good breeding, which did not achieve -scientific standing until the closing years of the last century, may -be traced back in its incipient forms to Plato, who advocated that -strength should mate only with strength, and that imperfect children -should be eliminated from society. In its scientific origins eugenics -dates from 1859, when Darwin’s _Origin of Species_ was first published. -Its beginning as a distinct field of human thinking is found in -the articles by Francis Galton on “Hereditary Talent and Genius,” -which appeared in 1865; and in 1869, in book form under the title, -_Hereditary Genius_.[XIX-1] - -Eugenic social thought deals with the operation of the laws of heredity -in society. It was a part of this field which Francis Galton made -world-known by his treatises on _Hereditary Genius_ and _Inquiries into -the Human Faculty_.[XIX-2] In 1904, Galton wrote a paper entitled: -“Eugenics; Its Definition, Scope and Aims.” In this dissertation the -new science of eugenics was formally introduced to the world. Gabon’s -analysis of eugenics became its leading interpretation.[XIX-3] - -The mantle of the founder fell upon Professor Karl Pearson, whose -work at times has assumed a distinctly statistical nature. Professor -Pearson’s leaning toward biometry has brought severe criticism upon -him. The statistical approach, while exact and thought-provoking, is -subject to various errors in interpretation of data. The viewpoint from -which Professor Pearson writes, however, is not one-sided. For example, -he states that “it may require years to replace a great leader of man, -but a stable and efficient society can only be the outcome of centuries -of development.”[XIX-4] He holds that group conscience ought for the -sake of social welfare to be stronger than private interest, and that -the ideal citizen should be able to form a judgment free from personal -bias.[XIX-5] - -C. W. Saleeby, another English writer, has developed an independent -reputation as a eugenist.[XIX-6] In the United States, such men as -C. B. Davenport[XIX-7] and Paul Popenoe have made important eugenic -contributions. The recent tendency has been to be wary of purely -statistical studies of heredity and to rely more definitely upon case -studies. However, since eugenics is directly indebted to the studies -of heredity and since heredity must be investigated for several -generations, eugenic social thought has not yet developed far. - -Galton defined eugenics as the science of good breeding. Its aim as a -pure science is to study the agencies under social control “that may -improve or impair the racial qualities of future generations, either -physically or mentally.” Galton’s program, as outlined by the founder -shortly before his death, insisted upon (1) a study of the laws of -heredity, (2) a dissemination of knowledge about heredity, (3) a study -of the factors underlying marriage, (4) a study of birth rates, and (5) -a case study of individual families. - -Eugenic social thought holds that heredity among human beings operates -according to the same laws that govern heredity among animals. The -theory of Mendelian units becomes in practice the theory of multiple -factors. The unit characters, upon analysis, appear to be complex and -to be inherited in complex ways. Multiple factors are inherited from -generation to generation directly when pure factors are united with -pure factors. But when the pure is united with the hybrid, then the -laws of dominance and recessiveness operate. In such combinations -certain factors tend to express themselves in greater proportion -than do other elements. This failure to secure expression in a given -generation, however, means that the specific factor is recessive for -the time being. Later, it will likely appear. - -Galton stated another important eugenic law, the law of regression. -Each peculiarity is inherited by the offspring on the average in a -slightly less degree than it is found in the parent. Hence, according -to Galton, good traits and poor traits alike are inherited in a -degree nearer mediocrity by the offspring than by the parents. This -law partially explains why gifted men rarely have sons who are equally -gifted. The law seems to hold good for large numbers, but not when -considered in relation to single families. It serves as a check upon -variation and mutation. - -Galton and Pearson advanced another statistical law, the law of -ancestral inheritance. Galton supposed that the parents contribute -to the child one-half of his inherited factors, the grandparents -one-fourth, and so on. Pearson has secured statistical evidence which -shows that Galton’s geometric series is incorrect, and that on the -average in a large number of cases the parents together contribute to -the child .624 of his traits; the four grandparents, .198; the eight -great grandparents, .063; and so on. - -The law of mutation, described by de Vries and other geneticists, -refers to the appearance of mutants, or individuals who do not -reproduce to form but represent a new line of heredity. In this way the -appearance of genius may often be accounted for. However, the factors -which explain the appearance of mutants have not yet been analyzed. - -Another fundamental genetic consideration is the law of selection. If -individuals with worthy traits mate only with individuals who possess -worthy traits, a superior stock will be produced. This tendency is very -important, since it points the way to a potent method of securing -social progress. - -Eugenic social thought has been developed in part on the basis of the -Weismann theory of no or slight transmission of acquired traits. The -germ-plasm is transmitted from individual to offspring in a direct -line of descent. Injuries to the parent rarely change the nature of -the germ-plasm. Only extreme malnutrition or excessive use of alcohol -apparently exerts a definite influence on the germ cells. Nature has -thus made provision for the protection of germ-plasm, whether strong -or defective. Society, then, may encourage the mating of individuals -who possess strong physical and mental traits, and discourages the -mating of individuals who are defective--thus securing its own positive -improvement. - -Eugenic social thought follows two courses. Restrictive eugenics -advocates the segregation of the so-called dysgenic classes, such as -the feeble-minded, the insane, and the grossly defective criminal. -Public opinion reacts against sterilization; injustice that cannot be -remedied may be done through the use of sterilization. Segregation by -sexes, while involving expense, is a satisfactory eugenic method of -safeguarding society against the reproduction of dysgenic persons. - -The other trend of eugenic thought supports the raising of the -standards of choice in mating. Constructive eugenics, as distinguished -from restrictive eugenics, urges a program of education whereby -young people will habitually rate one another by physical and mental -standards rather than by wealth and class standards. - -Eugenics disapproves of random mating. It favors assortative -mating, because, for example, the “marriage of representatives of -two long-lived strains ensures that the offspring will inherit -more longevity than does the ordinary man.”[XIX-9] Eugenics thus -stresses the importance of teaching young people eugenic ideas, and -of training them to be guided by these ideals rather than by caprice -and passion.[XIX-10] Eugenic ideals include health, paternity and -maternity, and pleasing disposition. Education and character are -secondary eugenic ideals of importance. - -A study of the birth rate shows that the inferior stocks and classes -of individuals produce many more children than do the superior groups. -Many cultured people do not marry, or if they marry they keep the birth -rate very low. As a result, the racial character of a whole people may -change within a few generations. The superior strains may be lost and -the inferior furnish the entire population. - -The low birth rate of the superior stocks is due to several factors: -(1) The lengthening period of education and of professional training -calls for the postponement of marriage. (2) The desire to give children -the best advantages limits the birth rate. (3) The increasing spirit of -independence on the part of women causes a postponement of marriage -and a limitation of the number of children. These and other causes have -produced a differential birth rate in favor of the inferior strains. -Eugenic thought urges that the differential be reversed in favor of the -superior strains. This conclusion implies that the dysgenic classes -must be prevented from producing children, that the poor must be raised -to higher educational and economic levels and taught to limit the birth -rate, and that the eugenically superior be taught to increase the birth -rate. - -Eugenics pronounces war to be both dysgenic and eugenic.[XIX-11] (1) -It is dysgenic in that the bravest and the physically best are killed -first. In the case of a long war only the weakest men physically and -mentally are left alive to propagate the race. (2) War is dysgenic -in that it produces a large number of hurried marriages. Rational -choices of mates are supplanted by sudden emotional reactions. (3) War -is dysgenic in that sex immorality greatly increases. Prostitution -flourishes in the neighborhood of military encampments, unless rigid -means of control are established. (4) Again, the dysgenic effect of war -is seen in the period of socio-mental unrest which always follows war, -and which among other things undermines rational sexual selection. - -The chief eugenic effect of war is manifested during the period of -training. This preparation period accents the importance of a strong -physique and health measures. An insipid, stoop-shouldered population -of city young men may be transformed into an army of fit soldiers. -However, the conclusions are obvious that the dysgenic effects of -war are far more potent than the eugenic gains, and that the eugenic -advantages may he acquired in other ways than by promulgating war. - -Eugenics looks askance at the feminism movement. Feminism once meant -the development of the womanly traits of the sex. It now refers to the -elimination as far as possible of sex differences. It would make women -as nearly as possible like men. Eugenics objects to this trend, since -it underestimates the importance of the fact that women physically -are built to be mothers. To the extent that women enter into all the -occupations, they will become men-like; and their efficiency as mothers -of the race will decrease, and the race will suffer. - -The economic equality of the sexes is a satisfactory doctrine to the -eugenist if the doctrine is extended to make motherhood a salaried -occupation, like mill work or stenography.[XIX-12] “Child-bearing -should be recognized as being as worthy of remuneration as any -occupation which men enter, and should be paid for (by the state) on -the same basis.”[XIX-13] - -Eugenics would throw every possible safeguard around motherhood, -especially in the period immediately before and after the birth of -the child. The mother, even the expectant mother, “is doing our -business, indispensable and exacting business, and we must take care -of her accordingly. She is not only a worker but the foremost of all -workers.”[XIX-14] - -Eugenic thought as represented in the writings of C. W. Saleeby has -denominated alcohol, venereal disease, and tuberculosis as “racial -poisons.” While there is some doubt regarding the eugenic effects of -taking small amounts of alcohol into the human body, eugenists are -agreed that alcohol, when taken in excess quantities, affects the -germ-plasm and produces a neurotic taint. It appears that alcoholism -may be a cause in producing defective children. The verdicts of hygiene -and economics that alcoholism is injurious to the race is supported by -eugenics. - -Venereal disease, another so-called racial poison, produces toxins -which apparently affect the germ-plasm indirectly if not directly. -It lowers the physical and moral tone and causes unfavorable racial -tendencies. Venereal disease tends to destroy the generative organs and -to cut off the birth rate entirely. It is a result of sex immorality -which in itself tends to produce children under such abnormal -conditions of vice that it becomes an anti-social, if not a dysgenic -factor, in society. To the extent of course, that venereal disease -kills off the racially useless, it may be considered eugenic.[XIX-15] -Such a point of view, however, fails to rate properly the invasions -which venereal disease is continually making upon normal and superior -types of germ-plasm. - -Tuberculosis weakens the membranous tissues and probably leads in a -few generations to an unusual degree of susceptibility to the invasion -of tubercle bacilli. It is still a question, however, to what extent -tuberculosis may be counted a racial poison. Professor Hobhouse has -argued that, by the development of scientific hygiene, it will be -possible to center attention not upon eliminating a tubercular stock -but upon eliminating the tubercle bacilli.[XIX-16] - -In regard to race questions the social anthropologist and the eugenist -represent different poles of thought. As was indicated in the preceding -chapter, the social anthropologists, such as Boas and Thomas, support -the theory of potential race equality. The eugenist, on the other hand, -contends that there are inherently superior and inferior racial stocks, -and that the marriages of representatives of inferior stocks with -representatives of superior stocks will produce children of a stock -distinctly lower than that of the superior stocks. The eugenists in the -United States hold that the immigration of the southern and eastern -peoples of Europe will not only supplant through a higher birth rate -the native stock of Nordic origin but, where marriages between natives -and southern and eastern European immigrants occur, it will lower the -racial quality of the population. While eugenic thought in this matter -deserves a complete and respectful hearing, it must be considered along -with the findings of social anthropology. - -Eugenic thought opposes the miscegenation of the Caucasian and -African. The Negro, it is contended, is not only different from -the Caucasian but as a rule is eugenically inferior, judged by the -achievements of the Negro. Moreover, the eugenist interprets the -anthropological tests to show that the innate ability of a colored -man “is proportionate to the amount of white blood he has.” The -conclusion of eugenics is that “in general the white race loses and -the Negro gains from miscegenation,”[XIX-17]--as far as the germinal -natures of the two races are concerned. The eugenist would forbid all -intermarriage between the races, and urge that the taboo against sexual -intercourse between the races be extended. - -In the light of eugenic thought genealogy may become scientific, -in fact, it may become a valuable source of scientific materials -for eugenics. Heretofore genealogy has been the concern of a few -leisure-class people, who have taken pleasure and pride in recounting -the fact that some one of a possible thousand or more ancestors several -generations back was distinguished in some way or other, and who would -have friends or the public believe that they inherited from this -ancestor of note the characteristics which made him great. Eugenics -points out a nobler purpose to which genealogy may be put. It urges -that mental and physical traits of every individual in all families -be carefully analyzed and accurately and systematically recorded. In -this way it will be possible in a generation to have available a large -amount of eugenic materials, and in a few generations a reliable body -of data for studying racial heredity. - -The debate regarding the comparative influences of nature and nurture -has been long and bitter. It may be said here that both heredity and -environment are more or less equally essential in the development of -human personality. Without inherited factors in the individual the -environment has nothing upon which to work. Without a stimulating -environment the inherited traits will remain dormant. Each human being -has inherited factors which, if played upon by certain environmental -factors, may lead the individual to try to wreck society or himself -or both. Every person, also, has traits which, if stimulated by -the proper environmental elements may cause him to develop into a -useful member of society. While the environment cannot change the -inherited potentialities very much, if any, it is a prime factor of -vast importance in determining which inherited tendencies will never -find expression, which will be expressed in modified ways, and which -will reach full fruition. Eugenics insists with increasing force that -educational programs shall provide that every child be not only well -reared but also well born. A weakness in eugenic thought is that it -implies that sound racial stock is sufficient to guarantee progress; -it tends at times to overstress an aristocracy of racial stock. -It sometimes detracts from the importance of character and moral -discipline as essential elements in social progress. - - - - -CHAPTER XX - -CONFLICT THEORIES IN SOCIOLOGY - - -The concept of social conflict has already been introduced to the -reader. In the chapter on Individualistic Social Thought the prolonged -struggle between individual rights and genuine social control was -analyzed. Malthus described the conflict between population and the -means of subsistence. Comte insisted that man is not naturally a social -being. Hence this unsocial nature of mankind is a fruitful source of -human conflict. Marx pictured the class struggle; and Darwin elaborated -the doctrine of the survival of the fittest. - -The slightest grasp of social thought reveals the fact that human -association is characterized at times by deep-seated and subtle -conflicts; and at other times by a fundamental co-operative spirit. -Some sociological writers have seen only or chiefly the conflicts -of life; others have sought out the co-operative activities; still -others have tried to discover the relationships between conflict and -co-operation in societal development. This chapter will deal with the -concept of social conflict, while the next chapter will be centered on -the ideal of social co-operation and upon the relationship of conflict -to co-operation in group processes. - -One of the outstanding believers in the theory that conflict dominates -societal life was Ludwig Gumplowicz (1838–1910). His system of thought -begins with the assertion that primitive hordes were the original -units of society. Gumplowicz dissented from Herbert Spencer’s belief -in the individual as the original societary unit, although he accepted -the determinism that is inherent in Spencer’s theory of evolution. -Gumplowicz also repudiated Comte’s belief in social amelioration -through prevision, but subscribed to Comte’s positivism. - -According to Gumplowicz, society began with a large number of primitive -groups, which were self-sustaining and self-conscious units. Each one -of these hordes was a warring group, possessing an instinctive hatred -of all other hordes.[XX-1] As these hordes increased in size, the -general food supply failed to meet the needs. Consequently, inter-group -struggle resulted and the members of the weaker hordes were either -destroyed or enslaved. The existence of slaves led to situations of -intra-group inequality, which in turn created problems involving -justice and injustice. - -As a result of continual conflicts between groups, there are -frequent changes taking place in their personnel. The vanquished are -continually being absorbed by victorious groups. In a given successful -group two classes are at once established, namely, the victors and -the vanquished. Classes are thus continually arising out of new -juxtapositions of heterogeneous racial elements.[XX-2] - -It was in an intense form of group self-interest that Gumplowicz -found the mainspring of social progress. This self-interest leads to -an exaggerated group appraisement, a strong degree of group unity, a -state of warfare between groups--and perhaps progress. Basic to this -group self-interest, there are the material needs of the members of the -group; the economic desires and the occupational interests; and the -moral and spiritual tendencies. The group is bound together by various -factors, such as a common social life, a common language, religion, and -culture. - -Gumplowicz advocated a theory of potential race equality. He argued -against innate racial superiority and racial inferiority. He doubted -the existence of any pure races. Each race is a compound of other -races, and hence races are potentially similar in fundamental respects. -National progress, therefore, holds no connection with race purity. - -Gumplowicz minimized the importance of the individual. Society rules. -Centuries of traditions dominate. The thoughts of the individual are -almost, if not entirely, a mere reflection of the social environment. -The group develops group pride or group disloyalty in the minds of its -members. The distinguished leader is largely the man who expresses the -will of the group during the group crisis. Gumplowicz makes only a -brief reference to the process of interaction between the individual -and the group.[XX-3] An underlying theory of natural determinism -vitiates much of Gumplowicz’s ideas concerning the individual. - -Inasmuch as society, like individuals, passes through a cycle of growth -and decay, subject to unchangeable natural and societary laws, there -is no justification for individual interference with social processes. -In fact, this theory led Gumplowicz into pessimistic conclusions -concerning life. He failed to see that societal life is not necessarily -a series of hopeless cyclical conflicts, and that social processes are -becoming increasingly subject to human control--for good or ill. He did -not appreciate the fact that groups are not subject to laws of cyclical -growth and decay after the manner of individuals. Hence, his conflict -theory of societal life ended in confusion and pessimism. - -A reference was made in Chapter XI to the theories of Friedrich -Nietzsche (1844–1900). This German philosopher developed the idea of -social conflict, basing it on the concept of the “will to power.” -Leaders desire power. They enjoy to exercise power and they thrive -under that exercise. Jealousy of the leaders arises. The weaker members -of society join together against the possessors of power. They develop -a will to power, but of a weaker type than that of the leaders. -Conflicts ensue between the will to power of the superior and the will -to power of the inferior. - -The superior and the inferior types each possess a distinctive code -of morality.[XX-4] The supermen develop a harsh and rigorous attitude -toward themselves and others. They gird and prepare themselves for -the crises of life. They strive to augment their power. They become -self-contained. They take pride in crushing weakness and in deifying -strength. Their morality stresses those factors in life which create -power. They feel a condescending pity for the weak. They experience no -sense of responsibility for the inferior classes. Since supermen are -the supreme goal of nature, supermen feel that all persons and things -should contribute to increasing the power of supermen.[XX-5] It is a -waste of energy for supermen to give their lives in behalf of inferior -persons. They are interested only in the welfare of other supermen. - -The morality of the inferior is of a type which furthers weakness. It -accents sympathy. It emphasizes gregariousness. The inferior create a -slavish, cringing, meek morality. They sacrifice themselves readily and -humbly in behalf of others who may be inferior to themselves. - -Nietzsche believed in a eugenics program. He declared that marriages -should be arranged with a view to producing supermen. Nietzsche’s -deterministic view of natural evolution led him to believe, however, -that equality of privileges is unattainable. He opposed democracy -because its theory of equal opportunities contradicts the tendencies -of nature. He was no socialist. He asserted that an aristocracy of -power is the only true goal for society. He carried forward the -ruthless biological laws of tooth and fang into his conception of the -highest types of civilization. - -Moreover, the superman is a biological mutant. He appears sporadically. -At this point Nietzsche’s inconsistency becomes obvious. For example, -if geniuses appear sporadically and without reference to biological -laws, why attempt to arrange marriages so as to produce supermen? To -get himself out of the dilemma, Nietzsche postulated cyclical returns -of supermen and lost his bearings in trying to interpret an endless -circular movement in social evolution, endlessly repeating itself. In -an applied form Nietzsche’s philosophy has appeared in German political -life, but to the defeat of Germany. - -In starting points, Nietzsche and Gumplowicz were widely different. -Nietzsche began with an apotheosis of the man of power and extolled -the achievements of supermen. Gumplowicz had little place for the -individual, even for the most powerful. Both sets of theories ended in -a deterministic philosophy of individual and social despair. - -An unusually fundamental delineation of social conflict has been -advanced by Simon N. Patten in his _Theory of Social Forces_.[XX-6] -Human society is the product largely of a pain economy in which the -requisites for survival are determined “by the enemies and pains to -be avoided.” In a like manner a pain morality and a pain religion -develop. The purpose of the pain morality is “to keep persons from -committing acts and putting themselves in situations which lead to -destruction.” The pain religion, likewise, aims to invoke the aid of -higher powers in the human conflict with enemies and death. The social -forces in a pain economy have been builded up in the form of sets of -ideals, instincts, and habits. - -Society, however, is now in a transition stage--entering a pleasure -economy. A large number of the sources of pain have been eliminated -through the inventive and administrative phases of civilization. -Dangerous beasts and reptiles, barbarous invasions, and superstitious -interpretations are uncommon among the advanced human groups. - -No nation, unfortunately, has been able to live under a pleasure -economy. Its members have not built up sets of instincts, habits, and -ideals that withstand the effects of a pleasure economy. Consequently, -individuals and nations have fallen into lethargy, vice, and decay. The -enemies in a pleasure economy are found within the individual; these -are as yet unconquered under the allurements of a pleasure environment. -In discussing the conflicts between these habits and ideals, Dr. Patten -may err in implying that the race once was not in a pain economy -and hence did not originally develop out of such an environment, -but he nevertheless has analyzed an important societal fact in his -pain-pleasure transition concept. - -Another type of conflict theory of society is advanced by Thomas Nixon -Carver. Professor Carver begins his analysis with a discussion of the -conflict of human interests. Originally all conflicts were settled on -the basis of might. But conflicts between persons who are beginning -to think, sometimes lead one or each of the contending parties to a -consideration of adjusting the conflict by other than physical strife. -At this point the concept of justice begins to take form. - -Justice, according to Dr. Carver, is “that system of adjusting -conflicting interests which makes the group strong and -progressive.”[XX-7] Virtue and strength are pronounced identical, and -strength is defined “according to its ability to make itself universal.” - -Conflict arises out of scarcity. Where two men want the same thing, -conflict ensues. It is this antagonism of interests which produces -moral problems and furnishes a basis of determining justice and -injustice. One reason for the lack of supply of things which people -seek is that in society human wants are unduly expended. If wants could -be kept low and production high, an adaptation of people to things -would take place which would greatly lessen conflict. - -Conflicts take place in three different fields: (1) between man -and nature, (2) between man and man, and (3) between the different -interests of the same man.[XX-8] If there were no such conflicts, -there would be no moral problems. The result would be paradise. - -The institutions of property, the family, and the state have developed -out of antagonism of interests, which in turn, as has been said, is -the result of scarcity. If things were not scarce, no one would think -of claiming property in anything. In a similar way the kinship group -becomes desirous of possessing property and hence acquires unity. In -asserting that _the_ unifying principle in the family is an economic -one, Dr. Carver espouses a theory of economic determinism. In fact, he -holds that “the economic problem is the fundamental one, out of which -all other social and moral problems have grown.”[XX-9] - -Dr. Carver somewhat softens his rigorous social theories when he -admits that there may be a few people in the world whose feeling of -humanity is strong enough to overbalance an antagonism of interests -and to lead them to treat the world as a normal individual treats his -family.[XX-10] A world of such people would make a world of communism. -But such a world is unthinkable, because world-loving people are social -aberrations. The individual whose altruism is such that he gladly -gives his body to a tiger, is not helping to transform the world -into a world of saints but into a world of tigers.[XX-11] Extreme -forms of benevolence and meekness constitute the very food upon which -selfishness fattens.[XX-12] - -Professor Carver, therefore, points out two sources of conflict, -namely, scarcity of desirable things and self-centered appreciation. -These two bases of conflict are fundamentally natural and normal. -Conflicts appear, however, in a great variety of forms. This -classification of the methods of struggling for existence is -fourfold.[XX-13] - -(1) There is a group of conflicts which are primarily destructive, such -as war, robbery, dueling, sabotage, brawling. These conflicts are all -crude, primitive, brutal. They represent man at his lowest ebb. They -are militant in character, depending upon the individual’s power to -destroy, to harm, or to inflict pain and injury.[XX-14] - -(2) Deceptive conflicts are of an order slightly higher than the -militant. They include thieving, swindling, adulteration of goods, -false advertising. They imply a greater degree of intelligence than the -purely destructive types of conflict. - -(3) Another form of conflict is persuasive in character, for example, -political, erotic, commercial, and legal conflicts. Political -competition includes seeking governmental appointments, running for -office, campaigning for a political party. Erotic conflicts are in -the main different forms of courtship. Commercial persuasion utilizes -the agencies of advertising and salesmanship. Legal conflicts include -litigations in the courts. In all these illustrations the individual -strives to further his own interests by his persuative ability. -Oftentimes resort is made to cheap persuasive methods, such as -demagogy or political claptrap. Sometimes the persuasion falls to the -level of deception and, occasionally, to destructive depths. - -(4) The highest form of conflicts are the productive types. Some -productive conflicts refer to rivalries in producing economic -goods; others to rivalries in rendering service. In his _Essays in -Social Justice_, Professor Carver discusses three forms of economic -competition at length. Here he includes competitive production, -competitive bargaining, and competitive consumption of economic goods. -The second class has already been referred to as commercial persuasion. -Competitive production increases the supply of economic goods and -“always works well.” Competitive consumption, however, “always works -badly.” It means “rivalry in display, in ostentation, in the effort -to outshine or to outdress all one’s neighbors, or at least not to -be outshone or outdressed by them.” It is usually deceptive; it has -no productive features about it. It may even assume a form of waste -and destruction. The highest type of conflict is friendly rivalry in -rendering service to other people. - -Professor Carver would have self-interest direct its efforts toward the -welfare of the nation. Since neither law nor government can eliminate -self-interest, the next best thing is to connect it with national -well-being. Nearly all useful things that are done in a community are -undertaken through self-interest.[XX-15] Even co-operation is a form -of competition.[XX-16] The purpose of co-operation is to enable groups -of individuals to compete more effectively against opposing groups. - -Competition is not an evil in itself. The spirit which dominates -competition is the important thing. Some people are motivated by the -pig-trough philosophy, which emphasizes struggle for the sake of -possession and consumption of goods. The workbench philosophy accents -“action and not possession, production and not consumption.” - -These theories, excellent in many particulars, apparently do not rate -at full value the fact that education and love can and do modify the -self-interest of the individual, and at the same time direct the -attention of the individual toward unselfish service. In stressing -service through achievement and production, they neglect to emphasize -achievement through service. Competition in rendering unselfish service -is underrated. - -It was Novicow, the Russian sociologist, who laid bare the alleged -benefits of war, showing that the gains which come from war may be -obtained through other methods of social interaction.[XX-17] Novicow -argued forcefully that the real enemies of a group of people are -disease germs and death, not the best people of other nationality -groups. Novicow’s vision enabled him to perceive the foolishness of men -who lock themselves together in destructive conflict, when the real -enemies are microscopic disease bacteria and the gaunt black specter -of death. - -Conflict bulks large in the sociology of Edward A. Ross. Any -interference with the carrying out of the individual’s plans and -with the satisfying of his interests creates opposition. The best -characteristic of the phenomenon of opposition is that it awakens and -stimulates.[XX-18] Competition operates according to psychologic laws; -for example, the intensity of competition varies according (1) to the -degree of personal liberty, (2) to the rate of social change, and (3) -inversely as the efficiency of the selective agents.[XX-19] - -One of the most important forms of competition is found in -industrialism. The invention and adoption of the power-driven machine -has created an industrialism which is moulding and transforming society -in startling ways, and which is causing “its members more and more to -cluster at opposite poles of the social spindle.”[XX-20] Professor Ross -expresses slight hope that the ownership of industrial capital will be -disseminated through the working class according to the conflict rules -of the present economic system. - -Other conflict theories will be presented in the following chapters; -for example, the conflict theories of Gustav Ratzenhofer and Albion -W. Small will be noted in the chapter on co-operation concepts, and -Gabriel Tarde’s analysis of conflict will be taken up in the discussion -of psycho-sociological thought. - -In general, the social conflict doctrines, when carried to the extreme, -fail to recognize that conflict and co-operation are correlative -social processes. Humanly speaking, one is as old as the other. Both -spring from the deepest types of human needs. While the earliest types -of associative life may have been characterized by a predominance of -conflict, the highest stages are ruled by the co-operative spirit. This -transition together with the leading co-operation theories of social -progress will be taken up in the chapter which follows. - -Suffice it to say here that conflict and competition are essential -to social advance. They are both highly useful when operating in the -fields of production and service. - - - - -CHAPTER XXI - -CO-OPERATION THEORIES IN SOCIOLOGY - - -One of the first persons to work out a systematic interpretation -of co-operation was Giovanni Vico (1668–1744), an Italian -philosopher.