diff options
| author | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-02-02 23:18:12 -0800 |
|---|---|---|
| committer | nfenwick <nfenwick@pglaf.org> | 2025-02-02 23:18:12 -0800 |
| commit | e485122324550e853c5df62d60c9c97f190648ea (patch) | |
| tree | 628dbcbab3e0c035679b9f6dd6cb7b7ddbf7438f | |
| parent | 7fecb94022bcb5c19724f06e61d4acb6df4e8599 (diff) | |
| -rw-r--r-- | .gitattributes | 4 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | LICENSE.txt | 11 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | README.md | 2 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/68889-0.txt | 15239 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/68889-0.zip | bin | 272050 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/68889-h.zip | bin | 520682 -> 0 bytes | |||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/68889-h/68889-h.htm | 20738 | ||||
| -rw-r--r-- | old/68889-h/images/cover.jpg | bin | 254152 -> 0 bytes |
8 files changed, 17 insertions, 35977 deletions
diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..8f0e30c --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #68889 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/68889) diff --git a/old/68889-0.txt b/old/68889-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index b091b1c..0000000 --- a/old/68889-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,15239 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of A history of social thought, by Emory -Stephen Bogardus - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: A history of social thought - -Author: Emory Stephen Bogardus - -Release Date: August 31, 2022 [eBook #68889] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Tim Lindell, Turgut Dincer, Charlie Howard, and the Online - Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This - file was produced from images generously made available by - The Internet Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A HISTORY OF SOCIAL -THOUGHT *** - - - - - -A HISTORY OF SOCIAL THOUGHT - - - - - A HISTORY OF - SOCIAL THOUGHT - - BY - EMORY S. BOGARDUS, PH.D. - - _Professor and Head of Department of Sociology and Social Work - University of Southern California_ - - _Author of_ - INTRODUCTION TO SOCIOLOGY - ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY - ESSENTIALS OF AMERICANIZATION - - - 1922 - UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA PRESS - 3474 UNIVERSITY AVENUE - LOS ANGELES - - - - - Copyright 1922, University of Southern California Press - - - JESSE RAY MILLER - UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA PRESS - LOS ANGELES - - - - - DEDICATED TO MY STUDENTS - WHO ARE TRANSFORMING THEIR SOCIAL THOUGHT - INTO HELPFUL LIVING - - - - -CONTENTS - - - 1. THE NATURE OF SOCIAL THOUGHT 11 - - 2. EARLIEST SOCIAL THOUGHT 20 - - 3. THE SOCIAL THOUGHT OF ANCIENT CIVILIZATIONS 36 - - 4. THE SOCIAL THOUGHT OF THE HEBREWS 54 - - 5. PLATO AND GRECIAN SOCIAL THOUGHT 74 - - 6. ARISTOTLE AND GRECIAN SOCIAL THOUGHT 101 - - 7. ROMAN SOCIAL THOUGHT 114 - - 8. EARLY CHRISTIAN SOCIAL THOUGHT 121 - - 9. SOCIAL THOUGHT IN THE MIDDLE AGES 145 - - 10. MORE AND UTOPIAN SOCIAL THOUGHT 154 - - 11. INDIVIDUALISTIC SOCIAL THOUGHT 173 - - 12. MALTHUS AND POPULATION CONCEPTS 199 - - 13. COMTE AND POSITIVE SOCIAL THOUGHT 209 - - 14. MARX AND SOCIALISTIC SOCIAL THOUGHT 226 - - 15. BUCKLE AND GEOGRAPHIC SOCIAL THOUGHT 246 - - 16. SPENCER AND ORGANIC SOCIAL THOUGHT 257 - - 17. THE SOCIOLOGY OF LESTER F. WARD 277 - - 18. ANTHROPOLOGIC SOCIOLOGY 301 - - 19. EUGENIC SOCIOLOGY 325 - - 20. CONFLICT THEORIES IN SOCIOLOGY 338 - - 21. CO-OPERATION THEORIES IN SOCIOLOGY 352 - - 22. PSYCHO-SOCIOLOGIC THOUGHT 367 - - 23. PSYCHO-SOCIOLOGIC THOUGHT (_continued_) 389 - - 24. THE TREND OF APPLIED SOCIOLOGY 423 - - 25. THE RISE OF EDUCATIONAL SOCIOLOGY 442 - - 26. THE SOCIOLOGY OF MODERN CHRISTIANITY 451 - - 27. METHODS OF SOCIOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION 475 - - 28. THE DISSEMINATION OF SOCIOLOGICAL THOUGHT 489 - - INDEX 504 - - - - -PREFACE - - -This book is written for the world of students. In it any -seriously-minded person should find a fundamental background for -understanding the central theme of human progress, a substantial basis -for attacking the most important problems of the day, and a call to -renew his faith in the soundness of human aspirations. - -Inasmuch as this treatise is written for students, it is not intended -to be the last word on the subject, but simply a first word. The theme -of each chapter is in itself a subject for further investigation. -In fact, the student with an alert mind will find in each chapter -many subjects concerning which he will want to learn more. If the -discussions in this book stimulate the student to make inquiries on his -own initiative, they will have accomplished more than the author could -have expected. - - EMORY S. BOGARDUS. - - _University of Southern California. - June 1, 1921._ - - - - -A HISTORY OF SOCIAL THOUGHT - - - - -CHAPTER I - -THE NATURE OF SOCIAL THOUGHT - - -Man faces a world of social problems. As a result he is perplexed -beyond description; his thinking often ends in confusion. Inasmuch as -the average citizen, for the first time in the world’s history, is -beginning to attack social problems, he is entitled to all the aid -that can be made available. Upon the success of the average person in -mastering the intricacies of social thinking, the cause of democracy -depends. - -A large proportion of the analyses of social questions has been -academic. These discussions have often terminated in quibbles or -erudite generalizations. Insofar as social theories have been correct -they have unfortunately been reserved for the theorists alone. The -people themselves have not understood the nature of social thought; -they have not benefited; and hence, they have held social thought in -contempt. Sound social thought needs to be democratized, that is, to be -made available for all people. - -In thinking about social problems, the so-called practical person has -proceeded in his own way. He has had personal experience--and that to -him has been sufficient. He has been motivated by a sense of injustice, -and stung into fervid thought by circumstances which seemed to him -unfair; he has concocted a make-shift remedy, or impulsively accepted a -ready-made program. Perhaps he has urged a single cause for all social -ills and prescribed a single remedy for all social diseases. Usually, -he has been very limited in his observations, untrained in making -proper inductions, and hence, narrow and intolerant in his conclusions. -He has been entirely baffled, or else he has felt cock-sure. - -The practicalist is often a poor theorist. He may be even the most -dangerous type of theorist. He has scoffed at theory and then fallen -into the pit of incorrect theory. He has failed to see, for example, -that a good bridge does not project itself across a chasm, but that a -correct bridge-building theory is essential. With social practicalists -and theorists calling each other names, instead of co-operating and -unselfishly giving the world of people the benefit of their combined -points of view, the world has floundered and its social problems have -piled up, mountains high. - -Another difficulty in the pathway of sound social thinking is found in -an absence of proper backgrounds. People are prone to offer solutions -for social questions without first equipping themselves with a -knowledge of foundational elements. Moreover, they are often unwilling -to acquaint themselves with these necessary factors. It is only by -accident, however, that current social movements can be understood -unless the historical sequences of social cause and effect are -perceived. Nearly all social problems are essentially the outcroppings -of tendencies which have had a long human history. A current social -maladjustment is generally indicative of a long line of antecedent -factors. A knowledge of societary fundamentals is essential to sound -thinking about present-day evils. A history of social thought furnishes -a minimum social background for the understanding of current social -processes and problems. - -Social thought, as distinguished from individual thought, treats of -the welfare of one’s associates and of groups. It may be very simple, -merely observational, the result of daily experience, or it may be a -scientific study of social processes. Sociology as an organized science -has developed only during the past few decades. Inasmuch as sociology -has simply begun its work of formulating the principles of societary -progress, a large proportion of the thinking that has thus far been -done in human history about the welfare of _socii_ or associates is -either individual or social, rather than sociological. A history of -social thought, therefore, includes the larger social field as well as -the more specific one of recent development, namely, the sociological. -The time is hardly ripe for a history of distinctly sociological -thought. - -Social thought, as here used, is a synthesis of the observations of -individuals about the welfare of other individuals, considered as -individuals or as groups. The focus of social thought is not the -welfare of the ego but of the alter, not of the self but of others, -not of the individual but of the class, group, organization, or -process. Social thought draws from the thought-life of persons who -have done unselfish thinking and who have focalized their attention -upon the nature and principles of associative activities. It tests -group progress by the degree in which human personalities secure -constructive, co-operative expression. It measures the individual in -his relationships to the social whole, whether that unit be the family, -school, church, state, or the world society. It rates the individual in -terms of a functioning unit in group life. It evaluates the group both -in regard to the quality of the personalities which it produces in its -membership, and to the loyalty which it manifests as a unit of a larger -group, even of human society itself. - -Social thought is both concrete and abstract. Concrete thinking rarely -goes deep. It asks few questions, raises few doubts, and perceives few -connections. Abstract thinking seeks causal explanations, classifies -concretenesses, penetrates relationships, and proposes well-balanced -procedures. The distinction, however, is largely one of degree. -Concrete thinking is characteristic of every normal person, but -abstract perceptions are uncommon. The ability to do abstract thinking, -to get at the deeper meanings of phenomena, to penetrate the mysteries -of life, is rare. Concrete thinking constitutes the major sector of the -thought-life of every person, nearly all the time. - -Here and there, however, in human history we find individuals who have -been freed or who have freed themselves from the daily struggle for a -living, from the race to make money, or from the selfish enticements -of life-long loafing, and have joined the world of scholars, seeking -to know the truth, the truth which makes men and women free--free to -develop useful personalities in a vast, changing complex of human -living. When man, having leisure to think abstractly, has set himself -to the task of thought research, his mind has ventured along at least -five pathways. - -(1) Man has given considerable attention to his relation to the -universe. Primitive man conceived of a personal universe, peopled with -spirits. Throughout human history man has been a religious being, -trying to solve the problems of a universe ruled by spirits and gods -or by one supreme God. This type of thought has produced polytheisms, -monotheisms, theocracies. It has formulated theological creeds and led -to bitter ecclesiastical controversies. It has created fears, hopes, -faiths, social ideals, and sacrificial standards. - -(2) Irrespective of religious needs, man has endeavored to discover -proper relations to his universe. He has philosophized. He has tried -to reduce to terms of thought this baffling, intangible, universal -environment. He has searched for a specific ground for explaining the -universe. He has sought unity in change and monism in multiplicity. He -has proclaimed that change itself is Lord of the universe, or perhaps -he has found solace in a creative evolution. At any rate, he has sought -ultimate meanings in as unbiased an interpretation of the universe as -is humanly possible. - -(3) From the far-flung horizons of religious and philosophic theory, -man has turned his thought in an opposite direction--he has directed -his thought upon itself. He has maneuvered his thought processes -introspectively. He has puzzled over the structure and functions of his -own mind. These series of studies have led on the one hand to treatises -such as the _Critique of Pure Reason_, and on the other hand to the -current expressions of behavioristic psychology or of psychoanalysis. - -(4) Man has sought to fathom the material secrets of the earth. Since -the Industrial Revolution in England, inquiring minds have focussed -tremendous energies upon attempts to master the physical elements. -Rocks and strata of rocks have been caused to yield a wealth of ores, -and subterranean caverns have been made to pour forth reservoirs of -gas and oil. Modern transportation has been made possible by the use of -steam, gasoline, electricity. Mechanical inventions have followed one -another in unanticipated fashion, paying awe-inspiring tribute to the -genius of man. Abstract thinking has given man a marvelous degree of -control over the material side of life. - -(5) Recently, the problem of man’s adjustment and responsibility to his -fellowmen is being accorded a worthy hearing at the bar of scientific -thought. For millenniums man has pondered hard over his relations and -obligations to his God and to his universe, over the nature of his mind -and spirit, over ways and means of acquiring individual success through -a manipulation of the material resources of the earth. Incomprehensible -as it may seem, it is true, however, that man has neglected almost -wholly, until recently, the very heart of all successful living, -namely, his relations and obligations to his fellow men and to society. -Social thought, the center of all sound thinking, has been ignored. -Consequently, the world, beneath its load of social ills, has slipped -backward nearly as often as it has advanced. - -In the present age, however, the world is making unprecedented -demands upon social thought, long before social thought is adequately -prepared for its gigantic tasks. Religion is seeking re-vitalization -through socialized thinking. In its modern endeavor to win the world, -Christianity is making tremendous demands upon applied sociology. - -After many vain searches among false theories and impersonal ends, -philosophy is seeking to find itself in a social universe. Psychology, -likewise, is no longer individual, structural, and formal; it is now -trying to interpret itself in terms of human behavior. Group processes -are being searched for the origins of stimuli that will explain -individual conduct. - -Economic thought, too, has reached a stage where it is endeavoring to -re-define its concepts in the light of sociological knowledge. The -material resources of the earth as well as industrial and business -enterprises, in fact all economic values, are being measured, and -re-valued in terms of their societary significance. The meaning of -industrial democracy is being sought in sociological terms. - -In the distinctively associative life enormous demands are being made -upon sociology. It is invited to formulate the criteria by which the -worth of an educational system may be determined. Groups are trying to -provide for the use of the leisure time of their members by methods -that are socially valuable. Many attempts are being made for restoring -to the family its fundamental prerogatives as a social institution. - -The history of social thought rises out of the beginnings of human life -on earth and with jagged edges extends along the full sweep of the -changing historical horizon. It finds expression through some of the -world’s best minds. Our quest will bring us in contact with the most -vital moments of the world’s most valuable thinkers. - - - - -CHAPTER II - -EARLIEST SOCIAL THOUGHT - - -Primitive people were inquisitive. They thought about what happened -and they sought explanations. Their attention was centered on the -tangible phenomena of life. Their imagination worked out fantastic -and superstitious interpretations. They reasoned about the daily -occurrences of life in concrete, graphic, and personal terms. - -Primitive people everywhere, apparently, sensed in a piecemeal and -microscopic way the meaning of social relationships. Archeological -records disclose crude and simple, but nevertheless genuine social -implications. Early mythologies recognize the importance of social -bonds. Out of the dim dawn of tribal life there appeared a rough-hewn -sense of social property. The proverbs of primitive people include -implications, if not definite statements, of social responsibility. - -Primitive people lived simple group lives. If the paternal relationship -was not always known or recognized, the maternal relationship -functioned for at least a few years. The loose family ties harbored a -degree of social responsibility. Wherever ancestor worship developed, -the family group assumed large proportions and manifested strong -social characteristics. The clan, or _gens_, betokened social fealty. - -Communal property testified to communal thinking. The existence of -common hunting grounds and tribal flocks was indicative of folk -thought. Group dances, feasts, building enterprises, celebrations -delineated the social spirit. Warfare produced bursts of tribal -loyalty. An examination of the folkways reveals indistinct but -incipient notions of societal welfare. Such a treatise as Sumner’s -_Folkways_ chronicles a vast amount of elemental folk thinking. - -Folk thinking permeated primitive religions. The earliest forms of -religion presupposed societies of spirits or gods. The conduct of the -individual was regulated by his ideas concerning the ways in which he -had pleased or offended the spirits or gods. An infant was born into -a society peopled with human and spirit beings. The latter were often -more numerous than the former; they frequently were more feared; and -hence were more powerful. The living people, the departed spirits, and -the gods in a hierarchal order constituted an effective society for the -exercise of many vigorous forms of social control. - -If pestilence came, it was because the gods had been offended by some -human being. As a result of the offense of one individual, the whole -tribe was considered to be liable to punishment. Consequently, the -tribe in turn would punish the offending member and through the use -of force and fear would exert a tremendous power over the conduct and -thought of individuals. - -Primitive people were dominated by custom. They were subject to the -autocracy of the past. They were hopelessly caught between ancestral -ascendance and current fears. They threaded their way, mentally, -through tantalizingly uncertain and narrow apertures. They learned the -meaning of obedience, but obedience to a harsh and rigorous past and a -fickle and disconcerting future. Leadership was drastic and capricious; -followership was frantic and tremulous. - -Some of the incipient social concepts of primitive peoples have been -preserved in the form of proverbs, maxims, fables, and myths. Many -of the subtler social relationships of life were recognized by early -man. His limited thinking drifted into simple formulae. His vocabulary -was scanty; his ideas were few. He spoke in conventional sayings. -“Primitive man spoke in proverbs.” - -Many folkthoughts, or primitive conceptions of social obligations, -have been preserved. The early proverbs of man reveal the beginnings -of social thought. Equally valuable and similar materials are found -in the sayings of the tribes which today are in a state of arrested -development. A few illustrations of embryonic social thought will be -given here.