[XXI-1] Vico rejected the social contract idea because he -believed that it was a false interpretation of the true principle of -co-operation. The concept of a social contract embodied an artificial -and metaphysical notion of social life. - -In his chief work, _Principles of a New Science Concerning the -Common Nature of Nations_, Vico inaugurated a study of actual social -phenomena. He sought to discover possible social laws. He attempted -to cast aside the accidental social elements and to organize the -regularities of social phenomena into laws. He searched for the laws -governing the growth and decay of societies. He undertook to analyze -the history of human society. - -Although Vico’s important treatise was not known outside of Italy until -a century and a half after it was originally published, it contained a -statement of the factor which is basic to any sound co-operation theory -of social progress. Vico was one of the first writers to describe the -principle that all human groups have a common nature. His comparative -studies of human institutions everywhere, led him always to the belief -in the common mind of mankind, a concept which in recent years has been -ably elaborated by D. G. Brinton. For this contribution Vico has been -called “the father of sociology.” - -According to Vico, the fundamental social movement is a gradual -unfolding or evolution of social institutions in response to the -common needs of people. Society owes its development in part to the -reflections of the wise, as the social contract theorists have said, -but also to the human feelings even of the brutish. This natural -sociability of man has furnished the chief basis for the rise and -development of the spirit of co-operation. - -The natural sociability of human beings has led, more or less -unconsciously on the part of man, to the establishment of necessary -social relations and institutions. The purpose of social organization -is to produce perfect human personalities. Vico outlined the -evolutionary character of society according to the spiral theory, -namely, that society does return upon itself but that, when it -completes a cycle, it is upon a higher plane of co-operation than when -the given cycle began. Vico also made religion a necessary principle of -progress. Although in adjusting himself to the prevailing theological -dogmas of his time, Vico committed serious scientific errors, he -nevertheless is deserving of special credit for his emphasis upon the -common nature and natural sociability of mankind. - -Hugo Grotius (1583–1645), the celebrated Dutch scholar, gave to social -thought the international concept. He advanced the idea of the coming -co-operation among the nations--nations which in his time were moved -primarily by jealousy and hatred in their relations with one another. -Grotius was the originator of a definite set of principles and laws for -international co-operation. His work in this regard accentuated the -importance of like-mindedness in matters of international polity. - -Spinoza, whose contributions regarding the concept of sovereignty have -already been stated, declared that the instinct to acquire is naturally -stronger than the tendency to share. Hence, man must be educated to -perceive the advantages of co-operative living. When this appreciation -occurs, when the advantages of co-operation become clear, then man will -sublimate his egoistic and self-seeking desires to altruistic communal -living. As man comes to understand, step by step, the values of -co-operative conduct, he will overcome, degree by degree, his selfish -impulses. - -The references which were made in Chapter XIV to the work and writings -of certain socialists, such as Robert Owen, form another link in this -discussion of the development of the co-operation concept. While the -experiments in consumers’ co-operation, such as the activities of -the Rochdale Pioneers, have had splendid success in many countries, -they have demonstrated that they can flourish only in an environment -where the co-operative spirit rules. While the experiments in -producers’ co-operation have often failed and have not yet as a class -been successful, they have testified to the absence of a developed -co-operative spirit rather than to the failure of the principle upon -which they are based. - -Peter Kropotkin, whose opposition to socialism was indicated in Chapter -XIV, rendered a useful service in writing his _Mutual Aid; a Factor -in Evolution_. Kropotkin, a loyal Darwinian, protested against the -falsely labeled “social Darwinianism.”[XXI-3] Kropotkin made plain that -Darwin’s interpretation of evolution, while stressing the struggle for -existence, also pointed out that there is in evolution a powerful tide -of co-operation. The logical conclusion of this treatment of evolution, -according to Kropotkin, is not a phase of “social Darwinianism” with -its emphasis upon a biological struggle in the highest human realms, -but a world of human association in which the co-operative spirit has -risen to a position of control over physical force and selfish desire. - -Kropotkin studied animal life extensively and concluded that, although -there was among animals a severe struggle against a heartless Nature, -there was essentially no bitter struggle for existence “among animals -belonging to the same species.”[XXI-3] There is no pitiless inner war -for life within this species, and moreover, this alleged war is not a -condition of progress. War, declared Kropotkin, is not a condition of -social progress. - -Kropotkin considered the clan and the tribe rather than the individual -or even the family the starting point of society. The tribe itself -developed a morale on the basis of beliefs in its common origin and -in the worship of common ancestors. Then the possession in common of -certain lands served to arouse new tribal loyalties. These loyalties -expressed themselves in the form of “con-jurations,” sworn agreements, -and ultimately in fraternities and guilds for mutual support. Kropotkin -believed that primitive man was naturally peaceful, and that he fought -from necessity rather than from ferocity. - -In primitive communal organization the judge and military chief united -for “mutual insurance of domination,” drawing to their support the -slavish loyalty of the witch-doctor or priest. In the twelfth century, -however, the old communal spirit broke forth with “striking spontaneity -all over Europe;” it stopped for a time the growth of the despotic -monarchies of Europe; it produced endless numbers of communes. - -The free cities developed under the shelter of communal liberties, and -in them art and invention flourished, producing the beauty of Raphael, -the vigor of Michaelangelo, the poetry of Dante, and “the discoveries -which have been made by modern science,--the compass, the clock, the -watch, printing, gunpowder, the maritime discoveries, the law of -gravitation.”[XXI-4] - -Then, there came the modern State formed by a triple alliance of -the military chief, the Roman judge, and the priest. The industrial -revolution and the rise of capitalism furthered the interests of -the military-legal-priestly triumvirate. When the State and Church -were separated, the money baron took the place of the priest in -the triumvirate. With the overthrow of militarism the power of -the triumvirate is broken, and the old communal co-operative -feelings of man again begin to express themselves. Kropotkin led -the way in defining the law of co-operative individualism. He urged -decentralization in social control, and attacked monopolies of all -types, public as well as private. Although he exaggerated the rôle of -mutual aid in primitive society, considering it the main social factor, -he nevertheless rendered a valuable service in giving the world a -vigorous presentation of a significant concept. - -The social process was analyzed in terms of both conflict and -co-operation by Gustav Ratzenhofer (1842–1904). It is characterized -by a continuous reappearance of the phenomena of individualization -of structures already extant.[XXI-5] Both differentiation and -socialization arise out of the operation of human interests. Both -are implicit in the nature of man. Certain human interests lead to -individualization and some to communitization. - -At this point we encounter Ratzenhofer’s theory of force. Force and -interest are made the two primordial principles. These two factors work -together in order to secure for the individual the largest possible -degree of self development. - -The struggle of pre-primitive men against the harsh phases of nature -established a pre-primitive sociality. Struggle has always led -to co-operation in the interests of preservation. Similarly, war -leads to co-operation. In primitive society institutions arose in -response to community needs. Among barbarians the increase in numbers -produced an increasing emphasis upon conflict, which was expressed in -robberies, wars, and enslavements. Warfare led to the formation of -classes and class conflicts. Class interests, as distinguished from -individual interests, then began to secure definition. With the rise -of capitalism, the interests of capital were asserted; and at once -the interests of labor, in apposition, assumed tangible expression. -A stage, however, of stable social conditions is coming, in which -the whole world will be organized on the basis of a single system -of economic and non-competing production and of free international -exchange.[XXI-6] - -Throughout this analysis Ratzenhofer gives force a leading -place.[XXI-7] He also develops a theory of a ruling aristocracy -of supermen. Despite these unfortunate emphases, Ratzenhofer’s -contribution to social thought in his theory of interests as -dominating human factors, and his accent upon the rise of an -increasing degree of co-operation, is noteworthy. - -Professor Albion Small, whose methodology will be indicated in Chapter -XXVII, has modified, corrected, and refined Ratzenhofer’s theory -of interests. “In the beginning were interests,” says Professor -Small.[XXI-8] An “interest” is defined as an unsatisfied capacity, an -unrealized condition of the organism, a tendency securing satisfaction -of an unsatisfied capacity.[XXI-9] In its subjective phase an interest -is a desire, and in its objective phase, a want. An interest is -developed when the individual knows something, feels something, or -wills something. Consequently, the whole individual or social process -consists in developing, adjusting, and satisfying interests. - -The six groups into which Professor Small divides all interests are -as follows: (1) The health interest arises from the sheer interest -in keeping alive. It is expressed in the food interest, the sex -interest, the work interest and includes all the desires which find -satisfaction in the exercise of the powers of the body. (2) The wealth -interest is encompassed in the desire for mastery over things. (3) -The sociability interest is represented at its best by the appetite -for personal interchanges of stimulus of a purely spiritual nature. -(4) The knowledge interest arises from the curiosity impulses. The -limits of its possibilities are expressed in the terms, nescience -and omniscience. (5) The beauty interest secures satisfaction through -an appreciation of the symmetrical phases of material and spiritual -phenomena. (6) The rightness interest traverses the gamut of all other -interests. It results in enjoyment when it secures the sanction of the -individual’s ideal self or of his whole self. - -Each of these interests tends to be absolute.[XXI-10] Each seeks -satisfaction regardless of the others. In consequence, there is a -universal conflict of interests. Moreover, there is a universal -conjunction of interests. The conflict, however, is more spectacular -than the conjunction. In the history of mankind this conflict has been -the predominating relationship. The social process has resolved itself -into a series of reactions between persons some of whose interests -comport, but others of which conflict. Furthermore, the social process -is a continual formation of groups and institutions around interests. -It is a perpetual equating and adjusting of interests;[XXI-11] it is a -rhythm of differentiations and integrations. - -Professor Small points out that struggle and co-operation are always -to a certain extent functions of each other.[XXI-12] Moreover, in -the social process viewed historically, there is a movement “from a -maximum toward a minimum of conflict, from a minimum toward a maximum -of helpful reciprocity.” The social process, thus, is a perpetual -readjustment between the forces which “tend backward toward more -struggle, and those that tend forward toward more socialization.” By a -minimum of conflict, Professor Small does not mean absence of conflict, -for he recognizes that stagnation would result in a society in which -conflict was eliminated. By a maximum of co-operation he does not refer -to a state of complete social solidification, which in turn would mean -stagnation and death. - -The fundamental social problem is to give free scope to those interests -which require the fullest rational development of all other interests. -The social problem is to intellectualize all the interests, and -moreover, to intellectualize the conflict of interests. Hence the -fundamental conflict today is between the knowledge interest and all -other interests.[XXI-13] Socialization, then, becomes the process of -transforming conflict into co-operation. - -Sociology may be said to be the study of human interests, together with -their conflicts and reciprocities. It is an interpretation of human -association in terms of the effective interests of man. It focalizes -within one field of vision all human activities so that the persons -who have the benefit of this outlook may rate their own activities in -relation to the whole. - -In a concrete, specific way Professor Small has presented his theory -of the social process in the book, _Between Eras, From Capitalism to -Democracy_. Here is a vivid picture of the conflict between labor -and capital, with the resultant misunderstandings and injustices. A -young lady, Hector, observes the essential activities of labor and -capital, and as a representative of capital perceives the relationship -which actually exists between herself and one of the working girls. -She receives large dividends, for which she puts nothing into the -productive activities of the corporation. The working girl is paid -low wages, but is giving her life to the industrial concern from -which Hector’s liberal dividends are pouring forth. The main end of -the discussion is an argument for the establishment of the principle -of industrial democracy. Professor Small urges that the employees, -_per se_, be given representation on boards of directors. While this -representation at first will necessarily be a minority one, it will -serve the useful purpose of providing for regular meetings of the -representatives of the employees around the same council table. These -council meetings will enable the representatives of either party in the -bitter labor-capital conflict to become acquainted with the problems -which the opposing group faces. In this interchange Professor Small -sees the rise of a spirit of co-operation which will melt many of the -difficulties that have sprung up in the controversy between capital -and labor.[XXI-14] Although Dr. Small’s _Between Eras_ was published -in 1913, the idea of industrial representation was not considered -seriously in the United States until about 1918. The initial steps -which have thus far been taken toward industrial representation in the -management of business and in the determination of wages, hours, and -conditions of labor, have produced noteworthy co-operative results and -have fully justified Professor Small’s prophetic recommendation for the -solution of a world-disturbing social situation. - -The primordial social group, according to Professor E. A. Ross, is -a band of mothers and their children. In such groupings preliminary -socialization took place. In earliest societies definite principles of -human action made themselves evident.[XXI-15] Domination was one of the -ruling principles. Note for example the domination (1) by parents over -offspring, (2) by old over young, (3) by husband over wife, (4) by men -over women, (5) by the military over the industrial classes, (6) by the -wealthy over the poor. The chief purpose in dominating is to exploit, -that is, to use other individuals as means to one’s own ends.[XXI-16] - -Socialization, or social adaptation, runs the gamut of toleration, -compromise, accommodation, and amalgamation. The simplest form of -co-operation is mutual aid, which, however, is more popular among the -lower classes than among the higher. Socialization, it may be noted -here, has been shown by E. W. Burgess to be the fundamental process in -the determination of social progress.[XXI-17] - -Organization of effort is a specific societal method, which has -developed in society, for getting things done. Organization results -(1) in the accomplishment of ends which are unattainable otherwise, (2) -in arousing a common interest intermittently in all, (3) in dividing a -task into its natural parts, (4) in securing a degree of expertness, -(5) in producing a co-ordinated, intelligent plan, (6) in eliminating -needless duplication of effort.[XXI-18] On the other hand, organization -leads to wastes and abuses, which are: (1) overhead expenses; (2) undue -time devoted to making out reports and similar routine work; (3) a loss -in personal contacts; (4) a tendency to formalism and red tape; (5) an -inflexibility of machinery; (6) a misapplication of power to personal -ends; (7) too much specialization; (8) the organization becomes an end -in itself. - -Socialization, in content, is the development of a we-feeling in a -number of persons, and “their growth in capacity and will to act -together.”[XXI-19] A very simple causal factor of this process is the -age-long custom of giving a banquet, that is, in eating and drinking -together. A consciousness of kind arises which, as Professor Ross -believes, is not the perception of a general resemblance but “an -awareness of likeness or agreement in specific matters.”[XXI-20] -Nationalism, or the process of creating a spirit of national -patriotism, illustrates the meaning of the socialization concept. - -The sociology of L. T. Hobhouse, discussed in part in Chapter XVIII, -is largely an interpretation of society in terms of increasing -co-operation. Professor Hobhouse has defined social progress as -the development of the principle of union, order, co-operation, and -harmony among individuals. He has described a certain mutual interest, -similar to Giddings’ consciousness of kind, which has served to keep -individuals together, from the lowest groups of savages to the highest -civilized groups.[XXI-21] - -The social process, as Professor Cooley analyzes it, is not a series of -futile repetitions or brutal and wasteful conflicts, but an eternal, -onward growth which produces increasingly humane, rational, and -co-operative beings. While the element of conflict is useful in that -it awakens and directs human attention and thus leads to activity, it -is limited by a superintending factor of co-operation and organization -to which the contestants must adjust themselves if they would -succeed.[XXI-22] - -The discussions in this and the preceding chapter have shown that the -natural trend of evolution is away from a pitiless competitive and -destructive social process, and toward a tempered, productive, and -co-operative process. Of course, there are reactionary movements from -time to time which halt the co-operative trend. On the other hand, the -development of reason gradually eliminates the more brutal effects of -conflict. Conflict, however, will always remain, as far as can now be -seen, an essential factor in the processes of individual and societal -growth. Through rational controls, it will operate in the direction and -interest of the co-operative spirit. In the old social order, hate -and the spirit of conflict have ruled. The spirit of co-operation has -often been utilized only for selfish purposes. In the coming social -order love and the co-operative spirit will direct, while the spirit of -conflict will play a vital but secondary rôle. - - - - -CHAPTER XXII - -PSYCHO-SOCIOLOGIC THOUGHT - - -A large number of references have already been made to -psycho-sociologic thought. In origin it may be traced to the primitive -days of the race. The folkways reveal keen psycho-sociologic -observations. Undoubtedly, many phases of the psychic nature of group -activities were known to the leaders of ancient civilizations. Plato -wrote on the importance of custom and custom imitation as a societal -force. Aristotle understood the socio-psychic nature of man when he -observed that property which is owned in common is least taken care -of, and when he declared that a fundamental test of good government -may be found in the attitude of a people toward public service. In his -theory of social attitudes Aristotle made a distinct contribution to -psycho-sociologic thought. - -Thomas More analyzed the causes of human actions. He was a worthy -social psychologist when he protested against heaping punishment upon -human beings, without attempting to understand the causes of criminal -conduct and without seeking to remove the societal causes of such -conduct. Bodin postulated a theory of interests in his explanation of -social evolution. He made the common economic, religious, and other -interests of man the basis of social organization. These interests, -according to Bodin, led primitive families to form a commonality of -organization or government. - -It was Hobbes who believed that man originally was a being of entirely -selfish interests. Man’s interest in others was based on their ability -to cater to his own good. This theory still has strong support; there -are large numbers of individuals who today apparently are living -according to this rule. Nations oftentimes still seem to be motivated -by no higher principle. On the basis of an introspective psychology, -Hobbes made the scientific observation that “he that is going to be a -whole man must read in himself--mankind.” Such a person must not simply -find in himself this or that man’s interests, but the interests of all -mankind. - -George Berkeley (1685–1753), bishop of Cloyne and eminent philosopher, -in his _Principles of Moral Attraction_ attempted to point out the -analogies between the physical and social universe. His work was -stimulated by the discoveries of Isaac Newton. He tried to apply the -Newtonian formulas to society. While his “physical analogies” are of -little value, they represent a stage in the rise of psycho-sociologic -thought. He made the social instinct, or the gregarious instinct, in -society the analogue of the force of gravitation. The centrifugal force -in society is selfishness; and the centripetal, sociability. As the -attractive force of one mass for another varies directly in relation -to the distance between them, so the attraction of individuals for -one another varies directly in proportion to their resemblances. The -physical analogies, however, could not be carried far without being -lost in the realm of absurdity. - -The Scotch philosopher, David Hume, has been called the father of -social psychology because of his splendid analysis of sympathy as a -social force. “Let all the powers and elements of nature conspire to -serve and obey one man, ... he will still be miserable, till you give -him some one person at least with whom he may share his happiness, -and whose esteem and friendship he may enjoy.”[XXII-1] “Whatever -other passions we may be actuated by, pride, ambition, avarice, -curiosity, revenge or lust,--the soul or animating principle of them is -sympathy.”[XXII-2] - -But sympathy is not always limited in its operation to the present -moment. Through sympathy we may put ourselves in the future situation -of any person whose present condition arouses our interest in him. -Moreover, if we see a stranger in danger, we will run to his assistance. - -Vice was defined by Hume as everything which gives uneasiness in -human actions. By sympathy, we become uneasy when we become aware -of injustice anywhere. “Self-interest is the original motive to the -establishment of justice; but a sympathy with public interest is the -source of the moral approbation which attends that virtue.”[XXII-3] -There is a continual conflict between self-interest and sympathy, both -in the individual and between individuals in society. Although at -times this self-interest seems to predominate, “it does not entirely -abolish the more generous and noble intercourse of friendship and good -offices.”[XXII-4] - -Sympathy causes people to be interested in the good of mankind.[XXII-5] -But whatever human factor is contiguous either in space or time has a -proportional effect on the will, passions, and imagination.[XXII-6] It -commonly operates with greater force than any human factor that lies in -a distant and more obscure light. This principle explains why people -often act in contradiction to their interests, and “why they prefer -any trivial advantage that is present to the maintenance of order in -society.” - -In accordance with the analysis of sympathy by Hume, Adam Smith made -sympathy a leading concept in his theory of political economy. Smith -also carried the concept of self-interest, with the resultant conflict -between self-interest and social interest, into nearly all his economic -theories. - -According to Adam Smith there are four classes of people in modern -life. (1) There are those who live by taking rent. They have social -interests but are not socially productive; they grow listless and -careless. (2) There is the class which takes wages. This group is -large, productive, and socially interested, but their widespread lack -of education makes them subject to the passions of the day, and hence -socially useless or even harmful. (3) Those who take profit have -interests at direct variance with the welfare of society. Their selfish -interests become unduly developed; their public attitudes are usually -dangerous to all except themselves. (4) The fourth group is composed -of all who derive a living from serving one or more of the three -afore-mentioned classes. The interests of the three first-mentioned -groups often clash, leading to destructive social conflicts. Despite -this conclusion, Adam Smith was an advocate of _laissez faire_. He -urged that natural laws be allowed to express themselves normally. - -In 1859, Moritz Lazarus and Heymann Steinthal began to contribute -to social thought in the _Zeitschrift für Völker-Psychologie und -Sprachwissenschaft_. They applied psychological methods to the study -of primitive society. In this journal they made notable contributions -concerning the social customs and mental traits of early mankind. -It is in this field, which was discussed in Chapter XVIII, that the -original work of such men as Franz Boas, W. G. Sumner, W. I. Thomas, -and L. T. Hobhouse belongs. Fundamental pioneering in psycho-sociologic -thought was done by Lester F. Ward (see Chapter XVII). Ward opposed -the prevailing belief of his time, and particularly of Herbert -Spencer, that society must continue as it now is going on, namely, an -exhibition of a blind struggle of competitive forces. He not only -perceived the rise of mind out of the obscure processes of social -evolution, but more important still, he noted the part that mind may -play in modifying the course of social forces. Although he considered -the human desires to be the dynamic social elements, he gave to mind, -through its power of prevision, the prerogative of directing the -desires of mankind. Moreover, he pointed out the direction in which -mind could best guide the desires. He urged a sociocracy in which the -desires of the individual are so controlled that they operate only when -in harmony with the welfare of other individuals. For establishing -these fundamental considerations, Ward ranks high in the history of -psycho-sociologic thought. - -The chief founder of social psychology was Gabriel Tarde (1843–1904). -He wrote the first important treatise in the field of the psychology of -society. The _Lois de l’imitation_ established Tarde’s reputation as a -social psychologist, and at the same time aroused the world of thought -to the existence of a new phase of social science. Tarde was a jurist -who inquired into the causes of anti-social conduct. He was greatly -impressed by the observation that criminal acts are committed in -waves. Upon examination of this fact he found imitation to be a potent -factor, and began to analyze the laws of imitation. This study soon -showed that not all is imitation but that much human conduct arises -out of opposition. His analysis of the laws of opposition led him to -the conclusion that imitation and opposition are the bases of a third -social factor, invention. The social process, as he observed it, is -characterized (1) by an ever-widening imitation of inventions, (2) by -the opposition of conflicting circles of imitation, and (3) by the rise -of new inventions (out of these oppositions), which in turn become the -centers of new imitations. Thus, the social process goes on, endlessly -and unconsciously or consciously. To understand society, Tarde believed -that one must understand how minds act and interact. - -Tarde’s work, first presented is _Les Lois de l’imitation_, was -formally developed in his _Logique sociale_, and summarized in his -_Lois sociale_ (English translation, _Social Laws_). Together, these -books constitute a unique social theory. Although Tarde’s approach to -the psychology of society was objective and sociological, and although -he did not give serious attention to the purely psychological nature of -the mind nor to the instinctive bases of conduct, he nevertheless made -a contribution to social thought which is valid and enlightening. - -Society, according to Tarde, is a group of people “who -display many resemblances, produced either by imitation or by -counter-imitation.”[XXII-7] Again, he says that society is “a group of -distinct individuals who render one another mutual services.”[XXII-8] -Societies are groups of people who are organized because of agreement -or disagreement of beliefs.[XXII-9] “Society is imitation.”[XXII-10] -The outstanding element in social life is a psychological process in -which inventions are followed by imitations, which when coming into -inevitable oppositions produce new inventions. - -To the degree that a person is social he is imitative. In the way -that vital, or biological, resemblances are due to heredity, so human -resemblances are caused by imitation. The closer the human resemblances -between individuals, even though they be occupational competitors, -the larger will be the proportion of imitations and the closer the -social relationships. The father will always be the son’s first -model.[XXII-11] A beloved ruler will so fascinate his people that they -will imitate blindly, yea, even be thrown into a state of catalepsy by -him. In such a case imitation becomes a kind of somnambulism.[XXII-12] - -Imitations are characterized by inclines, plateaus, and -declines.[XXII-13] The incline refers to the period of time which an -imitation requires for adoption. The plateau is the length of time -during which an imitation is in force. The decline, of course, has to -do with the passing away of an imitation. Each of these phases are -of varying lengths--dependent upon the operation of almost countless -socio-psychical factors. It is this career through which all imitations -must pass that is the important phase of history.[XXII-14] - -There are two causal factors determining the nature of imitation: -logical, and non-logical.[XXII-15] Logical causes operate when the -imitator adopts an innovation that is in line with the principles -that have already found a place in his own mind. Extra-logical, -or non-logical, imitations are those which are determined by the -adventitious factors of place, date, or birth of the individual. - -The fundamental law of imitation, stated in simplest terms, is that -the superior are imitated by the inferior, for example: the patrician -by the plebeian; the nobleman by the commoner; the beloved by the -lover.[XXII-16] A more accurate statement of the law of imitation is -that “the thing that is most imitated is the most superior one of those -that are nearest.” The term “superior” in all these cases must be -used in the subjective sense, that is to say, that which seems to the -specific individual to be superior, not necessarily that which actually -is the superior, is imitated. - -A country or period of time is democratic if the distance between the -highest and lowest classes is lessened enough so that the highest may -be imitated freely by the lowest.[XXII-17] Democracy will keep the -distance between classes reduced to that minimum where imitation may -operate. - -An important phase of sociology involves the knowledge and control of -imitations.[XXII-18] Sociological statistics should determine (1) “the -imitative power which inheres in every invention at any given time and -place;” and (2) “the beneficial or harmful effects which result from -the imitation of given inventions.” - -Imitation is divided into sets of complementary tendencies; custom -imitation and fashion imitation; sympathy imitation and obedience -imitation; naïve imitation and deliberate imitation.[XXII-19] -Everywhere custom imitation and fashion imitation are embodied in -two parties, divisions, or organizations--the conservative and the -liberal.[XXII-20] - -Through custom imitation, usages acquire autocratic power. They control -habit, regulate private conduct, and define morals and manners with -imperial authority. Usages are frequently extra-logical imitations. -Usages are commonly accepted first by the upper classes. They usually -are related primarily to objects of luxury; they stick tenaciously to -the leisure-time phases of life. Their most favorable _milieu_ is a -social and individual status of ignorance. - -Fashion imitation rules by epochs, for example: Athens under Solon, -Rome under the Scipios, Florence in the fifteenth century.[XXII-21] -These epochs of fashion produce great individualities--illustrious -legislators, and founders of empire. Whenever the currents of fashions -are set free, the inventive imagination is excited and ambitions are -stimulated. - -Fashion imitation has a democratizing influence. A prolonged process -of fashion imitation ends “by putting pupil-peoples upon the same -level, both in their armaments and in their arts and sciences, with -their master people.”[XXII-22] In fact, the very desire to be like the -superior is a latent democratizing force. - -The counterpart of imitation is opposition. Opposition, however, may be -a very special kind of repetition. There are two types of opposition: -interference-combinations and interference-conflicts.[XXII-23] -The first type refers to the coming together of two psychological -quantities of desire and belief with the result that combination -takes place and a total gain is made. The second type refers to -the opposition resulting from incompatible forces. In this case an -individual or social loss is registered. - -From another standpoint, opposition appears in one of three forms, -namely, war, competition, and discussion.[XXII-24] Conflicts often -pass through these three forms, which are obedient to the same law of -development, but in order are characterized by ever-widening areas of -pacification, alternating however with renewals of discord. As war is -the lowest, most brutal form of conflict, discussion is the highest, -most rational form. - -Opposition in human life is society’s logical duel.