[II-1] - -The first examples will be selected from the folkthoughts of the -Africans of the Guinea Coast. The proverb, Ashes fly back in the face -of him who throws them, recognizes that evil deeds return upon the -doer, or as moderns declare, Curses come home to roost. In the saying, -Cowries are men, primitive man roughly but succinctly stated the -theory of the economic determination of human history. It is cowries, -or money, which molds human thought, determines human evaluations -and attitudes, gives social power, and “makes the man.” An age-long -conception, indicative of a low sense of social feeling, but possessing -great force in society, is revealed in the dictum, Full-belly child -says to hungry-belly child, “Keep good cheer.” Throughout human -history, the fortunate glutton has always recommended patience and -tranquility to the unfortunate, hard-working brother. An eminent -American financier of the multi-millionaire class expressed pity -for telephone girls who undergo hard labor, but declared that their -harsh conditions were what the good Lord had made for them. But how -far has this well-groomed citizen of our century advanced beyond the -“full-belly” social philosophy of savage man? - -In the observation, A fool of Ika and an idiot of Iluka meet together -to make friends, the African has noted that friends are persons of -similar types, of similar minds, of similar prejudices, and that “birds -of a feather flock together.” Whether conscious or unconscious, -association occurs among persons of a kind, among fools of Ika and -idiots of Iluka. - -Romantic love, evidently, has always been fickle, for the African has -discovered that “quick loving a woman means quick not loving a woman.” -If this naïve but shrewd reflection concerning lovemaking were taken -at its real worth at the present time, it would be crystallized into -a federal marriage law requiring that a license to marry should be -obtained at least fifteen or thirty days before the marriage could be -celebrated. - -A rather keen sense of social injustice is expressed in the monologue: -“The ground-pig said: ‘I do not feel so angry with the man who killed -me as with the man who dashed me on the ground afterward.’” Here the -injustice of striking an individual when he is down is depicted. Even -primitive man has a sense of sympathy for the defeated and helpless. - -“Three elders cannot all fail to pronounce the word _ekulu_ (antelope): -one may say _ekúlu_; another _ekulú_; but the third will say, _ékulu_ -(which is correct).” In other words, several heads are better than -one; or, in a multitude of counsellors there is safety. It was this -simple social precept which a highly individualistic man like Roosevelt -used frequently to the advantage of himself and the nation. When a -perplexing problem would confront President Roosevelt, he was wont to -invite to the White House persons whose beliefs were contrary to his -own in order to secure their opinions. He acted independently, but -after taking counsel with several “elders.” - -In _Thinking Black_, Daniel Crawford has presented phases of the -colored man’s philosophy.[II-2] While much is individual, more is -social philosophy. Custom imitation prevails. The social philosophy -of the African Negro is summarized in the rule: Follow your leader. -Social precedent, not principle, is the guide to conduct. If you are -a follower, follow patiently; if you are a leader, lead drastically. -“If thou art an anvil, be patient ... but if thou art a hammer, strike -hard.” - -The African understands the social psychology of language. He watches -the eyes more carefully than the voice. To him the human eye speaks all -languages under the sun. Mr. Crawford says that the wary eye of the -African “can easily fish news out of the two deep liquid pools of your -eye-balls.” If your eye says one thing and your tongue another, then -the African “will plump for the verdict of the eye.” - -The aphorism, There is no pocket in a shroud, warns the individual -against the possibility of taking his material goods into the next -world. To share with other persons is rated a higher act than to store -from others. He is richest who shares most. Among the Africans with -whom Mr. Crawford worked, the word for criminal was not applied to -the person who had stolen property or who had taken life, but to the -one who eats alone. “The high crime and misdemeanor of the town is to -dine alone;” the criminal above other criminals is “Mr. Eat-Alone.” -He who refuses to share his food with those who are less fortunate -than himself is an arch-devil. Such a vice is common among beasts; it -is beneath the dignity of man--according to the African. When several -primitives were taken to London and shown the wealthy and the poor -sections of that city, they were dumbfounded. They were utterly unable -to understand how any persons with the slightest spark of human nature -in them could endure to live to themselves in wealth when in the same -city there were the wretched and prostrated multitudes of Whitechapel -and the other cheerless slums. - -“What baby lion ever trembled at his father’s roaring?” A few mornings -ago, I heard an angry parent yelling at his son, but the disobedient -child kept on in his own way. I wondered how far this father had -advanced in parental influence and discipline beyond the stage -represented by the African seer who drew his social images from a -lion-frequented environment. “If a tree has grown up crooked, it is -because no one straightened it when young.” This statement postulates -social responsibility for juvenile delinquency and even for adult -crime. The underlying principle is the same as that in the Hebraic -injunction: Train up a child in the way he should go; and when he is -old, he will not depart from it. The principle has received current -recognition in the doctrine of contributory negligence of parents. -The modern observation full of socially dangerous implications, that -parents are blind to the weaknesses of their children, has its African -counterpart: The beetle is a beauty in the eyes of its mother. A gleam -of light is thrown upon the current discussions concerning social -parasitism by the African’s assertion: The parasite has no roots. - -The Australian Blackfellow who goes upon a journey, sometimes takes -a handful of mother earth with him. In this way he testifies to his -loyalty to home, and provides against the rise of lonesomeness which -he will experience during tribal hunts. His act crudely represents the -essence of the concept of patriotism. A sense of justice is common -to primitive Australians. Among the Whayook of Australia a man who -has wounded a fellow tribesman is required to present himself to the -injured in order to receive a similar wound.[II-3] Among the Wumbais, a -person who is absent when a relative dies must not speak on his return -to camp to anyone until he has had spears thrown at him.[II-4] Spencer -and Gillen report that the Australian primitive regards any offense as -wiped out by a suitable proffer of atonement.[II-5] - -The Filipino declares: A piece of green wood will burn if placed -near the fire. In other words, temptation is a subtle element -that ultimately may destroy even persons who are supposedly -temptation-proof. In the proverb, Boastfulness drives away wisdom, the -Filipino has pointed out that the desire to make a strong impression -upon associates hinders intellectual progress. The chief danger of -luxury is stated in the saying: He who is raised in ease, is usually -destitute. The leading result of being financially fortunate is -summarized thus: Easy earning means quick spending. The evils of -hypercriticism are bluntly phrased: The fault-finder has the biggest -faults. The law of social compensation is stated as follows: You laugh -today; I laugh tomorrow. The organic nature of society is implied in -the truism: The pain of a finger is the suffering of the whole body. -The need for independent thinking is urged in the declaration: Whoever -believes everything said, has no mind of his own. On the other hand, -the egocentric mind receives solemn warning in the dictum: He who -despises counsel is on the way to misfortune. The value of a social -spirit is proclaimed as follows: Kindness is a great capital; and -again: Good deeds are more precious than gold or silver. A gentle hint -of social importance is given in the formula: Kindness is with kindness -to be paid, not with gold or silver. In these and related proverbs the -earliest social thought of the Filipino mind is indicated. - -Let us now examine a few ancient Japanese axioms. (1) The mouth of -the mass melts gold. This proverb refers to the fundamental force -of public opinion. (2) The world is like a looking-glass; if you -smile, others also smile. Here is depicted the elemental character -of unconscious imitation. (3) What the ruler wants, the ruled also -wants. In other words, what the upper classes desire, the lower classes -long for; or, as Tarde has said: “The superior are imitated by the -inferior.” (4) Three men get together and have knowledge equivalent -to that of Monju (a famous Buddhist thinker). The African, Filipino, -and English equivalents of this adage have already been given. All -races, apparently, have early observed the safety which comes from -taking counsel. (5) The net of Heaven is rough, but will never miss one -victim. Our equivalent, of Graeco-Latin origin, is: The mills of the -gods grind slowly, but exceedingly small. Evil brings its own rewards -sooner or later. The law of retribution cannot be overcome, even by -social manipulations. (6) If one dog barks a falsehood, ten thousand -others spread it as a truth. In these words, gossip is condemned, and -the humanity-wide tendency of hearsay evidence to gain social force -is pictured. (7) The tongue is but three inches long, but it can kill -a man six feet high. Again, the vicious nature of gossip is shown. -Further, the severest punishment is not always physical; it may come -from the human tongue. (8) A man takes a drink; then the drink takes -the man. In this dramatic description, the drinking of intoxicating -liquors is effectively indicted. (9) Applause is the root of abuse. -Even the Japanese have recognized the force of opinion in influencing -the individual, and of favorable opinion in unduly expanding the ego. A -unique characteristic of many Japanese proverbs is the fundamental and -deep-moving knowledge of social psychology which they show. Judged by -their proverbs, the Japanese possess an unusual understanding of human -nature. - -Bulgarian proverbs disclose social thought. The “full-belly” philosophy -of the African, or the pig-trough philosophy that has been analyzed by -T. N. Carver, has its Bulgarian counterpart: The satiated man cannot -believe the hungry man. The South Slavs are noted for their weddings -which often continue for three days. When these festivities are over, -the bride enters upon a more or less monotonous round of bearing and -rearing children. These social conditions are aptly described: - - Dum! Dum! for three days; - Oh dear! Oh dear! for all days. - -Patience is enjoined in the Bulgarian adage: Endure, O horse, until the -time of green grass. Hope that rises in the heart of man is paid homely -but genuine tribute in the rural Slavic proverb: The hungry hen dreams -of millet. - -The Danes have many sayings which emphasize social dependence. The -individual is instructed: Act so in the valley that you need not fear -those that stand on the hill. The shrewd man is socially dangerous, -for: Cunning has little honor. Gossip is shown as a swift messenger in -the axiom: A man’s character reaches town before his person. The most -serious result of cheating others is the effect upon the cheater, or: -He is most cheated who cheats himself. The common character of sin -is recognized in the Danish proverb: He must be pure who would blame -another. Custom is a powerful agency of control. The Danes command: -Follow the customs, or fly the country. - -The Portuguese have a social saying to the effect: He buys very -dear who begs. The unscientific nature of love is indicated in the -Portuguese declaration: Love has no law. The frequent antithesis -between money lending and friend making is succinctly phrased: Money -lent, an enemy made. - -A few Arabian proverbs state social ideas. The laws of human -association and imitation can be found in the following axiom: A wise -man associating with the vicious becomes an idiot; a dog traveling with -good men becomes a rational being. The strength which comes from unity -is forcibly phrased: Three if they unite against a town will ruin it. -The transforming power of love is recognized: Love can make any place -agreeable. An idealistic social standard is set for the individual in -the aphorism: It is more noble to pardon than to punish. On the other -hand, mercy may be misplaced: Mercy to the criminal may be cruelty to -the people. The individual must beware of being an ingrate; he must not -permit his selfish desires to crush out the spirit of gratitude: A tree -that affords thee shade, do not order it cut down. The omnipresence of -envy is understood: Envy assails the noblest; the winds howl around -the highest peaks. The anti-social tendency of a vicious habit is -well described: A hand accustomed to take is far from giving. Perhaps -the Malthusian advocate will find solace in the simple dictum: If -the sailors become too numerous, the boat will sink. He who pleases -everybody has done so at the expense of his own character, or as the -Arabs say: He deserves no man’s good will of whom all men speak well. - -From Ceylon comes the philanthropic request: When you eat, think of the -poor. The Cingalese, however, recognize the importance of maintaining -the scientific attitude in charity, for they have a saying: He who -gives alms must do it with discretion. The blighting influence of -wealth is stated in the Cingalese axiom: A covetous man has two sources -of iniquity--how to amass money, and how to use it. - -Among Mexican proverbs, social ideas are not missing. The reader will -catch the social significance of the following: (1) A howling cat is -not a good hunter; (2) Everybody can climb up the limbs of the fallen -tree; (3) A rich widow cries with one eye and rings the wedding bells -with the other; (4) The tongue slow, the eyes quick; (5) From January -to January the bankers have all the money. - -The illustrations which have been given from several racial sources -will suffice to show the nature of the earliest social thought of -primitive peoples. By way of comparison, a few social proverbs which -are common among English, Scotch, French, and German speaking peoples, -and which are of various origins, will be given. It will be unnecessary -to comment upon the social thought which is stated or implied in these -proverbs. - - That is not lost which a friend gets. - The shortest road is where the company’s good. - A man is known by the company he keeps. - Do unto others as you would have others do to you. - A man who would have friends must show himself friendly. - One bad example spoils many precepts. - Honesty is the best policy. - One good turn deserves another. - Birds of a feather flock together. - As the twig is bent, the tree is inclined. - People who live in glass houses mustn’t throw stones. - Bare is the gift without the giver. - What is not good for the swarm is not good for the bee. - He laughs best who laughs last. - To make a happy couple, the husband must be deaf and the wife blind. - Charity gives itself rich; covetousness hoards itself poor. - -The nature of the primitive social thought that has been preserved -through proverbs and sayings justifies the following observations. -(1) Primitive social thought was exceedingly simple, crude, and -undeveloped. (2) It was uncorrelated and unsystematic. (3) A -classification of the total number of known proverbs of any primitive -people into individual and social types shows that not more than ten -per cent are social. Primitive thinking was done in terms of the -welfare of the individual himself. The social thought was commonly of -individualistic origin. A social idea was originally not suggested -for its own sake or disinterestedly, but for the reason that its -observance would enable individuals to live together more harmoniously -and prosperously. (4) Social proverbs employ figures of speech. Similes -from nature are frequent; physical analogies are not uncommon. Many of -these figures disclose a rural or bucolic mind. (5) Frequently, the -social proverbs of the various races pertain to family and community -relationships. The sense of social responsibility does not penetrate -as a rule beyond the small group. The responsibility of group to group -is rarely expressed or implied. The social vision does not extend -to large groups. (6) A comparative study of primitive social sayings -indicates countless similarities, and testifies to the uniformity -of human experiences and social needs, irrespective of racial -distinctions. These resemblances do not imply collaboration, collusion, -or imitation. They mean that the needs of primitive individuals in -various and unrelated parts of the world have everywhere led the human -mind out in search of socially satisfactory explanations. Primitive -thinking produced fundamental social concepts, such as kinship, -authority, dependence, and tribal loyalty. - - - - -CHAPTER III - -THE SOCIAL THOUGHT OF ANCIENT CIVILIZATIONS - - -In this chapter the discussion of earliest social thought will be -presented from the standpoint of the ancient civilizations of Egypt, -Babylonia and Assyria, India, China, and Persia. The evidences of -social thought are meagre and inchoate. Nevertheless, there are data -which cannot be ignored. Inferential evidence and proverbial references -constitute the main portion of these data. - -(1) The ancient Egyptian social order was bureaucratic and autocratic. -The king was supreme. With the rise of the Theban hierarchy, the -priestly class came to power and established a theocratic régime. Then -military leaders came into prominence and overthrew the theocracy of -the priests. - -With the historical rise of Egypt, about 4000 B. C., the emphasis upon -law as the basis of the social order stands out prominently. The books -of laws early acquired sacred significance. They were reputed to be of -divine and monarchical origins; they provided courts of justice; and -they prescribed punishments for offenses. - -The social ideas are to be gleaned almost entirely from proverbial -sayings. Egyptian scholars refer to collections of these moral precepts -as being of a practical rather than a systematic philosophical nature. -The most frequently mentioned of the Egyptian books of proverbs are the -Proverbs of Ptah-hotep, and the Prescriptions of Ani. - -The social order was dominated as a rule by the king, who was supposed -to be divine. The king and a relatively small number of nobles owned -the land. The large percentage of the people were serfs and slaves. -Throughout ancient Egyptian history, the middle class must have been -weak, and small in numbers. When the lands passed under the control of -the temple authorities no change occurred in the social conditions of -the masses. The priests shared the authority with their auxiliaries, -the soldiers. The unprivileged classes included the farmers, boatmen, -mechanics, trades-people, besides the slaves.[III-1] - -Egyptian life was rural. Commerce was undeveloped. Higher education -was reserved for the very few, although it appears that elementary -education was widespread. The priests often used their educational -advantages to prey upon and excite the superstitions of the people, -thereby strengthening the social control which they enjoyed. - -An anomalous phase of the Egyptian mind was that it shifted back -and forth from a hedonistic enjoyment of the moment to a serious -contemplation of the future life. Amusements were fostered; the -drinking of intoxicating liquors was extensive, and music was promoted. -The game of draughts was perhaps the national pastime. The people were -not warriors. They employed mercenaries, who ultimately became socially -powerful. - -Polygamy was countenanced and practised, but only of course among the -wealthy. A relatively high degree of freedom was granted the women -among the privileged classes. They appeared in public with their -husbands; they publicly engaged in religious ceremonies; and they were -given unusual property rights. At one time it is reported that Egyptian -women could not only own property, but could dispose of it as they -wished, or could loan money at interest to their husbands. At another -time the following injunction seems to have been issued: “Thou shalt -never forget thy mother, and what she has done for thee, that she bore -thee, and nurtured thee in all ways.” Children were enjoined to obey -their parents, to be respectful to their superiors, and to be reserved. -Greatness was identified with kindness. Justice and kindliness were -urged upon the leaders.[III-2] - -The belief in the future world claimed a lion’s share of the attention -of the Egyptian. As a result, sculpture flourished. It was believed -that if the human figure was copied and the copy preserved, the spirit -and the body of the departed person could be more easily re-united. -Architecture developed, but with the tombs or pyramids and other -monuments as the chief forms. Urban mural divisions and fortified walls -are still to be found as evidences of Egyptian social institutions. - -It was taught that in the next world the individual would be held -accountable for his deeds in this life. This belief acted as a powerful -social control; it involved specific social obligations. The individual -must deal openly with his fellowmen. He must observe the rights of the -weaker members of society. For example, he must not make false charges -against a slave to the master of the slave. He must show that he has -respected the social rights that were invested in property. From the -moral and social writings of the Egyptian scribes, it is apparent that -in religious matters, the individual was moved to give thought to his -duties as a citizen and as a neighbor. - -(2) The ancient Babylonian and Assyrian social order was similar in -many ways to Egyptian civilization. The Babylonian description of a -great deluge resembles the account of the Flood that is given in the -Old Testament, and indicates thought about morals and social life. Both -Babylon and Assyria developed a religion which was expressed in terms -of the nation-group. The boundaries of one, with Merodach at the head, -and of the other with Assur in supreme control, marked the national -group divisions. Merodach, it was believed, accompanied the king in the -wars and fought for the nation. He was concerned entirely, according -to traditions, with the welfare of Babylonia as a population group. - -The attitude in Babylonian society toward the institution of slavery -was distinctly different from that in Rome, but similar to the Egyptian -practices. The slave was considered in a more social way than by the -Romans. He was frequently regarded as one of the family; he could even -become a free member of society. “Slavery was no bar to his promotion.” -Moreover, slavery did not necessarily imprint a social stigma upon the -slave. - -The social rights of women were similar to the Egyptian customs. -The married woman of the ruling classes possessed definite property -rights. She could use the property that she owned as she saw fit; -she could even bequeath it as she chose. Her dowry gave her economic -independence; it was her absolute property, which she could bequeath by -will in any way that she desired. - -The earliest well-known Babylonian ruler was Hammurapi (2124–2081). He -is known best through his famous book of laws, the Code of Hammurapi. -The Code bespeaks for the author the desire to rule Babylonian society -justly. There are minute regulations of private business and of labor -conditions which give the Code some of the characteristics of modern -mercantilistic thought. - -The Code contains perhaps the earliest forms of labor legislation that -were enacted. Hammurapi sought through legislation to determine wages -for different classes of labor. The Code prescribed severe punishment -for anyone who sheltered a runaway slave. In this and similar ways, -property rights were protected and human elements subordinated. It was -not until the Deuteronomic Code was written that the rights of labor -received legislative recognition. - -Hammurapi stood for a paternalistic control of society. His idea -of justice was literally that of an eye for an eye. “If a man has -caused the loss of a patrician’s eye, his eye shall one cause to be -lost.”[III-3] Justice, moreover, was subject to the law of social -gradation. An offense against a man of lower rank might be atoned by -paying money. “If a man has caused a poor man to lose his eye, he -shall pay one mina of silver.”[III-4] Additional light is thrown on -the concept of justice by other passages from the Code, especially by -this one: “If a builder has built a house for a man and has not made -strong his work, and the house he has built has fallen, and he has -caused the death of the owner of the house, that builder shall be put -to death.”[III-5] - -The intellectual progress and the inventions of the Babylonians are -indicative of social status. The development along artistic lines, -particularly in architecture and sculpture, must have exerted an -indirect but important social influence. Significant advances in -surgery had been made preceding the reign of Hammurapi. In medicine, -however, the demonic theory of the causes of disease enslaved the -people. - -The Assyrians, who lived to the north of the Babylonians, were less -social in type. They were little concerned about the future life; their -religion was relatively undeveloped. The Assyrian artists gave their -attention chiefly to the king, the court, and to war. They reproduced -in artistic form the king and the soldier, but ignored the life and -customs of the people. - -(3) When we turn to early East Indian records, we find a higher -development of social ideals than among any peoples which have thus -far been considered. In the Vedic documents there is considerable -evidence of communal life and of a remarkable degree of social spirit -and brotherliness. In the East Indian account of a Deluge--similar -to the Deluge that is described in Genesis--there is a conception -of punishment that falls upon the group because of the sins of -individuals. Sacrifice, among the Vedic believers, had acquired a -positive social function. It was considered as a social act, in which -the worshipper and the god took part. The food strengthened the god and -the spiritual contact strengthened the worshiper. Hence mutual sympathy -was generated. - -With the rise of Brahmanism, the caste system developed. It divided -society. It gave structure to the concept that some people are -naturally--and artificially--superior to other people. In the laws of -Manu, several social concepts are broached. The nature of marriage and -the duties of a householder are explained. The duties of a woman are -prescribed. The nature of private and public law is noteworthy, and -the recognition of the obligation of one caste to another in times of -distress marks the beginning of a reaction against the caste system. -It was considered possible for an individual to fall from a caste -to the one below, but not for an individual to rise in caste. The -moral standards for individuals reached a level comparable to those -represented in certain of the teachings of Jesus. For example, notice -this instruction: - -Let him patiently bear hard words, let him not insult anybody, nor -become anybody’s enemy for the sake of this perishable body. Against an -angry man let him not in return show anger; let him bless when he is -cursed. - -Buddhism inaugurated a set of social ideas which involved the abolition -of the caste system. In the fourth of the “Four Noble Truths” the -principles which are formulated, are partly of social import. -Commendation is extended to right speech--speech that is friendly, and -sincere toward others. The requirements include right conduct--conduct -which is peaceable and honorable toward other persons. Stress is placed -upon right means of securing livelihood--methods which do not involve -the injury or the taking of life. There are types of modern business -enterprise that are extolled in our Christian America which would fall -under the ban of the “Noble Truths” in pagan India. - -Among the “ten commandments” of Buddha, eight represent social ideas -and obligations: - -(1) Not to kill any living being. - -(2) Not to take that which is not given (not to steal). - -(3) To refrain from adultery. - -(4) To speak no untruth (not to lie to other people). - -(5) To abstain from intoxicating liquors. - -(6) Not to slander. - -(7) Not to covet. - -(8) Not to be angry. - -Buddha taught that hatred is to be repaid by love, that life is to be -filled with kindness and compassion, that the widest toleration is to -be practised. The teachings of Buddha engendered a delicate social -consciousness regarding the relation of the individual to his fellows. -The precepts were strong enough to break down rigid class barriers. The -underlying conception was broadly human. - -Additional light is thrown on the social thought of Buddha by the -following sayings which are credited to him: - -Pity and sympathy is the Buddha’s mind. - -Pity to his parents is the Supreme Law. - -Honesty is the Paradise of the Bodhisattva. - -O my Disciples, flee from fornication, know how to be content with your -own wife, and do not even for a single moment lust after another woman. - -A state without a ruler is like a body without a head; it cannot exist -very long. - -The king looks upon his subjects with a heart of mercy, as if they were -his children; and the people regard the king as their father. - -If there is no Buddha in the world, be good to your parents; for to be -good to one’s parents is to minister unto Buddha. - -Nursing a sick man is the great field where the righteous tree of mind -grows. - -Even a strong man cannot lift himself. - -Ten people have ten colors (opinions). - -The paint which is painted by ten fingers (men) is accurate. (In the -multitude of counsellors there is safety.) - -The sayings of Buddha may be summed up in the statement that, like -many of the teachings of Jesus, they accent the gentle virtues and -the passive traits of a people bearing a yoke against which they are -powerless to revolt, the virtues of obedience, respect to those in -authority, long-suffering, patience, even resignation. - -(4) The social thought of early China can best be gleaned from the -writings of Confucius. This scholar was not a reformer or a religious -leader, but primarily a conserver. He was interested in civil and -political affairs. His books reflect not his own ideas, for his -originality was not great, but the concepts which had been worked out -before his time. In the _Li Ki_, or Record of Rites, there are many -social and domestic precepts. In a way the _Li Ki_, “the Chinamen’s -manual of conduct,” is a treatise on social as well as individual -ethics. Around the family group, Chinese social ideas revolved. On the -death of his mother, Confucius, for example, went into seclusion for -twenty-seven months. On sacrificial occasions the living members and -the departed spirits of the household were accustomed to gather in one -filial communal group. The welfare of the individual was completely -subordinated to the interests of the family group of spirits. - -The Chinese worship, or honor, their ancestors. The worship of the past -has paralyzed new thought. Custom imitation has ruled and tradition has -been reverenced. - -Marriage receives special attention, but the arrangements are made by -parents or “go-betweens.” Socially, the sexes do not intermingle. The -parents exercise complete control over the children; the mother bears -a considerable portion of the burdens of parental discipline. Filial -piety is the cardinal virtue. Although polygamy is discountenanced, -concubinage is permitted. The sexes dress very much alike, except in -headdress and footgear. The style of wearing apparel is not only simple -and aesthetic, but it “minimizes the visible distinctions of sex.” - -Confucius, or Kung-fu-tsze, believed in the efficacy of setting good -examples. Imitation would then accomplish the desired results. By -these methods, Confucius expected that society would be improved. -Fundamental principles of a stable social order, more than of -social progress, were in the mind of Confucius. He conceived of the -universe as a perfect order. Likewise, he thought of the state as a -perfect social order. Confucius urged that the individual strive for -perfection. According to the Confucian doctrine of the Superior Man, -the individual should master his own passions and desires, substituting -an enjoyment of music, ceremony, and of friendship, for the enjoyment -that comes from the exercise of the bodily passions. He should seek -salvation through the study of nature and of things. Moral character -and intelligence if accompanied by bravery will produce the highest -type of personality. - -In Chinese social thought the family and state were early recognized -as the two leading institutions in society. In the civil organization -it is worth while to note the _hien_, or city district. The _hien_ has -been pronounced “the real unit of Chinese corporate life”; and the -_hien_ magistrate, “the heart and soul of all official life.” Since -this magistrate keeps closely in touch with the masses, he is called by -the people “the father and mother officer.” The _hien_ contains some of -the germ ideas of democracy; it emphasizes local self-government. - -The ancient laws were elaborate, giving an unusual degree of power -to the judges. Although customs ruled, the judges often possessed a -liberal margin of freedom in determining the nature of punishments. -Contrary to Western procedure, the Chinese consider an accused man -as guilty until proved otherwise. Excessive corporate punishment is -deplored.