[XXII-25] This -duel sometimes ends abruptly when one of the adversaries is summarily -suppressed by force. Sometimes a resort to arms brings a military -victory. Sometimes a new invention or discovery expels one of the -adversaries from the social scene. - -The logical result of opposition is invention or adaptation. -“Invention is a question followed by an answer.”[XXII-26] Invention, -or adaptation, at its best is “the felicitous interference of two -imitations, occurring first in one single mind.”[XXII-27] Inventions -grow in two ways: (1) in extension--by imitative diffusion; and (2) -in comprehension--by a series of logical combinations, such as the -combination of the wheel and the horse in the inventions of the -horse-cart.[XXII-28] - -Inventions partially determine the nature of new inventions and new -discoveries. A new invention makes possible other inventions, and so -on. Each invention is the possible parent of a thousand offspring -inventions. - -To be inventive, one must be wide-awake, inquiring, incredulous, not -docile and dreamy, or living in a social sleep. The inventor is one who -escapes, for the time being, from his social surroundings.[XXII-29] -Inventing develops from wanting. A man experiences some want, and in -order to satisfy this want he invents. Inventiveness is contrary in -nature to sheepishness. - -Since an invention is the answer to a problem, inventions are -the real objective factors which mark the stage of progress. But -invention, according to Tarde, becomes increasingly difficult. -Problems naturally grow increasingly complex as the simpler ones -are mastered. Unfortunately, the mind of man is not capable of -indefinite development, and therefore will reach a limit in solving -problems.[XXII-30] At this point, Tarde is on doubtful ground. His -argument can neither be proved nor disproved. Apparently, man’s -ability to solve problems increases with his training and experience in -that connection. Moreover, man appears to be at the very dawn of his -possibilities in the field of invention. He is only beginning to gather -together systematically the materials for inventing, and to understand -slightly the principles of inventing. - -Inventors are imitative.[XXII-31] This statement is but another way -of saying that inventions are cumulative, that they come in droves, -that they are gregarious. A new discovery will arouse the ambition -of many wide-awake persons to make similar discoveries. “There -is in every period a current of inventions which is in a certain -general sense religious or architectural or sculptural or musical or -philosophical.”[XXII-32] - -Invention and imitation represent the chief forces in society.[XXII-33] -Invention is “intermittent, rare, and eruptive only at certain -infrequent intervals.” It explains “the source of privileges, -monopolies, and aristocratic inequalities.” Imitation, on the other -hand, is democratic, leveling, and “incessant like the stream -deposition of the Nile or Euphrates.” At times the eruptions of -invention take place faster than they can be imitated. At other times -imitations flow in a monotonous circular current. - -The contributions of Tarde to social thought have stimulated numerous -investigators to enter the field of social psychology. While Tarde’s -thinking has been severely criticised by the psychologists and -modified by the sociologists, it has opened mines of valuable social -ores. Not the least important consideration was the impetus which the -Tardian thought gave to American writers, such as E. A. Ross.[XXII-34] -Tarde’s name, however, will be long revered for the penetrating way -in which he developed the concept of imitation. Although Walter -Bagehot, an English publicist, in an epoch-stirring book, _Physics and -Politics_, published an important chapter on “Imitation” as early as -1872, it was Tarde’s _Lois de l’imitation_ in 1890 which at once became -the authority on the subject. In the United States, Michael M. Davis, -Jr., has written an excellent summary of Tarde’s socio-psychologic -thought.[XXII-35] As a critical digest of Tardian thought, Dr. Davis’ -_Psychological Interpretations of Society_ is unsurpassed. - -In 1892, Profesor H. Schmidkunz published an elaborate work on the -_Psychologie der Suggestion_. This book is an important pioneer -work. In the English language, the writings of Boris Sidis on the -psychology of suggestion are well-known. Professor E. A. Ross has given -an intensive treatment of the theme in his _Social Psychology_. In -these various discussions, however, the fact is not made clear that -suggestion and imitation are correlative phases of the same phenomenon. -The point, also, is not developed that suggestion-imitation phenomena -are natural products of social situations in which like stimuli -normally produce like responses. - -In 1895, the first book by Gustave Le Bon on crowd psychology was -published. Le Bon has also written on the psychology of revolutions, -of war, and of peoples. He gave a limited definition to the term, -crowds, and then applied the term to nearly all types of group life. -He conceived of crowds as “feeling phenomena.” They are more or less -pathological. Since the proletariat are subject to crowd psychology, -they are untrustworthy and to be rewarded perpetually with suspicion. -A sounder, more synthetic, and historical position concerning the -psychology of groups and of society is taken by G. L. Duprat in _La -Psychologie sociale_. - -Italian contributions in the field of crowd and group psychology are -represented by Paolo Orano’s _Psicologia sociale_, which includes only -a partial treatment of the subject that is indicated by the title; -and by Scipio Sighele’s _La foule criminelle_ and _Psychologie des -sectes_. Permanent groups, according to Sighele (following Tarde), -are either sects, castes, classes, or states.[XXII-36] The sect is a -group of individuals which possesses a common ideal and faith, such as -a religious denomination or a political party. The caste arises from -identity of profession. The class is characterized by a strong unity of -interests. States possess common bonds of language, national values, -and national prestige. - -The concept of “consciousness of kind” was developed by Franklin H. -Giddings in his _Principles of Sociology_ (1896). Consciousness of kind -is the original and elementary subjective fact in society.[XXII-37] -Professor Giddings defines this term to mean “a state of consciousness -in which any being, whether low or high in the scale of life, -recognizes another conscious being as of like kind with itself.” In its -widest meaning, consciousness of kind marks the difference between the -animate and the inanimate. Among human beings it distinguishes “social -conduct” from purely economic or purely religious activity. Around -consciousness of kind, as a determining principle, all other human -motives organize themselves. - -People group together according to the development of the -consciousness of kind in them. Roughly speaking, there are four -such groupings.[XXII-38] (1) The non-social are persons in whom the -consciousness of kind has not yet developed--in whom it finds imperfect -but not degenerate expression, and from whom the other classes arise. -(2) The anti-social, or criminal, classes include those persons in -whom the consciousness of kind is approaching extinction. They detest -society. (3) The pseudo-social, or pauper, classes are characterized -by a degeneration of the genuine consciousness of kind. (4) The social -classes are noted for a high development of the consciousness of kind; -they constitute the positive and constructive elements in society. At -the head of the list are the pre-eminently social. These people devote -their lives and means to the amelioration of society; they are called -the natural aristocracy of the race, the true social élite. - -Consciousness of kind is made possible in part by the operation of -physical factors. Fertility of soil is one of the sources of human -aggregation. Favorable climate makes aggregation possible. Aggregation -of population is either genetic (due to the birth rate) or congregate -(due to immigration). Aggregation leads to association--the proper -_milieu_ for the growth of consciousness of kind. - -Aggregation guarantees social intercourse, which is a mode of conflict. -Conflict, according to Professor Giddings, becomes the basis of social -growth.[XXII-39] Primary conflicts are those in which one adversary -is completely outdone, and hence likely to be crushed, by the other. -Secondary conflict refers to the contests between more or less evenly -balanced forces. Primary conflict is conquest; secondary conflict is -growth. Among people secondary conflict leads to the development of -consciousness of kind through the successive steps of communication, -imitation, toleration, co-operation, alliance. The supreme result -is the production of pre-eminently social classes. Of these various -factors, Professor Giddings particularly stresses imitation. “It is -the factor of imitation in the conflict that gradually assimilates and -harmonizes.”[XXII-40] - -Association reacts upon individuals and produces self-consciousness, -which in turn creates social self-consciousness, or group awareness -of itself. Social self-consciousness is characterized by rational -discussion. With the rise of discussion, social memory, or traditions, -becomes possible. Moreover, a sense of social values arises. Public -opinion springs from the passing of judgment by the members of the -group upon any matters of general interest.[XXII-41] - -Social memory, or traditions, becomes highly differentiated.[XXII-42] -It consists of impressions concerning the tangible world, the -intangible world, and the conceptional world. The traditions in any -field, plus current opinion in that field, form the standards, ideals, -faiths, “isms” of the time. For example, the integration of economic -traditions with current economic opinions is the general standard -of living of the time and place. The integration of the aesthetic -tradition with current criticism is taste, and the modification of a -traditional religious belief by current religious ideas is a faith. - -Inasmuch as consciousness of kind is the psychological basis of social -phenomena, it is natural that the chief social value is the kind -itself, or the type of conscious life that is characteristic of the -society.[XXII-43] The social cohesion is another important social -value. Social cohesion is vital to the unity of any group; therefore -the group is usually willing to make many sacrifices in its own behalf. -The distinctive possessions and properties of the community, such as -territory, sacred or historic places, heroes, ceremonies, constitute -the third class of social values. A fourth group is found in the -general principles which promote the growth of the group; for example, -the principles of liberty, equality, and fraternity. The social values -largely determine the social choices of groups and the nature of social -organizations. - -Professor Giddings develops an interesting theory of the dualism in -social structures. Civilization is marked by the contemporaneous -existence of public and private associations. Civilized society -affords four main sets of dualistic associations: political, juristic, -economic, and cultural. In the political field there are private -political parties and the public association, namely, the government, -or the political party in power. Among juristic associations there -are the privately-organized vigilance committees and the public -associations, such as the police, the courts, the prisons. In the realm -of economics there are private individual entrepreneurs, partnerships, -corporations; and on the other hand, there are the governmentally-owned -railroads, postal service, the water systems, the coinage systems. -In regard to cultural associations we may note the privately endowed -universities and state universities, privately organized churches and -state churches, private charities and public charities. This dualism -in social structure is supported by Professor Giddings on the grounds -that private associations are needed for purposes of initiation, -experimentation, and stimulation; and the public associations serve the -useful purposes of regulation and maintenance of balance among various -contending factors. - -The highest test of social organization is the development of social -personality. An efficient social organization is one which makes its -members “more rational, more sympathetic, with an ever-broadening -consciousness of kind.”[XXII-44] - -In recent works Professor Giddings has developed the concept of -pluralistic behavior. “Any one or any combination of behavior -inciting stimuli may on occasion be reacted to by more than one -individual.”[XXII-45] The character of pluralistic reactions, whether -similar or dissimilar, simultaneous or not, equal or unequal, is -determined by two variables: (1) the strength of the stimulation; (2) -the similarity or dissimilarity of the reacting mechanisms.[XXII-46] -Thus Professor Giddings considers pluralistic behavior the subject -matter of the psychology of society, or sociology. - -In 1897, _Social and Ethical Interpretations_, by J. Mark Baldwin, was -printed; it bears the subtitle of “A Study in Social Psychology.” This -was the first time that the term, social psychology, had appeared in -the title of a book in America, though three years earlier, in 1894, -one of the leading parts of Small and Vincent’s _Introduction to the -Study of Society_ was designated “social psychology” and included a -discussion of social consciousness, social intelligence, and social -volition. Baldwin’s _Social and Ethical Interpretations_ and Giddings’ -_Principles of Sociology_ appeared almost simultaneously, one by a -psychologist and the other by a sociologist. One was written from the -genetic viewpoint, and the other from the objective viewpoint; one -dealt primarily with social psychology, and the other with a psychology -of society; one was built around the concept of the social self, and -the other around the concept of a consciousness of kind. They both -hastened the development of an organic social psychology. - -Professor Baldwin demonstrated that the self is largely a product of -the give-and-take of social life. A child becomes aware of his self by -setting himself off from other selves. It is in group life, that is, in -contact with other selves, that the child develops a self consciousness. - -Moreover, the self is bi-polar. One end of the self-pole is -characterized by what one thinks of himself, and the other end by what -he thinks of other persons.[XXII-47] “The ego and the alter are to our -thought one and the same thing.”[XXII-48] - -People are so much alike because they are imitative. It is imitation -which keeps people alike. Imitation integrates individuals. Imitation -is either (1) a process whereby one individual consciously or -unconsciously copies another individual, or (2) the copying of a model, -that is, adopting a model which arises in one’s own mind.[XXII-49] - -Baldwin found the law of social growth in the particularization by the -individual of society’s store of material, and by the generalization -on the part of society of the individual’s particularizations. The -essence of the first phase of this process is invention and of the -second, imitation. Baldwin considered invention and imitation the two -fundamental processes of social growth. - -In this chapter the strength of the psychological approach to an -understanding of societary processes has been demonstrated. In the -chapter which follows the reader will find further materials, showing -the tremendous vitality of psycho-sociologic thought. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIII - -PSYCHO-SOCIOLOGIC THOUGHT (CONTINUED) - - -In 1902, _Human Nature and the Social Order_ by Professor Charles H. -Cooley was published. This book was at once accepted as an authority -on the integral relationship of the individual self and the social -process. It was followed in 1909 by _Social Organization_, and in -1918 by _Social Process_. The three books constitute a chronological -development of a logical system of psycho-sociologic thought. - -The first volume treats of the self in its reactions to group life; -the second explains the nature of primary groups, such as the family, -playground, and neighborhood, of the democratic mind, and of social -classes; the third analyzes the many elements in the processes by which -society is characterized. The chief thesis of the three volumes is that -the individual and society are aspects of the same phenomenon, and that -the individual and society are twin-born and twin-developed.[XXIII-1] - -An individual has no separate existence. Through the hereditary -and social elements in his life he is inseparately bound up with -society.[XXIII-2] He cannot be considered apart from individuals. Even -the phenomena which are called individualistic “are always socialistic -in the sense that they are expressive of tendencies growing out of -the general life.”[XXIII-3] It is not only true that individuals make -society, but equally true that society makes individuals. - -Professor Cooley has given an excellent presentation of what he calls -the looking-glass self. There are three distinct psychic elements in -this phenomenon: (1) the imagination of one’s appearance to another -person; (2) the imagined estimation of that appearance by the other -person; and (3) a sense of pride or chagrin that is felt by the -first person. The looking-glass self affects the daily life of all -individuals. “We are ashamed to seem evasive in the presence of a -straightforward man, cowardly in the presence of a brave one, gross -in the eyes of a refined one, and so on.”[XXIII-4] Even a person’s -consciousness of himself is largely a direct reflection of the opinions -and estimates which he believes that others hold of him.[XXIII-5] - -Professor Cooley makes a lucid distinction between self consciousness, -social consciousness, and public consciousness. The first is what I -think of myself; the second, what I think of other people; and the -third, a collective view of the self and the social consciousness -of all the members of a group organized and integrated into -a communicating group.[XXIII-6] Moreover, all three types of -consciousness are parts of an organic whole. Even the moral life of -individuals is a part of the organic unity of society. Social knowledge -is the basis of morality. An upward endeavor is the essence of moral -progress. - -The three groups which Professor Cooley has called primary are so -labeled because through them the individual gets “his earliest and -completest experience of social unity.”[XXIII-7] The family, play -groups, and neighborhoods remain throughout life as the experience -bases from which the more complex phases of life receive their -interpretation. - -An unbounded faith in human nature is enjoyed by Professor Cooley. -Human nature comprises those sentiments and impulses which are -distinctly superior to those of the higher animals, such as sympathy, -love, resentment, ambition, the feeling of right and wrong.[XXIII-8] -The improvement of society, according to Professor Cooley, does not -involve any essential change in human nature but rather “a larger and -higher application of its familiar impulses.”[XXIII-9] - -Communication is a fundamental concept in Professor Cooley’s system -of social thought. Communication is “the mechanism through which -human relations exist and develop.”[XXIII-10] Professor Cooley has -pointed out that not only does language constitute the symbols of the -mind, but that in a sense all objects and actions are mental symbols. -Communication is the means whereby the mind develops a true human -nature. The symbols of our social environment “supply the stimulus and -framework for all our growth.” Thus the communication concept furnishes -a substantial basis for understanding the psycho-sociologic phenomena -which are ordinarily called suggestion and imitation. - -Personality has its origin partly in heredity and partly “in the stream -of communication, both of which flow from the corporate life of the -race.” A study of communication shows that the individual mind is not a -separate growth, but an integral development of the general mind. - -The means of communication developed remarkably in the nineteenth -century, chiefly in the following ways: (1) in expressiveness, that -is, in the range of ideas and feelings they are competent to carry; -(2) in the permanence in recording; (3) in swiftness of communication; -and (4) in diffusion to all classes of people.[XXIII-12] Thus society -can be organized on the bases of intelligence and of rationalized and -systematized feelings rather than on authority, autocracy, and caste. - -A free intercourse of ideas, that is, free and unimpeded communication, -will not produce uniformity. Self feeling will find enlarged -opportunities for expression. An increased degree of communication -furnishes the bases for making the individual conscious of the unique -part he can and should play in improving the quality of the social -whole. On the other hand, freedom of communication is tending to -produce “the disease of the century,” namely, the disease of excess, of -overwork, of prolonged worry, of a competitive race for which men are -not fully equipped.[XXIII-13] - -Public opinion, according to Professor Cooley, is not merely an -aggregate of opinions of individuals, but “a co-operative product -of communication and reciprocal influence.”[XXIII-14] It is a -crystalization of diverse opinion, resulting in a certain stability -of thought. It is produced by discussion. Public opinion is usually -superior, in the sense of being more effective, than the average -opinion of the members of the public. - -The masses make fundamental contributions to public opinion, not -through formulated ideas but through their sentiments. The masses -in their daily experiences are close to the salient facts of human -nature. They are not troubled with that preoccupation with ideas which -hinders them from immediate fellowship. Neither are they limited by -that attention to the hoarding of private property which prevents the -wealthy from keeping in touch with the common things of life. - -The striking result of the social process is the development of -personalities. The social process affords opportunities which -individuals, ambitious and properly stimulated, may accept. -Education may perform a useful function in adjusting individuals to -opportunities. But education often fails because it requires too much -and inspires too little; it accents formal knowledge at the expense of -kindling the spirit.[XXIII-15] - -Social stratification hinders.[XXIII-16] It cuts off communication. -It throws social ascendancy into the hands of a stable, communicating -minority. The majority are submerged in the morass of ignorance. -Degrading neighborhood associations, vicious parents, despised racial -connections--these all serve to produce stratification and to hinder -progress. - -Professor Cooley holds that in the social process the institutional -element is as essential as the personal.[XXIII-17] Institutions -bequeath the standard gifts of the past to the individual; they give -stability. At the same time, if rationally controlled they leave energy -free for new conquests. Vigor in the individual commonly leads to -dissatisfaction on his part with institutions. Disorganization thus -arises from the reaction against institutional formalism manifested by -energetic individuals. It may be regarded as a lack of communication -between the individual and the institution. Formalism indicates that in -certain particulars there has been an excess of communication. - -The economic concept of value has long been analyzed in individualistic -terms--the economic desires arise out of “the inscrutable depths of -the private mind.” To this explanation Professor Cooley replies that -economic wants, interests, and values are primarily of institutional -origin; they are socially created. Pecuniary valuations are largely -the products of group conditions and activities. - -It is in a rational public will that Professor Cooley sees the -salvation of the social process. While he repeatedly expresses a -large degree of faith in human nature as it is, he looks forward to -a day, rather remote, when communication and education will enable -all individuals to take a large grasp of human situations and on the -basis of this grasp to express effectual social purposes. Unconscious -adaptation will be superseded by the deliberate self-direction of every -group along lines of broadening sympathy and widening intellectual -reaches. - -Professor Cooley has earned the title of a sound, sane, and deep -sociological thinker. His contributions to social thought are found in -his lucid descriptions of the social process from which personalities -and social organizations arise, in his keen analysis of communication -as the fundamental element in progress, and in his emphasis upon -rational control through standards. - -The year 1908 is a red letter year in the history of socio-psychologic -thought. In that year two important treatises appeared, one written by -William McDougall and the other by Edward Alsworth Ross. The former -was developed from the psychological standpoint; the latter, from the -sociological point of view. - -Mr. McDougall considers social psychology largely as a study of the -social instincts of individuals; Professor Ross concentrates attention -upon the suggestion and imitation phases of societal life. In a sense -Professor Ross begins his analysis where Mr. McDougall concludes. - -Mr. McDougall treats the instincts as the bases of social life. -He makes them the foundation of nearly all individual and social -activities.[XXIII-18] Instincts are biologically inherited; they cannot -be eradicated by the individual. Instincts constitute the materials out -of which habits are made. Consciousness arises only when an instinct or -a habit (that is, a modified instinct) fails to meet human needs. - -The primary instincts are the sex and parental, the gregarious, -curiosity, flight, repulsion. Each is accompanied by its peculiar -emotion, for example, the instinct of flight by the emotion of -fear, the instinct of curiosity by the emotion of wonder. This -instinct-emotion theory is, however, drawn out until it seems to become -academic rather than actual in its details. - -Professor McDougall points out that the instincts are the basic -elements upon which all social institutions are built.[XXIII-19] For -example, the sex and parental instincts are the foundations of the -family; the acquisitive instinct is an essential condition of the -accumulation of material wealth and of the rise of private property as -an institution. Pugnaciousness leads to war. - -This emphasis upon the instincts reaches an extreme form in W. -Trotter’s _Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War_, where the herd -instinct is made all-dominant. According to Mr. Trotter the herd -instinct arouses fear in the individual and rules him through rigorous -conventional means--in a large percentages of cases to his detriment. - -In conjunction with his theory of instincts, Professor McDougall has -advanced a noteworthy conception of the sentiments. The three leading -expressions of sentiment are love, hate, and respect. Sympathy is -regarded as an elemental sentiment, in fact, as an emotion in its -simplest form. A sentiment is “an organized system of emotional -tendencies centered about some object.” The sentiments comprise an -important phase of the self, and function powerfully in determining -social conduct. - -It was in 1901 that Professor E. A. Ross made his initial contribution -to psycho-sociologic thought--seven years before his _Social -Psychology_ was published. His first great work was _Social Control_. -In this excursus he defined social psychology as the study of “the -psychic interplay between man and his environing society.”[XXIII-20] -This interplay is two-fold: the domination of society over the -individual (social ascendancy); and the domination of the individual -over society (individual ascendancy). Social ascendancy may be either -purposeless (social influence) or purposeful (social control). Social -psychology, according to Professor Ross, deals with psychic planes and -currents; it does not treat of groups, which is a part of the preserve -of psychological sociology. - -The psycho-sociologic grounds of control are found in such factors as -sympathy, sociability, an elemental sense of justice, and particularly -in group needs. There are individuals whose conduct exasperates the -group. “In this common wrath and common vengeance lies the germ of a -social control of the person.”[XXIII-21] - -Perhaps the best part of Professor Ross’ discussion of social control -is his analysis of the agents of control.[XXIII-22] Public opinion -and law are the two most important means of controlling individuals. -The weakness of one, in this connection, is its fitfulness; of the -other, its rigidity. Personal beliefs and ideals function widely and -effectively because of their subjective character. An individual may -escape the operation of law; he can hide away from the winds of public -opinion; but he cannot get away from his own ideas and conscience. -It is for this reason that religious convictions are powerful. Art -as a means of social control is commonly underrated. It arouses -the passions, kindles sympathies, creates a sense of the beautiful -and perfects social symbols, such as Columbia, La Belle France, -Britannia.[XXIII-23] - -Systems of social control are political or moral.[XXIII-24] The -political form is more or less objective, is likely to be in the hands -of a few, is apt to be used for class benefit. The ethical arises from -sentiment rather than from utility; it is more or less subjective; it -permeates the hidden recesses of life. The ethical system is usually -mild, enlightening and suasive “rather than bold and fear-engendering.” -Individuals are ordinarily aware of political control, but the -far-reaching influences of ethical control they little suspect. - -The two most difficult problems for society to solve in connection with -social control are these: (1) what measures of control may be best -imposed; and (2) how these measures should be imposed.[XXIII-25] The -variety of disciplines which society may use varies from epithets to -capital punishment. The methods vary from the democratic one of social -self-infliction to the direct autocratic procedure. Too much control -produces either stagnation or revolution, depending on the amount of -energy the rank and file may possess. Too little control leads to -anarchy, or at least to a reign of selfishness. A paternal social -control may cause resentment or a crushing of self-respect. - -Suggestion and imitation are social elements that Professor Ross has -described in detail.[XXIII-26] He has demonstrated that the more -gregarious species are more suggestible than the species whose members -are more or less solitary; that southern races are more suggestible -than northern races, because of the different climatic effects upon -temperament; that children are more suggestible than adults, because -children possess a small store of facts and an undeveloped ability to -criticize; that people of a nervous temperament are more suggestible -than persons who are phlegmatic, because of difference in sensibility; -that women are more suggestible than men, because they have not had -the broadening influences which men have enjoyed, such as “higher -education, travel, self-direction, professional pursuits, participation -in intellectual and public life.”[XXIII-27] - -The laws of imitation, particularly of fashion imitation and -rational imitation, which M. Tarde was the first to outline, have -been elucidated and illustrated by Professor Ross. He has cut boldly -into the shams of fashion, convention, and custom, and made a strong -plea for rationality in these fields. He has shown how mob mind, -the craze, and the fad sweep not simply the foolish and lightheaded -individuals off their feet, but also the persons who are counted as -sane and acquainted with common sense. In fact, he has made clear -that even the most level-headed are blindly or slavishly governed by -custom or fashion or both. He does not develop, however, the fact -that imitation is largely a result of like-mindedness and common -social stimuli. He implies an individual rather than a group origin of -suggestion-imitation phenomena. - -It is in discussion that Professor Ross sees one of the main hopes of -progress.[XXIII-28] Discussion brings conflicts to a head, and leads -to group progress. Discussion changes a person’s opinions. Adequate -discussion leads to the settlement of a conflict and the creation of -an established public opinion, which remains in force until a new -invention occurs, a resultant conflict ensues, and a new public opinion -comes into power. - -In 1920, Professor Ross made his largest and most important -contribution to social thought in his _Principles of Sociology_. This -work, however, is essentially a treatise in social psychology. The -original social forces are the human instincts, notably the fighting -instinct, the gregarious instinct, the parental instinct, the curiosity -instinct. The derivative social forces are societal complexes which -tend to satisfy instinctive cravings. Professor Ross’ classification -of the derivative social forces, or interests, is primarily fourfold. -These fundamental interests are wealth, government, religion, and -knowledge. This classification contains only two, or at best three, -of the six groups of interests which are found in Professor Small’s -exhibit.[XXIII-29] - -Professor Ross’ analysis of the process of socialization has been -indicated in Chapter XXI. This phenomena is to be sharply distinguished -from ossification, which is the hardening of social life into -rigid forms.[XXIII-30] Groups often become unduly solidified. The -salvation of such a situation lies in individuation, which is a -process of pulverizing social lumps and releasing the action of their -members.[XXIII-31] Any movement that develops that spirit of personal -liberty leads to individuation. - -“Commercialization is the increasing subjection of any calling or -function to the profits motive.”[XXIII-32] The various factors which -hold the profits motive in check are: (1) pleasure in creative -activity; (2) pride in the perfection of one’s product; (3) the desire -to live up to accepted standards of excellence; (4) abhorrence of sham -in one’s work; (5) interest in the welfare of the customer; (6) the -social service motive. The profits motive, however, receives support -from many social tendencies, notably: (1) the increasing distance -between producer and consumer; (2) the growing differentiation between -principals and subordinates; (3) the increasing importance of capital -in the practice of an art or occupation. - -Professor Ross has set forth a valuable exhibit of the canons of social -reconstruction.[XXIII-33] (1) Reforms must not do violence to human -nature. (2) They must square with essential realities. (3) They should -be preceded by a close sociological study of the situation which it is -planned to change. (4) Reforms should be tried out on a small scale -before being adopted on a large scale. (5) A reform should be the -outcome of a social movement. (6) Under a popular government, reforms -should move according to legal and constitutional methods. - -In regard to the improvement of social institutions, Professor Ross -rests his argument on the importance of standards. “Standards are, -perhaps, the most important things in society.”[XXIII-34] Although -invisible and intangible they reveal, better than anything else, the -quality of a society. - -The current standards of the family may be improved through imparting -sound ideals of marriage, through fixing these ideals everywhere in -social tradition, and through making “the social atmosphere frosty -toward foolish and frivolous ideals of marriage.”