[III-6] Confucius objected to the maintenance of a government -by the use of fear and of coercive measures. He predicted that capital -punishment (even in a land ruled by custom) would be abolished in a -hundred years. - -The ideas of peace and harmonious social relationships have long held -sway in China. Militarism has been scorned, and war held in contempt. -It is ironical that as China begins to function as a world power in -contact with Western and Christian nations, she is compelled to find -her chief defense in an uncivilized and unChristian militarism. - -Sympathy is a fundamental concept among the Chinese. Unfortunately, -it has been instrumental in producing a highly specialized and -professionalized class of beggars. Industry and patience are -characteristic social virtues. Lao-tse, the founder of Taoism and a -contemporary of Confucius, taught the social precept: Recompense injury -with kindness. Confucius, who disagreed, taught that kindness should -be paid with kindness, and injury with injury. This conception led -Confucius to formulate his golden rule of human conduct: Do not do to -others what you would not have others do to you. - -Obedience to authority has been for centuries a cardinal social -principle of the Chinese. It was enunciated by Confucius, who spoke -as a representative of the ruling classes. In stressing obedience to -temporal authorities and in shunning the gods, Confucius has been -accused of fostering a materialistic philosophy. This charge is partly -offset by his ethical teachings. Confucius was a humanitarian rather -than a materialist; he was a utilitarian rather than an idealist. In -these attitudes he reflects not his own opinions so much as the thought -of the generations which preceded him. - -Mencius, who lived shortly after Confucius, was an environmentalist in -the sense that he believed that external evil influences have corrupted -man’s original good nature. On the other hand, Mencius urged progress -through regeneration of the heart. Mencius was a more thoroughgoing -humanist than Confucius, for he made the happiness of the people the -supreme goal for the individual. He condemned war and warriors alike -and declared that generals are criminals. He asserted that it is wrong -to conquer a territory against the will of the people of that territory. - -Additional sidelights upon early Chinese social thought are afforded by -the following social proverbs of ancient Chinese origin: - -If a cat cries after eating the mouse, this is false sympathy. - -Follow good, learn good; follow beggar, learn to beg. - -Gentlemen use heart; lesser men use strength. - -New clothes but old friends are good. - -Within the four seas all are brothers. - -If two people were 1000 miles apart and be like-minded, they will come -together; if they sit opposite one another and are not like-minded -there will be no mutual acquaintance. - -Speak language fitting to station of man you meet. - -All under heaven is one home. - -Although a man is away from home, his heart is there. - -The big fish eat the little ones, the little ones eat the shrimps, and -the shrimps are forced to eat mud (applied to the classes of society -who pay taxes). - -He who praises me on all occasions is a fool who despises me or a knave -who wishes to cheat me. - -Govern thyself, and you will be able to govern the world. - -The hearts of the people are the only legitimate foundations of an -empire. - -By nature all men are alike; but by education, widely different. - -For the sake of one good action, a hundred evil ones should be -forgotten. - -To forget one’s ancestors is to be a brook without a source, a tree -without a root. - -Rogues differ little; each began first as a disobedient son. - -Of all man’s actions, there is none greater than filial piety. - -When they saw an old man, people walking or driving gave him the road. -Men who had white hairs mingling with the black did not carry burdens -along the highways (care for the aged). - -When the man of high station is well instructed, he loves men; when the -man of low station is well instructed, he is easily ruled. - -Three friendships are advantageous: friendship with the upright, -friendship with the sincere, and friendship with the man of -observation. Three are injurious: friendship with a man of spurious -airs, friendship with the insinuatingly soft, and friendship with the -glib-tongued. - -Who taught you politeness? The impolite. - -To be a successful monarch, one must be a just monarch. - -Of the different peoples which have thus far been considered, the -Chinese have furnished the most elaborate degree of social thought. -While the social ideals of the Chinese are largely unsystematic, they -accent the family and the state as essential social institutions. They -also reveal even a significant conception of world brotherliness. -The Chinese have probably created more social proverbs than any -other people, past or present. For the stage of civilization that -is represented by proverbs and sayings, the social thought of the -Chinese is unsurpassed. In this regard the Chinese have but one close -competitor, the ancient Hebrews. - -(5) The Persians, who after their defeat by Alexander the Great in -331 B. C. have been credited with having turned over the torch of -civilization to the Greeks, made a contribution to social thought -similar to that of the other ancient peoples. Under Cyrus the Great, -Darius, and Xerxes a system of state education was fostered which -was designed chiefly to train soldiers. It did not stress social and -intellectual development, although it existed in a land that produced -the Magi. The individuals who were not in the army received slight -educational benefits. - -It is in the teachings of Zoroaster of the sixteenth century B. C. -that we first find the main trend of Persian social thought. The Zend -Avesta, the document from which Zoroasterism and the modern Parsee -religion have evolved, emphasizes the principle of kindliness in all -important human relationships. Sanitation, business honesty, and -chastity in family relationships are taught. - -The ancient Hebrews and the Greeks each made such large contributions -to social thought that separate chapters will be devoted to these -peoples. In a summary of the social thought of the Egyptians, -Babylonians and Assyrians, East Indians, Chinese, and Persians, it may -be said that there is a rather uniform emphasis upon the elemental -virtues, particularly upon kindliness. While the individual’s -salvation is given prominence, the individual is urged to be socially -considerate and to cultivate sympathetic relationships with the gods -and with his fellow human beings. - - - - -CHAPTER IV - -THE SOCIAL THOUGHT OF THE HEBREWS - - -Ancient Egyptian, Babylonian and Assyrian, East Indian, Chinese, and -Persian records disclose a set of elemental and yet more or less -passive social backgrounds against which the social ideals of the -Hebrew prophets shine forth like stars of the first magnitude. The -Pentateuch and the writings of the Hebrew wise men are rich in gleams -of a social spirit, while the Hebrew prophets, notably, Amos, Hosea, -Isaiah, and Jeremiah, uttered flaming indictments of social evils. - -The Hebrews stood head and shoulders above their contemporaries in -social thinking. They left a series of historical documents, covering -several centuries and revealing a specific evolution in social -concepts. They expressed the fundamentals from which Christian social -thought developed, and from which much of the ethical and social -thinking of Western civilization on its practical side has evolved. - -The social thought of the Hebrews was born of group suffering. Through -the mists of the earliest Hebrew traditions we discern that conflicts -occurred in the Euphrates Valley which sent Abraham out on his -perilous journey toward unknown and hostile Canaan. The gaunt spectre, -famine, brought distress to the household of the domestic-loving -Abraham and drove him to Egypt where he sojourned for a time. Abram, -exalted father, or Abraham, father of a multude, became the founder in -a sense of three world religions, for to him Judaism, Christianity, and -Mohammedanism trace their origins. - -Throughout the years of migration, exile, and suffering, Abraham -maintained his religious faith and belief. By means of his simple -religion he was able to interpret sanely the troubles and conflicts of -life. Out of suffering interpreted religiously, Abraham developed a -remarkably well-balanced and social personality. From this beginning, -Hebrew social thought evolved. Ultimately, Israel created social -concepts which has won for her the distinction of being “the leading -social teacher of the human race.”[IV-1] - -As a social entity the Hebrews were the result of “a titanic social -struggle;” they arose out of an industrial crisis. The scene was -laid in Egypt. The descendants of Jacob were working long hours with -little pay, as slaves, and under harsh social conditions. One of their -number, more favored than the rest by heredity and environment, saw a -Hebrew workman being beaten by an Egyptian “boss.” The favored one, -Moses, felt the surging passions of social injustice rising within his -breast--and he slew the boss. Moses thereby became the founder of the -world’s labor movement. By an act of violence in the impassioned days -of youth, Moses became “a social agitator”; by years of patient service -of his people in the name of Jehovoh, he became one of the world’s -greatest social seers. - -Rameses II was “an unprincipled captain of industry.” He was haughty, -hard-hearted, and without social conscience. Moses was sympathetic, -socially sensitive, and keenly religious. Rameses II was a leading -representative of an ancient aristocracy; Moses was the first great -exponent of an incipient democracy, and “the first man in history with -a well-developed social consciousness.” - -According to the Exodus record Moses, as the murderer of an Egyptian -boss, felt no qualms of conscience, but he did fear the mighty Pharaoh. -At that time in history it was a minor matter to kill a slave; but -to have killed a boss was vastly different. The slave represented -weakness; the boss was the official representative of political and -financial power. Consequently, Moses fled the country. In Egypt he was -helpless, and in danger of losing his life. He fled to Midian. - -In Midian, Moses pondered over the economic and social injustices to -which his people were being subjected. He communed with God, from whom -he received the motive power to correct a gigantic social wrong. His -vision of Jehovah gave him the conviction that Jehovah is a God of -justice and mercy who understands social and industrial evils and -sympathizes with the socially defeated classes. Moses reports this -remarkable social message from Jehovah: - -“I have surely seen the affliction of my people that are in Egypt, and -have heard their cry of anguish because of their taskmasters, for I -know their sorrows, and I am come down to deliver them out of the power -of the Egyptians.”[IV-2] - -In other words, against the union of great wealth and political -power in the hands of an unjust man, God revolted, and God said to -Moses: “Rescue this Israelitish people from the heels of autocracy.” -Moses conceived of Jehovah as a God who is “full of sympathy for the -afflicted and dependent and ever eager to champion their cause against -cruel oppression.” Moses’ conception of Jehovah as a socially spirited -God is unique for that day in human history. God is described as a -lover of justice and even a lover of mankind. When God speaks, it is -usually in terms of democracy. The first social teachings of the Old -Testament, considered chronologically, are those against social and -industrial oppression. - -A momentous conflict ensued. Fired by the promises and presence and -power of Jehovah, Moses journeyed back to Egypt. He proceeded to -organize the first labor strike known to mankind. Thereupon, the angry -Pharaoh commanded the workers to make brick without straw. And when -the workers cried out against the impositions and burdens, the agents -of “the first great captains of industry” taunted the workers and cried -at them: “Ye are idle, ye are idle.” But God and Moses won against the -hosts of autocracy and plutocracy. The workers were freed. - -Out of these struggles the Hebrew nation took form. Group loyalty, or -patriotism, became a conscious Hebrew concept. The idea of kinship -was supplemented by an appreciation of the meaning of national life. -Furthermore, a sense of social and economic justice received a -clear-cut and positive human expression and divine approval. For the -first time the social problem was defined. - -The major social chord which the Hebrew prophets kept vibrating was -justice. Some of the recurring interpretations of the needs of the -hour were: Let justice roll down like waters; Rulers shall govern in -justice; Hear, I pray you, ye heads of Israel, is it not for you to -know justice? - -The Hebrew word for the English “justice” is _mishpat_. It is used in -various senses, such as, justice, order, law, right, legal right. Amos -wanted _mishpat_ established in the land. Micah asserted that Jehovah -requires the individual to do _mishpat_, and to love kindness, and to -walk humbly with his God. Isaiah urged the people to do well and to -seek _mishpat_; he pronounced woe upon those who turned aside the needy -from _mishpat_; he declared Jehovah to be a God of _mishpat_. Jeremiah -made plain that Jehovah exercises mercy and _mishpat_ among the people. - -Amos protested vigorously against special class privileges. He -denounced the wealthy classes because of their social arrogance and -economic injustice. In describing them, he points out a fundamental -principle of social procedure. By their repression of those who are -protesting, they “are heaping up violence”; that is, autocratic -repression will never right injustice, but will foster ultimate -revolution. Amos charged the rulers and all persons in positions of -social power with the primary obligation of seeing that the poor and -the outcast are protected from exploitation. What satire in a day when -rulers were noted for their exploitation of the weak social classes! - -A special responsibility rests upon judges. Amos severely arraigned all -who turn judgment to wormwood and cast righteousness to the ground. -Anathemas were heaped upon the takers of bribes, especially if they sit -in places of public authority and wear the robes of law and patriotism. -Hot denunciation fell also upon the private doer of injustice; upon the -merchant who makes smaller the measure and perverts the false balances; -upon all who trample in any way upon the needy, who trample on the head -of the poor, who sell the righteous for silver, who turn aside the -way of the humble.[IV-3] The concept of justice was vividly defined -by Amos. Moreover, the shepherd prophet of Tekoa had the courage and -ability to make the concept clear to all who would listen to him. -Amos spoke for justice on the throne, on the judge’s bench, in the -activities of the wealthy, in the transactions of merchants, and in the -daily dealings of individuals with one another. - -The campaign against injustice is carried forward by the first Isaiah, -the statesman and orator. In the Kingdom of Judah, Isaiah found the -same social evils that Amos had earlier preached against in the -Northern kingdom. The boldness of his attack is startling: - -Thy princes are rebellious, and companions of thieves: everyone loveth -gifts, and followeth after rewards: they judge not the fatherless, -neither does the cause of the widow come unto them.[IV-4] - -Then Isaiah enters upon perhaps the most open, daring, and indignant -challenge to doers of social iniquity that is to be found anywhere: - -Ye have eaten of the vineyard; the spoil of the poor is in your houses. -What mean ye that ye beat my people to pieces, and grind the faces of -the poor?[IV-5] - -After the manner of Amos, Isaiah protested vigorously against the -judges and officers of the law who for a bribe vindicate the wicked and -deprive the innocent man of his innocence. He denounced in no doubtful -language the scribes who devote themselves to writing oppression, who -turn aside the dependent from securing justice, who prevent Jehovah’s -followers from receiving honest treatment, who prey upon widows and -despoil orphans. Special condemnation was heaped upon those who set up -iniquitous decrees. - -Isaiah was a forerunner in an indirect sense of Henry George, for he -vehemently rebuked land monopolists. His new principle is contained -in a pronouncement of woes upon the persons who join house to house -and add field to field, until there is no land left except for the -monopolist who dwells as a lord over all. Isaiah protested against -social injustice not only because of the harmful effects upon the -individual but also because of the destructive and enervating national -results. - -After the fashion of Amos and Isaiah, Micah conceived of Jehovah as a -just God. Micah depicts the social injustice of his day in terms of the -persons who hate the good and love the evil, who pluck off the skin of -the weak, even the flesh from the bones of Jehovah’s followers; “who -also eat the flesh of my people, and flay their skin from off them; and -they break their bones, and chop them in pieces, as for the pot, and as -flesh within the caldron.”[IV-6] - -Micah unhesitatingly condemns the priests who are giving oracles for -a reward, and the prophets who are divining for silver and who are -trusting in Jehovah to protect them. Micah was perhaps the first -person to describe the activities of the criminaloid which have -been so carefully analyzed by Professor E. A. Ross. He grasped the -concept of the social sinner who keeps within the law. He attacked -wealthy landowners who crush the small holders; he spared neither high -officials, nor priests. He presented his social concepts with precision -and effectiveness. - -The invectives against social injustice are carried into the teachings -of Jeremiah. They appear later in the Deuteronomic Code. The Psalmists -deprecated injustice. The wisdom teachers uttered profound warnings on -the subject. The writer of Job deplored injustice. Throughout the Old -Testament the almost countless references justify the conclusion that -justice is the leading social concept which is presented by ancient -Hebrew thought. - -The Old Testament parallels its denunciation of unjust social -relationships with diatribes against luxury. The evil effects of great -riches are again and again described. Amos boldly pointed the finger -of scorn at the idle rich, at those who “lie upon beds of ivory and -stretch themselves upon their couches.” - -The possession of vast wealth has usually been considered by those -persons who are immediately concerned as an expression of divine favor. -Amos exposed the fallacies in this belief, commanded the owners of -wealth to assume social responsibility, and instantly to cease their -unholy practices of securing gain. - -Isaiah united with Amos in treating the possession of wealth not -as a matter of favor or luck, but as a social trust. With one -stroke Jeremiah tore off the gilded frame from about the life of -the self-indulgent, luxury-loving King Jehoiakim. What powerful and -autocratic monarch was ever charged with indulging in luxury in such -relentless and uncompromising language as this? - -Woe unto him that buildeth his house by unrighteousness, and his -chambers by injustice.... - -Shalt thou reign, because thou closest thyself in cedar?... - -But thine eyes and thine heart are not but for thy covetousness, and -for to shed innocent blood, and for oppression, and for violence, to do -it. - -The ways of the dishonest rich are vividly described by Jeremiah. -They set snares and catch people with lying. Their houses are full of -evidences of their crooked dealings. They maintain themselves in luxury -despite wanton expenditures by violating the needs of the fatherless -and the needy. - -Zephaniah was no less direct in pointing out the dangers in wealth. He -declared that ill-gotten gains shall themselves become a prey and that -the houses of the sinful rich shall become desolate. All their silver -and their gold shall not be able to deliver them from their ultimate -desolation. - -In a beautiful and effective style the Wisdom writer in Proverbs -unconsciously sums up the Old Testament philosophy concerning wealth: - -Labor not to become rich; cease from thine own wisdom. Wilt thou set -thine eyes upon that which is not? For riches certainly make themselves -wings; they fly away as an eagle toward heaven. - -The Old Testament with surprising uniformity supports the cause of -labor. The welfare of the slave is frequently espoused. According -to the Deuteronomic Code a runaway slave who was caught did not -necessarily need to be returned to his owner. In fact, a person who -harbored such a slave was expressly enjoined not to return him. By -this injunction the rights of property and vested interests in slaves -were ignored. Such an attitude was in opposition to the Code of -Hammurapi and to the codes of vested interests throughout history. -Slavery, however, was a well-established institution among the ancient -Hebrews.