[XXIII-35] Young -people may well be taught to look upon divorce as a moral shipwreck. -Loyalty to the state or society has its origin in the obedience of -children to parents in the family. A sound family life, thus, is rated -by our author as the bulwark of society. - -In regard to industry, it is pointed out that the principle of -the sovyet is associated in an entirely accidental way with -Bolshevism.[XXIII-36] The sovyet may well be judged on its own merits. -The principle upon which citizens may be grouped for purposes of -securing representation in government is not yet settled. Is a given -geographical area a better unit for securing representation than -occupational areas? - -State socialism is objected to by Professor Ross on the grounds that it -leaves the citizens so remote “from that which most vitally concerns -him, viz., the regulation of the industry in which he works, that his -yearly vote may be a mere fribble and he little better than a state -serf.”[XXIII-37] Guild socialism, on the other hand, urges that each -branch of industry shall organize itself democratically, and that -the state shall be organized not with provinces and localities as -semi-autonomies but with industries exercising a degree of autonomy. -Our author endorses the general shift which is occurring at the present -time from the coercive side to the service side of industrial life. - -Professor Ross has deduced several important sociological principles -of general import. These he calls the principle of anticipation, the -principle of simulation, the principle of individualization, and the -principle of balance. - -By the principle of anticipation, he means that a known policy of -an institution will come to be anticipated by the members of the -institution and will result in modifying behavior.[XXIII-38] Unfair -advantage is often taken of people on the basis of this principle. -For example, children frequently count on favor and leniency. The -false beggar’s whine is often effective. It is in this connection that -genuine social reform differs from a common conception of charity, for -the former method fits people to run, clears their course, and incites -them to make the race,[XXIII-39] while the latter fails to render -assistance of permanent value. - -The principle of simulation refers to the common tendency of “the -unworthy to simulate every type or trait which has won social approval, -in order to steal prestige from it.”[XXIII-40] Commercial competition -has produced adulterations, misbrandings, counterfeiting. There is the -professional athlete, who sometimes poses as a sincere enthusiast for -physical development. Politicians are often expert dissemblers. - -The principle of individualization refers to giving individuality -a reasonable chance for growth. As society grows more complex, -institutions more ossified, and life more standardized, the average -individual is increasingly in danger of being crushed; at least, his -opportunities for self-expression grow more slim. There is need of -constant vigilance in education in allowing for individual differences, -in industry for safeguarding the laborer in expressing his personality -in his work, in government in permitting free discussion. - -The principle of balance is stated by Professor Ross as follows: “In -the guidance of society each social element should share according -to the intelligence and public spirit of its members and none should -predominate.”[XXIII-41] There has been in the past, and even now -there is in all countries, a bitter struggle taking place between -classes apparently on the basis that some one class should rule all -the other classes. Society has suffered immeasurably in this way. -Sometimes society has been the victim of the rulership of the dead, -of the rulership of masculinism, of clericalism, of militarism, -of commercialism, of legalism, of leisure class ascendancy, of -intellectualism, of proletarianism, but always by one class lording it -over the weaker classes until some one of the weaker classes acquires -strength enough to overthrow the class in power. - -The socio-psychological thought of Professor Ross has penetrated -the farthermost reaches of human life. It has been stated in -lucid, stimulating language. It has commanded the attention of -socially-thinking persons in many lands. It has defined the field of -sociology, giving the psychological approach. - -Special attention may be given to the concept of “the great society” as -used by Graham Wallas. The Great Society is a name for current human -society, the product of mechanical inventions, industrial production, -commercial expansion, democratic evolution--highly organized and -intricately complex. It is ruled, in the main, by men “who direct -enormous social power without attempting to form a social purpose,” and -it is composed to a surpassing degree of individuals who recognize the -power of society but dimly and who often treat society with distrust -and dislike.[XXIII-42] - -Mr. Wallas substitutes organization for organism as a fundamental -social concept. He makes a distinction between thought organizations, -will organizations, and happiness organizations. Thought organizations -are those institutions in society whose main function is the -organization of thought, such as discussion groups, ranging from a -philosophical club to an ordinary committee that is called together -to plan new legislation. At this point Mr. Wallas asserts that he -has attended perhaps 3000 meetings of municipal committees, of -different sizes and for different purposes, and that he is sure that -at least half of the men and women with whom he has sat “were entirely -unaware that any conscious mental effort on their part was called -for.”[XXIII-43] They attended in the same spirit that many persons -attend church, namely, in the spirit that if they merely attend they -are doing their duty, and that some good must come of it. - -Will organization comes into existence because of imperfect social -machinery. In industry three types of will organizations are striving -for mastery--the institution of private property, represented by -the individualists; the state, represented by collectivists; labor -organizations, represented perhaps by syndicalists. There is urgent -need for “the invention of means of organizing the conflicting wills of -individuals and classes within each nation more effective than reliance -upon any single ‘principle,’ whether representation, property, or -professionalism.”[XXIII-44] - -The organization of happiness has not proceeded far. Efficiency has -supplanted happiness as a modern god. The ideal of making money has -shadowed the ideal of making people happy. A social system organized on -the basis of happiness avoids both destitution and superfluity, employs -the Mean as the standard for the representation of all social interests -as well as for all faculties of individuals, avoids the Extreme in all -things.[XXIII-45] - -The writings of Charles A. Ellwood deal particularly with that part of -sociological thought which rests upon psychological theory. Professor -Ellwood defines a society as “a group of individuals carrying on a -collective life by means of mental interactions.”[XXIII-46] As a -result of mental interactions, co-ordination or co-adaptation of the -activities of the members is effected. - -The psychological basis of social interactions is found in such -characteristics of the individual as spontaneity, instincts, -emotions, consciousness, mind. Organisms possess spontaneity, that -is, movements are set up in them without the apparent aid of external -causes.[XXIII-47] The organism, however, is dependent largely upon -the environment for the development of its potentialities, “but the -essential ground for the beginning of its activities lies within--in -its own organic needs.” Instincts, the product of natural selection, -represent preformed neurological pathways that developed “in response -to the demands of previous life conditions.” The emotions, also -hereditary, are complexes of feelings and sensations. The desires are -complex combinations of feelings and impulses which are accompanied by -an awareness of the objects that will satisfy the impulse.[XXIII-48] -Consciousness develops to solve problems which the instincts cannot -meet. At first, consciousness is largely a selective activity. It -develops, however, into a highly complex agency for mastering the -problems of life and the universe. Mind is a product of the social -life-process. It has arisen under conditions of association. - -One of the most fundamental phases of the associational process -is communication. The need of acting together has given rise to -intercommunicative symbols. - -Professor George H. Mead has given a thoroughgoing discussion of -communication, language, and the consciousness of meaning.[XXIII-49] -He begins with a social situation, where the actions of one person -serve as stimulations to other persons, whose responses in turn -act as stimulations to the first person. Thus life is a series of -actions, stimulations, responses, resultant stimulations--these -activities constitute gestures or symbols with meanings. Symbols and -the consciousness of meaning of these symbols are the main elements in -communication. - -Communication, says Professor Ellwood, is “a device to carry on -a common life-process among several distinct, though psychically -interacting, individual units.”[XXIII-50] This definition probably -emphasizes unduly the “individual units,” which are doubtless a -product, in part, of the stream of social life. Suggestion is an -elemental, but quick form of communication, related in its simpler -phases to sympathetic emotion. Imitation is a common mechanism whereby -actions and ideas spread. Communication in the form of oral and written -language is the chief mechanistic factor in securing social change. - -The contention of Ward that primitive man was anti-social is refuted by -Professor Ellwood, who points out that according to social anthropology -the so-called anti-social traits of earliest man are not found fully -developed among “savages” but among people of later ages. Primitives -were characterized by a narrow sociality, confined largely to the -family and small groups.[XXIII-51] - -Professor Ellwood’s theory of social change is of a two-fold character: -unconscious and conscious,--the former being characteristic of the -lower stages of social evolution, and the latter, increasingly -characteristic of the higher stages.[XXIII-52] The forms of unconscious -social change are manifold. - -Natural selection tends to crush and destroy the weaker individuals -and the weaker groups. Another type of unconscious social change is -that which comes through a gradual disuse of certain cultural elements. -One generation fails to copy the preceding in all particulars. Another -set of sources of unconscious social change is found in the shifting -relationships between individuals that is produced by “the increase of -population, a new physical environment, a new cultural contact, a new -discovery or a new invention.” In fact, Professor Ellwood states that -all social changes start in an unconscious way.[XXIII-53] - -Conscious change begins with the awareness on the part of one or more -individuals that some social habit is not functioning well. Through -communication, this awareness spreads from individual to individual. -Discussion ensues. At first, discussion is largely critical of the -unsatisfactory social situation. The useless or harmful elements in the -situation receive first attention. As discussion proceeds, it takes on -a more constructive nature, that is, it becomes projective, planful, -positive. It suggests a change to be made. It becomes transformed into -a more or less stable public opinion, demanding a substitution of a -proposed way of doing for the old. The chief elements in guaranteeing -conscious readjustments are free communication, “free public -criticism, free discussion, untrammeled formation of public opinion, -free selection of social policies and social leaders.”[XXIII-54] The -selective process in conscious social change is public opinion, whose -social function it is to mediate in the transition from one social -habit to another. - -Conscious social change in Western Civilization is endangered on one -hand by an excessive individualism, and on the other by a socialism -which threatens to suppress individual initiative and to underemphasize -the rôle of mental and moral character. Professor Ellwood urges the -importance of an education which will socialize the individual and at -the same time develop a high type of personal character. - -Social change, also, takes place under socially abnormal conditions, -so long as societies fail to keep “a high degree of flexibility -in their habits and institutions.”[XXIII-55] Autocratic rulers, -propertied classes, ecclesiastical classes, special groups in power, -a general intellectual stagnation, are factors which tend to resist -institutional flexibility. If this adaptability does not exist, then -social conditions will produce revolutions. If the ruling autocracy -is so powerful that the lives of all objectors are snuffed out, then -revolution is indefinitely postponed. If the energetic forces within -a society are hampered greatly in securing constructive opportunities -for expression, they become forces of discontent and agents of revolt. -If a revolution comes, then much that is worthy in social organization -will be obliterated along with the unworthy, confusion will reign and a -reversion to the brutal stages of societal life is easily possible. - -In his discussion of “the social problem,” Professor Ellwood points -out that the good fruits of the World War are in danger of being -destroyed by “the blindness and selfishness of some in our socially -privileged classes, the fanatic radicalism and class hatred of some -of the leaders of the non-privileged.”[XXIII-56] The forces which -are combining against making the world safe for democracy today are -national imperialism, commercialism, materialistic standards of life, -class conflicts, religious agnosticism, and a reckless attitude toward -marriage and the family.[XXIII-57] The social problem, from one angle, -becomes the problem of training people to live together justly, -constructively, and co-operatingly. - -As Turgot indicated, the only way to avert social revolution is -through suitable and well-timed reforms. Today, the reforms most -urgently needed are three-fold: the substitution of an unselfish -internationalism for a selfish nationalism, of a spiritual civilization -for a rampant materialism, and of a socialized human race for -individualized peoples. To bring about these changes is a gigantic -task, namely _the_ social problem. - -Civilization is a complex of social values. Professor Ellwood’s -classification of values is widely different from the analysis that -Professor Giddings has made (given in the preceding chapter). According -to Professor Ellwood, western civilization is represented by the -following groups of social values historically derived: (1) a set -of spiritual and ethical values, described by the ancient Hebrews; -(2) a set of esthetic and philosophic concepts from the Greeks; (3) -a set of administrative and legal forms of Roman origin; (4) a set -of personal liberty beliefs of early Teutonic derivation; (5) a -scientific spirit and technique, originating during the Renaissance; -(6) economic efficiency, born of the industrial revolution; and -(7) an extensive group of humanitarian values, the product of the -nineteenth century. This vast and complicated Western Civilization -needs, however, to remove from its structure the three “rotten pillars” -of hyper-individualism, materialism, and selfish nationalism, -substituting for each its spiritualized and socialized counterpart. - -The nature of social control, according to the analysis by Professor -E. C. Hayes, is “to secure the completed and most harmonious -realization of good human experience, regarded as an end in -itself.”[XXIII-58] Social control should prevent activities which do -not bear the test of reason, and should elicit those which stand that -test, when judged by their own intrinsic value and by their effect -upon other values. This statement of the purpose of social control is -similar to that of other standard interpretations of the matter. - -There are two types of social control.[XXIII-59] The first is control -by sanctions, and the second by social suggestion, sympathetic -radiation, and imitation. Social sanctions refer to proffered rewards -and threatened punishments. Professor Hayes, however, makes not law -but personality the ultimate basis of social order. Repression of -crime is a correct social procedure but of a distinctly lower grade -than the movement to raise the moral character of those who never go -to prison. _The_ problem of social control is to take the instinctive -tendencies of each individual when he is young and make them over into -a disposition that is characterized by the four following traits: -(1) reliability, or honesty; (2) controlled animalism, or temperance -regarding eating, drinking, and other animal propensities; (3) -steadiness in endeavor; (4) the social spirit, or justice.[XXIII-60] - -Professor Hayes’ statement on the agencies of social control is similar -in purport to the list that Professor Ross has given. Education is -considered the chief agency of social control. Education can determine -the direction of ambition; education can shift the emphasis in social -valuations. Professor Hayes recognizes the import of heredity and how -the degree of individual achievement is “more dependent upon heredity -than upon the directions of effort.” Society, however, has the power -to decide which of its members shall develop as far as their potential -abilities will permit, and also the power to determine the direction -the activities of its members shall take.[XXIII-61] - -Among educational agencies of control the family ranks first.[XXIII-62] -The power of the family at its best in building personality is -comparable to the influence in this connection of all other agencies -combined. The profession of mother-work is more important to society -than any other profession. - -The social psychology of business enterprise, of the leisure classes, -of the machine process, of industry and workmanship have been indicated -by Thorstein Veblen. The unique, incisive work of Mr. Veblen is -presented in several books, chief of which are his _Theory of the -Leisure Class_, _Theory of Business Enterprise_, and _Instinct of -Workmanship_. Mr. Veblen’s ideas can best be illustrated by referring -to his “canons.” - -The Canon of Pecuniary Emulation describes the restless straining of -certain individuals in society to outdo one another in the possession -of wealth.[XXIII-63] Such possession is interpreted as conferring honor -on its possessor. Wealth becomes intrinsically honorable. The Canon of -Pecuniary Beauty refers to the impression that things are beautiful in -proportion as they are costly.[XXIII-64] The marks of expensiveness -come to be regarded as beautiful features. - -The Canon of Conspicuous Consumption is a term which describes a -method of showing off one’s wealth by an elaborate consumption of -goods.[XXIII-65] Conspicuous consumption is seen more in matters of -dress than in any other line of consumption. The Canon of Conspicuous -Leisure is the rule which some people are following when they live -a life of leisure as the readiest and most conclusive evidence of -pecuniary strength.[XXIII-66] Sometimes a man keeps his wife frittering -her time away in a doll’s house in order to show his wealth status. - -The Canon of Leisure Class Conservatism is Veblen’s label for the -conservative tendencies of the wealthy. Those whom fortune has greatly -favored are likely to be content with things as they are. Such people -are averse to social change, for social innovation might upset their -comfortable existence. They have a dominant material interest in -letting things alone. - -Mr. Veblen’s Canon of Pecuniary Efficiency means that many persons -conceive of efficiency largely in terms of price. The person who -can induce his fellows to pay him well is accounted efficient and -serviceable.[XXIII-67] The man who gains much wealth at little cost is -rated high in his neighbor’s esteem. The investor who at the turn of -his hand reaps $100,000 in a stock or bond deal is praised widely. In -other words, there is a common tendency to rate people high in direct -proportion to the amount of money that they are able to extract from -the aggregate product. - -The Canon of Bellicoseness refers to the enthusiasm for war which the -hereditary leisure class displays. The very wealthy, not being obliged -to work for a living, find that time drags. Therefore, they seek -excitement and relief from ennui, and find these conditions in various -things, especially in war. - -The Canon of Pecuniary Education covers the tendency to demand -“practical” education, which, upon examination, is education that will -guarantee individual success. “Success,” for which education is to fit -young people, turns out to be, in the eyes of the practical man, a -pecuniary success. “Practical” means useful for private gain. The test -that many persons would give to a course in education is this: Will -it help one to get an income? The Canon of Pecuniary Thinking denotes -that many occupations lead to habits of pecuniary thought. For numbers -of people the beginning and end of their more serious thought is of a -pecuniary nature. - -The Canon of Machine Process Thinking is that mechanical employments -produce a type of thinking that is based more or less on material -cause and effect. The Machine knows neither morality nor dignity nor -prescriptive right. The machine process laborers, working in a world of -impersonal cause and effect, “are in danger of losing the point of view -of sin.” - -Professor Veblen has developed the concept of the instinct of -workmanship at considerable length. According to this contention, it -is natural for individuals to do, to construct, to achieve, to work. -Through activity the individual expresses himself and, in so doing, -develops, and attains happiness. Every individual is a center of -unfolding impulsive activity; he is possessed of a taste for effective -work.[XXIII-68] Labor acquires a character of irksomeness by virtue of -the indignity that is falsely imputed to it by a hereditary leisure -class.[XXIII-69] It was the instinct of workmanship which brought the -life of mankind from the brute to the human plan. - -The contributions of Mr. Veblen to social thought are always of a -thought-provoking nature. Sometimes they give rise to invidious -comparisons, often they antagonize, but as a rule, they are unique. No -brief reference such as is given in the foregoing paragraphs can do -justice to Mr. Veblen’s pungent criticisms of societal foibles. - -It would be a decidedly incomplete treatment of the nature of -psycho-sociologic thought that did not make reference to the work of -George Elliott Howard, political scientist, historian, sociologist, -but above all, social psychologist. In each of the fields in which Dr. -Howard has achieved fame, his method of approach is psychological. He -has prepared an excellent outline of the field of social psychology, -together with a scholarly bibliography of the same. Perhaps the best -way to treat Professor Howard’s socio-psychologic thought, is to give a -sample of it, as found in his address before the American Sociological -Society when he was president of that body. The theme was, “Ideals -as a Factor in the Future Control of International Society.” This -_magnum opus_ served as an excellent introduction to the series of -papers on the subject of social control which were read at the annual -meeting of the Sociological Society in 1918, and which have been -published together with the presidential address as Volume XII of the -Publications of the Society. - -By social control, Professor Howard means the standard conception of -the “ascendency of the social consciousness.”[XXIII-70] In the same -volume, however, Professor Carl Kelsey interprets social control as -“the organization and utilization of our wealth and citizens for -private purposes.”[XXIII-71] Professor Hutton Webster is inclined -to believe that the main feature of primitive social control is -“the superstitious fear of the new.”[XXIII-72] Professor F. Stuart -Chapin sees the essential element of primitive social ascendency in -the pressure upon the individual of social conditions, customs, and -conventions.[XXIII-73] Without giving additional interpretations of -social control, the reader will be referred directly to Volume XII of -the Publications as the best symposium that is available on the subject. - -In discussing ideals as a phase of international control, Professor -Howard makes clear that certain ideals exert a baneful influence. -The ideal of the nation-state appears to be unmoral if not -immoral.[XXIII-74] Of four prevailing standards of ethics, namely, -personal morality, business morality, national morality for home -consumption, and “standards of international morality for use with -outlanders,” the scale is descending, and the fourth type is the -lowest. Nationalisms have been overdeveloped--at the expense of a -needed internationalism. - -Another false ideal of which society needs to rid itself is its -conception of the function of war and militarism. War is not a good in -itself. War as war is not heroic. Race values constitute a third false -ideal. “Every race deems itself superior to every other race and every -race is mistaken.”[XXIII-75] Race conceit is contrary to the Christian -ideal and has steadily been supplanted by the new doctrine of the -potential equality of all races. - -The ideal of democracy, on the other hand, rings true to the needs of -progress. It makes for peace. Democracy, however, must rid itself of -blemishes. Hereditary and class privilege must be abolished; political -corruption and race riots must be defeated; woman, “the original social -builder, the mother of industry, the first inventor of the arts of -peace,” must be granted a full voice in social control. - -The ideal of education is exceedingly delicate, for it involves the -process of the changing of ideals. Education may prepare a people to -admire autocracy or to build a self-governing democracy. - -Dr. Howard enters a strong plea for social idealism--the most effective -that has yet been written.[XXIII-76] “The idealist is the inspired -social architect, who dreams a plan for the sanitary or moral cleansing -of a great city; the campaign for purging politics of graft; a law -for saving little children from the tigerish man of the factory or -the sweatshop; a referendum for banishing from the commonwealth the -saloon, that chief breeder of pauperism, sin, and crime; a conference -for the rescuing from the hands of predacious greed, for the use of -the whole people, of the remnant of our country’s natural wealth. The -idealist is the statesman--the head of a nation--who dreams a scheme -for safeguarding democracy and guaranteeing peace throughout the world.” - -It is evident from the introduction to the history of psycho-sociologic -thought that has been given in this and the preceding chapter, -supported by the materials in the chapters on social conflict and -social co-operation concepts, that psycho-sociologic thought holds -a place of first rank in the field of sociology. It bids fair to -become the central force in social thinking and to lead the social -sciences. It deals with the most vital social concepts, namely, groups, -personality, behavior, conflict, co-operation, and process. Of all the -main approaches to an understanding of societary problems, it promises -most. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIV - -THE TREND OF APPLIED SOCIOLOGY - - -In the preceding chapters the discussions have dealt primarily with the -philosophic and psychologic phases of social thought. Another important -phase of our field is applied sociology. The hosts of individuals who -have been engaged in dealing directly with societal problems have -learned valuable lessons from their personal experiences. Sometimes -they have labored according to false theories; often they have scorned -theories entirely. At the other extreme, the world has often accepted -fine theories, but made a pitiable spectacle of itself in falling away -from its idealistic professions. - -As the term implies, applied sociology treats of techniques for -improving the quality of human living. The best techniques have been -developed experimentally, but by persons who have combined a high -estimate of social theory with practical programs of activity. The -useful concept of social technology, a more accurate term perhaps than -applied sociology, was given to society by Charles R. Henderson, whose -balanced thinking, sane judgment, and important ameliorative activities -made him the founder of this branch of sociological science. Dr. -Henderson’s name is synonymous with a practical interpretation of -both democracy and Christianity, with the spirit of vigorous yet -kindly reformation in penology, with the concept of prevention in -philanthropic endeavors, and with justice and love in all the fields of -human achievement. There are many other important names in the list of -those persons who helped to found applied sociology; for example, such -individuals as Canon Barnett, Arnold Toynbee, Jacob Riis, Jane Addams, -and many other social welfare saints. - -Poverty and crime have been the two chief phenomena with which welfare -work has been concerned. Until the present century the attempts to meet -the problems of poverty have been largely remedial. Jesus said that the -poor are always present in any age of society. St. Francis of Assisi, -tiring of monastery life, sought out the poor in the natural walks of -life, and dedicated himself in their behalf. - -For centuries England has experimented with solutions for the problems -of poverty and pauperism. She has learned that when she cares too -assiduously for the poor she encourages the spirit of pauperism and -increases the numbers of dependents. When she provided liberal aid for -illegitimate children, she found that illegitimacy was furthered. - -England has had a series of important literary leaders who have -interested themselves in behalf of the poor and outcast. Dickens -drew minute word pictures of poverty. Carlyle, the iconoclast and -individualist, pierced repeatedly the shams of society which are partly -responsible for the perpetual existence of social misery. In beautiful -diction Ruskin spoke in behalf of social justice. In similar fields, -France has her Hugo and Balzac; Germany, her Hauptmann; Russia, her -Tolstoi and Gorky; Scandinavia, her Bjornson, Ibsen, and Strindberg. -Individuals of this type, however, cannot be considered social -technologists. They have directed public opinion to specific social -problems, but rarely offered technological programs of practical value. - -Since 1900, the leaders in social technology, such as C. R. -Henderson,[XXIV-1] Sidney and Beatrice Webb,[XXIV-2] and E. T. -Devine,[XXIV-3] have made clear the specific conditions under which -the poor may be permanently aided.[XXIV-4] Remedial care will always -be necessary, but it must be offered in ways that will not encourage -anyone to make a living by begging. The prevailing thought today -regarding poverty is in preventive terms. The individual should be -shown how to help himself up the economic pathway. Education will make -the individual efficient and safeguard him against falling into a -chronic state of pauperism. - -Above all else, social technology urges the establishment of justice -in economic conditions. As shown in Chapter XIV, Henry George, in -his _Progress and Poverty_, made a fundamental analysis of one set -of causes of poverty, which he found in the unjust factors in the -economic system. He showed how ownership in land may be traced back -to force. Shall the first person who acquires a section of land be -allowed to fence it in and to keep out all other persons unless they -pay him a price that rises rapidly as the number of other persons -increases?[XXIV-5] Why is there increasing misery amid advancing -wealth? The larger the city the greater the degree of squalor--this was -George’s perplexing observation. Material progress does not improve -the condition of the lowest classes. Prosperity under the present -economic system appears to be a heavy wedge driven into society. The -individuals who are below the line of cleavage are crushed down; those -who are above this line are hoisted upward into positions of luxury and -affluence. - -Henry George, despite the large number of followers which his ideas -have today, was probably in error in believing that to take the -ownership of land out of the hands of individuals, through the method -of the single tax, would prevent poverty. However, no one should -be blind to the fact that increasing land values result from mere -increase in population. Either the birth rate or immigration increases -population and sends up land values, which in turn is accompanied by -a rising scale of rents with an elevated cost of living and increased -poverty. - -The history of human thought concerning crime has run a vicissitudinous -career. It was not until the days of John Howard and Beccaria that -a truly scientific approach was made to the problem. John Howard -(1726–1790), sheriff of Bedford, became interested in criminals. He -visited jails throughout England. He traveled widely in Europe, usually -at his own expense, studying the causes of typhus fever and endeavoring -to effect a more humane treatment of offenders. - -Beccaria (1735–1794), an Italian criminologist, published in 1764 a -remarkable book, _Crimes and Punishment_. Beccaria protested against -attempting to repress crime by the use of fear. Retaliation is an -entirely inadequate motive for administering punishment. Torture -is inhuman. Neither retaliation nor repression meets the problem. -Reformation was the concept with which Beccaria startled Europe. -Punishment should be administered so as to reform. - -In modern days the names of Cesare Lombroso (1836–1909) stands out -prominently in the field of criminology.[XXIV-6] Lombroso was a -determinist, finding in heredity and environment all the causes of -crime, and relieving the individual of moral responsibility. The mental -defective, the alcoholic, the frantically angry are irresponsible for -the crimes they commit. By defining one irresponsible group after -another the Lombrosan school has practically included all individuals -in this classification, leaving no one responsible for his conduct. - -The remedy for crime, according to Lombroso and his followers, is -found in society. Society is responsible for the criminal acts of its -members. If society should surround all individuals from infancy with -a favorable environment, then crime would end. In the writings of -Garofalo, Ferri, de Quiros, Gross and other Continental criminologists, -a broader point of view is usually taken, making the responsibility -for crime to rest on three factors, heredity, environment, and -individual morality. The margin of choice, and therefore of individual -responsibility, is usually made very slender. European criminological -experts, and even American writers, such as Parmelee, have commonly -minimized the importance of moral character and the accountability of -the individual. - -In the United States the trend of interest has been penological. Since -the days of William Penn, who had been a prisoner in England, American -thought has centered on the problem of prison reform. Barrows and -Brockway devoted their lives to the reorganization of prison procedure. -Wines and Lane show lucidly the trend in penological thought, paying -splendid tribute to the achievements of Z. R. Brockway in establishing -the Elmira Reformatory (New York).[XXIV-7] - -The fundamental principles of the Elmira procedure are as follows: -(1) The average prisoner can be reformed. (2) Reformation of the -prisoner is the duty of the state. (3) Prisoners must be considered as -individuals and accorded the treatment which each needs in order to -bring him to a normal attitude of life. (4) The prisoner’s reformation -requires his own co-operation in the process. (5) The prison must -have the power to lengthen or shorten the sentence according to the -offender’s stage of reformation. (6) The entire process of reformation -is educational, giving the offender opportunity for psychical, mental, -and moral growth. (7) Punishment for crime is administered in the -discipline and labor, which are unremitting and exacting. - -In recent years Thomas M. Osborne has been developing the honor system -and self-government among prisoners.[XXIV-8] The idea is dramatised -by Burleigh and Bierstadt in _Punishment_.[XXIV-9] The conception is -that kindly administration and the personal touch of love will win the -offender’s heart and mind, and effect a reformation. - -The last twenty years have seen a remarkable development of the concept -of prevention of crime. This theory, however, takes the problem back -to pre-adult years, to the adolescent, to childhood, and even to the -pre-natal years of the specific individual. The establishment of the -juvenile court, with the success of Judge Ben B. Lindsey, has served -to call attention to the fact that criminals are made as a rule before -they reach the age of twenty-one. - -The contributors to recent thought about delinquency, such as Jane -Addams, Breckinridge and Abbott, W. R. George, Ben B. Lindsey, Mrs. -Louise de Koven Bowen, Flexner and Baldwin, are pretty largely agreed -that the causes of delinquency, and hence of criminality, are as -follows: (1) The defective home--made defective by illness, poverty, -shiftlessness, ignorance, immorality, desertion, divorce, death--is -the leading single causal element. Nearly all criminals begin their -careers as disobedient sons. The law of obedience and self-discipline, -if not observed in the home, is learned later only at the expense of -anti-social and criminal acts. (2) Mental defectiveness often causes -delinquency. The mentally defective child, if energetic, has great -difficulty in withstanding the evil temptations of life. He or she has -bodily passions that are further developed than his mental inhibitions. -In this connection the public school has an important function to -perform in detecting mental defectives and in segregating them under -special educational care. They should be segregated also by sexes, so -that they may not reproduce their kind, and they should be kept under -educational and institutional direction throughout their lives. They -can be made useful and happy under a guarded environment. (3) Civic -neglect is a third cause of delinquency and crime. Young people are -released from the public schools, often without proper home training -and supervision, and drift about in a highly complex urban environment, -full of commercialized and vicious devices for preying upon the -curious and the unsuspecting. (4) Social injustice, for example in -industry, arouses feelings of hatred of class against class, and leads -to criminal acts. (5) Moral thoughtlessness and religious indifference -are common causes. A moral and religious attitude gives a balanced -expression to personality, wholesomeness and obedience in the home; -and a deep, constant, and abiding interest in public welfare is an -invaluable preventive of sin, vice, and crime. - -A growing conception relative to juvenile courts is that a -considerable portion of the work that such courts are now called on -to perform belongs to the public schools. The compulsory attendance, -child welfare, and continuation school departments may well assume -responsibility for and direction of many youth who now become court -charges. It is urged that a fully organized procedure of constructive -work and play activity under the supervision of the schools will -greatly reduce juvenile delinquency. - -Another cause of juvenile delinquency is parental negligence. It is -believed by many authorities that problems of this character should -be taken care of through the domestic relations court rather than in -the juvenile court. Another causal factor is the growing disrespect -for parents on the part of children, that is, the increasing degree of -failure of children to appreciate the significance of the concept of -obedience. - -In regard to labor problems, social technology has made notable -contributions. Child labor is a term which refers to the employment of -adolescent children for wages, when such children are thereby deprived -from normal opportunities of mental and physical growth. Children -should learn to work, even at unpleasant tasks, but when at an early -age they are taken out of or quit school and become gainfully employed, -they are deprived of a normal adolescence; they and society both -lose.[XXIV-10] - -The problem of women in industry is due to the migration of millions of -women from the home into industry. While women are entitled to equality -of opportunity with men, they are often unmindful that constitutionally -they are not fitted to perform all the tasks that men are doing; that -if they fail in the bearing and rearing of children rationally, the -race dies; and that, if they neglect to make the home attractive, the -family as an essential social institution is undermined. - -The labor problem, when applied to men, brings forth a multiplicity of -contradictory opinions. The idea of industrial democracy is the storm -center. While praising modern capitalism for its stimulus to initiative -and for its large-scale enterprises that have been highly beneficial -in many ways, the social technologist pronounces modern capitalism -undemocratic. He declares that it must purge itself or be supplanted by -another industrial order; it must take cognizance of social changes and -adjust itself accordingly or be routed. - -The injustice in modern capitalism is often stressed in social -technologic thought. Only one factor, wealth, is represented in the -management of business. The skilled or unskilled laborers, often -“the hardest working partners” in the business, are not represented. -Applied sociology, unlike socialism, would keep industry in the hands -of individuals. The idea has been best developed, perhaps, by a social -theorist, Professor A. W. Small. Labor and capital must both have -representation on boards of directors, if capitalism is to prove that -it is not undemocratic.[XXIV-11] - -Tripartite management of industry is a current phase of industrial -thought. Where employers and employees have reached a common ground of -co-operation, they have often joined forces in collusion against the -public and the consumer. The employer agrees to a rise in wages for -the employee, and the employee to an increase in dividends, providing -he receives a portion of the added returns--meanwhile the public is -apathetic or rages impotently. The best thought today is urging that -on boards of directors and managers all three interested parties shall -have representation, namely, labor, capital, and the public. - -It is a current opinion that the failure of capitalism to democratize -itself will result in the rise of socialism by revolutionary means. If -capital with its one-sided control of industry is supplanted by labor -with another type of control, it is doubtful how much will be gained. -The labor standard is manifesting itself as a class standard, and at -times arbitrarily. To have society controlled by labor standards, no -matter under what form of socialism they may appear, will not guarantee -progress. The labor classes, the capitalist classes, the professional -classes--all must rule, and unselfishly for the welfare of society. - -The current socialist thought ranges from a radical bolshevist theme of -a dictatorship of the proletariat to a conservative state socialism, -like that advocated by John Spargo. Bolshevism has the earmarks of -class autocracy. Progress cannot be secured by a social order in which -the least educated and trained are in control. On the other hand, it -is not clear that state socialism, with its governmental control of -interest-producing capital and rent-producing land, will best guarantee -progress. The socialization of individuals will probably be more -effective than the socialization of industries. - -The tendency is toward the elimination of profitism. This negative -thought, it is claimed, will relieve capitalism of its worst evils, and -allow the educational process of socializing individuals to go forward. - -The concept of social insurance has been given a remarkable reception -since 1882. Social insurance was introduced as a means of pacifying -labor and of making it contented under the rule of capitalism. It -was admitted into governmental economy by Bismarck as an agency -of forestalling socialism. It spread rapidly. It has met with two -setbacks. (1) In the first place it has acquired such momentum that -capitalism sees it as the entering wedge of a genuine socialism. (2) -In the second place social insurance is guaranteeing so much security -to the workingman that he is constrained at times to sacrifice his -initiative and even to become shiftless, saying in effect to himself, -“I’ll be taken care of anyway.” It is this second type of antagonistic -thought that indicates the real weakness in social insurance. It would -be better to have a society in which the workingmen as a class would -have an ample opportunity of caring for, and be stimulated to care -for, their old age and for periods of disability. For the individual -exceptions, special provisions could be made. - -The unemployment problem has produced many reform theories. -Unemployment insurance, now being made the subject of experiment, is -probably not reaching the main causes. The causal factors are many -and deep-seated; they range from individual shiftlessness and mental -defectiveness on one hand, to economic injustice and social callousness -on the other.[XXIV-12] The prevailing thought urges a more efficient -training of the individual; the increasing of the workman’s opportunity -to enlarge his personality through each day’s work; the development of -industrial democracy and justice; and a complete socialization program. - -Another set of problems concerning which applied sociology is -endeavoring to find solutions relates to the family, feminism, -marriage, divorce, and housing. Professor George Elliott -Howard[XXIV-13] and Dr. Edward Westermarck[XXIV-14] have traced the -development of the family and marriage throughout human history. The -primitive relationships between sexes have been described by many -anthropological writers. A history of the American family has been -written by A. W. Calhoun.[XXIV-15] Single volume treatments of the -family as a social institution have been made by Bosanquet[XXIV-16] -and Goodsell.[XXIV-17] These works essentially agree that the family -is an evolutionary product, that the primitive family centered about -the mother and child, that patriarchalism introduced a high degree of -masculine arbitrariness, and that the family is at present undergoing -marked changes whereby the spirit of democracy is gaining ground. - -In the new found spirit of freedom, woman has sometimes been captivated -by the desire to follow man into all the man-made occupations. Sex -nature predestines woman to the chief occupation or profession of -all, that of motherhood. For woman to rush headlong after men into -industry may turn out to be not liberty, but license and deterioration. -Current social thought protests vigorously against the idea of women -being household drudges, and also against women wasting their time in -pluming themselves or in idling away their days in dolls’ houses, -supported dependents of men. Women are entitled to learn vocations and -to live constructive lives, in an atmosphere of the largest possible -freedom consistent with the development of themselves and the race. -On the other hand, any movement which weakens the home as a societary -training institution apparently defies the laws of social advance. - -The housing problem is provoking urgent thought. With the rise of -large cities the economic order favors exorbitant land values and -extraordinarily high rents. The social increment goes into the hands of -the few. The flat and apartment house life often favors pet bulldogs -rather than children, and decreases the efficiency of the home as a -social institution. These untoward tendencies, furthermore, are being -supplemented by an attitude of more or less helpless apathy on the part -of the public. - -Another field of applied sociologic thought is represented by the -terms, race problems, immigration, and naturalization. These concepts -are all outgrowths of the population concept which has been treated -in an earlier chapter. The human race with its common origin has -subdivided and wandered into all the inhabitable parts of the globe. -Climate, geography, and social environment have operated to make the -race subdivisions distinct and discriminatory. Race pride and prejudice -have raised impassable race barriers. - -In the United States the leading race problem involves the Negroes. -Booker T. Washington[XXIV-18] urged that if the Negro shows himself -industrially efficient and morally worthy, the prejudice against him -will disappear. W. E. B. DuBois[XXIV-19] asks that the prejudice -against the colored race by the white race be removed in order that -the Negro may have a fair chance to show himself capable. The Southern -white people declare that the colored people must be segregated on -a lower plane than that occupied by the white race. Northern people -assert that the trouble lies chiefly in an undemocratic attitude of -Southern white people toward the colored race. Thus the currents of -thought concerning the Negro come into conflict, but without forming a -common current of action. - -Another phase of the race problem is conveyed by the concept of -hyphenated interests. The Americanization movement has assumed momentum -because of the need for a more unified spirit within the nation. -Although some of the promoters of Americanization have used autocratic -means, the opinion is gaining ground that the transference of the -loyalty of the immigrant from his home country to his adopted country -can best be effected by treating the immigrant sympathetically and -democratically in all his contacts--industrial, social, political--with -the people of our land.[XXIV-20] - -The public health movement has acquired force because of the belief -that only public and widespread action can remove many of the causes -of disease. Tuberculosis, for example, is a disease that is caused -by a microscopic germ which thrives and multiplies in the tissues of -susceptible and weakened organisms. Tuberculosis and unsanitary housing -conditions flourish together. The individual is often helpless, but -the thought is now well grounded that public action can stamp out the -breeding places of the tubercle bacilli and relieve the country of -the white plague. An improved economic and educational status for the -unskilled laborer and his family would also help to improve the health -level of the country. Current social thought supports the contention -that the real work of a physician is to keep people well rather than to -cure them after they have fallen seriously ill. Preventive medicine and -the public health movement are strongly urged by social technology. - -Another phase of applied sociology of current significance is indicated -by the term, community organization.[XXIV-21] The idea of this -movement originated in the failure of people to develop a democratic -consciousness. Community organization refers to attempts of communities -to organize themselves for neighborhood efficiency. When a community -organizes its own recreations and amusements, it functions in two -important directions. (1) It supplants commercialized amusements, -operated for profit and often on a socially destructive basis, by -community recreation, maintained by the people themselves in socially -constructive ways and at a minimum of expense. (2) In participating in -and building up community enterprises such as community recreation, -the people of the community develop a co-operative democratic -consciousness. The problem of the use of leisure time is growing -in proportion to the extent that the laboring classes are winning -a shorter work day. In addition to community recreation, community -health movements, community newspapers, community co-operative stores, -community committees for securing needed legislation and for breaking -the force of economic monopoly, are attracting widespread attention. -The social unit and the block system of community service, are terms -which indicate variations of the community organization concept, -originally a product of the need of meeting the leisure time problem -constructively with the very important result of re-creating democracy. - -Social technology has produced the survey.[XXIV-22] The social survey, -being related in its origin to the census, is an accurate method -of gathering social facts, not merely facts about the numbers of -people, the acreage, and the amount of wealth, but the facts about -the societary assets and liabilities of a city or community, and -concerning the constructive and the destructive forces. By making -surveys at regular intervals of five or ten year periods, a community -can determine the amount and direction of its own progress. The idea -of a survey is similar to that of an inventory of a business house--to -find out the gains and losses, and to plan for the future according to -the verdict of the inventory. - -In recent years social case work has acquired an important rank in -the field of applied sociology. Social reform deals with methods for -improving the whole mass of individuals and for raising the level -of the entire group; social case work on the other hand stimulates -individuals to improve the quality of their lives, to adjust -themselves more adequately to their environment, and to transform -their environments. Social case work insists that sound social reforms -can be effected only on the basis of first-hand experiences with the -needs of individuals who are the victims of social imperfections or -their own shortcomings. Social work with individuals has provided a -body of specific facts of first magnitude as a foundation for measures -of social amelioration and progress; it has mirrored life which is -under the harrow of circumstances; it has portrayed life where living -conditions are harshest. - -Applied sociology represents methods of social attack. It furthers -progress by planning for society on the basis of past societal -experiences and current facts and tendencies. It fulfils the demands of -social telesis. - - - - -CHAPTER XXV - -THE RISE OF EDUCATIONAL SOCIOLOGY - - -In recent decades educational leaders have been thinking in -sociological terms. In its experimental phases educational sociology -constitutes a phase of applied sociology. The principles of modern -educational sociology have a thousand sources. - -Pestalozzi (1746–1827) may be considered a forerunner of current social -theories of education. He was interested in humanity for humanity’s -sake. Like St. Francis of Assisi, he lived with the poor in order that -he might teach them to be thrifty and worthy citizens. In his _Leonard -and Gertrude_, he described the life of the poor, and formulated an -educational procedure for educating the poor. He was a lover of little -children, of poor people, of anyone in trouble, of all humanity. He -spoke in dignified terms of the function of a good woman, no matter how -humble her station in life. Her first duty is to educate her children -and to meet the needs of her family. She has, also, obligations to her -neighbors and community. Others, seeing her constructive work, will be -inspired and motivated to do likewise. - -In opening an industrial school for the poor, Pestalozzi recognized -that the poor have the least opportunities for development and the -largest numbers of problems to solve,--therefore they are in the -greatest need of educational advantages. He held that all the phases -of human personality should be trained, and that there should be “a -harmonious development of all human powers.” Hence, education is the -greatest gift that anyone, rich or poor, can receive. In urging that -the child should be educated in company with other children, that -is, in groups, he took an attitude superior to that of Rousseau, but -presaging that of Froebel. - -Froebel (1782–1852), the founder of the kindergarten, considered -little children “as plants in a garden.” He recognized the educative -importance of the early years of life. He perceived the possibilities -of teaching through the use of plays and games. He understood the -“interests” of little children. His most important conception, perhaps, -was his recognition of the gregarious impulses as an effective setting -for the educative processes. While neo-Froebelians have sometimes -turned all work into play and have neglected to train the child in -doing some things in which he is not interested at the particular -time, the utilization of the gregarious and play impulses as vital -backgrounds for education is not unworthy. The evils in this connection -are no greater than when the Montessori method is followed, with its -emphasis upon a maximum of individual choice. - -In Horace Mann (1796–1859), American education found a new social -emphasis. Education in a democracy, according to Mann, should be public -and open equally to all classes of people. Moreover, in a democracy, -education is not a mere acquisition of knowledge; it is not concealed -in college degrees as such; it is not aristocratic. It was Mann’s -contention that education should be an actual training for rearing -worthy families, for living an unselfish social life, for being a -public spirited citizen in one’s daily activities. - -Mann asserted that the common school is the bulwark of the nation. He -believed that education should encourage true religion. He inaugurated -the normal training school,--in support of his theory of specially -trained teachers. His social philosophy is contained in a statement -from his last public address: “Be ashamed to die until you have won a -victory for humanity.” - -During the intervening decades since the days of Horace Mann, the -social conception of education has been assuming new practical -phases. Professor John Dewey has pointed out that all communication -is education; that the terms, common, community, and communication, -possess more than a verbal relationship.[XXV-1] Anything is educative -which produces similar emotional and intellectual dispositions, -that is, like ways of responding to stimuli. Societal life, hence, -is unusually educative. Education consists of processes of -self-development, of self-continuation, of social continuation. These -processes are possible only on bases of common means of communication. -It is these means, as Professor C. H. Cooley has indicated, which make -even the powerful factors of suggestion and imitation so universal. - -It is not the environment which directly implants certain desires in -individuals.[XXV-2] The environment sets up conditions which stimulate -certain ways of acting. The child gets a real idea of a hat, not by -seeing a hat, or by being told of its uses, but by actually using a -hat. The social environment, in other words, forms “the mental and -emotional disposition of behavior in individuals by engaging them -in activities” that arouse various impulses, purposes, and produces -certain consequences.[XXV-3] - -As society becomes exceedingly complex, it is essential that society -provide a simplified social environment through which the child may -pass, in order that he may adjust himself the more quickly and easily -to the complex societal environment. To this end the school serves a -valuable purpose. However, in order to function best, the school must -be a replica in as many ways as possible of real society.[XXV-4] - -The special social environment, namely, the school, must simplify -and arrange in an orderly way the dispositional factors it wishes -to develop in children. It must present the existing social customs -in purified and idealized forms. It must create a wider and better -balanced environment for the young than they would have if they were -not in school. - -Imitation, to Dr. Dewey, is a less useful term than many social -psychologists believe. What objectively is a process of imitation is -subjectively a process of like response to like stimuli. The term -imitation does not explain; it simply describes--objectively. The -fundamental fact that the sociological student needs to keep in mind is -that “persons being alike in structure respond in the same way to like -stimuli.”[XXV-5] This conception is similar to ideas that Professors -Giddings and Cooley have elaborated. The societal significance of this -interpretation can be stated best in terms of social control. The -highest type of social control is that which plans for a common mental -disposition, a common way of understanding objects, events, and acts, -common sets of socially constructive stimuli. - -Professor Dewey argues for a school life which fully connects theory -and practice. While pragmatic, he emphasizes the necessity for a -correct theory, but more particularly the combining of theory and -practice--in the school life itself. In other words, anything which -sets school life apart from actual life is a disutility; it is -educationally harmful. Hence school life must include the actual -occupations, nature study, and the like. It must relegate formal -education to a secondary position. The moral atmosphere of the -schoolroom must change from one primarily of discipline, even formal -discipline, to one of co-operation. - -School life, in other terms, is properly an embryonic community life. -It is the business of the school to train each child into membership -of a little community that is a counterpart of society at large, -“saturating him with the spirit of service, and providing him with the -instruments of effective self-direction.”[XXV-6] Professor Dewey would -make the school a miniature society, fitting its members by their daily -activities in the schools for normal membership in “a larger society -which is worthy, lovely, and harmonious.” - -The literature on educational sociology is growing rapidly. Within -recent years several books on educational sociology have appeared. -In the list of the authors of these works are the names of O’Shea, -Snedden, Smith, King, Clow, Betts, Dutton, and others of equal -importance.[XXV-7] Professor Walter R. Smith, for example, in applying -sociological principles to educational work, contends that normal -school graduates have been taught to look to psychology alone for -the key to sound pedagogy, whereas sociology is perhaps an equally -important key to effective teaching. Education is not entirely a -matter of training the mind of the individual; it is also a process of -acquainting the individual with the needs of society and of helping -him to participate in improving the quality of societary life. Dr. -Smith urges training not _for_ citizenship, but training _into_ -citizenship.[XXV-8] - -Inasmuch as men and women live and develop and work as members of -groups, it is vital, according to Dr. Snedden, that children be taught -as integral units of group life. It is sociology that must determine -the aims of education.[XXV-9] By sociological standards it has been -proved that existing curricula in the United States are excessively -individualistic in aim as well as in method. Their purpose has been to -encourage the individual to win against, rather than with, his fellows. -Our curricula provide self-culture studies and self-development -studies, but few social culture and social development studies. The -former are indispensable, but if not properly balanced by the latter -they are positively dangerous. - -The responsibilities of individuals for collective thinking and acting -have never been taught to any degree in the schools, and yet these -responsibilities, not only in time of war, but increasingly so in time -of peace, must be assumed widely, else democracy itself will collapse. -By training pupils in the principles of individual success primarily, -the schools have turned out a generation of persons who are unready to -meet the new world problems that are at hand, and who are unable to -promote “constructive programs making for international co-operation -and friendliness.”[XXV-10] - -Custom, not social needs, has too often controlled school curricula. -The _Anabasis_ and Caesar’s _Commentaries_, although splendid bits of -literary composition, “are about as significant to the realities of a -nineteenth or twentieth century as bows and arrows would be in modern -warfare, or Roman galleys in the naval contests of tomorrow.”[XXV-11] -The study of forgotten tongues and antiquated fragments of literature -falls far short of training twentieth century youths for the conscious -co-operative direction of the social forces of the future. - -Vocational education is not all-sufficient. Youth must be taught -to be socially and morally efficient--no less than physically and -vocationally.[XXV-12] In addition to the current emphasis upon -vocational education, attention must be given to a moral education -in the schools that can produce in individuals the moral character -required to meet the needs of a highly developed democracy. - -Educational sociology has viewed with alarm certain recent tendencies -in vocational guidance. It has supported heartily the plans for giving -every child an occupational training and of enabling him to earn his -own living. On the other hand, it has deplored the idea that a vocation -or earning a living is an end in itself. It has insisted that the main -reason for teaching a boy a trade is that the boy may have a larger -opportunity for developing his personality and for serving society. - -Likewise, educational sociology has often looked askance at scientific -management, or the movement for educating all workingmen to the point -of highest productive efficiency. Such a training has frequently -produced a maximum increase in profits for those who have promoted it -and a minimum of increase in wages for the workers, besides tending to -turn the latter into mere machines, instead of into human leaders with -increased capacities for enjoyment and spiritual service. - -The studies in all school curricula must be evaluated in terms of -social worth. For example, what is the purpose of teaching history? Is -it to give the pupil a chronology of dates and a catalogue of ignoble -kings and bloody battles, or is it to give the pupil the meaning of -social evolution, social progress, social inheritances, the rise of -social needs?[XXV-13] - -Educational sociology holds the theory that training for unselfish -social living is as important as training for individual pecuniary -success. It is engaged at the present time in working out techniques -for introducing every member of the public schools to the sociological -viewpoint. The names under which such techniques appear is immaterial, -whether as community civics, American history studies, elementary -social science, or elementary sociology. The next few decades will -undoubtedly be marked by the rapid spread of educational sociology. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVI - -THE SOCIOLOGY OF MODERN CHRISTIANITY - - -In a foregoing chapter the invaluable contribution of the Hebrews to -social thought was presented; the attack of the prophets on social -injustice was the outstanding feature. In another chapter the emphasis -by Jesus upon love as a dynamic societal principle was described. In -the centuries which followed the beginning of the Christian era, the -Church apotheosized beliefs, creeds, dogmas. Near the close of the -nineteenth century a renaissance of the social teachings of Jesus -occurred. - -The trio of writers who brought forward the social ideals of -Christianity in a new, positive, and stimulating way in the closing -decades of the last century were Washington Gladden, Josiah Strong, -and Richard T. Ely. All three of these men began about 1885 to discuss -in print the social content of Christianity. These men had been -aroused by the apparent impotence of the Christian Church in face of -the increasing power of capitalism. While many church leaders allowed -themselves to be carried along in the powerful arms of capitalism, -there were a few who perceived the wreck of human lives that was often -left in the wake of the capitalistic movement. These individuals, while -not blind to the social values of capitalism, were in touch with the -laboring man, and by these contacts caught the social need of the hour. -In this social crisis they heard the still, small voice coming down -through the centuries, even the voice of Jesus as he spoke in behalf of -the poor and outcast. - -It was Washington Gladden who startled and even angered the world of -religious and economic thought by protesting against the acceptance of -“tainted money.” By this term he referred to money which had been made -under a capitalistic system at the expense of the lives of men, women, -and little children in the industrial processes. Dr. Gladden weathered -the storm of protest and gave the capitalistic world a new concept -which, while it aroused anger, also brought introspection and a new -type of social conscience into the lives of many Christians. - -It was Dr. Gladden’s contention that employer and employee ought to be -friends, because they are so closely associated. It is a very large -part of the business of the employer to maintain sympathetic relations -between himself and his employees.[XXVI-1] If the business man will not -let his fellowmen share in his prosperity, he will become in spite of -himself a sharer in their adversity. - -The attitude of Dr. Gladden toward the acceptance of railway passes by -the clergy attracted widespread attention. He came to the conclusion -that a railroad company is bound to render an equal service to -all the people; its business is not to show special favors to the -representatives of either religion or charity.[XXVI-2] “What it has no -right to give me, I have no right to take, and for several years I have -not taken it; I pay the regular fare as all my neighbors do or ought.” - -Dr. Gladden urged the abolition of city slums by governmental action. -Inasmuch as slums are rife with moral miasmas and are breeding-places -of pauperism and crime, the city has the same right to abate such -curses as to drain a morass. Moreover, individuals ought to have no -property rights “in premises which breed death and engender vice. When -they have proved that they lack the power to keep their property from -falling into such conditions, their property must be summarily taken -away from them.”[XXVI-3] - -Without minimizing the importance of conflict as a principle of social -progress, Dr. Gladden stressed the concept of co-operation. For -example, in industrial matters he advocated the idea of a true trades -union--“the union of employers and employed--of guiding brains and -willing hands--all watchful of each other’s interests, seeking each -other’s welfare, working for the common good.”[XXVI-4] - -In his well-known treatise on _Social Salvation_, Dr. Gladden asserts -that, in order to be soundly converted, an individual must comprehend -his social relationships and strive to fulfil them, as well as set -up right relationships with God.[XXVI-5] Sanctification consists in -fulfilling one’s social as well as one’s divine privileges, and in -living according to the needs of human society as well as according to -the needs of the human soul. An individual can no more be a Christian -by himself than he can sing an oratorio alone.