[IV-8] - -Although the law book of Hammurapi fixed the wages of laborers, the -Old Testament law book restricted the hours of labor. Not only is the -master to limit his labor to six days a week, but he is commanded to -see that his slaves, male and female, do not work more than six days. -Modern industry, even twentieth century manufacturing enterprise in -the United States, has been persistently violating the labor rules of -the Hebrew law-givers. Employers are commanded not to take advantage -of poor and needy hired servants. They shall not oppress labor simply -because they are powerful and labor is weak. Even the poor immigrant -laborer is not to be exploited! - -The first legislation in behalf of immigrants is found in Deuteronomy. -Employers must respect the needs of alien workers. The foreigner -shall not be oppressed. In the ordinary dealings between citizens and -foreigners, justice must not be perverted. The Hebrew law makers even -went so far as to issue the command: Love ye therefore the strangers, -for ye were strangers in the land of Egypt. - -The institution of marriage is early accented in the Old Testament. In -the second chapter of Genesis divine approval is placed upon marriage. -In accordance with biological and social needs the institution of -marriage is made sacred. Although the Hebrews are noted for their -emphasis upon the responsibility of children to parents, the husband is -ordered to forsake his father and his mother and cleave unto his wife. -A man’s obligation to his helpmate exceeds even his obligations to his -father and mother. - -The concept of a long-suffering, patient husband is extensively -elaborated in the teachings of Hosea. This prophet of the eighth -century, B. C., demonstrated the sanctity of the marriage relation by -remaining true to it even after his wife bore children of whom he was -not the father. It is remarkable that Hosea should not have divorced -his wife at once when he learned of her unfaithfulness to the marriage -vow. Hosea taught, by example, that divorce should be the last resort -after all the means of love have been used in trying to win back the -erring partner. - -The description of Hosea’s domestic difficulties, whether allegorical -or not, is an early protest against the double standard of morals for -man and woman. The attitude of people in modern society who blame and -shun the fallen woman but permit the guilty man to continue to enjoy -the company of respectable men and women is vigorously challenged by -Hosea. - -The last word against sex immorality was pronounced by Hosea. His -description of the effects of widespread sex immorality is brief but -incisive. - -Whoredom and wine and new wine take away the heart. - -Their glory shall fly away like a bird, from the birth, and from the -womb, and from the conception. - -Their root is dried up, they shall bear no fruit. - -In the Deuteronomic laws we find the duties of parents to children and -of children to parents carefully outlined. Parents, primarily, are made -responsible for moral and religious education in the home; and children -are under obligations to obey their parents. This teaching is summed -up in the injunction:[IV-10] Honor thy father and thy mother, that thy -days may be long upon the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee; and -in the imprecation: Whoso curseth his father or his mother, his lamp -shall be put out in obscure darkness.[IV-11] - -The Wisdom writers dwell at considerable length upon the proper -relationships of husbands and wives and of parents and children. -They point the finger of shame at the quarrelsome woman. They warn -against the woman whose chief asset is her beauty. A virtuous wife is -a crown to her husband, but an immoral wife is as rottenness in his -bones.[IV-12] - -The Wisdom teachers do not minimize the importance of parental -discipline. On occasion parents must act with force. Correction of -children is commanded. The situation is pictured in the following -language:[IV-13] - -The word and reproof give wisdom; but a child left to himself bringeth -his mother to shame. - -In other words, it is necessary that parents assume a positive, -definite attitude in regard to child nurture. They must see that their -children are actually trained in the ways in which they should go. Even -the loving parent must sometimes show his affection for his child by -chastising the child. Only by such a procedure do children grow up to -be a comfort to parents in their old age. - -On the other hand the child must assume his share of responsibility. It -is the part of wisdom for children to receive willingly the instruction -that parents can give. The wise son loves parental advice. He listens -gladly to his father; he does not despise his mother’s counsels. - -It has already been intimated that the Old Testament writers frequently -stress the importance of high standards of conduct for women. Amos -rebuked the wives of nobles and the wealthy who fritter away their best -impulses in idleness and sinful living and who dissipate their deepest -instincts in debauchery. Amos and Isaiah agreed, apparently, that a -nation’s welfare depends on the attitudes of its women. The wrath of -God will fall upon women who are haughty, who walk with heads held high -and with wanton glances, who go tripping along, “making a tinkling with -their feet.” - -The anti-social character of sin was pointed out in Genesis. Cain was -the first to raise naïvely and blandly the question: Am I my brother’s -keeper? Sinful living narrows the soul, increases selfishness, and -vitiates a genuine social attitude. Sinning is repudiating social -responsibility. Amos advanced the idea that selfish living was nothing -less than disloyalty to one’s country. To dissipate one’s energy is to -undermine one’s usefulness to his country. - -Intemperance was deplored. Isaiah has been called the first temperance -reformer of the world. His impassioned and classic utterances are well -represented by the following lines:[IV-14] - -Woe unto them that rise up early in the morning that they may follow -strong drink; that continue until night, till wine inflame them. - -Isaiah warned especially the priests and prophets of the evils of -intemperance. Wine will swallow them up, it will put them out of the -way, it will cause them to err in wisdom and to stumble in judgment. - -In both Leviticus and Numbers the danger that lurks in the wine cup is -recognized. The special servants of Jehovah are commanded to separate -themselves from wine and strong drink. In Proverbs the Wisdom writer -declares:[IV-15] Wine is a mocker, strong drink is raging and whoever -is deceived thereby is not wise. The same authority admonishes rulers -and judges not to drink wine lest they forget the law and pervert the -judgment of the afflicted. On the other hand, a reversion to a lower -standard is made in Proverbs when the legitimacy of giving strong drink -to the poor and miserable is recognized, so that they may forget their -poverty and misery.[IV-16] The general teaching, however, is that -strong drink leads to social inefficiency and the disintegration of -human personalities. - -The cities of refuge represent a new social idea. A person who has -taken life without intention may flee to and find protection in the -cities of refuge. The altar and the sanctuary are designated as places -to which persons may flee who are not wilful murderers.[IV-17] - -The social concept of democracy occupies an interesting place in the -Old Testament literature. In the days of Abraham the kinship group -prevailed. Within this group there were many households, ruled by -patriarchs. Within the kinship groups high standards of honor were -maintained, but anti-social attitudes toward outside and foreign groups -were encouraged. It was justifiable, for example, to lie to foreign -groups and even to kill the representatives of such peoples. - -The concept of democracy developed _pari passu_ with the evolution of -the idea of Jehovah. In the minds of the Hebrews, Jehovah, or Jahweh, -was first a tribal god, then a national god; and finally, a universal -God, that is, a being who is interested in the welfare of all peoples, -and not simply in the welfare of “the chosen people.” - -The Hebrew conception of the state contained several democratic -elements. The fundamental purpose of the state was declared to be the -welfare not of an irresponsible monarch, but of the people themselves. -This idea stands out in marked contradiction to the practices of the -Canaanites, who submitted themselves helplessly to capricious and -autocratic rulers. - -The Hebrews treated the state as a part of a theocracy. But when -Jehovah spoke, he usually arraigned false wealth, arbitrary political -power, selfish ambition of kings, luxurious living, and special -privileges. Jehovah spoke for the oppressed, the poor, the defeated, -the laborer,[IV-8] in short, for humanity. - -Consequently, loyalty to the nation was positive and persistent. -Consider this statement from Psalm 137 of Hebrew patriotism on the -part of exiled Hebrews who longed for their native land: - -By the rivers of Babylon, there we sat down, yea, we wept, when we -remembered Zion. - -We hanged our harps upon the willows in the midst thereof.... - -If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand forget her cunning. - -If I do not remember thee, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my -mouth; if I prefer not Jerusalem above my chief joy. - -According to Hosea, Jehovah charged the citizens of the land to deal -with one another on the basis of fidelity and true love, and to stamp -out all social evils, such as perjury, stealing, committing adultery, -and mob violence. The writer of the Book of Job portrayed a good -citizen as one who delivers the poor, who helps those about to perish, -who causes the widow’s heart to sing for joy.[IV-18] He is eyes to the -blind, feet to the lame, and a father to the needy. He searches out the -cause of social evils. Moreover, he breaks the jaws of the unrighteous, -and plucks the prey from their mouths. He defends the blameless. He -does not put his confidence in gold or rejoice at his enemies when -evils beset them or they are destroyed. It may be truly said that -fundamental ideas of democracy were originated by the Hebrews. - -Amos raised the question of internationalism. For the first time in -history, the idea of a universal God was postulated. Amos pronounced -Jehovah the God of other peoples besides the Israelites. “Have not I -brought up Israel out of the land of Egypt?” said Jehovah, “and the -Philistines from Caphtor, and the Syrians from Kir?”[IV-19] The day -would come, according to Isaiah and Micah, when Jehovah would judge -over many peoples and rebuke strong nations. The conception of Jehovah -as a Being who transcends both time and space gave to the Hebrew mind -at its best a broader cast and a more universal comprehension than the -peoples of contemporary tribes and nations possessed. - -The concept of universal peace was invented by the Hebrews. Isaiah and -Micah share the honor of being the first persons to advocate world -peace, and to predict the day when all nations shall worship a just God -and thereby be enabled to beat their swords into plowshares and their -spears into pruning-hooks, when nation shall not stand against nation, -and when the methods of warfare shall no longer be taught. The spirit -of hatred and of blind, selfish antagonism shall pass away. No modern -writer has ever spoken the doom of militarism so trenchantly as the Old -Testament prophet, Isaiah, who said, according to the translation by -Charles Foster Kent:[IV-20] - - “For every boot of the warrior with noisy tread, - And every war-cloak drenched in the blood of the slain, - Will be completely burned up as fuel for the flame.” - -The Hebrews strongly emphasized laws as a social dynamic. Love will -make socialized individuals. It will demonstrate to a person his -responsibilities as a member of society and his duties to his fellow -human beings. It will stifle hatred. It will even return good for evil. -It is the cardinal virtue and an eternal principle of right living. - -The Old Testament teaches social salvation. Jehovah is fundamentally -interested in the improvement of social and living conditions. He -commanded the socialization of all human relationships. His teachings, -as given by the prophets and Wisdom writers, take cognizance of the -influence of environment upon character. - -Hebrew social thought deals largely with social injustice. Social -evils are vividly described and evil-doers, chiefly kings and judges, -are vigorously and fearlessly arraigned. The family is made the chief -social institution, and love is crowned servant of all. Education is -centered in the home, and moral discipline is made the keynote of -education; hence the Hebrews survived the Greeks and Romans. A new -and perfect social order, directed by a just Jehovah, and motivated -throughout all its individual and social relationships by love, is -prophesied. - - - - -CHAPTER V - -PLATO AND GRECIAN SOCIAL THOUGHT - - -In turning to a study of Grecian civilization we find a development of -social thought which on the rational side excels in many particulars -the social thinking of the Hebrews, but which in its affective elements -falls far below the quality of Hebrew social thought. We may expect to -find, therefore, in Grecian social thought important new contributions -which are complementary to the legacies from the Hebrews, and which -when taken in conjunction with the early Christian forms of Hebrew -social thought constitute the main foundations of modern social thought. - -The thought life of the Greeks reached the crescendo in the idealism of -Plato (427–347 B. C.) and the opportunism of Aristotle (384–322 B. C.). -In an idea-world Plato depicted an ideal society. After studying -158 constitutions, Aristotle formulated rules of practical social -procedure. Plato’s _Republic_ and Aristotle’s _Politics_ are the two -leading source books of Grecian social thought. - -Plato and Aristotle were the first two thinkers in history who left -definitely organized analyses of societary life. Although in point of -time they stand close together, in content of social reasoning they -are at many places antagonistic. However, their high rank as thinkers -need not blind anyone to the fact that their social thought was in part -an outgrowth of theories held by predecessors. Antecedent to Plato -was Socrates and the Sophists; antecedent to these scholars was a -large number of thinkers who, incidentally to their main intellectual -efforts, gave expression to isolated but significant social ideas. - -As early as the ninth century, B. C., Lycurgus declared that the state -owned the child, and urged a system of education which would prepare -the child for the state. Despite, however, of a similar emphasis by -many later Greek leaders, “Hellas” never developed a genuine national -unity. She experienced a temporary national patriotism only when -attacked by the Persians and at the seasons when the national games -were at their height. - -It was Hesiod, the founder of Greek didactic poetry, who about 700 -B. C. described the Golden Age and the subsequent ages of society. -Hesiod protested mildly against the social injustice in his time.[V-1] -In the following century, Anaximander, the philosopher, and Theognis, -the elegiac poet,[V-2] discussed the value to society of providing that -children should be well born and well trained--the fundamental concepts -of current eugenics and euthenics. - -Solon, the Athenian lawgiver, about 590 B. C., began to put into -legislative practice certain ideas of social reform, thereby preventing -revolution. At that time it was customary to sell persons into slavery -who could not pay their debts--a procedure which Solon ended. The cost -of living was very high, consequently Solon forbade the export of food -products and thereby reduced prices for the consumer. He introduced -a measure which today would be considered revolutionary, namely, the -limiting of the amount of land which an individual might hold. For -the classification of people on the basis of wealth, he substituted -a classification on the basis of income. He lessened the severity of -the laws of Draco, and in other ways increased the freedom of the -individual. Although Solon’s régime was followed by a tyranny, Solon is -credited with initiating certain essential ideas of democracy. - -After the Tyrants, Athens under the leadership of men like Cleisthenes -became “a pure democracy.” Cleisthenes democratized the Athenian -Constitution. For the four phylae he substituted ten phylae, or -units of government, thus securing a new and better distribution -of authority. He is credited with introducing ostracism as a mode -of punishment; he, it is alleged, was the first individual to be -ostracised by his government. - -The fifth century precursors of Plato and Aristotle were numerous. -Aeschylus (525–456 B. C.), the first of the famous Athenian tragic -poets, described in general terms the evolution of civilized -society.[V-3] The artistic historian, Herodotus, developed through his -imagination a world point of view. From an almost unlimited store of -legendary and ethnological materials, he elaborated a planetary theme -which had its beginning in the Trojan War and its culmination in the -conflict between Eastern and Western civilizations. The basic social -principle in the writings of Herodotus is that downfall awaits the -insolent autocrats of earth. Herodotus describes the customs and habits -of the peoples[V-4] whom he visited on his numerous foreign travels -in such a detailed and elaborate fashion that he has been styled the -world’s first descriptive sociologist. - -Pericles (495?-429 B. C.), perhaps the greatest statesman of Greece, -furthered the cause of democracy. His conception of democracy led -him to make the entire body of citizens eligible to office-holding. -Pericles initiated a social program which in certain aspects was -paternalistic. He instituted the plan of granting allowances for -performing public duties. As a result, unselfish public service was -minimized and political morale was weakened. Pericles was led into this -error[V-5] by the desire to compete for public esteem with Cimon, who -made extensive gifts to the poor in the form of dinners and clothes. - -In his tragedies, Euripides (480–406 B. C.), aroused interest in the -experiences, not of legendary characters as many of his predecessors -had done, but of the ordinary members of Athenian society. He was a -spokesman for the emancipation of woman;[V-6] his writings reveal the -social changes that were occurring in the fifth century in Athens. -Likewise, the comedies of Aristophanes reflected social changes, and, -in addition, caricatured social conditions. - -Hippocrates, the so-called father of medical science, wrote several -works which attracted the studious attention of Plato. He gave as -the first of two chief causes of disease, the influence of climate, -seasons, weather on the individual.[V-7] He might be called the -first anthropo-geographer. At any rate he opened the field which has -recently been so well covered by Ellen C. Semple in her _Influences of -Geographic Environment_. - -By their disconcerting and sceptical teachings the Sophists, who -also lived in the fifty century, B. C., stimulated the intellectual -activities of Socrates. The influence of the Sophist leaders, such -as Protagoras, Gorgas, Callicles, Thrasymachus, brought forward the -problem of training pupils to solve civic questions rather than -scientific or philosophical questions. According to Plato, Callicles -believed that government was an instrument for exploiting the masses. -Thrasymachus argued that so-called justice is that type of activity -which favors the interest of the strongest members of society, and -that might determines what is called right.[V-8] Epaminondas, the -Theban statesman, personified in his own career an unusually high -interpretation of the concept of patriotism, perhaps a more unselfish -expression of patriotism than is represented by any other political -spokesman of the Hellenic states. - -The argument of the Sophists that what is best for the individual is -best for society aroused the antagonism of Socrates (469–399 B. C.), -whose ideas are reported by Plato and Xenophon. Socrates, the son of -an Athenian sculptor, asserted that the qualities of justice, wisdom, -temperance, and courage, which make a person a good member of society -and which increase social welfare, are the same qualities which make -a person a good individual and secure his individual advancement. -Socrates spent many years at the market places, on the streets where -people congregate and at the public resorts in studying the actions of -individuals and in engaging them in conversation concerning their moral -life. As a result Socrates evolved a significant social philosophy. -The heart of this philosophy is found in the statements that virtue is -knowledge, not in the sense of mere memorized facts but of a thorough -understanding. If a person understands completely the good and evil -phases of a proposed act, he will choose the right. For example, when -one is completely convinced of the harmful effects of poor teeth, he -will employ the regular services of a dentist to keep his teeth in good -condition. When he perceives the evil effects of dishonesty, he will -establish honest habits. The conclusion might be drawn that social -virtue rests upon societary knowledge. - -Socrates was convinced that something was fundamentally wrong with -Athenian society. Everywhere he saw that ignorance led to vice. Only -in the mechanical and professional activities did he discover correct -action, but this was preceded by correct knowledge.[V-9] - -A good carpenter is an individual who thoroughly understands carpentry; -a good man is an individual who truly knows the value of good actions. -Similarly, it might be said that a good urban resident is an individual -who deeply appreciates what it means to have a city of mutually -developing people. - -Socrates wished to make all men intelligent. His teachings raised the -deep-seated social question: How can social organization be made highly -advantageous to the individual, and the individual made so aware of -these advantages that he will always act socially?[V-10] Inasmuch as -Socrates left no writings, it is impossible to explain with certainty -his teachings. Fortunately, he left a permanent impress of his -personality on the lives of his associates, and particularly, upon his -able and brilliant pupil, Plato. - -In the fundamental dictum that virtue is knowledge, Socrates is -theoretically correct, but practically he ignores the overpowering -influence that oftentimes is exerted by the instincts and established -habits. He underestimates the power that is represented by a deeply -ingrained instinct or a habit which has existed for several years. -Instincts and nearly all habits are firmly established neurologically, -whereas knowledge is often new to the individual and merely a veneer on -the surface of the individual’s life. The acquisition of knowledge is -no guarantee that instincts centuries old will be promptly overcome or -re-directed. - -Furthermore, with a young child the instinctive tendencies begin to -assert themselves and to give direction to the growth of the character -of the child, long before his mentality has unfolded and developed -to the point where he is capable of genuinely understanding the real -meaning of many forms of activity, and where many phases of knowledge -are entirely beyond his ability to comprehend. - -Little is known concerning Plato’s early life and training. The most -influential factors were the life and teachings of Socrates. The strong -Socratic personality left its indelible impress upon the thought-life -of Plato. As a young man, Plato became greatly interested in Athenian -social and civic life. When he was perhaps twenty-three years of age, -the self-styled “Fair and Good” rulers came into control of Athens. The -failure of these men, whom history calls the Thirty Tyrants, to govern -wisely, produced an attitude of thorough disgust in the mind of Plato. -Further, the legalized murder of Socrates by the restored democracy in -399 B. C. aroused the bitter antagonism of Plato to the existing forms -of government. In the years which followed the death of Socrates, -popular rule produced loose and licentious social conditions. As a -consequence, Plato turned to the realms of the thought world in order -to find a perfect society. As a result of his contact with every-day -life and government, Plato evolved in his mind an ideal republic. - -The Socratic principle that virtue is knowledge was accepted by Plato. -In Plato’s thinking this proposition led to the generalization that -education is the most important thing in the world. Upon this doctrine -more than any other, Plato’s twentieth century influence thrives. - -What shall be the nature of a world-molding education? Theoretically, -Plato gives his answer in his epistemology. Ideas are the ruling forces -in life. Over against the uncertain fluctuating sense world, Plato set -up a realm of eternal, changeless ideas. An individual man is simply an -ephemeral expression of Man. Plato created a concept of unchangeable -reality which he found in Ideas. These, alone, are the permanent, -worth-while elements which man must seek to know and understand. - -Because of his aristocratic attitudes and of his early disgust with -the experiments in democracy in his day, Plato turned away in his -social philosophy from the direct study of the people, such as had -engaged the attention of Socrates, to a search for a just society in -the world of ideas. This line of thinking found expression chiefly in -the _Republic_, written during Plato’s mature manhood. A discussion of -these idealistic concepts is found in the _Laws_ and the _Politicus_, -the latter being written in Plato’s old age and representing a -partial reaction from the idealism of the _Republic_. Because of its -consideration of nearly every aspect of social life from a specific -viewpoint, the _Republic_ may be called the first treatise in social -philosophy. While it falls below the social writings of the Hebrews -in its dynamic and practical phases, it excels them in its unity, its -profundity, and its philosophic quality. - -Inasmuch as Plato had turned away from an inviting though strenuous -public career to a private life of scholarly thought, his perfect -society assumed characteristics that were far from mundane. Because -Plato lived in a day of small political groups and in a country of -limited size, he limited his ideal society--to a group represented by -5040 heads of families. Consequently it is impossible to apply Plato’s -social ideas with accuracy to a modern metropolitan center of 5,000,000 -people, or to a nation-state of 100,000,000 people. Several phases of -Plato’s thought, however, were given a practical turn in the _Laws_. In -revealing Plato’s social philosophy, the _Politicus_, or _Statesman_ -ranks third.[V-12] - -In Plato’s ideal society there is a hierarchy of rank, which -includes three classes of people: the rulers, or true guardians; the -soldiers, or auxiliaries; and the artisans, or the industrial and -agricultural workers. In introducing the ideal state Plato uses mature -individuals.[V-13] Out of the needs and through the activities of -fully-developed persons, Plato builds an ideal commonwealth. - -No individual is self-sufficing. Each has his peculiar bias, or -ability. By uniting, all will profit. There are not only specialized -classes, but there is specialization within the occupational groups. -An essential rule for the building of a just society is that each -individual shall find his place in the social order and shall fulfil -his special function. Plato recognized the need for correlating the -diversities of nature and the different types of occupation.[V-14] - -The common people are engaged in the foundational occupations as -skilled artisans. The advantages of a special education are not open to -them. They receive the common education, including gymnastic and music -training. But, in accordance with the aristocratic strain in Plato’s -social philosophy, it is useless to try to give a higher education to -that large proportion of the population who are mentally incapable of -profiting by higher education. The logic is good but the major premise -is faulty in this pedagogical rule. - -The second class, the soldiers, will maintain order at home, repel -invaders, and conduct territorial wars. The growth of population will -create a demand for more territory. Other states likewise will need -more territory, and war will become inevitable.[V-15] Plato frankly -admits the territorial basis of wars. From this factor he sees no -escape, although he declares peace to be better than war.[V-16] In his -_Tamias_ and _Critias_ he pictured a peace-state, “Atlantis.” - -The soldier’s occupation is an art which requires years of training. -The chief physical trait of a true soldier is courage. The social -psychological significance of a military régime is that soldiers -are continually inciting their country to go to war. Such a régime -raises up enemies against itself, many and mighty, and results -either in ruining the specific people or in enslaving the foes of -these people.[V-17] On the other hand, the non-soldier classes, -since they prefer to lead a peaceful life and seek to conduct their -affairs quietly, unduly endeavor to avoid war. By degrees they become -unwarlike; their children develop a like attitude. Eventually, they -find themselves at the mercy of their enemies and are enslaved.[V-18] - -Among the members of the state there will be a few especially able -individuals, destined by birth and reinforced by training to be rulers -and true guardians of the welfare of all.[V-19] They are lovers -of wisdom and philosophy. Flabbiness of character, drunkenness, -selfishness are unbecoming to them.[V-20] Selfish living is -condemned.[V-21] The guardians are characterized, according to Plato, -by the greatest eagerness to do what is for the good of their country. -They show utter repugnance to anything that is contrary to the best -interests of the state.[V-22] - -The guardians, however, rule aristocratically.[V-23] They do not -inquire of the citizens the kind of laws which they want passed, for -the same reason that a physician does not ask the patient the kind of -medicine which he wants. In the _Republic_, the _Laws_, and the other -dialogues where the nature of rulers and philosophers is discussed, -Plato’s “best men” show an indifference to earthly or material things -and uniformly seek righteousness, even social righteousness. - -The candidates for guardianship receive first the elements of -education. At twenty years of age they must pass a general education in -order that they may go on with a special course, including arithmetic, -geometry, and astronomy.[V-24] At thirty they are subjected to a -further examination, after which the successful individuals devote -five years to the study of philosophy. At thirty-five they enter -practical life, hold minor offices, balance their theoretical training -by practical studies, and submit to diverse temptations.[V-25] They -undergo a civil service examination which extends over a period of -years. At the close they are subjected to a final series of three-fold -tests. The first test is that of logic; they must argue successfully -that it pays an individual, especially a guardian, to serve society. -The second test is that of fear; they are faced with dangers, for -example, the dangers to life, which beset those who undertake to -rule without favoritism and without compromising their principles -when confronted with the ambitions and desires of powerful selfish -interests. The third test is that of pleasure; they are submitted -to all the pleasures which thrill the heart of man. In other words, -they must show proof that the highest interest of the state is to be -the ruling interest of their lives.[V-26] Neither pain nor threats -must affect their loyalty. The temptations which come from pleasures -and enchantments must not disturb their self-control or weaken their -qualities of guardianship. From these requirements it will be seen that -Plato provided for a long period of intensive and extensive training -for the rulers. His idea varied widely from the ancient theory of the -divine right of kings and from the current practice of distributing -political spoils to friends. - -Plato saw that the rulers when once selected and installed in office -would be tempted to become avaricious at the expense of the state. -Instead of becoming and remaining allied to all the citizens, they -will be prone to become tyrannical.[V-27] Plato perceived that it -would be difficult, after good rulers had been selected, to keep them -on the plane of good rulership. In order to preserve their virtue as -guardians and to remove the powerful temptation to wink at exploitation -that is carried on by the economically powerful, Plato indicated -certain protective devices. The guardians shall be permitted no private -property beyond a few incidentals. They shall not live in private -houses, but shall dwell and eat together. They shall receive a fixed -salary, sufficient to meet necessary expenses but no more. They shall -not be allowed to touch gold and silver or to wear gold and silver -ornaments. They shall be taught that they are made of divine gold and -silver, and therefore shall have no need of the earthly dross. They -shall not be subject to pollution from any earthly contacts. If the -guardians should acquire lands or moneys or homes of their own, they -would be unable to give their undivided attention to the state, and -they would become not guardians of the welfare of the citizens, but -tyrants, plotting and being plotted against.[V-28] In his zealous care -that the rulers might not be distracted from guarding with undivided -attention the interests of the state, Plato advocated community of -wives and children for the rulers.[V-29] - -The question arose: Will the people be content to accept the division -of the population into hierarchal classes? In reply, Plato suggested -that the power of public opinion be utilized, and that all the -inhabitants of the state be taught that they are brothers, that is, -children of their common Mother Earth. This instruction will serve to -keep the masses in a humble attitude. Further, they are to be told that -different metals have been used by Mother Earth in making different -individuals. Those persons in whose make-up gold has been mingled have -the power of command and may become rulers. Others who are made of -silver may become auxiliaries, or soldiers; while the masses, being -made of brass and iron, are destined to become artisans.