[XXVI-6] - -It is no purely social gospel that Dr. Gladden taught. He was correct -in protesting against the attitude of certain reformers who hold that -changing the environment is all-sufficient. It is possible to go too -far in removing temptations from the pathway of men; it would be unwise -to neglect the problem of equipping men to resist temptation, and hence -to weaken the sense of moral responsibility.[XXVI-7] - -In the field of practical social reform Dr. Josiah Strong did effective -work. He also re-interpreted the social principles of Jesus, and -boldly proclaimed the spirit of love as the cardinal principle for -the organization of human society.[XXVI-8] He indicated that people -have stressed properly the importance of _believing_ the truth, but -underestimated the importance of _living_ the truth.[XXVI-9] He -protested against the tendency to separate the sacred and the secular, -and to divorce doctrine from conduct. He believed that the prevailing -religious tendency to neglect the sacred commandment, of loving one’s -neighbor as one’s self, has led to a selfish individualism on the part -of many religious people. - -The contributions to social thought by Gladden and Strong were -ably supported by the social ideas of Richard T. Ely. Professor -Ely remonstrated against the tendency of many church people to -think that they can serve God without devoting their lives to their -fellowmen.[XXVI-10] He made vivid the complaint of American workingmen -that church membership on the part of employers and landlords does not -necessarily insure just and considerate treatment of employees and -tenants.[XXVI-11] Professor Ely insisted that it is as holy a work “to -lead a crusade against filth, vice, and disease in slums of cities, and -to seek the abolition of the disgraceful tenement houses of American -cities, as it is to send missionaries to the heathen.”[XXVI-12] - -The pioneer work of Gladden, Strong, Ely, and others in rejuvenating -the social meaning of Christianity in the closing years of the -nineteenth century has been carried forward in the present -century by a host of able writers. The list includes the names -of well known socio-religious thinkers such as Peabody,[XXVI-13] -Mathews,[XXVI-14] Rauschenbusch,[XXVI-15] Batten,[XXVI-16] -Ward,[XXVI-17] Atkinson,[XXVI-18] Ryan,[XXVI-19] Stelzle,[XXVI-20] and -Taylor.[XXVI-21] Special attention will be given to the contributions -of Rauschenbusch and Ward, because each has been a storm-center in -socio-religious matters. - -In his _Christianity and the Social Crisis_, Professor Rauschenbusch -gave a brief history of Christianity and its Hebrew antecedents, -showing first that “the essential purpose of Christianity was to -transform human society into the Kingdom of God by regenerating all -human relations and reconstituting them in accordance with the will -of God.”[XXVI-22] He then raised the question, why has Christianity -not undertaken the work of social reconstruction? He believed that if -the Church were to direct its full available force against any social -wrong, probably nothing could withstand it.[XXVI-23] Despite the -fact that Christianity has played a leading part in lifting woman to -equality and companionship with men, in changing parental despotism to -parental service, in eliminating unnatural vice, in abolishing slavery, -in covering all lands with a network of charities, in fostering -institutions of learning, in aiding the progress of civil liberty and -social justice, in diffusing a softening tenderness throughout human -life, in taming selfishness, and in creating a resolute sense of duty, -it has not yet undertaken a reconstruction of society on a Christian -basis.[XXVI-24] It has been engaged in suppressing some of the most -glaring evils in the social system of the time.[XXVI-25] - -Dr. Rauschenbusch pointed out several historical factors which have -prevented Christianity from entering upon a program of reconstructing -society, many of which no longer obtain.[XXVI-26] These hindering -factors have been: (1) the moral resentment of the classes whose -interests are endangered by a moral campaign; (2) the belief in -the immediate return of Christ, which precluded a long outlook; -(3) the primitive attitude of fear and distrust toward the state; -(4) the other-worldliness of Christian desire; (5) the ascetic and -monastic ideals; (6) ceremonialism; (7) dogmatism; (8) the monarchial -organization of the church; (9) an absence of the intellectual -prerequisites for social reconstruction. To the extent that -Christianity is no longer hampered by these characteristics it is ready -to undertake the task of making over society. - -The main danger in the present crisis which demands the attention -of social Christianity was found by Professor Rauschenbusch in the -autocratic, unjust phases of capitalism, with its somewhat undemocratic -wage system. To this expression of autocracy there is a three-fold -class reaction.[XXVI-27] First, there are those classes which are in -practical control of wealth; they have no reformatory program; they are -anxious to maintain the present social order intact. Second, there are -the middle social classes, which, sharing partially in the advantages -of the present social adjustment, are also chafing under social -grievances which their ideals do not allow them to attack vigorously; -they want reform work by peaceful and gradual methods. Third, there are -the disinherited classes, which see a widening chasm between themselves -and the wealthy, a chasm that “only a revolutionary lift can carry -them across.” It is around the condition and attitudes of the masses -that the social crisis revolves. This social attitude is like a tank -of gasoline, which by a single explosion will blow a car sky-high, or -which, by a series of little explosions will push a car to the top of a -mountain.[XXVI-28] Which process does Christianity wish to further? If -the latter, then Christianity must socialize first the attitude of the -classes of wealth and social power. Unfortunately, wealth often grows -stronger than the man who owns it; it may own him and rob him of his -moral and spiritual freedom.[XXVI-29] Can Christianity dissolve this -dilemma? - -The principle that a Christian should seek an ascetic departure from -the world of life and work is no longer acceptable. He has two other -possibilities. He can either condemn the world and try to improve it, -or tolerate it and gradually be conformed to it.[XXVI-30] By these -sharply drawn alternatives, Professor Rauschenbusch awoke the Christian -world. While many Christians did not believe that the situation was as -crucial as thus depicted, they nevertheless were jarred from a state of -moral lethargy. - -As a pastor for eleven years among the working people of New York City, -Dr. Rauschenbusch learned to understand the heart throbs and yearnings -of the masses, and dedicated his life through Christian service to -easing the pressure upon the working classes and to increasing the -forces that bear them up. He saw the solution of the social problem in -a Christian socialism that would destroy the autocracy of wealth and -establish a democratic form of industrial relationships. He believed -in the social or public ownership of the natural resources of the -earth. “It is preposterous to think that an individual or a corporation -can have absolute ownership in a vein of coal or copper. A mining -company owns the holes in the ground, for it made the holes; it does -not own the coal; for it did not make the coal. The coal is the gift of -God and belongs to the people.”[XXVI-31] - -Another difficulty is found in the fact that business methods and -the principles of Christianity have always been at strife.[XXVI-32] -Individuals are struggling to get the better of their fellows. This -tendency has been institutionalized in the form of business enterprise. -Private persons have been permitted “to put their thumbs where they can -constrict the life blood of the nation at will.”[XXVI-33] Christianity, -on the other hand, lauds the principle of unselfish service, and of -ranking the individual as the greatest who gives most. Christianity is -awakening to its gigantic task of stopping the nation on “its headlong -ride on the road of covetousness.” - -It is in this connection that Professor Rauschenbusch has made -famous the phrase, “Christianizing the social order.” This term -means “bringing the social order into harmony with the ethical -convictions which are identified with Christ.”[XXVI-35] Such a program -involves attacking “the last intrenchment of autocracy,” namely, in -business,--and Christianizing business. The struggle is already on. -In many of the phases of the conflict, capitalism is swallowing up -Christianity. The church becomes traditional, narrowly ecclesiastical, -dogmatic, opposing science and democracy. Where capitalism is -strongest, the churches as virile social forces are weakest.[XXVI-34] - -In reply to the often repeated charge that socialized Christianity is -no Christianity at all, Professor Rauschenbusch shows that personal -religion, instead of being defeated by a socialized religion, will -gain strength and be able to present a much stronger appeal than -it now does. The advocate of the social teachings of Jesus is not -attacking personal religion, but rather endeavoring to give personal -religion a new dynamic, especially in those phases of modern life -where personal religion has lost most of its appeal. The opponents of -social Christianity cannot afford to neglect the fact that the often -one-sided, mechanical, and superficial gospel and methods of evangelism -have created a religious apathy, if not a definite reaction against -religion.[XXVI-36] It is blind foolishness to try to fence out the new -social spirit from Christianity instead of letting it fuse with the -older religious faith and “create a new total that will be completer -and more Christian than the old religious individualism at its -best.”[XXVI-37] - -Dr. Rauschenbusch insisted that there must be a Christianizing of -international relations, that individuals must be taught to see -the sinfulness of the present social order, and that the popular -conception of God must be democratized.[XXVI-39] He reinterpreted the -organic unity of human society,--asserting that when one man sins, -other men suffer; and that when one class sins, other classes bear a -part of the suffering. - -In 1908, the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America -was organized at Philadelphia. The Council adopted with slight -modifications the resolutions which some months earlier had been -accepted by the General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church -(North), and which Rev. Harry F. Ward and others had drawn up. - -This Bill of Rights, as the Resolutions have been called, imposed upon -the members of the more than thirty Protestant denominations the duty -of obtaining industrial justice for the cause of labor. It spoke for -(1) the principle of arbitration in industrial dissensions, (2) the -adequate protection of workers in hazardous trades, (3) the abolition -of child labor, (4) the safeguarding of physical and moral health of -women in industry, (5) the suppression of the “sweating system,” (6) -the reduction of the hours of labor to the lowest practicable point, -(7) a living wage in all industries, (8) one day of rest in seven -for all workers, (9) the most equitable division of the products of -industry that can ultimately be devised, (10) suitable provisions for -old age or disability of workers, and (11) the abatement of poverty. - -At the meeting of the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in -America at a special meeting held at Cleveland, Ohio, May 6–8, 1919, -the foregoing platform was re-affirmed; and in addition, as a means of -meeting the needs of the reconstruction days following the World War, -the following notable resolutions were adopted. The Council declared -not only that labor is entitled to an equitable share in the profits of -industry, but took the new step of expressing the belief that labor is -entitled also to an equitable share in the management of industry. “The -sharing of shop control and management is an inevitable step” in the -attainment of an ordered and constructive democracy in industry. The -Council asserted that the first charge upon industry should be wages -sufficient to support an American standard of living. - -In 1919, the Committee on Special War Activities of the National -Catholic War Council published a brief but important document on social -reconstruction. In this pamphlet the defects of the capitalistic system -of industry are declared to be: “Enormous inefficiency and waste in -the production and distribution of commodities; insufficient incomes -for the great majority of wage-earners; and unnecessarily large -incomes for a small minority of privileged capitalists.”[XXVI-40] -The Committee urged that employees shall exercise a reasonable share -in the management of industrial enterprises, and that the State -should inaugurate comprehensive provisions for health insurance and -old age insurance. It recognized that the true line of progress is -in the direction of co-operative production and of co-partnership -arrangements. “In the former, the workers own and manage the industries -themselves; in the latter, they own a substantial part of the corporate -stock and exercise a reasonable share in the management.”[XXVI-41] -The Catholic pronunciamento demands that the spirit of both labor and -capital be reformed. The laborer must give up the desire of a maximum -of return for a minimum of service; he must remember that he owes -society an honest day’s work for a fair wage. On the other hand the -capitalist must learn that wealth is not possession but stewardship, -and that “profit-making is not the basic justification of business -enterprise.”[XXVI-42] - -Inasmuch as the Rev. Harry F. Ward has written more extensively on -social Christianity than any other person, save Rauschenbusch, and has -created widespread and heart-searching discussions, his contributions -to socio-religious thought will be considered next. Dr. Ward does -not believe in social service as a bait for drawing people into the -church. He objects to bribing people in order to get them into an -evangelistic meeting. To him social service is a natural phase of -religion, expressing itself freely and without sinuous designs. In -his estimation, soup kitchens are not to be established as a means of -enticing the laboring man inside the church walls, but as an unselfish -expression of the Christian’s desire to be true to the Christ spirit. -Social service is not a selfish program, on the part of the church, -for increasing its membership. It is as natural to Christianity as -personal evangelism, and equally intrinsic and vital. It has won more -than national recognition. While it is radical in the eyes of the -conservative, it contains an analysis of social conditions that many -of its critics have not appreciated. It breathes a sincerity and a -straightforwardness that compels the fair-minded reader to give heed. - -Slavery was rejected as the economic basis of civilization, and -monarchy has recently been rejected as the political basis. In each -instance the world came to a junction where idealistic impulse -overthrew entrenched power. It is Dr. Ward’s contention that the world -is now reaching a similar junction point, a point where idealistic -impulse will dethrone the autocracy in capitalism. The idealistic -impulse, to which reference has been made in the foregoing lines, is -germinal in the teachings of Jesus. - -With prophetic vision, more organized than the vision of Amos, Hosea, -Isaiah, but equally sincere, and fearless, Dr. Ward points out the -principles of the new social order which he believes are almost upon -the world. He then describes the various factors which are struggling -each in its own way to inaugurate the new order. - -The five principles of the new social order are equality, universal -service, efficiency, the supremacy of personality, and solidarity. -(1) Equality is the old word which won attention in the American and -French Revolutions. It grew out of the theory of natural rights which -was discussed in Chapter XI. The American emphasis on the principle of -equality is shown in the admiration that is accorded the achievements -of energy and toil, in the common struggle for more wealth and luxury, -in foreign missionary activities, in the rise of the democratic -conscience and the idealistic impulses of the people. - -On the other hand, the principle of equality is being violated when, -instead of trying to remove the natural inequalities among folks, “we -increase them by giving special privileges to the strong as the reward -of their strength.” The United States is at the crossroads. One highway -is characterized by luxury and extravagance on one side, and by poverty -and slavery on the other; it leads to revolutionary attempts on the -part of the masses to overthrow the privileged classes. It ends in -national decadence. The second highway is characterized by justice. -Those in economic authority are willing to grant representation to -labor in the management of industry and to further the rise of the -co-operative spirit. They are willing to sacrifice their own special -privileges for the sake of the welfare of the disinherited. - -The intellectuals of the middle class hold vast power. In crises, they -usually join the privileged classes rather than the masses; and hence, -their influence often swings to the side of injustice.[XXVI-43] - -(2) Universal service is the principle of equal obligation. Equal -rights, by itself, may mean equal rights to cheat, to exploit. It needs -to be checked by its complement of equal obligation. During the World -War there was a frequent demonstration of the principle of universal -service. “We are engaged in helping the boys at the front” became the -slogan. At the front as well as in the home towns and cities, wealthy -and poor, capital and labor served together. The end of the War gave -prominence to this question: Will the universal service idea spread or -will it be discarded? Will industry go back to the unashamed pursuit of -private gain?[XXVI-44] - -Dr. Ward makes a careful distinction between the service of democratic -mutual helpfulness and the service of a governing class, no matter how -excellent.[XXVI-45] It is a low type of service which grants Christmas -dinners to the poor with the result that the poor are thereby made -contented with their lot in life. - -(3) Efficiency is a term which is the product of the mechanical era, -which originated in the business world, and which is now being applied -to all phases of social organization.[XXVI-46] Its aim is perfection -in social mechanics. Social efficiency includes not only social -engineering but social knowledge, social philosophy, social ethics, -and social religion. Evidences of social inefficiency are common; for -example, the failure to use and apply the social knowledge that we -have, and the loss of energy through an over-emphasis on competition. -Democracy will never be able to succeed merely because of its splendid -ethical ideals.[XXVI-47] The need is for an efficiency in government -that is scientific and not simply a business efficiency.[XXVI-48] -Scientific efficiency includes “the spirit of service to the common -interest by which alone democracy can live.”[XXVI-49] - -(4) The supremacy of personality is a principle of life that conflicts -today with the current emphasis on economic efficiency. It is because -the latter is so often reckless of human values that the new social -order will stress the development of things of the spirit rather than -material goods; even business must practice this ideal. The World War -raised the estimate which the common people put on their own lives; but -the ultimate result will depend on whether or not people took part in -the war voluntarily and conscious of high moral purposes, and whether -or not the peace which follows shall bring a new world organization -that conserves all the advances in human living that have thus far been -made. - -Institutions possess an inherent fallibility. They tend to become -mechanical and repressive, even those dedicated to high purposes, -such as institutions of democracy, of education, and of religion. -The supreme object of any social institution and organization, -no matter in what field it may exist, should be the increase of -personality.[XXVI-50] - -(5) The new social order will be governed by a sense of solidarity, -that is, by a community of feeling and thought which arises when -individuals associate together in working for a common end. World -solidarity will come when all peoples learn to work together for public -welfare, and subordinate all selfish desires to this end. Christianity -is moving in this direction when it advances the concept of -“comradeship of all men with each other and with the Great Companion,” -when it gradually unfolds the idea of a unified world life, when it -applies its doctrines of brotherhood of man to the relations of the -employer and employee or to the relations of white and black races, -when it seeks the democratic solidarity of the human race rather than -the imperialistic solidarity of an overhead religious control, when it -endeavors to spread love and faith, rather than to spread dogmas and -promote organizations.[XXVI-51] Class cleavage, nationalism as distinct -from nationality, race prejudice, ignorance, and selfishness are the -main opponents of the world brotherhood principle. - -Dr. Ward, having defined what he considers the chief principles -that will govern the new social order, proceeds to measure current -movements by certain standards. He reviews the declarations of the -British Labor Party, the Russian Soviet Republic, the League of -Nations, and the labor movements in the United States. These tendencies -are all expressions of a more or less blind desire for justice. In -all countries of the world the masses are restless, stirring, and -experiencing a keen sense of injustice. Their leaders are struggling, -unscientifically as a rule, toward the light of a new day of democracy. -The trend which this struggle takes depends on the given social -environment and the attitude of the persons in authority. If undue -repression and autocracy are exercised for a long period of time, as -in Russia under the Czars, revolution is the only means of escape open -to the masses. Schooled for a long time under the lash of autocracy, -when they themselves come into control, they will use the only means of -control that they know, the lash of autocracy. - -The British Labor Party is moving in the direction of guild socialism, -which includes the organization of industry into large units, in charge -of the workers and relatively free from the rule of the politicians. -The national government is to have a general oversight over the large -industrial units. As immediate steps in this direction, the Labor -Party demands the nationalization of the railroads, mines, and of the -production of electric power. Municipalities participate in the common -ownership program. The method of transformation is to be gradual, -largely based on political action. - -In regard to the League of Nations Covenant, which was agreed upon in -Paris in 1919, Dr. Ward takes a negative attitude. Although he believes -firmly in an organization of good will, in international friendship -and in world solidarity upon democratic bases, he asserts stoutly -that the Paris Covenant is “a symbol of the sacred right of private -property,”[XXVI-52] that it provided for an international organization -of capitalism with all the force of powerful national governments -behind it, that it represented a series of compromises between -nationally selfish units, that it was an expression of the wishes of -the rulers of the democratic states who are essentially of “the same -moral caliber as the ruling class of imperialistic militarism, and bear -a similar sinister relationship to the future welfare of the common -folk.”[XXVI-53] - -The weakness of Dr. Ward’s treatment of the programs for the new social -order is that it discusses almost entirely programs, platforms, ideals, -without considerating the relations between the programs and the -actual practices of the various organizations. In contrasting the best -phases, for example, of the British Labor Party with the worst phases -of capitalism, an incomplete picture is given. However, this weakness -in method need not obscure the strength of thought which Dr. Ward -displays. Some of the most thought-provoking deductions are: - -1. That individualistic Christianity is losing ground. - -2. That the middle class is becoming a class of privilege. - -3. That the intellectuals of the middle class, while keenly aware of -the evils in the capitalistic system, are so much indebted to that -system that they would consider themselves ingrates if they spoke out -against it, or they are simply afraid to speak out. - -4. That jails and machine guns will not stop the laboring classes in -appealing for a democratic reorganization of industry, but will rather -hasten revolutions, with resultant dictatorships of the proletariat. - -5. That capitalism is passing, as it is bound to do, because it is -organized selfishness--its fundamental principle is wrong. - -6. That political democracy is fighting for its life today, being -attacked on the one flank by economic imperialism and on the other by -the dictatorship of the proletariat.[XXVI-54] - -7. That unless the struggle can be ended by a process of reason and -orderly progress, the world is doomed to devastation by universal -conflict. - -8. That the goal of social development is, in broad terms, “a fraternal -world community, the great loving family of mankind, knit together by -common needs but most of all by loyalty to common ideals, and by the -power of its common love efficiently directing and controlling its -common life.”[XXVI-55] - -An important question arises: How shall the social teachings of Jesus -become widely taught? Evangelistic Christianity, with its personal -emphasis, cannot be expected adequately to carry the social message. -Preachers, theologically trained, are bound to give the social -phases of Christianity a secondary place. In recent years, however, -a movement known as religious education has been acquiring momentum. -Moreover, a social theory of religious education has been formulated. -In this connection, Dr. George Albert Coe has perhaps done the most -significant work. Our life, Dr. Coe believes, gets its largest meaning -not from the fact of individual self-consciousness alone, but from the -equally important fact that life is social.[XXVI-56] Without a belief -in social consciousness, an endless existence after death, in terms -of self-consciousness primarily, would be meaningless and probably -valueless. Religion must solve the problem of establishing a Kingdom -of Heaven on earth, and also train its votaries for a societal life -in Heaven. The latter problem will be met easily when the former -is solved. It is well illustrated by the young Christian lady from -Virginia who asked: Won’t there have to be a separate Heaven for -Negroes, since we hate them so here? In other words, will there not -have to be a thousand or a million Heavens in order to accommodate -happily all the antagonistic Christian groups now on earth? How can -the Protestant Ulstermen and Catholic Irishmen live together lovingly -in Heaven? The problem goes back to solving the social implications of -Christianity in earthly relationships. - -The social aims of Christian education, according to Dr. Coe, are -as follows: (1) Social welfare, or the control of the non-human -environment in the interest of human life. (2) Social justice, or the -inauguration of fair play in all the dealings of every individual, no -matter how strong and shrewd, with every other individual, no matter -how weak and ignorant. (3) A world society or the promotion of a code -of conduct that leads to “the integration of all peoples into a single, -democratically governed mankind.” Nationalism must melt into a larger -regard for human beings; and that which is “a climactic expression of -the selfishness, that is to say the injustice that is organized in our -legal systems and our national sovereignties,” must be revealed to all, -even in the Sunday schools.[XXVI-57] - -The implications of a sound social theory of religious education are -met by the religious doctrine of personal fellowship between God and -man, and between man and man; by a reorganization of the church as a -religious institution in a way which shall put religious education on -as scientific a basis as the ordinary day school education; and by -training the church school pupils in the principles of social justice, -co-operation, and love, as well as in matters pertaining to personal -salvation. - -Another current development is the religious social service director. -For some time the religious education director has been a recognized -force in church work. The social service director in church life is -coming into the foreground, bearing the responsibility of working out -social welfare programs for the church services, directing the training -of the membership in volunteer social work, inaugurating religious -social surveys, in fact, carrying the social message of the church into -all the church activities. - -The social service activities of the church have often been used as a -net for catching the churchless. Social service as a bribe, however, -will fail. Genuine religious social service is that which emanates -naturally and easily from the lives of the church members and of the -church itself, asking no pay and possessing no sinuous ends. The church -that inaugurates a social program for building up the family life, the -play life, the moral life, the economic life, as well as the religious -life, in the community in which it is located, most truly represents a -socialized church. The church, however, that uses its social welfare -program merely in order to build itself up, fails to understand the -social calling as a religious institution. - -The social thought of the Hebrews revolved about the idea of social -justice; of Jesus, about the concept of active love; and of modern -Christianity, at its best, about an unselfish social program for -bringing about a just, co-operative, and harmonious life, ranging in -its operation from the individual in his family and local community -life to the individual as a functioning unit in a new world society. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVII - -METHODS OF SOCIOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION - - -In any line of thought or endeavor a correct method of procedure is -all-important. Inaccurate theories of procedure have wrecked nations, -hindered civilization for centuries at a time, and flooded the world -with negative and harmful ideas. It will be worth while, therefore, to -consider the methods by which sociology has advanced. - -The ancient makers of social proverbs crystallized what they had -individually observed many times to be true, or what they had heard -repeated on many occasions as being true. Such methods were based on -observation and generalization, carelessly used. Moreover, the data at -the command of the makers of social proverbs were very limited. - -The Hebrew prophets, fired by exalted ideas concerning the nature -of Jehovah, insisted upon a practical application of these ideas to -the daily life of the people of their time. When they perceived that -the actions and living conditions of the people fell far below the -implications of the pattern-ideas for which the name of Jehovah stood, -they vehemently proclaimed definite social ideals, and condemned all -who hindered the realization of these ideals. This method of creating -social thought is noteworthy because of the religious dynamic behind -it, and because of the social pattern-ideas which it produced. - -Plato and Aristotle were pioneer social philosophers who took cosmic -views of life. One followed the method of abstract reasoning and -centered his thought in a world of Ideas; the other viewed life -pragmatically, employing a method of empirical tests. While sociology -will always have a place for methods which interpret the daily facts of -individual and social experience in their relationships to the whole -human society and to the universe, it will insist that as large a body -of societary data as possible be gathered together before philosophic -sociology speaks positively. - -In the teachings of Jesus a rare insight to human nature is manifested. -Jesus studied individuals as individuals and, perceiving their selfish -natures, proclaimed a remedy in an inner transformation through -consecration to objective factors, such as persons and ideals. Jesus -was peculiarly happy in his method of moving among all classes of -people, of studying their needs, and of testing in practice his social -principles. While his acquaintance with human life was limited to -small groups of one race, he sought universal as well as particular -human tendencies. His method included an absolutely unselfish spirit, -a search for the truth, a broad viewpoint--all of which are thoroughly -scientific. - -The _Utopia_ of Sir Thomas More, preceded to be sure by Plato’s -_Republic_, introduced another social thought method. The utopian -formula consists in setting forth a set of ideals which presumably are -distinctly in advance of current standards. The method of arriving at -utopian ideas is largely through the use of the imagination. Standards -are postulated so far in advance of current conditions as to make -them of little value. Utopian social thought, however, does have some -scientific merit. The imagination may be used in revealing reality to -otherwise blind individuals. A utopian thought may startle a selfish -individual out of a part of his selfishness. A utopian idea possesses -the power which is inherent in indirect suggestion; it may arouse -without antagonizing. - -In the approach to the social question through an analysis of the -natural rights of the individual, the seventeenth and eighteenth social -writers fell into a deductive and a priori procedure which led them far -astray. Like the theory of individual rights, the correlative doctrine -of the social contract contained more error than truth. - -The method of positivism, ordinarily connected with the writings -of Comte, essayed a scientific approach to the social question. It -insisted upon accuracy, induction, and a right emphasis upon sequence -and co-existence. But positivism, even in the hands of its exponents, -became deductive and philosophic. It promised well scientifically, but -fell into nearly all the errors which it condemned. It was, however, a -factor in producing the nineteenth century humanitarianism. - -The organic analogy method of studying human society attracted -widespread attention, appealed strongly to the imagination even -of scholars, but resulted in findings of negligible value. -The parallelisms between an organism and society proved to be -scientifically valueless, except as they revealed some of the -connections between organic volution and social evolution. They created -a considerable vocabulary of bio-social terminology which has been more -of a hindrance than a help in social thinking. - -The psychical approach to the study of societary life, introduced by -Lester F. Ward, and made scientific by the findings of inductive and -behavioristic psychology, has proved thus far to be the best method -of understanding the social process and of arriving at a statement of -sociological laws. This method has revealed human life as a series of -social conflicts and co-operations, and of forms of social control -designed to regulate individuals for selfish and unselfish group -purposes. An explanation of the more important phases of the psychical -methodology has been presented in several chapters of this volume. - -The individual rights doctrine, the social contract theories, the -concept of positivism, and the organic analogies belong to the -unscientific age in sociological methodology. In the main these -sets of social theories were philosophic, deductive, a priori, and -argumentative. They were based chiefly on opinions, positivism alone -leaning to observation and induction but failing to live up to its -promises. On the other hand, recent decades have been marked by the -rise of scientific methods in sociology, attention has been centered -on the social process, and particularly on the psychical processes -of which the social process is an elaboration. Although he possessed -an entirely inadequate knowledge of psychology, Lester F. Ward laid -the foundations of modern sociology when he insisted that society is -a psychical affair, capable of mastering itself. As a result of this -contribution to method, not by a psychologist but by a paleontologist, -social thought moved forward into the field of scientific sociology. - -There are many writers who would class Ward with the pre-scientific -contributors to sociological thought. His methods, it is true, were -largely deductive; his psychology was seriously faulty; his philosophy -was inefficient. Nevertheless, he pointed the way for sociologists so -clearly that in this treatise his work has been considered as giving -the trend to recent sociology, rather than as being the last word of -discredited types of social thought. - -Then there are other types of sociological methodology of which mention -should be made, notably, the statistical, and the classificatory -procedures. The statistical approach had its origin in the early -census. There are evidences that rulers and kings, at least two or -three millenniums before Christ, had enumerations of their subjects -made. In connection with poor-law administration, people as early as -the Roman Era were counted. But it was not until the eighteenth century -that statistics became scientific, with statistical laws drawn from -a study of tabulated facts. Quetelet gives 1820 as the birth year -of statistical science. It was Frederick William I of Prussia who -is reported to have had an enumeration made of occupational facts; -and Frederick the Great, with having established a system for making -regular statistical studies of population. It is said that early in the -eighteenth century the University of Jena began to offer courses in -statistics. - -In England, in the latter part of the seventeenth century, Captain John -Graunt is credited with applying methods of counting, measurement, and -induction to the births and deaths in London. His studies were referred -to as political arithmetic, and were a forerunner of the current -investigations in vital statistics. Malthus made use of statistical -methods in his work (1798) on population changes. - -Quetelet (1796–1874) is usually considered the founder of statistical -science. He not only applied the method of counting to the study of -the members of human society (the census method in its common form), -but he tried to get at the problem of causation, and to indicate rules -of procedure for making causal studies in statistics. Although this -celebrated Belgian statistician tabulated and analyzed facts ranging -from the astronomical to the societary fields, his ideas can be -mentioned here only so far as they contribute to the subject of social -thought. Quetelet pointed out certain of the pitfalls in the way of -gathering accurate data. He improved the methods of census taking, and -undertook the difficult tasks that are involved in qualitative human -studies. - -Among the results of Quetelet’s work, the concept of “the average man” -is well known. Quetelet defined the law of averages and described -types, especially the average individual. Although it is very important -and useful to know about the “average man,” the term is practically -fictitious, since no one even in a large group exactly fits the -description. All individuals are either “above” or “below” the average. - -The contributions of Quetelet in the field of social statistics were -admirably supplemented by the achievements of Le Play (1806–1882). This -French sociologist and mining engineer applied the methods of physical -science to social science. He insisted upon observation of data and the -use of induction in making generalizations. His method is illustrated -by his studies in family budgets. In order to secure accurate data he -lived with individual families, studying at first-hand the conditions -by which they made a livelihood. Le Play opposed _laissez-faire_ -theories and urged programs of reform through the journal which he -founded, namely, _La Reforme Sociale_. He rejected socialism, and -advocated the method of conciliation and sympathy for effecting -agreements among employers and employees. - -Similar methods were evolved by Engels and Bücher, German -investigators. Engels’ studies of family budgets led him to draw -certain average observations. These “averages” are known as Engels’ -laws, for example: (1) The smaller the income, the larger the -percentage of expenditure for food. (2) The percentage of expenditure -for clothing, and for lodging or rent, varies directly with the income. -(3) The larger the income, the larger the percentage of expenditures -for sundries (including luxuries). - -The statistical method has been carried forward by a large number of -social investigators. With averages, modes, and medians, it is now -possible to make accurate quantitative studies. Current statistical -methods include the use of index numbers, frequency tables, discrete -series, deviations, skewness, correlations. Statistics has thrown -a flood of light upon important phases of societary life, such as -the economic, where wage scales and price levels are significant -concepts. Statistics has been widely utilized in the study of crime and -poverty. The various methods of graphic presentations are valuable in -interpreting tables of statistical data to the lay mind. - -Statistical methods can be used, however, to prove almost anything. The -ordinary individual is helpless when statistical methods are treated -unscrupulously. On the other hand, it is probably true that social -thought will become increasingly accurate by the judicious use of -statistical studies. - -A recent development, closely related to statistical science, is the -social survey. Beginning with the Pittsburg Survey in 1907–1908, the -social survey method has been widely adopted in the United States. Its -use has been applied to inventories of a specific community, such as a -rural district or a small number of city blocks. There is the specific -survey of a given social problem, such as housing or poverty. Then -there is the survey of an entire industry or a school system. - -The social survey is one of the most important sources today of sound -social thinking. By it, large quantities of social facts are being -collected. Urban and rural surveys, specific and general surveys alike, -are affording the best bases at the present time for inductive social -thinking. Some of these results have been indicated in a preceding -chapter upon the contributions of applied sociology. - -The nature of the classificatory method has already been indicated -in this treatise. The Greeks classified the various fields of -knowledge under three heads: physics, ethics, and politics. Francis -Bacon classified knowledge according to his understanding of mental -operations. He divided mental processes into three, namely, feeling, -memory, reasoning; and made a corresponding division of knowledge into -art, history, and science. Auguste Comte classified the social elements -into four groups: the industrial, the esthetic, the scientific, and -the philosophical (previsional). His hierarchal classification of the -sciences into mathematics, astronomy, physics, chemistry, biology, and -sociology has been discussed in an earlier chapter. - -Guillaume de Greef may be considered the best exponent of the -classificatory method. De Greef accepted Comte’s hierarchy of the -sciences with its basic principles of decreasing generality and -increasing dependence of parts, assented to Spencer’s evolutionary -dictum of increasing coherence and heterogeneity, and added his own -concept of volitional contractualism. - -De Greef argued that social progress is characterized by an increasing -degree of volitional activity and freedom. This volitionalism is the -basis of rational social control. The telic factors, however, are not -well developed by de Greef. His social thought rests upon a certain -logical but inaccurate classification of the social elements. - -The basis of this classification is increasing volitionalism and -particularism. De Greef gives the following classification: economic, -industrial, genetic, artistic, scientific, moral, juridical, and -political. In holding that the economic elements in society represent -the least volitionalism, and the political the most volitional -activity, with graded degrees of volitional activities represented -by the intermediate factors, the weakness of de Greef’s analysis -becomes evident. While an improvement over Comte’s classification -and superior to Spencer’s mechanistic order, de Greef’s contribution -possesses only a relative degree of logical merit. It is far from -being objectively correct, and is indicative of the difficulties in -the way of classifying social elements in an evolutionary or filial -order. There is no doubt but that any classification of merit would -have to be arranged according to some correlative plan, which would -serve the purposes of an exhibit but would not be of much scientific -value. Moreover, the classifications that are most useful are those -classifications of societary forces; these are psychical in nature and -have been treated in foregoing chapters. - -De Greef perceived the importance of the principle of socialization. -He emphasized the importance of a “we” feeling in societary life. -His social unit is the primitive family. In the evolution from the -primitive family and state, the evidence of progress is the degree of -“togetherness” that has been developed. De Greef advanced the idea that -there is an increasing degree of contractualism and hence of freedom -in society. De Greef’s work may be taken as the best attempt to carry -Comte’s classification of the sciences to a logical conclusion by -furnishing a classification of the elements which function in the field -of the “highest” science of all, namely, sociology. - -At this point and in concluding, the methodology of Albion W. -Small will be considered. Professor Small’s other contributions to -sociological thought have been indicated at the proper places in -earlier chapters. The correct method for pursuing sociological analyses -is to treat human society in terms of process. The main current in all -sound sociological study is the social process. The significant test of -progress in this social process is achievement.[XXVII-2] According to -Professor Small’s classification, there are six main phases of social -progress, namely: - -1. Achievement in promoting health, - -2. Achievement in harmonizing human relations, - -3. Achievement in producing wealth, - -4. Achievement in discovery and spread of knowledge, - -5. Achievement in the fine arts, - -6. Achievement in religion. - -These grand divisions are the expressions of certain interests[XXVII-3] -that human beings possess: (1) health interests, (2) wealth interests, -(3) sociability interests, (4) knowledge interests, (5) esthetic -interests, and (6) rightness interests. As a result of the operation -of these interests, social problems are produced. Sociology is “the -science of human interests and their workings under all conditions.” - -In this classification human interests serve as the main key forces to -an understanding of the social process. Upon psychological examination, -however, the interests are found to be bafflingly complex. The -psychologist has not given a satisfactory description of interests. And -yet it is clear that what people are interested in is a fair criterion -of the direction which their evolution will take. Furthermore, the -changes in the interests of people are fundamental in telic social -progress. With a correlation of interests as a subjective criterion, -and of achievement as an objective test, Professor Small has shown the -dualistic nature of the social process. Those methodologists who would -measure all things human in purely objective terms are scientifically -negligent of important human elements. Mind is not simply matter; the -social process is not entirely behavior. - -Professor Small has sharpened three important tools for the use of the -sociological investigator. These are: the social process, personal -interests, and the group. His analyses are sound, except as he does -not show how “interests” usually possess social origins. Otherwise -he speaks consistently and helpfully in terms of groups and group -processes. - -With concepts such as have been favorably presented in the foregoing -paragraphs--and chapters--the sociologist of the future will be able to -make contributions to thought that will help to determine educational, -religious, economic, political, and other important human aims. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVIII - -THE DISSEMINATION OF SOCIOLOGICAL THOUGHT - - -Despite its youth, inchoateness, and naïveté, sociological thought is -exerting a vital influence in the world. It is giving a new rating to -all the established values of life, undermining some, strengthening -others, and creating still others. - -The chief values in sociological thought are that it constitutes the -center of all worth while thought; it gives balance and proportion to -thinking in any field; it defies race prejudice and social intolerance; -it smites selfish living; it rivets attention to the essentially human -values; it stimulates personal development in harmony with group and -societary welfare. At the same time, it postulates group advancement, -not upon paternalistic or autocratic grounds, but upon a constructive -projection of personalities that harmonizes with unselfish group -service. - -For centuries genuine social thinking was confined largely to a few -of the intellectually élite. These few lived, and did even their -social thinking, in a more or less isolated way. It was not until the -first decades of the last centuries that social thought began to be -scientific in character, that is, became sociological. Sociological -thinking, however, was isolated and uncorrelated for many years. In -the last decade of the nineteenth century, sociology began to develop -a considerable body of thinkers and to create a new morale. There -were many disagreements that tended to break the new science asunder. -The opening decades, however, of the twentieth century witnessed -a development of sociological thought that was followed by the -establishment of the teaching of sociology as a profession. - -With the rise of professional sociologists, the dissemination of -socialized thought became noteworthy. For a long time sociology was -considered only as a post-graduate study. In the last few years, -however, sociology has been making its way downward in college and -university curricula, until it is being widely taught to college -freshmen and sophomores. In this connection there is a variety of -textbooks that have been written to meet the needs of beginning -students. There are some teachers who would introduce sociology through -anthropological studies, beginning with the origin of man. Others would -give a survey or prospectus of social institutions, processes, and -problems.[XXVIII-1] Still others would deal only with social problems. -Then there are those persons who would build a text-book around a -central theme, tracing it through social relationships. For advanced -work in sociological thought there is a variety of treatises dealing -with systems at once profound, complex, and fundamental. - -For high schools, the technique of sociological teaching is in the -beginning stages. The importance in high schools of social science -teaching is generally recognized, but there has been great difficulty -in effecting an agreement among the various social science branches. -Some high school teachers prefer a “social problems” course, although -the demand is growing for a “social science” course, extending -throughout the year, dividing the time more or less evenly between -economics, sociology, and civics. There are other high school -teachers who contend that sociology can be taught best in a general -“citizenship” course. One of the specific difficulties is that the -high school curriculum is full, and that the representatives of none -of the established courses are willing to see the subjects in which -they are interested crowded out. Another difficulty is the power which -the self-culture and self-development concepts possess. The equal -importance of the social culture and social development concepts is -being recognized, but with amazing slowness. - -In the grades the teaching of sociology is gaining ground. In the sense -that there is an advanced group of mathematical studies for university -men and women and an elemental mathematics for the grades, so there is -advanced sociology, and also an elemental sociology centering around -the activities of the primary groups, such as the family, play, -neighborhood, and school groups. A child who is old enough to learn -to obey is old enough to begin elemental sociology, in fact, when he -learns to obey, he is already beginning to experience the meaning of a -social, if not a sociological concept. Simple social studies are being -prepared for the grades, even beginning with the first grade. - -The dissemination of sociological thought is a practical question to -which in the last score of years special attention has been given. -The universities and colleges began to establish chairs of sociology -in the closing decade of the last century. The movement has acquired -a remarkable momentum in the United States. Normal schools and high -schools have adopted the movement. Many churches are promulgating a -socialized gospel. Literature is gradually assuming an appreciation of -the sociological viewpoint. - -From the social proverbs of primitive man to a treatise such as Ross’ -_Principles of Sociology_, with its admirable analysis of significant -societal processes, such as equalization, domination, individuation, -socialization--this is the main span of social thought. Social -thought began in the simplest form of observations about social -relationships between individual and individual, between chieftain -and tribal member, between master and servant. It experienced various -stages of denunciation of social wrongs. It produced perspectives of -perfect societies. It moved profoundly forward in the form of social -philosophies. Now it is proceeding either as the investigator of new -social facts, or the psychological interpreter of these facts in terms -of social processes. It is assuming a scientific procedure, although a -portion of the results of its undertakings finds expression in social -philosophy. It is beginning to formulate sociological laws. It is -inaugurating a technique for preventing the maladjustments that produce -social evils; it is establishing a teaching technique. Although the -masses of the human race are beginning to feel blindly the meaning of -social values, they have not yet been able to make their highest social -aspirations rationally articulate. Until that time comes, democracy -will remain an experiment, and world progress a toy of autocratic -forces. - -A history of social thought is essentially a review of an irregular -but positive acceptance of social values. Individual after individual, -leader after leader, profession after profession, group after group, -have felt and accepted the challenge of the sociological viewpoint. -They have changed from living selfishly to living socially. They have -even given up the ideal of service for self advancement, setting up in -its place the ideal of service for the welfare of others. In so doing -and living they have found expansion of personality and contributed -to the advancement of society. Since the days of Comte in particular, -the social sciences have been increasing in variety and scope until -they number a score or more, and sociological influence has been -widening until the related sciences are inviting sociology, which is -the scientific study of group phenomena, to define their objectives for -them. In fact, sociological concepts are permeating the farthermost -reaches of personal living and societal control. A history of social -thought is a history of the socializing of human attitudes and -interests, presaging a human society in which personal achievement and -group progress are equally and supremely sought. - - - - -FOOTNOTES - - -CHAPTER II - -[II-1] W. I. Thomas, _Source Book for Social Origins_, University of -Chicago Press, 1909, p. 161. - -[II-2] Daniel Crawford, _Thinking Black_, Doran, 1913. - -[II-3] E. M. Curr, _The Australian Race_, Melbourne, 1883, 1:339. - -[II-4] A. M. Howitt, _The Organisation of Australian Tribes_, p. 452. - - -CHAPTER III - -[III-1] _Boulak Papyrus_, trans. by Griffith, p. 5340, _La Moral -Egyptienne_. - -[III-2] _“The Instruction of Ptah-Hotep,”_ trans. by Gunn, Wisdom of -the East Series. - -[III-3] Code of Hammurapi, Sect. 196. - -[III-4] Ibid., Sect. 198. - -[III-5] Ibid., Sect. 229. - -[III-6] _Shoo King_, 27:3. - - -CHAPTER IV - -[IV-1] C. F. Kent, _The Social Teachings of the Prophets and Jesus_, -Scribner, 1917, p. 4. - -[IV-2] Exodus, 3:7, 8. - -[IV-3] Amos, 2:6, 7, 8; 3:10; 4:1, 2; 5:7, 15; 6:4. - -[IV-4] Isaiah, 1:23. - -[IV-5] Isaiah, 3:14, 15. - -[IV-6] Micah, 3:2, 3. - -[IV-7] Jeremiah, 22:13, 15, 17 (Modern Reader’s Bible). - -[IV-8] Louis Wallis, _Sociological Study of the Bible_, University of -Chicago Press, 1912, Ch. VII. - -[IV-9] Hosea, 4:11; 9:11, 16. - -[IV-10] Exodus, 20:12. - -[IV-11] Proverbs, 20:20. - -[IV-12] Proverbs, 12:4. - -[IV-13] Proverbs, 29:15. - -[IV-14] Isaiah, 5:11. - -[IV-15] Proverbs, 20:1. - -[IV-16] Proverbs, 31:7. - -[IV-17] Exodus, 21:13; I Kings, 1:50; 2:28. - -[IV-18] Job, 31. - -[IV-19] Amos, 9:7. - -[IV-20] Isaiah, 9:5; cf., Kent, _The Social Teachings of the Prophets -and Jesus_, p. 112. - - -CHAPTER V - -[V-1] Hesiod, _Work and Days_, trans. by A. W. Mains, Oxford, 1908. - -[V-2] _The Works of Hesiod, Callimachus and Theognis_, trans. by Banks, -Bohn’s Classical Library, p. 227. - -[V-3] Botsford and Sihler, _Hellenic Civilization_, p. 64. - -[V-4] George Rawlinson, translator, _History of Herodotus_, 4 vols. - -[V-5] Plutarch’s Pericles, revised by Clough, 1:234 ff. - -[V-6] Botsford and Sihler, op. cit., p. 340. - -[V-7] _On Air, Water and Places_ in the Genuine Works of Hippocrates, -trans. by Adams, Vol. I. - -[V-8] Plato I, 338 C. All references to Plato’s _Dialogues_ in this -chapter or in later chapters are to Jowett’s translation. - -[V-9] Adela M. Adam, Plato, _Moral and Political Ideals_, p. 10. - -[V-10] The reader will find in Will Durant’s _Philosophy and the Social -Problem_, Ch. I, a unique although ideocentric interpretation of -Socrates. - -[V-11] _Laws_, 738. - -[V-12] The beginning student of Plato’s social thought should first -read the _Republic_, especially V 472 A to VII 541 B. - -[V-13] _Republic_, 369 B. - -[V-14] Ibid., 370 B. - -[V-15] Ibid., 373. - -[V-16] _Laws_, 803. - -[V-17] _Statesman_, 308. - -[V-18] Ibid., 307. - -[V-19] Ibid., 297. - -[V-20] _Republic_, 398 E, 412. - -[V-21] _Laws_, 731, 732. - -[V-22] _Republic_, 412. - -[V-23] _Statesman_, 303. - -[V-24] _Republic_, 525; cf. _Laws_, 818. - -[V-25] Ibid., 537, 539, 540. - -[V-26] Ibid., 413. - -[V-27] Ibid., 416. - -[V-28] Ibid., 416, 417. - -[V-29] Ibid., 457 C, 464 C. - -[V-30] Ibid., 414, 415. - -[V-31] Ibid., 415. - -[V-32] Loc. cit. - -[V-33] Ibid., 460 C, 461 C. - -[V-34] _Statesman_, 310 - -[V-35] _Laws_, 773. - -[V-36] _Statesman_, 310. - -[V-37] _Republic_, 422 A; _Laws_, 744, 745. - -[V-38] _Republic_, 421. - -[V-39] Ibid., 550 D, E; _Laws_, 742, 791. - -[V-40] _Republic_, 550. - -[V-41] Ibid., 550 C. - -[V-42] Ibid., 556. - -[V-43] Loc. cit. - -[V-44] Ibid., 552 D. - -[V-45] Ibid., 552 E. - -[V-46] _Laws_, 744, 745. - -[V-47] Ibid., 729. - -[V-48] Loc. cit. - -[V-49] _Republic_, 377, 401. - -[V-50] _Laws_, 772. - -[V-51] _Statesman_, 294. - -[V-52] Ibid., 300. - -[V-53] In books, IX-XII. - -[V-54] _Laws_, 934. - -[V-55] Ibid., 862 ff. - -[V-56] Ibid., 936. - -[V-57] Ibid., 955. - -[V-58] _Republic_, 455, 456; _Laws_, 805. - -[V-59] _Republic_, 451. - -[V-60] Ibid., 475 A; _Laws_, 814. - -[V-61] _Laws_, 759. - -[V-62] Ibid., 929, 930. - -[V-63] _Republic_, 457 A; _Laws_, 795 ff, 813 ff, 830 ff. - -[V-64] Ibid., 410. - -[V-65] Ibid., 441. - -[V-66] Ibid., 498 B. - -[V-67] Ibid., 518. - -[V-68] Ibid., 536. - -[V-69] Ibid., 425; _Laws_, 643. - -[V-70] _Republic_, 537. - -[V-71] _Laws_, 729. - -[V-72] _Republic_, 435 ff. - -[V-73] _Laws_, 903. - -[V-74] _Republic_, 545–549. - -[V-75] Ibid., 550, 551. - -[V-76] Loc. cit. - -[V-77] Ibid., 555. - -[V-78] Ibid., 564. - -[V-79] Ibid., 339; _Laws_, 714. - - -CHAPTER VI - -[VI-1] _Ethics_, trans. by Welldon, II, 2. - -[VI-2] _Politics_, trans. by Jowett, I, 2. - -[VI-3] Loc. cit. - -[VI-4] Ibid., II, 3. - -[VI-5] Ibid., II, 5. - -[VI-6] Loc. cit. - -[VI-7] Ibid., II, 7; VII, 10. - -[VI-8] Ibid., II, 4. - -[VI-9] Ibid., I, 4. - -[VI-10] Ibid., III, 7. - -[VI-11] Ibid., III, 15. - -[VI-12] Ibid., V, 8; VII, 2. - -[VI-13] Ibid., II, 8. - -[VI-14] Ibid., V, 8. - -[VI-15] Ibid., IV, 11. - -[VI-16] Ibid., V, 7. - -[VI-17] Ibid., IV, 11. - -[VI-18] Ibid., II, 6. - -[VI-19] Loc. cit. - -[VI-20] Ibid., II, 9. - -[VI-21] Ibid., II, 12. - -[VI-22] Ibid., V, 1. - -[VI-23] Ibid., VII, 14. - -[VI-24] Loc. cit. - -[VI-25] Ibid., VII, 4. - -[VI-26] Ibid., VII, 11. - -[VI-27] Ibid., VII, 15. - -[VI-28] Ibid., VII, 16. - -[VI-29] Ibid., I, 12. - -[VI-30] Ibid., VII, 16. - -[VI-31] Ibid., VIII, 2. - -[VI-32] Ibid., VIII, 3. - -[VI-33] Ibid., VIII, 4. - -[VI-34] Ibid., VIII, 5. - - -CHAPTER VII - -[VII-1] Lucretius, _Dererum natura_, trans. by Muno, in Bohn’s -Libraries, V. 335 ff., 778 ff. - -[VII-2] _De officiis_, trans. by Edmonds, Bohn’s Libraries, I, XVII, -XIV; _De republica_, trans. by Younge, Bohn’s Libraries, I, XXV-XXVI, -XIV. - -[VII-3] _Dialogues_, VII, 9. - -[VII-4] _Thoughts_, trans. by Long, VII, 31. - -[VII-5] Ibid., VI, 7. - -[VII-6] Ibid., VIII, 59. - -[VII-7] Ibid., IX, 23. - -[VII-8] Ibid., VI, 42. - -[VII-9] Ibid., XII, 36. - -[VII-10] Seneca, _Dial._, IX, 4. - -[VII-11] Ibid., VII, 20. - -[VII-12] _On Anger._ - -[VII-13] Loc. cit. - -[VII-14] Epictetus, _Discourses_, Book I, Ch. XVIII. - -[VII-15] Matthew, V, 44. - -[VII-16] _Thoughts_, VII, 22. - -[VII-17] Romans, XII, 17. - -[VII-18] _Thoughts_, VII, 26; III, 7. - -[VII-19] Seneca, _On a Happy Life_. - -[VII-20] Loc. cit. - - -CHAPTER VIII - -[VIII-1] Luke 17:20, 21. - -[VIII-2] Luke 13:34. - -[VIII-3] Matt. 12:48; Mark 3:34. - -[VIII-4] Matt. 13:31, 32; Mark 4:30; Luke 13:18, 19. - -[VIII-5] Luke 6:36. - -[VIII-6] Matt. 5:23; Matt. 18:15; Luke 6:41, 42. - -[VIII-7] Matt. 5:44, 46; Luke 6:20, 35. - -[VIII-8] Matt. 28:20; 24:14. - -[VIII-9] John 12:43; Matt. 6:5. - -[VIII-10] Matt. 4:8. - -[VIII-11] Luke 9:48; Mark 10:14; Matt. 18:1. - -[VIII-12] Matt. 25:31–46. - -[VIII-13] Mark 9:41; Matt. 10:42. - -[VIII-14] Luke 6:30; 3:11. - -[VIII-15] Matt. 23:23–33. - -[VIII-17] John 2:13–17; Matt. 21:12, 13; Mark 11:15–17; Luke 19:45, 46. - -[VIII-18] Mark 11:18; Luke 19:47. - -[VIII-19] Matt. 15:4; 19:19. - -[VIII-20] Mark 10:7, 8; Matt. 19:5. - -[VIII-21] Mark 9:42. - -[VIII-22] Matt. 19:21. - -[VIII-23] John 12:8; Mark 14:7; Matt. 26:11. - -[VIII-24] Luke 12:16–21. - -[VIII-25] Luke 13:14; Matt. 12:2, 10–13. - -[VIII-26] Mark 2:27; 3:4. - -[VIII-27] Matt. 10:34–39. - -[VIII-28] Luke 12:49–53. - -[VIII-29] John 18:10; Matt. 26:50–56. - -[VIII-30] Matt. 5:39. - -[VIII-31] Luke 2:13, 14. - -[VIII-32] Acts 15:9; 10:28; Galatians, 3:28. - -[VIII-33] Romans 8:16; 32. - -[VIII-34] I. Corinthians, Ch. 13. - -[VIII-35] Galatians 5:13; Romans 12:10. - -[VIII-36] Galatians 6:2; 6:10; Acts 20:35. - -[VIII-37] Romans 8:35–39; 12:17; Ephesians 1:21; 2:4; 3:17, 18. - -[VIII-38] Romans 12:4–8; cf. I. Corinthians 12:12. - -[VIII-39] Romans 14:7. - -[VIII-40] Ephesians 5:22–23; Colossians 3:18, 19; I. Corinthians 11:9, -19; I Corinthians 11:9. - -[VIII-41] I. Timothy 6:7–10; 17, 18. - -[VIII-42] James 1:26, 27. - -[VIII-43] Revelation, Ch. 21. - - -CHAPTER IX - -[IX-1] B text, Passus VIII. The manuscripts of _Pier’s Ploughman_ -number over forty and fall into three sets: A, B, and C. - - -CHAPTER X - -[X-1] _The Utopia of Sir Thomas More_, Bell and Sons, London, edited by -George Simpson in Bohn’s Classical Libraries, 1910, p. 75. - -[X-2] Ibid., p. 104. - -[X-3] Ibid., p. 111. - -[X-4] Ibid., p. 153. - -[X-5] Ibid., pp. 84, 93. - -[X-6] Ibid., pp. 135, 84. - -[X-7] Ibid., p. 93. - -[X-8] Ibid., p. 97. - -[X-9] Ibid., p. 92. - -[X-10] Ibid., p. 88. - -[X-11] Ibid., p. 90. - -[X-12] Ibid., p. 96. - -[X-13] Ibid., p. 110, cf. Bacon, _The New Atlantis_ in Ideal -Commonwealths, Collier, 1901, p. 125. - -[X-14] Ibid., p. 131. - -[X-15] Ibid., p. 93. - -[X-16] Ibid., p. 115. - -[X-17] Ibid., p. 117, cf. Campanella, _The City of the Sun_, in Ideal -Commonwealths, Collier, 1901, p. 157. - -[X-18] Ibid., p. 174. - -[X-19] Ibid., p. 95. - -[X-20] Ibid., p. 101. - -[X-21] Ibid., p. 175. - -[X-22] Ibid., p. 174. - -[X-23] Ibid., pp. 153 ff. - -[X-24] Ibid., p. 154. - -[X-25] Ibid., p. 103. - -[X-26] Ibid., pp. 140, 141. - -[X-27] Ibid., p. 67. - -[X-28] Bacon, _The New Atlantis_ in Ideal Commonwealths, Collier, 1901, -pp. 135 ff. - -[X-29] Bellamy, _Looking Backward_, Grosset and Dunlap, 1898, p. 57. - -[X-30] Ibid., p. 88. - -[X-31] Ibid., p. 89. - -[X-32] Ibid., p. 67. - -[X-33] Ibid., p. 192. - -[X-34] Ibid., pp. 220 ff. - -[X-35] Ibid., pp. 287 ff. - -[X-36] H. G. Wells, _Anticipations_, _Mankind in the Making_, and _A -Modern Utopia_. See _A Modern Utopia_, Scribner, 1905, pp. 5, 11. - - -CHAPTER XI - -[XI-1] Machiavelli, _The Prince_, Routledge, London, n.d., p. 53. - -[XI-2] Ibid., pp. 104, 105. - -[XI-3] Ibid., p. 71. - -[XI-4] Ibid., p. 77. - -[XI-5] Hobbes, _Leviathan_, Putnam, 1904, Ch. XIII. - -[XI-6] Locke, _Two Treatises on Government_, Routledge, n.d., p. 18. - -[XI-7] Ibid., p. 193. - -[XI-8] Ibid., p. 199. - -[XI-9] Ibid., p. 315. - -[XI-10] Rousseau, _Contrat social_, Garnier, Paris, p. 240. - -[XI-11] Ibid., p. 246. - -[XI-12] Ibid., p. 249. - -[XI-13] John Winthrop in _Selections from Early American Writers, -1607–1800_, edit. by W. B. Cairns, Macmillan, 1910, p. 52. - -[XI-14] _A Treatise of Human Nature_, edit. by Selby-Bigge, Oxford, -1896, II:777, 114, 140, 150. - -[XI-15] Ibid., p. 534. - -[XI-16] Ibid., p. 546. - -[XI-17] Adam Smith, _The Wealth of Nations_, Putnam, 1904, II:114. - -[XI-18] Ibid., II:83. - -[XI-19] Ibid., II:143. - -[XI-20] Ibid., II:203. - -[XI-21] Ibid., I:80. - -[XI-22] Ibid., I:81. - -[XI-23] Ibid., II:203–207. - -[XI-24] Ibid., I:11. - -[XI-25] Kant, _Theory of Ethics_, trans. by Abbott, p. 9. - -[XI-26] Hegel, _Philosophy of Right_, trans. by Dyde, Part III, p. 150. - -[XI-27] W. G. Sumner, _What Social Classes Owe to Each Other_, Harper, -1920, p. 12. - -[XI-28] Ibid., p 25. - -[XI-29] Publications of the American Sociological Society, Vol. XV. - - -CHAPTER XII - -[XII-1] Adam Smith, _Wealth of Nations_, Putnam, 1901, I:81. - -[XII-2] Ibid., p. 147. - -[XII-3] _An Essay on the Principle of Population_, eighth edit., Reeves -and Turner, 1878, p. 1; cf. W. S. Thompson, _Population: A Study in -Malthusianism_, Columbia University, 1915, Ch. I. - -[XII-4] Ibid., p. 2. - -[XII-5] Ibid., p. 8. - -[XII-6] Ibid., p. 9. - -[XII-7] Ibid., p. 13. - -[XII-8] Ibid., p. 371. - -[XII-9] Ibid., p. 402. - -[XII-10] Ibid., p. 416. - -[XII-11] Ibid., p. 437. - -[XII-12] Ibid., p. 481. - -[XII-13] T. N. Carver, _Essays in Social Justice_, Harvard University -Press, 1915, Ch. XIV. - -[XII-14] Cf. W. S. Thompson, _Population: A Study in Malthusianism_, -Columbia University Studies, 1915. - - -CHAPTER XIII - -[XIII-1] Auguste Comte, _Positive Philosophy_, trans. by Martineau, -Vol. I, pp. x, xi. - -[XIII-2] Ibid., p. xi. - -[XIII-3] Ibid., p. xv. - -[XIII-4] Ibid., Vol. III, p. 13. - -[XIII-5] Ibid., Vol. I, p. 26. - -[XIII-6] Ibid., p. 27. - -[XIII-7] Ibid., p. 34. - -[XIII-8] Ibid., p. 35. - -[XIII-9] Ibid., p. 36. - -[XIII-10] Ibid., p. 41. - -[XIII-11] Ibid., pp. 27 ff. - -[XIII-12] Ibid., p. 149. - -[XIII-13] Ibid., p. 153, 154. - -[XIII-14] Ibid., Vol. II, p. 30. - -[XIII-15] Ibid., p. 219. - -[XIII-16] Ibid., p. 175. - -[XIII-17] Ibid., p. 176. - -[XIII-18] Ibid., p. 180. - -[XIII-19] Ibid., p. 193. - -[XIII-20] Ibid., p. 234. - -[XIII-21] Ibid., p. 292. - -[XIII-22] Ibid., p. 287. - -[XIII-23] Ibid., p. 286. - -[XIII-24] Ibid., p. 300. - -[XIII-25] Ibid., Vol. III, p. 320. - -[XIII-26] Comte, _Positive Polity_, London, 1871, I:1. - - -CHAPTER XIV - -[XIV-1] Proudhon, _What Is Property?