[V-30] - -The objection is raised that people will not believe this “audacious -fiction.” The truth of the objection is admitted, and a solution of the -problem is offered. Teach the children the gold, silver, brass and iron -fiction; and they will believe it. When they grow to maturity, they -will tell their children, who in turn will teach it. Posterity, thus, -will accept it.[V-31] In this way Plato founded his social philosophy -upon education. Plato made clear that any kind of social or economic -theory can be foisted upon a whole people through the utilization of -the educational processes. A few selfish exploiters, by controlling the -educational system, can ruin a nation in a generation. - -The guardians are instructed to examine the children in order to -discover of what metals they are made. Plato admitted a democracy of -talent in the sense that talent is likely to appear in the children -of brass and iron parents, while gold parents may beget brass and -iron children. If a gold child is found among the children of the -artisans, he is to be encouraged and trained to become a guardian. -If a brass and iron child is found among the children of the gold -parents, he must descend the social scale and be trained for husbandry -or artisanship.[V-32] Plato foresaw the fact, now scientifically -established, that geniuses are born indiscriminately among all classes -of society from the highest to the lowest. They are just as likely -to be born in the hovel or overcrowded tenement as in the spacious -and luxuriant palace. Consequently, society should seek out potential -genius and give it opportunities commensurate with its possibilities -and not allow its dynamic and divine spark to be snuffed out in a -heavy-laden tenement atmosphere. - -Furthermore, according to Plato, the guardians are to seek out the -imperfect children and put them out of the way as easily as possible -and without attracting public attention.[V-33] If the capable must -devote their energies to the care of imperfect children, they would -presumably be wasting their ability and would be prevented from -devoting themselves to upbuilding the state. This doctrine neglects -the consideration of the harsh, unsympathetic attitude which it would -engender. Although rigorously eugenic, the doctrine is undemocratic, -unchivalric, and unChristian. It is thoroughly aristocratic. - -The guardians are to supervise marriage. Plato especially deplores -the fact that almost all persons choose their life-partners in -marriage without proper regard to the kind of children that will be -procreated.[V-34] The marriage relationship should not be primarily -an individual affair, but should be governed by the thought of the -children that are not yet born and by due regard to the welfare of the -state and society.[V-35] The true purpose of marriage is not found in -wealth or power or rank, but in the procreation of healthy minded -children. Marriage is sacred in the highest degree because it is -socially necessary. Plato deplores class marriages, that is, marriage -within temperamentally similar groups. Persons of gentle nature seek -persons of gentle nature; the courageous seek the courageous. It would -be better if the gentle would seek the courageous in marriage, and -vice versa.[V-36] Marriage is sacred, and hence should be subjected to -strict eugenic safeguards. - -The guardians shall prevent the extremes of poverty and riches. -With far-sighted social wisdom Plato points out that poverty is the -parent of meanness and viciousness, and that wealth leads to luxury -and indolence.[V-37] Both result in discontent and both cause the -deterioration of the arts. The poor man cannot properly equip or train -himself, or enter into his work painstakingly; the rich man will grow -careless and no longer act diligently when he comes into the possession -of unlimited wealth.[V-38] - -In the acquisition of wealth the laws of imitation function powerfully. -One person accumulates property; others are immediately stimulated to -do likewise. In consequence, all the citizens may become lovers of -money.[V-39] But a money-loving public would be disastrous to the state. - -The larger the amount of wealth that an individual accumulates, the -more he will want to accumulate. The momentum of the desire for -money-getting is socially destructive. The more the individual is -hypnotised by the wealth-getting delusion, the less attention does he -give to the maintenance of virtue. When the desire for virtue is in -competition with the desire for riches, the former decreases as the -latter increases.[V-40] - -When the state becomes established on a property basis, the rich -exercise power and the poor are deprived of it.[V-41] In ordinary -times the rich are as indifferent to the welfare of the poor as to -the development of virtue, but in times of group crises they will not -despise the poor. In the days of prosperity and peace the poor man is -given the hindmost position, but when war comes, “the wiry, sunburnt -poor man” is placed in battle at the side of the wealthy man[V-42]--and -social democracy obtains. But in battle the poor man fights longer -and better than the rich man “who has never spoilt his complexion and -has plenty of superfluous flesh.” In the words of the poor man Plato -draws the astounding conclusion that many persons are rich because no -one has had the courage to despoil them.[V-43] At this point Plato has -given a striking explanation of the rise of socialism, syndicalism, and -economic radicalism. - -When you see paupers, according to Plato, you may safely conclude that -somewhere there are also present thieves, robbers of temples, and -malefactors.[V-44] The causes of pauperism are given as (1) a lack of -proper education, (2) ill-training, and (3) unjust social laws and an -unjust constitution of the state.[V-45] - -Plato suggested two instruments for preventing extreme wealth and -poverty--legislation and education. Each individual is to be guaranteed -a minimum amount of property. He may acquire as much as four times -this amount, but above the maximum a one hundred per cent excess tax -operates.[V-46] Plato planned a form of communism, not primarily to -secure the material well-being of the state, but to safeguard the -rulers against falling before selfish temptations. Plato also wanted to -protect the state from splitting asunder because of the distractions -that arise from labor-capital controversies. By educational means the -children are to be trained to be satisfied with the necessaries of -life[V-47]--at least some children are to be so trained. Parents should -bequeath to their children not riches but the spirit of reverence.[V-48] - -The guardians shall be censors. They shall establish a censorship over -the arts in order to protect the children from seeing indecent sights -and hearing vulgar sounds. The works of fiction shall be censored in -order to prevent the children from reading and adopting bad ideas. The -creative artists shall be prevented from exhibiting forms of vice and -intemperance, in order that the future guardians may not grow up in an -atmosphere contaminated by images of moral deformity, and in order that -all children may develop in an environment of fair sights and should -and may receive unhindered and unhampered the good in everything.[V-49] - -The guardians shall protect the _mores_. When Plato described a -perfect state, any change in the established customs would mean -retrogression.[V-50] Hence, the rulers should jealously guard the -customs, allowing no insidious innovations. Further, if any change is -permitted to take place in small things, there may be no stopping the -spirit of change. - -Plato rested his argument for an ideal society upon the education of -wise leaders. Their judgment is better even than government by law. -Law is too rigid and inflexible. In view of the changeable character -of human conditions, which Plato recognized, no final or absolute laws -can be laid down.[V-51] The chief advantage of laws, however, is not -that they make men honest but that they make men act uniformly, and -hence in a socially reliable way. Laws are to be respected because they -represent the ripe fruits of long experience.[V-52] - -Considerable attention is given to penology in the _Laws_.[V-53] In -view of the sanctity of custom and of the necessity of law, obedience -is a highly important social virtue. In theory Plato is modern and -scientific, for he advocated punishment, not as a vindictive but as -a preventive and reformatory measure.[V-54] Reformation is the true -aim of punishment.[V-55] In practice Plato is rigid and harsh. For -example, beggars are simply to be sent out of the city and out of the -country.[V-56] The death penalty is utilized freely.[V-57] - -Plato opened all occupations to women as well as men, even the highest, -that of ruling.[V-58] The only difference between the sexes that needs -to be recognized occupationally is that men are stronger physically -than women.[V-59] Women, like men, vary in occupational temperament. -One individual is fitted for one kind of vocation; another, for some -other type of work. - -Although the fundamental importance of bearing children is appreciated, -Plato observed that it is unnecessary that a woman devote her whole -life to the rearing of children. All women should have opportunities -for the development of their personalities. Those women who have -special talent for public service should enter thereupon. Although -a social conservative Plato admits an innovation in the ideal -republic--universal woman suffrage. - -Since women have the same duties as men, they receive the same -opportunities for training. Women must share in the toils of war and -the defense of their country.[V-60] Women are priestesses;[V-61] they -serve on committees for the regulation of marriage, and for deciding -divorce cases.[V-62] - -Although Plato was averse to change, he advocated a dynamic type of -education. This educational system, however, is to be definitely -controlled by the guardians. It is also paternalistic. Common education -shall be of two kinds: gymnastic, for the body; music, for the -soul.[V-63] Gymnastic training will produce a temper of hardness, and -music will lead to gentleness. The extreme of the one is ferocity and -brutality; the extreme of the other is softness and effeminacy.[V-64] -When taken together, they produce a well-ordered personality. The one -sustains and makes bold the reason, the second moderates and civilizes -the mildness of passion.[V-65] Gymnastic exercises provide for the -care and training of the body through childhood and youth so that in -maturity the body may best serve the soul.[V-66] Music, including -literature, trains through the influence of its qualities of harmony -and rhythm. For example, through exercises in harmony the child -develops a harmonious temperament. - -Education is not a process of acquisition, but of the development of -the powers within the individual.[V-67] It is a life-long process; -it begins with birth and continues until death. It, however, slows -up as the individual grows old. An aged person cannot learn much, no -more than he can run much.[V-68] Education in the early years of life -is the most important. As a child is educated, so will his future -be determined.[V-69] A child should be taught early to respect his -parents. Great care should be given to the first years of life. From -three to six years of age the children in Plato’s republic come under -the supervision of chosen matrons and nurses. - -Education shall be universal, but not compulsory, that is, all shall -be taught, but not compelled to learn. Education shall be made -attractive, almost a form of government.[V-70] The laws of imitation -shall be utilized. The tutor shall carry out his teachings in -practice.[V-71] - -A well-trained individual is a replica of a just society. Plato draws -a parallelism, which is inaccurate, between the three classes in -society and three traits of the individual. The rulers, soldiers, and -artisans are compared respectively to the reason, the spirit, and the -passions of the individual. The passions must be subordinated to the -spirit, and both must be controlled by reason. The result will be a -just individual.[V-72] In society a similar hierarchal relation shall -hold between the rulers, soldiers, and artisans. The fundamental aim -in education shall be to secure a change in the attitudes of people. -Such changes are more important than modification in external matters. -Thus, according to Plato, the divine foundations of a state are laid in -education. - -Religion plays a basic rôle in the ideal Republic. Plato held that -belief in God superseded in importance the doctrine that might is -right. Impiety undermines the strength of the social kingdom. God -created the individual for the whole, but not the whole for the -individual. The worship of God is necessary for the individual in -order to prevent him from reverting to selfishness and from making his -humanitarian beliefs purely egoistic phenomena. - -Inasmuch as Plato outlined at the start a perfect republic, any change -would likely constitute a deterioration. But even an ideal state is not -immune to the entry of destructive ideas. The wise men, the rulers, -are not proof against the temptations of absolute power. To remove -the stirrings of self-interest in the minds of the guardians, Plato -planned a communistic order. He overlooked, however, the weaknesses of -communism, but these were pointed out at a later time by Aristotle. - -In spite of excellent safeguards the wisdom of the best rulers will -occasionally fail them. Sooner or later they will err. In examining -the youth they will allow warrior youth to be trained for the guardian -class. With their spirit of contention and of ambition for honor these -adventitious guardians will start the perfect state upon the downward -road.[V-74] When the rulers seek personal power and honor, the ideal -republic will be superseded by a timocracy. - -In a timocracy the ruler with the most private wealth will possess the -greatest personal power and receive the highest honor. Moreover, other -persons will be stimulated, thereby, to acquire wealth and power. In -the meantime the masses will lose nearly everything. The result is an -oligarchy in which the wealthy are honored and made rulers.[V-75] The -poor are treated with dishonor and deprived of position. - -In such an oligarchic state there is a fundamental division; there are -two states instead of one. In spirit, the rich and the poor comprise -separate states. They live in the same territory but are conspiring -against one another.[V-76] Social stability is destroyed by the -conflicts between the extremes of countless riches and utter poverty. -The propertyless hate and conspire against the propertied.[V-77] Civil -war ensues. Because the wealthy have fallen into carelessness and -extravagance, and because the poor possess superior numbers, the poor -are the victors. A democracy--the rule of the Demos--comes into being. -Everyone rules. - -But the populace is not fitted to rule. They are without experience. -Since the drones are numerous among the common people, the drones -manage almost everything in a democracy.[V-78] Excess of liberty -among people untrained for liberty leads to anarchy. Individuals will -set themselves up as the special friends of the common people. These -self-appointed friends of the people will prove to be self-seeking -tyrants; the democracy will be transformed into a tyranny--the lowest -state of all in Plato’s five-fold devolution. - -With distrust of the masses and with a paternalistic government, Plato -coupled a belief that the individual must participate in the life of -society. Social justice does not consist in doing good to one’s friends -and ill to one’s enemies, or in catering to the interests of the most -powerful. The theory that might is right is repudiated.[V-79] A just -society is one in which every person has found his place of greatest -usefulness to the state and fulfils his entire obligations in that -place. On the whole Plato exhibited an impassioned faith in the moral -and social order. - -Plato believed that Ideas are real and that they are the tools with -which the world is made over. He perceived perfect Forms, even a -perfect social Form. Through intellectual control, Plato planned a new -social order. - - - - -CHAPTER VI - -ARISTOTLE AND GRECIAN SOCIAL THOUGHT - - -Aristotle (384–322 B. C.), the distinguished pupil of Plato, did not -make, like his master, a unified contribution to social thought. -He sacrificed unity for the examination of parts. Aristotle was an -opportunist, a pragmatist, and a practical student of conditions and -constitutions. Unlike Plato, Aristotle did not look for Ideas separate -from but in things. - -Aristotle studied 158 constitutions inductively and comparatively. His -primary attention was given to what is, rather than to what ought to -be. His eyes were directed first of all to the parts, and then to the -whole. In this examination he found that the parts are related, and -further, that they hold a developmental relation. Instead of Plato’s -perfection, we shall now consider Aristotle’s process of becoming. -Although unsystematic, the social ideas of Aristotle reveal the -concepts of process and progress. - -In Aristotle’s _Ethics_ the discussion of virtue is socially valuable. -Virtue is a mean. Virtue is an impulse which is expressed neither in -excess or in deficiency. It is an impulse expressed temperately until -it becomes a habit. Excess and deficiency are equally fatal. The coward -is he who avoids and fears anything; the foolhardy is he who rushes -into danger anywhere.[VI-1] Liberality is the mean between prodigality -and avarice; civility is the mean between obsequiousness and insolence. -Virtue itself is the mean between self-indulgence and asceticism. In -virtue, lies happiness, man’s _summum bonum_. - -Aristotle’s _Politics_ affords a searching analysis of many phases -of societary life. The family and the state are by nature prior to -the individual, since the whole must exist before any individual -part.[VI-2] When isolated, the individual is not self-sufficient. -Thus, the state is founded on the social needs of the individual. By -virtue of these social needs, man possesses the gregarious, or social, -instinct. By nature, man is a political animal,[VI-3] that is, he is a -being who by nature or necessity lives in association with his kind. -Man can attain his highest good only as a member of society. - -Property is accorded by Aristotle a fundamental social position. -Physical necessities can best be provided through the efforts of -individuals. Communal ownership of property on a large scale will -fail. In referring to Plato’s communism, Aristotle declared: “For that -which is common to the greatest number has the least care bestowed -upon it.”