_ Twentieth Century Press, 1908. - -[XIV-2] Rodbertus, _Overproduction and Crises_, Scribner, 1906 - -[XIV-3] Lassalle, _Science and the Workingman_, Kerr, 1903. - -[XIV-4] Marx and Engels, _Manifesto of the Communist Party_, Kerr, 1902. - -[XIV-5] Marx, _Capital_, trans. by Moore and Aveling, Kerr, 1909, I:673 -ff., 834 ff. - -[XIV-6] Kropotkin, _Mutual Aid; a Factor of Evolution_, Doubleday, -Page, 1902. - -[XIV-7] Henry George, _Progress and Poverty_, Doubleday, Page, 1916, p. -9. - -[XIV-8] Ibid. - -[XIV-9] Ibid., pp. 286, 287. - -[XIV-10] Ibid., p. 342. - -[XIV-11] Ibid., p. 339. - - -CHAPTER XV - -[XV-1] Jean Bodin, _The Six Bookes of A Commonwealth_, trans. by R. -Knoles, London. - -[XV-2] H. T. Buckle, _History of Civilisation in England_, Appleton, -1874, 2 vols., I:14. - -[XV-3] Ibid., p. 29. - -[XV-4] Ibid., p. 31. - -[XV-5] Ibid., p. 32. - -[XV-6] Ibid., p. 33. - -[XV-7] Ibid., p. 36. - -[XV-8] Ibid., pp. 44 ff. - -[XV-9] Ibid., p. 52. - -[XV-10] Ibid., p. 85. - -[XV-11] Ibid., p. 95. - -[XV-12] Ibid., p. 96. - -[XV-13] Ibid., p. 99. - -[XV-14] Ellen Semple, _Influences of Geographic Environment_, Holt, -1911, p. 635. - -[XV-15] See Ellsworth Huntington, _Civilization and Climate_, Yale -University Press, 1915. - -[XV-16] W. Z. Ripley, _Races in Europe_, Appleton, 1899, p. 571. - - -CHAPTER XVI - -[XVI-1] Charles Darwin, _The Descent of Man_, Appleton, 1904, pp. 229 -ff. - -[XVI-2] Herbert Spencer, _First Principles_, Appleton, 1900, Section -III-145. - -[XVI-3] Spencer, _Principles of Sociology_, Appleton, 1914, I:596, 597. - -[XVI-4] Ibid., p. 84. - -[XVI-5] Ibid., Part II, Ch. II. - -[XVI-6] Ibid., pp. 457 ff. - -[XVI-7] Ibid., Part II, Ch. VI-IX. - -[XVI-8] Ibid., p. 592. - -[XVI-9] John Fiske, _Destiny of Man_, Houghton Mifflin, 1904, p. 12. - -[XVI-10] John Fiske, _Outlines of Cosmic Philosophy_, Houghton Mifflin, -1874, Part II, pp. 340 ff. - -[XVI-11] Ibid., pp. 360 ff. - -[XVI-12] Ibid., pp. 303 ff. - -[XVI-13] Paul von Lilienfeld, _Gedanken über die Socialwissenschaft der -Zukunft_, II, pp. viii ff. - -[XVI-14] Lilienfeld, _Pathologie Sociale_, 1904. - -[XVI-15] J. S. Mackensie, _Outlines of Social Philosophy_, Macmillan, -1918, p. 14. - -[XVI-16] Ibid., p. 65. - -[XVI-17] Ibid., p. 243 ff. - - -CHAPTER XVII - -[XVII-1] Lester F. Ward, _Dynamic Sociology_, Appleton, 1911, Vol. I, -pp. XXV ff. - -[XVII-2] Ibid., p. 22. - -[XVII-3] Ibid., pp. 22, 23. - -[XVII-4] Ibid., pp. 56, 57. - -[XVII-5] Ibid., p. 60; Ward, _Pure Sociology_, Macmillan, 1914, p. 4. - -[XVII-6] Lester F. Ward, _Applied Sociology_, Ginn, 1906, pp. 5 ff. - -[XVII-7] _Dynamic Sociology_, Vol. I, p. 72. - -[XVII-8] Ibid., p. 143. - -[XVII-9] Ibid., p. 320. - -[XVII-10] Ibid., pp. 408, 409. - -[XVII-11] Ibid., p. 464. - -[XVII-12] Ibid., p. 452. - -[XVII-13] Ibid., p. 467. - -[XVII-14] Ibid., p. 474. - -[XVII-15] Ibid., p. 486. - -[XVII-16] Ibid., p. 497. - -[XVII-17] Ibid., p. 516. - -[XVII-18] Ibid., pp. 518 ff. - -[XVII-19] Ibid., p. 520. - -[XVII-20] Ibid., Vol. II, p. 341. - -[XVII-21] Ibid., Vol. I, p. 520. - -[XVII-22] Ibid., p. 522. - -[XVII-23] Ibid., p. 541. - -[XVII-24] Ibid., p. 583. - -[XVII-25] Ibid., p. 579. - -[XVII-26] Ibid., p. 594. - -[XVII-27] Ibid., pp. 606 ff. - -[XVII-28] Ibid., p. 615. - -[XVII-29] _Pure Sociology_, p. 403. - -[XVII-30] _Dynamic Sociology_, Vol. I, p. 641. - -[XVII-31] _Pure Sociology_, Ch. XV. - -[XVII-32] Ibid., p. 420. - -[XVII-33] Lester F. Ward, _Psychic Factors of Civilisation_, Ginn, -1906, Ch. XXXIV. - -[XVII-34] _Dynamic Sociology_, Vol. I, pp. 669, 670. - -[XVII-35] Ibid., pp. 473, 474. - -[XVII-36] _Pure Sociology_, p. 438. - -[XVII-37] Ibid., pp. 457 ff. - -[XVII-38] Ibid., p. 469. - -[XVII-39] Ibid., pp. 231 ff. - -[XVII-40] Ibid., p. 237. - -[XVII-41] Ibid., pp. 79 ff. - -[XVII-42] Lester F. Ward, “Eugenics, Euthenics, and Eudemics,” _Amer. -Jour. of Sociology_, 18; 737–54. - - -CHAPTER XVIII - -[XVIII-1] H. F. Osborn, _Men of the Old Stone Age_, Scribner, 1918, Ch. -I. - -[XVIII-2] W. G. Sumner, _Folkways_, Ginn, 1907, p. 43. - -[XVIII-3] Ibid., p. 13. - -[XVIII-4] Ibid., p. 266. - -[XVIII-5] Ibid., pp. 343, 362. - -[XVIII-6] Ibid., p. 378. - -[XVIII-7] W. I. Thomas, _Sex and Society_, p. 51. - -[XVIII-8] Ibid., p. 182. - -[XVIII-9] Ibid., p. 41. - -[XVIII-10] Ibid., p. 40. - -[XVIII-11] Ibid., p. 41. - -[XVIII-12] Ibid., p. 54. - -[XVIII-13] Ibid., p. 61. - -[XVIII-14] Ibid., p. 65. - -[XVIII-15] Ibid., Ch. II. - -[XVIII-16] Ibid., p. 76. - -[XVIII-17] Ibid., p. 201. - -[XVIII-18] Ibid., p. 418; cf. W. I. Thomas, _Sex and Society_, -University of Chicago Press, 1907, pp. 201–220. - -[XVIII-19] Ibid., p. 629. - -[XVIII-20] A. G. Kellor, _Societal Evolution_, Macmillan, 1915. - -[XVIII-21] Edward Westermarck, _The Origin and Development of the Moral -Ideas_, Macmillan, 1906, I:159. - -[XVIII-22] Ibid. - -[XVIII-23] Ibid., p. 160. - -[XVIII-24] Ibid., Vol. II. p. 740. - -[XVIII-25] Ibid., II:745. - -[XVIII-26] L. T. Hobhouse, _Morals in Evolution_, Holt, 1919, p. 1. - -[XVIII-27] Ibid., p. 2. - -[XVIII-28] Ibid. - -[XVIII-29] Ibid., p. 43; cf. Hobhouse, _Social Evolution and Political -Theory_, Lemcke, 1911, pp. 128 ff. - -[XVIII-30] Ibid., p. 60. - -[XVIII-31] Ibid., p. 64. - -[XVIII-32] _Social Evolution and Political Theory_, p. 148. - -[XVIII-33] _Morals in Evolution_, pp. 130, 71. - -[XVIII-34] William Wundt, _Elements of Folk Psychology_, trans. by -Schaub, Macmillan, 1916, p. 1. - -[XVIII-35] Ibid., p. 478. - -[XVIII-36] Ibid., p. 514. - -[XVIII-37] Ibid., p. 515. - -[XVIII-38] Ibid., p. 516. - -[XVIII-39] Franz Boas, _The Mind of Primitive Man_, Macmillan, 1911, p. -102. - -[XVIII-40] Hobhouse, _Social Evolution and Political Theory_, p. 39. - -[XVIII-41] W. I. Thomas, _Source Book for Social Origins_, University -of Chicago Press, 1909, p. 18. - -[XVIII-42] Ibid., p. 20. - -[XVIII-43] Ibid., p. 14. - -[XVIII-44] Thomas, _Sex and Society_, p. 51. - -[XVIII-45] Thomas and Znaniecki, _The Polish Peasant in Europe and -America_, University of Chicago Press, 1918, I:22. - - -CHAPTER XIX - -[XIX-1] Francis Galton, _Hereditary Genius_, Macmillan, 1914. - -[XIX-2] _Inquiries into the Human Faculty_, Dutton, 1908. - -[XIX-3] See C. W. Saleeby, _The Progress of Eugenics_, Funk and -Wagnalls, 1914, pp. 1 ff. - -[XIX-4] Karl Pearson, _The Grammar of Science_, Black, 1911, p. 1. - -[XIX-5] Ibid., p. 6. - -[XIX-6] See Saleeby, _The Progress of Eugenics_, Ch. II. - -[XIX-7] See C. B. Davenport, _Heredity in Relation to Eugenics_, Holt, -1911. - -[XIX-8] See Popenoe and Johnson, _Applied Eugenics_, Macmillan, 1918. - -[XIX-9] Ibid., p. 213. - -[XIX-10] Ibid., pp. 218, 231. - -[XIX-11] Ibid., Ch. XVI. - -[XIX-12] Ibid., p. 381. - -[XIX-13] Ibid., p. 380. - -[XIX-14] Saleeby, _The Progress of Eugenics_, p. 65. - -[XIX-15] Popenoe and Johnson, op. cit., p. 387. - -[XIX-16] Hobhouse, _Social Evolution and Political Theory_, Lemcke, -1911, p. 45. - -[XIX-17] Popenoe and Johnson, op. cit., p. 292. - - -CHAPTER XX - -[XX-1] Ludwig Gumplowicz, _Der Rassenkampf_, Innsbruck, 1883, p. 64. - -[XX-2] Gumplowicz, _Grundriss der Sociologie_, tr. by Moore, 1885, p. -134. - -[XX-3] Gumplowicz, _Sociologie und Politik_, p. 94. - -[XX-4] Friedrich Nietzsche, _Genealogy of Morals_, New York, 1897, p. -46. - -[XX-5] Nietzsche, _The Will to Power_, 1889, pp. 90, 269, 660 ff. - -[XX-6] S. N. Patten, _A Theory of Social Forces_, 1896, Ch. IV. - -[XX-7] T. N. Carver, _Essays in Social Justice_, Harvard University -Press, 1915, pp. 30, 34. - -[XX-8] Ibid., p. 46. - -[XX-9] Ibid., pp. 49, 50. - -[XX-10] Ibid., p. 56. - -[XX-11] Ibid., p. 77. - -[XX-12] Op. cit. - -[XX-13] T. N. Carver, _Principles of Political Economy_, Ginn, 1919, -pp. 37 ff. Also see _Essays in Social Justice_, p. 86. - -[XX-14] _Essays in Social Justice_, p. 86. - -[XX-15] Ibid., p. 108. - -[XX-16] _Principles of Political Economy_, p. 43. - -[XX-17] J. Novicow, _War and its Alleged Benefits_, trans. by Seltzer, -Holt, 1911. - -[XX-18] E. A. Ross, _Principles of Sociology_, Century, 1920, p. 167. - -[XX-19] Ibid., p. 183. - -[XX-20] Ibid., pp. 207, 206. - - -CHAPTER XXI - -[XXI-1] Cf. S. H. Swinny, “Giambatista Vico,” _Sociological Review_, -Jan. 1914, pp. 50–57. - -[XXI-2] Peter Kropotkin, _Mutual Aid; a Factor in Evolution_, -Doubleday, Page, 1902, p. 3. - -[XXI-3] Ibid., p. VII; cf. Kropotkin, _Fields, Factories and -Workshops_, Putnam, 1901, Ch. 1. - -[XXI-4] “_The State; Its Historic Role_,” London, 1898--reproduced in -_Man or the State_ by W. R. Browne, Huebsch, 1919, p. 21. - -[XXI-5] Gustav Ratzenhofer, _Die sociologische Erkenntniss_, Leipzig, -1898, Sect. 22; see A. W. Small. _General Sociology_, University of -Chicago Press, 1905, Ch. XIII. - -[XXI-6] _Soziologie_, Leipzig, 1907, pp. 13–17. - -[XXI-7] _Die sociologische Erkenntniss_, p. 233. - -[XXI-8] Albion W. Small, _General Sociology_, ibid., p. 196. - -[XXI-9] Ibid., pp. 433 ff. - -[XXI-10] Ibid., pp. 201 ff. - -[XXI-11] Ibid., p. 217. - -[XXI-12] Ibid., p. 325. - -[XXI-13] Ibid., pp. 389, 390. - -[XXI-14] _Between Eras, From Capitalism to Democracy_, Inter-Collegiate -Press, 1913, Ch. XXIII. - -[XXI-15] E. A. Ross, _Principles of Sociology_, Century, 1920, p. 121. - -[XXI-16] Ibid., p. 135. - -[XXI-17] _The Function of Socialization in Social Evolution_, Univ. of -Chicago Press, 1916. - -[XXI-18] Ross, op. cit., pp. 257 ff. - -[XXI-19] Ibid., p. 395. - -[XXI-20] Ibid., p. 405. - -[XXI-21] L. T. Hobhouse, _Social Evolution and Political Theory_, -Lemcke, 1911, p. 127. - -[XXI-22] C. H. Cooley, _Social Process_, Scribners, 1918, p. 38. - - -CHAPTER XXII - -[XXII-1] David Hume, _A Treatise of Human Nature_, edit. by -Selby-Bigge, Oxford, 1896, p. 363. - -[XXII-2] Ibid., p. 362. - -[XXII-3] Ibid., pp. 499, 500. - -[XXII-4] Ibid., p. 521. - -[XXII-5] Ibid., pp. 575 ff. - -[XXII-6] Ibid., p. 535. - -[XXII-7] Gabriel Tarde, _The Laws of Imitation_, tr. by Parsons, Holt, -1903, p. XVII. - -[XXII-8] Ibid., p. 59. - -[XXII-9] Ibid., p. 146. - -[XXII-10] Ibid., p. 74. - -[XXII-11] Ibid., p. 78. - -[XXII-12] Ibid., p. 87. - -[XXII-13] Ibid., p. 114. - -[XXII-14] Ibid., p. 39. - -[XXII-15] Ibid., p. 141 ff. - -[XXII-16] Ibid., p. 213; cf. Tarde, _Social Laws_, trans. by Warren, -Macmillan, 1907, p. 65. - -[XXII-17] _The Laws of Imitation_, p. 225. - -[XXII-18] Ibid., p. 111. - -[XXII-19] Ibid., p. 14. - -[XXII-20] Ibid., p. 288. - -[XXII-21] Ibid., pp. 341 ff. - -[XXII-22] Ibid., p. 369. - -[XXII-23] Ibid., p. 30. - -[XXII-24] _Social Laws_, p. 132. - -[XXII-25] _Laws of Imitation_, p. 169. - -[XXII-26] _Social Laws_, p. 195. - -[XXII-27] Ibid., p. 204. - -[XXII-28] Ibid., p. 171; cf. Tarde, _La logique sociale_, Paris, 1898, -Ch. IV. - -[XXII-29] _Laws of Imitation_, p. 87. - -[XXII-30] Ibid., p. 138. - -[XXII-31] Ibid., p. 344. - -[XXII-32] Ibid., - -[XXII-33] Ibid., p. 387. - -[XXII-34] E. A. Ross, _Social Psychology_, Macmillan, 1908, p. viii. - -[XXII-35] M. M. Davis, Jr., _Psychological Interpretations of Society_, -Longmans, Green, 1909. - -[XXII-36] Tarde, _L’opinion et la foule_, Paris, 1901, pp. 177 ff. Cf. -Sighele, _Psychologic des sectes_, Paris, 1898, pp. 45 ff. - -[XXII-37] F. H. Giddings, _Principles of Sociology_, Macmillan, 1896, -p. 17. - -[XXII-38] Ibid., pp. 71, 126 ff. - -[XXII-39] Ibid., pp. 101 ff. Cf. Giddings, _Descriptive and Historical -Sociology_, Macmillan, 1911, Ch. III. - -[XXII-40] _Principles of Sociology_, p. 109; _Descriptive and -Historical Sociology_, pp. 157 ff. - -[XXII-41] _Principles of Sociology_, p. 138. - -[XXII-42] Ibid., pp. 141 ff. - -[XXII-43] Ibid., pp. 147 ff. - -[XXII-44] _Descriptive and Historical Sociology_, p. 541. Cf. Giddings, -_Inductive Sociology_, Macmillan, 1914, Part III. - -[XXII-45] _American Journal of Sociology_, Vol. XXV, p. 387. - -[XXII-46] Ibid., p. 388. - -[XXII-47] J. M. Baldwin, _Social and Ethical Interpretations_, -Macmillan, 1906, p. 15. - -[XXII-48] Ibid., p. 18. - -[XXII-49] Ibid., pp. 529 ff. - - -CHAPTER XXIII - -[XXIII-1] C. H. Cooley, _Social Organization_, Scribner, 1909, p. 5. - -[XXIII-2] C. H. Cooley, _Human Nature and the Social Order_, Scribner, -1902, p. 3. - -[XXIII-3] Ibid., p. 5. - -[XXIII-4] Ibid., pp. 152 ff. - -[XXIII-5] _Social Organization_, ibid., p. 11. - -[XXIII-6] Ibid., p. 12. - -[XXIII-7] Ibid., p. 26. - -[XXIII-8] Ibid., p. 28. - -[XXIII-9] Ibid., p. 37. - -[XXIII-10] Ibid., p. 61. - -[XXIII-11] Ibid., p. 63. - -[XXIII-12] Ibid., p. 80. - -[XXIII-13] Ibid., p. 103. - -[XXIII-14] Ibid., p. 121. - -[XXIII-15] Cooley, _Social Process_, Scribner, 1918, pp. 68 ff. - -[XXIII-16] _Social Organization_, ibid., Chs. XVIII, XXV-XXVII. - -[XXIII-17] Ibid., p. 320; cf. _Social Process_, 297 ff. - -[XXIII-18] _Introduction to Social Psychology_, Luce, 1914, pp. 23 ff. - -[XXIII-19] Ibid., pp. 268, 322, 279. - -[XXIII-20] E. A. Ross, _Principles of Sociology_, Century, 1920, Chs. -XXXIV, XXXV. Cf. Ross, _Social Control_, Macmillan, 1910, Chs. VII, -VIII. - -[XXIII-21] _Social Control_, ibid., pp. 49 ff. - -[XXIII-22] Ibid., Chs. X ff. - -[XXIII-23] Ibid., pp. 257 ff. - -[XXIII-24] Ibid., pp. 411 ff. - -[XXIII-25] Ibid., Ch. XXXI. - -[XXIII-26] Ross, _Social Psychology_, Macmillan, 1908, Ch. II. - -[XXIII-27] Ibid., p. 70. Cf. McDougall, _Introduction to Social -Psychology_, ibid., Ch. IV. - -[XXIII-28] Ross, _Social Psychology_, Ch. XVIII. - -[XXIII-29] See Chapter XVIII of this book. - -[XXIII-30] Ross, _Principles of Sociology_, Ch. XLII. - -[XXIII-31] Ibid., Ch. XXXVI. - -[XXIII-32] Ibid., Ch. XXXVIII. - -[XXIII-33] Ibid., pp. 549 ff. - -[XXIII-34] Ibid., p. 564. - -[XXIII-35] Ibid., p. 590. - -[XXIII-36] Ibid., p. 626. - -[XXIII-37] Ibid. - -[XXIII-38] Ibid., p. 632. - -[XXIII-39] Ibid., p. 652. - -[XXIII-40] Ibid., p. 653. - -[XXIII-41] Ibid., p. 693. - -[XXIII-42] Graham Wallas, _The Great Society_, Macmillan, 1914, p. 11. - -[XXIII-43] Ibid., p. 276. - -[XXIII-44] Ibid., p. 319. - -[XXIII-45] Ibid., p. 368. - -[XXIII-46] C. A. Ellwood, _Sociology in its Psychological Aspects_, -Appleton, 1912, Ch. IX. - -[XXIII-47] Ibid., p. 100. - -[XXIII-48] Ibid., p. 117. - -[XXIII-49] G. H. Mead, “Social Consciousness and the Consciousness of -Meaning,” _Psychological Bulletin_, VII: 405. - -[XXIII-50] Ellwood, _Sociology in its Psychological Aspects_, p. 153. -Cf. _Introduction to Social Psychology_, p. 149. - -[XXIII-51] Ellwood, _Sociology in its Psychological Aspects_, p. 138. - -[XXIII-52] Ellwood, _Introduction to Social Psychology_, p. 149. - -[XXIII-53] Ibid., p. 147. - -[XXIII-54] Ibid., p. 151. - -[XXIII-55] Ibid., p. 170. - -[XXIII-56] Ellwood, _The Social Problem_, Macmillan, 1919, p. 2. - -[XXIII-57] Ibid., p. 4. - -[XXIII-58] E. C. Hayes, _Introduction to the Study of Sociology_, -Appleton, 1915, p. 586. - -[XXIII-59] Ibid. - -[XXIII-60] Ibid., pp. 586 ff. - -[XXIII-61] Ibid., pp. 664 ff. - -[XXIII-62] Ibid., p. 669. - -[XXIII-63] T. Veblen, _The Theory of the Leisure Class_, Macmillan, -1912, p. 31. - -[XXIII-64] Ibid., p. 169. - -[XXIII-65] Ibid., p. 68. - -[XXIII-66] Ibid., p. 38. - -[XXIII-67] Veblen, _The Instinct of Workmanship_, Macmillan, 1914, p. -349. - -[XXIII-68] _The Theory of the Leisure Class_, p. 15. - -[XXIII-69] Ibid., p. 17. - -[XXIII-70] Publications of the American Sociological Society, Vol. XII, -p. 2. - -[XXIII-71] Ibid., p. 27. - -[XXIII-72] Ibid., p. 59. - -[XXIII-73] Ibid., p. 68. - -[XXIII-74] Ibid., p. 3. - -[XXIII-75] Ibid., p. 6. - -[XXIII-76] Ibid., p. 10. - - -CHAPTER XXIV - -[XXIV-1] For example, see C. R. Henderson, _Modern Methods of Charity_, -Macmillan, 1904. - -[XXIV-2] See Webb, _The Prevention of Destitution_, Longmans, Green, -1912. - -[XXIV-3] See Devine, _Misery and its Causes_, Macmillan, 1913; also -Devine, _The Principles of Relief_, Macmillan, 1904. - -[XXIV-4] Also, see Amos G. Warner, _American Charities_, Crowell, 1919, -3rd. edit. - -[XXIV-5] Henry George, _Progress and Poverty_, Doubleday, Page, 1916. - -[XXIV-6] Lombroso, _Crime, Its Causes and Remedies_, Little, Brown, -1911. - -[XXIV-7] Wines and Lane, _Punishment and Reformation_, Crowell, 1919, -Ch. X. - -[XXIV-8] T. M. Osborne, _Society and Prisons_, Yale University Press, -1916. - -[XXIV-9] Burleigh and Bierstadt, _Punishment_, Holt, 1916. - -[XXIV-10] See G. B. Mangold, _Problems of Child Welfare_, Macmillan, -1914. - -[XXIV-11] A. W. Small, _Between Eras, From Capitalism to Democracy_, -Inter-Collegiate Press, 1913. - -[XXIV-12] See W. H. Beveridge, _Unemployment_, Longmans, Green, 1912. - -[XXIV-13] George Elliott Howard, _A History of Matrimonial -Institutions_, University of Chicago Press, 1904. - -[XXIV-14] Edward Westermarck, _History of Human Marriage_, Macmillan, -1902. - -[XXIV-15] A. W. Calhoun, _A Social History of the American Family_, -Clark, 1917–1919. - -[XXIV-16] Helen Bosanquet, _The Family_, Macmillan, 1915. - -[XXIV-17] Willystine Goodsell, _A History of the Family as a Social and -Educational Institution_, Macmillan, 1915. - -[XXIV-18] Booker T. Washington, _Up from Slavery_, Doubleday, Page, -1901. - -[XXIV-19] W. E. B. DuBois, _Darkwater_, Harcourt, Brace and Howe, 1920. - -[XXIV-20] Peter Roberts, _The Problem of Americanization_, Macmillan, -1920. - -[XXIV-21] J. K. Hart, _Community Organization_, Macmillan, 1920. - -[XXIV-22] M. C. Elmer, _Technique of Social Surveys_, World Co., -Lawrence, Kansas, 1917. - - -CHAPTER XXV - -[XXV-1] _Democracy and Education_, Macmillan, 1916, p. 6. - -[XXV-2] Ibid., p. 16. - -[XXV-3] Ibid., p. 19. - -[XXV-4] Ibid., pp. 26, 27. - -[XXV-5] Ibid., p. 41. - -[XXV-6] Cf. ibid., p. 416. - -[XXV-7] See M. V. O’Shea, _Social Development and Education_, Houghton -Mifflin, 1909; David Snedden, _Sociological Determination of Objectives -in Education_, Lippincott, 1921; W. R. Smith, _Educational Sociology_, -Macmillan, 1917; Irving King, _Social Aspects of Education_, Macmillan, -1912; also King, _Education for Social Efficiency_, Appleton, 1913; -F. R. Clow, _Principles of Sociology with Educational Applications_, -Macmillan, 1920; G. H. Betts, _Social Principles of Education_, -Scribner, 1913; S. T. Dutton, _Social Phases of Education_, Macmillan, -1907. - -[XXV-8] Smith, _Educational Sociology_, p. 669. - -[XXV-9] Snedden, _American Journal of Sociology_, 25:132 ff.; see also, -Snedden, _Sociological Determination of Objectives in Education_, -Lippincott, 1921, p. 15. - -[XXV-10] Snedden, _Sociological Determination of Objectives in -Education_, p. 94. - -[XXV-11] Ibid., pp. 97, 107. - -[XXV-12] Ibid., pp. 109, 267. - -[XXV-13] Ibid., p. 228. - - -CHAPTER XXVI - -[XXVI-1] Gladden, _Social Facts and Forces_, Putnam, 1897, p. 37. - -[XXVI-2] Ibid., p. 152. - -[XXVI-3] Ibid., p. 81. - -[XXVI-4] Ibid. - -[XXVI-5] Gladden, _Social Salvation_, Houghton Mifflin, 1902, p. 14. - -[XXVI-6] Ibid., p. 7. - -[XXVI-7] Ibid., p. 136; cf. Rauschenbusch, _A Theology for the Social -Gospel_, Macmillan, 1918, pp. 8, 91. - -[XXVI-8] Strong, _The New Era_, Baker and Taylor, 1893, p. 121. - -[XXVI-9] Ibid., p. 124. - -[XXVI-10] Ely, _Social Aspects of Christianity_, Crowell, 1889, p. 17. - -[XXVI-11] Ibid., p. 65. - -[XXVI-12] Ibid., p. 73. - -[XXVI-13] See Peabody, _Jesus Christ and the Social Question_, -Macmillan, 1900. - -[XXVI-14] See Mathews, _The Social Teachings of Jesus_, Macmillan, -1897; _The Church and the Changing Order_, Macmillan, 1907; _The Gospel -and the Modern Man_, Macmillan, 1910. - -[XXVI-15] See Rauschenbusch, _Christianity and the Social Crisis_, -Macmillan, 1913; _Christianizing the Social Order_, Macmillan, 1912; _A -Theology for the Social Gospel_, Macmillan, 1918. - -[XXVI-16] See Batten, _The Social Task of Christianity_, Revell, 1911. - -[XXVI-17] See Ward, _The New Social Order_, Macmillan, 1919. - -[XXVI-18] See H. A. Atkinson, _The Church and the People’s Play_, -Pilgrim Press, 1915. - -[XXVI-19] See John Ryan, _Distributive Justice_, Macmillan, 1910; and -_Social Reconstruction_, Macmillan, 1920. - -[XXVI-20] See Charles Stelzle, _The Workingman and Social Problems_, -Revell, 1903. - -[XXVI-21] See _Religion in Social Action_, Dodd, Mead, 1913. - -[XXVI-22] _Christianity and the Social Crisis_, supra, p. xiii. - -[XXVI-23] Ibid., p. 145. - -[XXVI-24] Ibid., p. 147. - -[XXVI-25] Ibid., p. 149. - -[XXVI-26] Ibid., pp. 201 ff. - -[XXVI-27] Ibid., p. 33. - -[XXVI-28] Ibid., p. 91. - -[XXVI-29] Ibid., p. 74. - -[XXVI-30] Ibid., p. 342. - -[XXVI-31] Ibid., p. 386. - -[XXVI-32] _Christianizing the Social Order_, p. 1. - -[XXVI-33] Ibid., p. 2. - -[XXVI-34] Ibid., p. 125. - -[XXVI-35] Ibid., p. 320. - -[XXVI-36] Ibid., pp. 113, 114. - -[XXVI-37] Ibid., pp. 121, 122. - -[XXVI-38] _A Theology for a Social Gospel_, pp. 4, 5, 48. - -[XXVI-39] Ibid., p. 182. - -[XXVI-40] “Social Reconstruction,” Nat’l Catholic War Council, -Washington, 1919, p. 22. - -[XXVI-41] Loc. cit. - -[XXVI-42] Ibid., p. 24. - -[XXVI-43] Ward, _The New Social Order_, p. 74. - -[XXVI-44] Ibid., p. 112. - -[XXVI-45] Ibid., p. 114. - -[XXVI-46] Ibid., p. 121. - -[XXVI-47] Ibid., p. 125. - -[XXVI-48] Loc. cit. - -[XXVI-49] Ibid. - -[XXVI-50] Ibid., p. 143. - -[XXVI-51] Ibid., p. 159. - -[XXVI-52] Ibid., p. 287. - -[XXVI-53] Ibid., p. 363. - -[XXVI-54] Ibid., p. 21. - -[XXVI-55] Ibid., p. 25. - -[XXVI-56] Coe, _Psychology of Religion_, University of Chicago Press, -1916, p. xiv. - -[XXVI-57] Coe, _A Social Theory of Religious Education_, Scribner, -1917, pp. 59, 58. - - -CHAPTER XXVII - -[XXVII-1] De Greef, _Introduction a la Sociologie_, Paris, 1911, T. I., -pp. 189, 202. - -[XXVII-2] _General Sociology_, pp. 718 ff. - -[XXVII-3] Ibid., p. 442. - - -CHAPTER XXVIII - -[XXVIII-1] Blackmar and Gillin’s _Outlines of Sociology_ is one of the -best textbooks in sociology. - - - - -INDEX - - - A - - Abstract thinking, 14. - - Achievement, 299. - - Acquisitiveness, 286. - - Adaptation, 377. - - Addams, Jane, 424, 429. - - Aeschylus, 76. - - African social proverbs, 23 ff. - - Aggregation, 383. - - Alcoholism, 333. - - Amaurote, island of, 160. - - American Sociological Society, 419. - - Americanization, 438. - - Amos, 59, 68, 71, 72. - - Amusements, 439. - - Anarchism, 240. - - Anthropology, 301. - - Anticipation, principle of, 404. - - Aquinas, Thomas, 150. - - Applied sociology, 423 ff. - - Arabian social proverbs, 31. - - Aristophanes, 78. - - Aristotle and social thought, 74, 101 ff., 203, 476. - - Association, laws of, 219, 338, 383. - - Associations, productive, 233. - - Assyrian social thought, 42 ff. - - Astronomy, 218. - - Augustine, Saint, 146. - - Aurelius, Marcus, 116. - - Australian social proverbs, 27. - - - B - - Babeuf, 229. - - Babylonian social thought, 29 ff. - - Bacon, Francis, 167, 174, 175 ff. - - Bagehot, 380. - - Bakunin, 239. - - Balance, principle of, 405. - - Baldwin, J. M., 386. - - Beccaria, 427. - - Behavior, pluralistic, 386. - - Bellamy, Edward, 169. - - Bentham, 194. - - Berkeley, George, 368. - - Biology, 219. - - Birth control, 207. - - Birth rate, 250, 330. - - Blackmar and Gillin, 503. - - Blackstone, 91. - - Blanc, 228. - - Boas, Franz, 321. - - Bodin, 246, 368. - - Bolshevism, 238, 403, 434, 469. - - Bosanquet, 436. - - Brinton, D. G., 353. - - British Labor Party, 469. - - Brockway, 428. - - Brotherhood of man, 122. - - Bücher, 482. - - Buckle, 246 ff. - - Buddhism, 42. - - Bulgarian social proverbs, 30. - - Burgess, E. W., 363. - - Burke, Edmund, 191. - - Business, theory of, 169. - - - C - - Caesar, Julius, 115. - - Calculus, 217. - - Calhoun, A. W., 436. - - Callicles, 78. - - Cameralism, 188 ff. - - Campanella, 168. - - Canons, social, 415 ff. - - Capital punishment, 94. - - Capitalism, 236, 433, 435, 451, 457, 451. - - Carlyle, 425. - - Carver, T. N., 207, 345. - - Caucasian, 235. - - Catholic War Council, 462. - - Censorship, 93. - - Chapin, F. S., 419. - - Chemistry, 218. - - Chinese social thought, 45 ff. - - Chinese social proverbs, 49 ff. - - Chivalry, 149. - - Christianity, social, 121 ff., 232, 423, 441. - - Church fathers, the, 146. - - Cicero, 114, 115. - - Cingalese social proverbs, 32. - - Cities of refuge, 69. - - Citizenship, 447, 491. - - City planning, 160. - - Civilization, 248, 287, 310, 385. - - Classes, 287, 311, 370, 381, 405, 457. - - Class conflict, 251, 457. - - Classification of the sciences, 216. - - Cleisthenes, 76. - - Climate, 248. - - Code of Hammurapi, 40. - - Coe, G. A., 472. - - Colbert, 187. - - Commercialization, 401. - - Commercialized religion, 129. - - Communication, 391, 409. - - Communism, 103, 111. - - Communist manifesto, 234. - - Comte, Auguste, 209 ff., 282, 485. - - Concrete thinking, 14. - - Conation, 297. - - Conflict of races, 305. - - Conflict theories, 338 ff., 383. - - Confucius, 45 ff. - - Conjugal love, 290. - - Consanguineal love, 291. - - Consciousness, 390. - - Consciousness of kind, 365, 381. - - Control, concept of, 323. - - Cooley, C. H., 324, 365, 389 ff., 445, 446. - - Co-operation, 170, 259 ff., 354. - - Crawford, Daniel, 25. - - Crime, 414, 425. - - Crises, 323, 342. - - Crusades, the, 148. - - Custom imitation, 376. - - Customs, control of, 22, 94. - - - D - - Danish social proverbs, 30, 31. - - Darwin, 258, 315. - - Davenport, C. B., 326. - - Deception, 286. - - Definition of social thought, 13. - - De Greef, 484. - - Delinquency, 26, 430. - - Deluge, account of, 42. - - Democracy, 69, 70, 99, 198, 375, 420, 467. - - Democratization of social thought, 11. - - Desire, 284. - - Determinism, 346. - - Deuteronomic Code, 64, 65. - - Devine, E. T., 425. - - Dewey, John, 444, 446. - - Dickens, 424. - - Discussion, 400. - - DuBois, W. E. B., 438. - - Duprat, G. L., 381. - - - E - - Earliest social thought, 20 ff. - - Early Christian social thought, 121 ff. - - Education, 73, 93 ff., 110, 163, 224, 299, 393, 415, 421. - - Educational sociology, 447, 449. - - Efficiency, 466. - - Egyptian social thought, 36 ff. - - Ellwood, C. A., 407 ff. - - Elmira reformatory, 428. - - Ely, R. T., 415, 455. - - Engels, 482. - - English social proverbs, 33 ff. - - Environment, 336, 444. - - Epaminondas, 78. - - Epicurus, 112. - - Epictetus, 119. - - Equality, 465. - - Equality of races, 303. - - Ethnocentrism, 307. - - Ethnology, 303. - - Esthetic forces, 293. - - Eugenics, 109, 325, 342. - - Euripides, 77. - - Evolution, 262, 301. - - - F - - Family, the, 131, 141, 163, 223, 403, 415, 430. - - Fashion imitation, 160, 376. - - Fear, 310. - - Federal Council of the Churches, 461. - - Feminism, 204, 309, 332, 436. - - Ferguson, 186. - - Fetishism, 213. - - Feudalism, 148. - - Fichte, 193. - - Filipino social proverbs, 27, 28. - - Fiske, John, 215, 268. - - Folk psychology, 319. - - Folk thinking, 21 ff. - - Folkways, 306. - - Food supply, 201, ff. - - Fourier, 227. - - Francis, Saint, 149, 424. - - Froebel, 443. - - Functional analogies, 272. - - - G - - Galton, 325. - - Genealogy, 335. - - Genius, 298. - - Geographic social thought, 246 ff. - - George, Henry, 61, 241, 425. - - Giddings, F. H., 381, 411, 446. - - Gladden, Washington, 451. - - God, kingdom of, 122 ff., 132, 454. - - Godwin, William, 198. - - Golden Rule, the, 124. - - Goodsell, W., 436. - - Government, 103 ff., 283. - - Gaunt, John, 480. - - Great Society, the, 406. - - Grecian social thought, 74 ff. - - Gregariousness, 219, 269. - - Grotius, 354. - - Group loyalty of Hebrews, 58. - - Groups, 381. - - Guardians, Plato’s, 83, 86 ff. - - Guild socialism, 403. - - Gumplowicz, 339. - - - H - - Habit, 323. - - Hammurapi, 40 ff. - - Harrington, 168. - - Hayes, E. C., 414. - - Hebrew social thought, 54 ff. - - Hegel, 193. - - Henderson, C. R., 423. - - Heredity, 298, 328, 336. - - Herodetus, 76. - - Hesiod, 75. - - High school sociology, 49. - - Hippocrates, 78. - - History of social movement, 13. - - Hobbes, 177, 368. - - Hobhouse, 316 ff., 322, 334, 364. - - Hosea, 65, 71. - - Housing problems, 437. - - Howard, George Elliott, 418, 436. - - Howard, John, 427. - - Humanitarianism, 225. - - Humboldt, 247. - - Hume, 165, 247, 368. - - Huntington, E., 255. - - - I - - Ibn Khaldun, 151. - - Ideals, 313, 344, 420. - - Illegitimacy, 424. - - Imitation, laws of, 272, 399, 409. - - Immigration, 437. - - Immorality, 66, 314. - - Individualism, 170, 173 ff., 389, 478. - - Individualization, 405. - - Individual responsibility, 448. - - Industry, 473. - - Industrial democracy, 362. - - Industrial thought, 16, 170. - - Industrial Workers of the World, 239. - - Innovation, 297. - - Instinct, 396. - - Insurance, social, 434. - - Institutions, social, 312, 394, 467. - - Intellectual forces, 294. - - Interest, 359, 486. - - Intemperance, 68. - - Intermarriage of races, 304. - - Internationalism, 71, 275, 283, 460. - - Invention, 373. - - Iron law of wages, 233. - - Isaiah, 60, 68, 72. - - - J - - Jahweh, 58, 70 ff. - - James, the apostle, 142. - - Japanese social proverbs, 27. - - Jeremiah, 63. - - Jesus, 121 ff., 454, 471, 476. - - Job, 71. - - John, the apostle, 143. - - Justice, 58, 73, 99 ff. - - Juvenile court, 431. - - Juvenile delinquency, 26. - - - K - - Kant, 192. - - Kellor, A. G., 315. - - Kelsey, Carl, 419. - - Kent, C. F., 72. - - Kingdom of God, 122 ff., 132. - - Kropotkin, 240, 355. - - - L - - Labor conditions, 163, 233, 248, 432. - - Labor strikes, 57. - - Laissez faire theories, 195, 196, 266, 277. - - Lamarck, 257. - - Land equalization, 102, 147, 242. - - Langland, William, 152. - - Language, 391, 409. - - Lao-tse, 48. - - Lassalle, 233. - - Law, 142, 159, 197, 319. - - Lazarus and Steinthal, 371. - - League of Nations, 469. - - Le Bon, 381. - - Legal science, 119. - - Leisure, 416. - - Le Play, 481. - - Lewes, George Henry, 212. - - Liebknecht, 236. - - Lilienfeld, von, 270. - - Lindsey, Ben B., 429. - - Locke, John, 79. - - Lombroso, 427. - - Love, 24, 73, 123 ff., 290, 366. - - Lucretius, 114. - - Luke, Saint, 124. - - Luxury, 162. - - Lycurgus, 75. - - - M - - Machiavelli, 173 ff. - - Mackenzie, J. S., 273. - - Maine, Henry, 195. - - Malthus, 200 ff. - - Malthusianism, 32, 199 ff., 230, 243. - - Mann, Horace, 144. - - Marcus Aurelius, 166. - - Manu, laws of, 42. - - Marriage, institutions of, 65, 202, 289, 330. - Plato’s conception of, 90. - Aristotle’s conception of, 109. - Jesus’ conception of, 131, 132. - - Marx, 234 ff. - - Martineau, Harriet, 212. - - Materialism, 222. - - Mathematics, 217. - - Maternal love, 291. - - McDougall, William, 395. - - Mead, G. H., 409. - - Meliorism, 293. - - Mencius, 49. - - Mendelian laws, 327. - - Mental defectiveness, 430. - - Mercantilism, 187 ff. - - Metaphysics, 215. - - Methodology, 487. - - Micah, 61, 72. - - Middle classes, the, 107, 465. - - Militarism, 215. - - Mill, James, 194. - - Mill, John Stuart, 194, 212. - - Miscegenation, 334. - - Monasteries, 150. - - Money, love of, 162. - - Money-making, 287. - - Monotheism, 213. - - Montesquieu, 184, 247. - - More, Thomas, 155 ff., 173, 367, 476. - - Morris, William, 168. - - Moses, 55. - - Moral restraint, 208, 430. - - Morality, 293, 342. - - Mores, 313. - - Morley, John, 212. - - Motives, 307. - - Mutation, 328. - - - N - - Natural selection, 259, 410. - - Newton, Isaac, 368. - - Nietzsche, 193, 341. - - Negro, 335, 438, 472. - - Novicow, 249. - - - O - - Old Testament social thought, 55 ff. - - Oligarchy, 98. - - Opposition, 373, 377. - - Orano, P., 381. - - Organic analogies, 365 ff., 478. - - Organization, 363, 386, 406. - - Osborne. T. M., 429. - - Owen, Robert, 230, 354. - - - P - - Pain economy, 344. - - Paine, T., 187. - - Parental negligence, 431. - - Patten. S. N., 343. - - Patriotism, Hebrew, 71. - - Paul, Saint, 138 ff. - - Peace, universal, 72. - - Penn, William, 428. - - Penology, 166. - - Pearson, Karl, 326. - - Pericles, 77. - - Personality, 336, 353, 392, 467. - - Persian social thought, 52 ff. - - Pestalozzi, 442. - - Petrarch, 173. - - Pharaoh, 57. - - Philosophical thought, 16. - - Physical education, 96, 110. - - Physics, 218. - - Physiocrats, 181. - - Pittsburg Survey, 483. - - Plato, 74 ff., 203, 367, 476. - - Pleasure economy, 344. - - Pluralistic behavior, 386. - - Polybius, 112. - - Polygamy, 38. - - Polytheism, 213. - - Poor-laws, 204. - - Popenoe, P., 326. - - Population theories, 199 ff., 250. - - Portuguese social proverbs, 31. - - Positivism, 214, 477. - - Pound, Roscoe, 197. - - Poverty, 59 ff., 91 ff., 107, 108, 133, 155, 190, 423, 425, 442. - - Practicalism, 12. - - Prevision, 222. - - Priestcraft, 288. - - Primitive people, 20 ff. - - Prisons, 428. - - Profitism, 402, 434. - - Progress, 281, 299. - - Proletariat, 237. - - Property, 102, 132, 229, 232, 234, 285. - - Proudhon, 229. - - Proverbs, Book of, 169. - - Proverbs, social, 23 ff. - - Psychology, 319. - - Public health, 109, 160, 438. - - Public opinion, 393. - - Punishment, 94, 166, 429. - - Pure sociology, 28. - - - Q - - Quetelet, 480. - - - R - - Race equality, 303, 321, 334, 340. - - Racial conflicts, 305, 438. - - Racial intermarriage, 303. - - Rationalism, 213. - - Rauschenbusch, 455 ff. - - Ratzel, 254. - - Ratzenhofer, 350, 357. - - Reform, social, 402. - - Religion, 97, 353. - - Religious education, 164, 472. - - Religious thought, 15. - - Renaissance, 173. - - Republic, Plato’s, 74. - - Reproductive forces, 289. - - Revolution, social, 108, 412. - - Ripley, 255. - - Rochdale pioneers, the, 355. - - Rodbertus, 232. - - Roman social thought, 114 ff. - - Roosevelt, 24. - - Ross, E. A., 62, 350, 363, 380, 395, 400, 403, 415. - - Rousseau, 182 ff. - - Russia, 238. - - - S - - Sabotage, 239. - - Saleeby, C. W., 326, 333. - - Salvation, social, 73. - - Schaeffle, 271 ff. - - Schmidkunz, H., 380. - - Scholasticism, 150 ff. - - Sciences, classification of, 216. - - Scientific management, 449. - - Selection, natural, 259, 328, 411. - - Self, 387, 389. - - Self interest, 340. - - Semple, E. C., 78, 254. - - Seneca, 116. - - Sentiments, 397. - - Service, 138. - - Sex, 296, 308, 332, 436. - - Sex immortality, 66. - - Sex inequality, 292. - - Sighele, 381. - - Simulation, 404. - - Sin, 130, 140. - - Single tax, 241. - - Slavery, 232, 464. - - Slums, 453. - - Small, A. W., 350, 359, 433, 486. - - Smith, Adam, 89, 199, 308, 370. - - Smith, W. R., 447. - - Snedden, D., 448. - - Sociability, 353. - - Social anthropology, 334. - - Social case work, 441. - - Social centers, 160. - - Social change, 409. - - Social Christianity, 121 ff., 232, 454, 472. - - Social control, 104, 398, 414, 419. - - Social delinquency, 26. - - Social democracy, 130, 233. - - Social dynamics, 200, 280, 296. - - Social evolution, 224, 284. - - Social improvement, 222. - - Social injustice, 73, 129. - - Social institutions, 311. - - Social insurance, 334. - - Social laws, 221. - - Social process, 357, 393, 395, 487. - - Social progress, 299. - - Social proverbs, 23 ff. - African, 24 ff. - Arabian, 31. - Australian, 27. - Bulgarian, 30. - Chinese, 49. - Cingalese, 32. - Danish, 30, 31. - English, 33 ff. - Filipino, 27, 28. - - Social psychology, 324, 380, 397. - - Social reconstruction, 402, 454. - - Social reform, 441, 454. - - Social responsibility, 68. - - Social revolution, 108. - - Social salvation, 73. - - Social service, 138, 463. - - Social service director, 473. - - Social statics, 200, 280. - - Social technology, 423, 425, 440. - - Social telesis, 108, 277, 298, 441. - - Social thought, - Japanese, 28. - Mexican, 32. - Portuguese, 31. - Assyrian, 42. - Babylonian, 29 ff. - Chinese, 45 ff. - Christian, 121 ff. - Confucian, 46 ff. - Definition of, 13. - Demands upon, 17. - Democratization of, 11. - Earliest, 20 ff. - Early Christian, 121 ff. - Egyptian, 36 ff. - Eugenic, 325 ff. - Grecian, 74 ff. - Hebrew, 54 ff. - Individualistic, 173 ff. - Nature of, 14. - Primitive, 20 ff. - Persian, 52 ff. - Roman, 114 ff. - Scope of, 18. - Stoic, 112, 115 ff. - Vedic, 42. - - Social values, 223. - - Social variations, 223. - - Socialization, 361, 363. - - Socialism, 206, 226 ff., 244, 403. - - Sociocracy, 299. - - Sociology, 209, 361. - Applied, 423 ff. - Educational, 447, 449. - - Sociological investigation, 475 ff. - - Socrates, 75, 79 ff. - - Soil fertility, 248. - - Solidarity, 468. - - Solon, 75. - - Sophists, 75. - - Sorel, 239. - - Sparta, 111. - - Spencer, Herbert, 195, 214, 258 ff., 339, 371. - - Spencer and Gillen, 27. - - Spinoza, 178, 354. - - Standards, 402. - - State, doctrine of, 193, 357. - - Statistics, 482. - - Stoicism, 112, 115 ff. - - Strong, Josiah, 451, 454. - - Suggestion, 399, 409. - - Sumner, W. G., 196, 306. - - Superman, 342. - - Success, 416. - - Sympathy, 185, 369. - - Syndicalism, 239. - - Syphogrants, 157. - - - T - - Tainted money, 452. - - Tarde, 350, 372 ff., 400. - - Teaching sociology, 489 ff. - - Telesis, social, 108, 277, 298, 441. - - Theocracy, 70. - - Theory, need of, 12. - - Thomas, W. I., 301, 322. - - Thrasymachus, 78. - - Timocracy, 98. - - Traditions, 384. - - Trotter, W., 397. - - Tuberculosis, 333, 439. - - - U - - Unemployment, 435. - - Universal peace, 72. - - Utilitarianism, 192. - - Utopia, More’s, 156 ff. - - - V - - Values, social, 311, 324. - - Vanity, 310. - - Veblen, 285, 415 ff. - - Vedic social thought, 44. - - Venereal disease, 333. - - Vice, 369. - - Vico, 351. - - Vocational education, 449. - - - W - - Wages fund theory, 232. - - Wallas, Graham, 406. - - War, 108, 164, 165, 283, 331, 347, 356, 358, 417, 420. - - Ward, H. F., 461, 463 ff., 478. - - Ward, Lester F., 196, 267, 277 ff., 371, 409, 479. - - Washington, B. T., 438. - - Wealth, 91, 133, 142, 161, 250, 416. - - Webbs, the, 425. - - Webster, Hutton, 419. - - Weismann, 329. - - Wells, H. G., 171. - - Westermarck, 316. - - Western civilization, 411, 436. - - Wisdom teachers, 67. - - Woman, 309, 432. - - Work, 285. - - Workmanship, 418. - - World empire, 320. - - World peace, 72. - - World war, 412. - - Worms, Renê, 273. - - Wundt, 319. - - - Z - - Zephaniah, 63. - - Zoroaster, 52. - - - - -Transcriber’s Notes - - -Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made consistent when a -predominant preference was found in the original book; otherwise they -were not changed. - -Simple typographical errors were corrected; unbalanced quotation -marks were remedied when the change was obvious, and otherwise left -unbalanced. - -Incorrect page references in the Table of Contents were corrected. - -The index was not checked for proper alphabetization or correct page -references. - -Page 78: “fifty century” probably is an error for “Fifth century”. - -Page 287: Quotation beginning “the spur of all” has no ending quotation -mark. - - -Footnote numbers in this eBook were made unique by prefixing the -original Arabic numbers with the Roman chapter numbers. - - -FOOTNOTE ERRATA - -There are many mismatches and omissions between the footnote anchors in -the text and the footnotes themselves. Some of them remain unresolved; -the Transcriber changed these: - - Page 94: “2” ➝ “53” - Page 99: “78” ➝ “76” - Page 137: added “30” - Page 166: “25” ➝ “26” - Page 223: “32” ➝ “23” - Page 402: “12” ➝ “32” - Page 403: “38” ➝ “37” - Page 450: “14” ➝ “13” - Page 460: first “37” ➝ “36” - Page 462: “50” ➝ “40” - Page 466: second “43” ➝ “44” - -These anchors appear to be either deliberate duplicates or -uncorrectable typographical or placement errors: - - Page 27: “5” refers to a non-existent Footnote - Page 70: “8” - Pages 175 and 177: duplicate “4” - Page 285: “23”; page 288 is missing “23” - Pages 459 and 460: “35” and “34” occur in reversed order - Page 460: “37” - -These anchors are missing and no likely positions for them could be -identified: - - Chapter IV: “7”, “9” - Chapter V: “11” - Chapter VIII: “5” - Chapter XI: “10” - Chapter XIII: “11” - Chapter XIV: “9” - Chapter XVI: “8”, “11” - Chapter XVII: “20”, “39” - Chapter XVIII: “20”, “26”, “35”, “44” - Chapter XIX: “8” - Chapter XXIII: “11” - Chapter XXVI: “38” - Chapter XXVII: “1” - -These apparent footnote errors were corrected: - - Page 498, Chapter XIII: second Footnote “14” ➝ “15” - Page 499, Chapter XVI: second Footnote “16” ➝ “17” - Page 503, Chapter XXVI: first Footnote “16” ➝ “15” - -This footnote error was uncorrectable: - - Page 501, Chapter XXII: Footnote 32 is missing a page reference. - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A HISTORY OF SOCIAL -THOUGHT *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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