[VI-4] Further, when one feels a thing to be his own, how -much greater is his pleasure in it.[VI-5] Then, if one has private -property, he may have the great pleasure which comes from making -gifts to others. Moreover, communism will lead to an unusual amount -of quarrelling; those who work faithfully will feel aggrieved when -they see that those who work dilettantishly receive and consume a full -portion.[VI-6] - -Aristotle deprecated land equalization. Equalization of the desire for -land is urged. Instead of dividing land equally or of establishing -communism in land, Aristotle advocated that the higher classes be -trained not to desire more land. He also stated that speculators and -land schemers should be prevented from getting more land.[VI-7] - -The communism in wives and children that Plato suggested, Aristotle -denounced as impracticable and foolish. Such a procedure will weaken -friendship and destroy love. Moreover, it will break up the unity of -the state.[VI-8] - -Aristotle held the prevalent disdainful attitude toward manual labor, -and theoretically justified slavery. A slave is a person who by nature -is a slave, a person who by nature expresses himself through bodily -action. He is unable to guide himself by means of reason.[VI-9] - -The subject of social control and government received extended -treatment from Aristotle. After considering a great variety of forms -of government, he avoided a dogmatic choice of any particular form. -He arrived at what is the modern, scientific conclusion, namely, that -no one form of government is to be worshipped to the exclusion of -all other types. A successful, or virtuous, government depends on -the attitude of the people. Human nature must be changed. All people -must become socially virtuous before a perfected government can be -established. - -Theoretically, Aristotle believed that the best government would -come through the absolute rulership of one man, provided that there -is available a man pre-eminently wise and virtuous. But practically, -Aristotle held that in choosing a form of government which will -succeed, it is necessary to consider the actual social conditions, the -state of development of the people, and the attitude of the ruler or -rulers. It does not matter whether one person, or a few persons, or a -large number of persons perform the function of ruler so long as the -best interests of the state are kept uppermost. If the interests of the -entire group are the guiding principles, then royalty, aristocracy, or -constitutionalism is commendable. The one, the few, or the many are -good rulers, providing they are dominated by the common interests. In -these declarations Aristotle overlooked the fact that participation in -government by the governed is essential. He also neglected the fact -that a “best” ruler would be subject to very many temptations as a -result of personifying in himself all the forms of political, economic, -and social power that exist within the state. After a period of time -he would probably yield to some interests which are inimical to the -welfare of the whole.[VI-10] - -When private interests control the government, the resultant forms of -government are either tyranny, oligarchy, or democracy. According to -Aristotle the chief difference between oligarchy and democracy is that -an oligarchy is the rule of the rich and a democracy is the rule of -the poor. Evidently, he believed that the poor are as selfish as the -rich and that the poor are incapable of being trained to the levels of -virtuous citizenship. - -Although Aristotle is aristocratic in his political science and -advocated frequently the rule of the best few, he endorsed a -constitutional republic. Such a form of government will succeed where -there are many wise and virtuous individuals. He admitted that in large -numbers there is a stability of judgment and that common sense bulks -large. Under constitutional government, the extremes will cancel one -another, and the virtuous mean will rule. Large numbers of persons are -less likely to be corrupted than a few persons or even the one best -person.[VI-11] - -There are two fundamentals in a good government: first, actual -obedience of the laws by the citizens; second, the social goodness -of the laws. Aristotle’s formula for an ideal society is this: -virtuous people and good laws, both judged by the common welfare. -And practically, the form of political organization--a monarchy, an -aristocracy, or a constitutional republic--depends upon the place of -the members of the social order on the incline of socialization. - -If a constitutional republic is established, then rotation in office -should be practiced. The tenure of office should be restricted to six -months.[VI-12] An office should rarely be held more than once by the -same person. - -On the other hand, the laws should be changed slowly.[VI-13] Law has no -power to make people obey in spirit, except through force of habit. The -state must guard itself against small changes in laws. Any apparently -slight neglect or disregard of law is insidious; transgression creeps -in unperceived.[VI-14] At first, small transgressions may not be -observed; then, they may gain such momentum that they will ruin the -state. Hence, there should be at all times strict observance of laws. - -The major chord in Aristotle’s ideal society is the social mean. The -existence of two classes only, the very rich and the very poor, will -bring disaster to the state. The very wealthy consider themselves -above legalistic or social authority; the very poor are too degraded -to understand the necessity for and the reason for authority.[VI-15] -In fact, all who possess, not simply an unusual degree of wealth, but -great beauty, great strength or a “noble” birth feel that they should -be accorded special privileges. Further, not only those who are very -poor, but also the persons who are very weak, or very disgraced find -it difficult to follow the dictates of law or of social reason. With -the privileged characters who possess a superabundance of advantages, -the arrogant attitude developed when they were yet children. At home, -they received special considerations; they did not learn obedience -within the small family group. In consequence, how could they be -expected to be obedient citizens within the larger nation-group? -The rich are likely to become insolent and avaricious; they will -rule despotically.[VI-16] Not everyone can bear either prosperity or -adversity. An increase in prosperity in any part of society should -be carefully noted, and that part of society should be placed under -surveillance. No one should receive extraordinary power, either from -friends or through money. Even the pre-eminent are not above egotism. - -A society is safest when the middle class is in control.[VI-17] The -states will likely be well administered in which the middle class is -numerous. Persons of about equal condition do not plot against others; -neither are they plotted against. A middle class prevents both the -arrogant wealthy and the impetuous proletariat from dominating the -state. “Inequality is the source of all revolutions.” - -Poverty is a cause of revolution and crime.[VI-18] In time of war, -it is important that the poor be well fed else they will cause -disturbances. Aristotle might have added that in time of peace the poor -should be able to feed themselves well else they will in due season -cause revolution. - -But poverty is not the only cause of crime. Riches often lead to crime. -Wealth causes the commitment of greater crimes than does poverty. The -greatest offenses are not occasioned by necessity but by excess.[VI-19] -In order to gratify some passion or desire, crime is often committed. -Of the passions ambition and avarice are the chief causes of -crime.[VI-20] Intoxication produces crime.[VI-21] - -The causes of social revolution are manifold. The desire for equality -and the desire for inequality are common factors.[VI-22] Inferiors -revolt in order that they may attain a state of equality with other -persons. Equals revolt in order that they may gain superior levels of -honor and status. Aristotle cited a long list of additional factors in -social revolution: insolence, fear, political graft, a disproportionate -increase of wealth in some part of the state, neglect of trifles in -the observance of laws, dissimilarity in elements such as racial. The -fundamental cause, however, of social revolution is love of gain and -honor. - -Aristotle was not a militarist, for he believed that war in itself is -not a social good. No people should be trained to conquer and obtain -dominion over neighboring states.[VI-23] Military states are safe only -when they are at war. After they declare peace the weight of their -military burdens brings about their downfall.[VI-24] - -The principle of social telesis, which has been recently developed by -Lester F. Ward, was foreseen by Aristotle. A society of individuals, -like the individual himself, has a work to do.[VI-25] It should adapt -itself to its task. - -Aristotle was a public health advocate. The location for an ideal city -should be carefully chosen. It should be selected, first of all, with -reference to the health of the citizens. This point is of greater -importance than that of locating a city wisely for the purpose of -public administration or war.[VI-26] The importance of a pure water -supply is given almost a modern emphasis. - -The question of eugenics received the attention of Aristotle. In order -that children may be as physically sound as possible, legislators -should give special attention to the institution of marriage. Youthful -marriages are condemned because the children that are born to such -unions will be wanting in respect for their parents.[VI-27] Late -marriages will be unsatisfactory because there will be too great -difference between the ages of the parents and their children. The -marriage of a man and a woman whose ages are widely disproportionate -will lead to misunderstandings and quarrels. According to the rigorous, -unsympathetic dictum of Aristotle, no deformed child shall be permitted -to live.[VI-28] Even the advocates of modern birth control may turn for -encouragement to Aristotle. - -In the marriage relation there is inequality. The man is by -nature better fitted to command than the woman.[VI-29] The chief -characteristic of a good wife is obedience to her husband--a doctrine -which is patriarchal. Unfaithfulness of either sex in marriage is -disgraceful.[VI-30] - -Aristotle, like Plato, considers education the leading social force. -There is a fundamental educational problem: Shall youth be trained -primarily (1) to do useful work, (2) to be virtuous, or (3) to gain -higher knowledge?[VI-31] No final answer is given. Aristotle’s -conception of education, however, is paternalistic. - -Utilitarian education possesses a danger line. To be seeking always -after the useful prevents one from developing a free and exalted -soul.[VI-32] Utilitarian education should cease when it cramps the body -or spirit and makes either less fit for the practice of virtue. - -Gymnastic education should never be professionalized or allowed -to hinder the individual’s higher education.[VI-33] The excessive -training which leads to Olympic victories is anti-social, because the -constitution of the given individual is exhausted. Music is valuable -inasmuch as it has the power of forming character.[VI-34] The persons -who are engaged in seriously-minded occupations need amusements which -will give relaxation. - -In summary of Aristotle’s social thought it may be said that the -Stagirite introduced the comparative method of studying human -institutions. He demonstrated the relative value of institutions, -showing that those which are best for one age of society will be -worthless for a later period. In order to meet changing social needs -and conditions, institutions must change. There is a fundamental -evolution in social changes. - -A communistic social organization, according to Aristotle, is -psycho-sociologically untenable. The importance of the middle -classes is socially inestimable. Laws should be respected in small -particulars. The attitude of the members of society toward their social -organizations is more important than the type of organization itself. -Human conduct in the mass is to a degree predictable. - -After the time of Aristotle, Hellenic life degenerated. Political -corruption, military intrigue, and intellectual scepticism vitiated the -Hellenic morality that was founded on custom. The ideal, held by Plato -and Aristotle, of man as an integral part of a constructive social -order was supplanted by a philosophy of pure individualism. - -In Athens, Epicurus (341–270 B. C.) became the leader of the popular -hedonistic philosophy with its emphasis upon pleasure. Self-sacrifice -and noble conduct in the social sense are foreign to Epicureanism. -Friends should be sought, not for the sake of cultivating their -friendship, but for the pleasure to the seeker. If you treat other -persons unjustly, they will retaliate; therefore, treat others justly. - -Stoicism which was founded in Athens by Zeno reached its culmination -among the Romans and hence will be discussed in the following -chapter. Polybius (203–121 B. C.), known as the last Hellenic social -philosopher, developed a theory of social evolution, based on the -belief that people associate because of the selfish benefits that -accrue, and on the fact that group approval and disapproval play a -leading part in the development of human attitudes. - -Grecian social thought is noteworthy because of its intellectual -foundations. It ignored many affective elements, and for that reason it -became one-sided and unbalanced. It was rational rather than affective -or supernatural. It was designed to meet the needs of this life. It -moved away from authority and towards opportunism. - -Economically, Hellenic social thought assumed or justified human -slavery. It postulated a democracy, but a democracy builded on the -backs of thousands of slaves. In practice at the height of the Athenian -democracy there were only about 25,000 free Athenians as against -300,000 slaves. Women were not enfranchised. The governments put slaves -into the armies, and ultimately attempted to throw out a commercial net -over the other Mediterranean states. As a result they lost the spirit -of democracy. The whole system and concept of democracy was undermined -by the debilitating influences of an industrial autocracy. The social -thought of the Greek was limited in its actual application largely -to the privileged few, who aristocratically ignored the needs of the -helpless many. - -Grecian social thought at the height of the Athenian democracy did -achieve, however, for its day and epoch, a unique degree of expression -among the free citizens. For example, in the matter of athletics and -recreation, the Athenians worked together in furnishing themselves -organized group activities. Their athletic contests were of a free -community nature, untrammelled by commercialized motives. In furnishing -recreation for themselves, they co-operated, they acted as community -units. Moreover, in these community activities they generated in -themselves the spirit of a genuine democratic consciousness. - -The fundamentals of Grecian social thought were preserved by the -Romans, without being augmented by them. Together with the Hebrew -and early Christian social thought, Grecian social thought laid -the foundations for the rise of modern social science, and even of -sociology. - - - - -CHAPTER VII - -ROMAN SOCIAL THOUGHT - - -Roman social thought is an outgrowth of Hellenic philosophic movements. -It is represented in part by the codification of important phases of -societary control--the product of the legalistic genius of the Romans. -Stoicism, moreover, greatly affected and conditioned the meager social -thinking of the Roman scholars. - -Lucretius (99–55 B. C.) was the chief Roman exponent of Epicureanism. -In his story of social evolution he began with the various phases -of the biological struggle for existence, and proceeded to depict -in a remarkably significant fashion the origins of social practices -and customs.[VII-1] Although his data are of questionable value, his -descriptions of social origins often run strangely parallel to modern -findings. - -The ideal commonwealth of Cicero (106–43 B. C.) is founded on the -belief that Rome has the possibility of becoming an ideal state.[VII-2] -The best ideas in this connection were selected by Cicero from the -Aristotelian, Epicurean, and Stoic philosophies. Cicero was apparently -an exponent of honest statesmanship and finally gave his life for -civic efficiency. He argued that a child should not be punished by -either a parent or a teacher in a fit of anger. Corporal punishment -should be considered only when other methods fail to discipline. - -The descriptive studies of Julius Caesar (100–44 B. C.) are noteworthy. -The _Commentaries_ present social studies of contemporary conditions; -they possess modern value. In a large number of instances the accuracy -of Caesar’s social notes has been verified. - -The teachings of the Roman Stoics may be traced back to the Socratic -formula: Virtue is knowledge. Virtue is knowledge which grows out of -practical human conduct. Unlike Aristotle, the Stoics believed that -sympathy is a disease. It is pathological and hence must be overcome. -In helping other people the wise individual does not allow the emotion -of pity to appear. - -Contrary to the theory of the Epicureans, the Stoics taught that -pleasure is a tiresome and sickly goal. Seneca (4 B. C.-65 A. D.), a -leading Roman Stoic, declared: “I am seeking to find what is good for a -man, not for his belly.”[VII-3] Virtue, according to Stoic philosophy, -consists in living a free and undisturbed life. A line was drawn -between the virtuous and non-virtuous, between a few virtuous and a -multitude of fools. This doctrine tends to engender in the few virtuous -a contemptuous regard for the pig-trough philosophy of the many. - -This tendency, however, was offset by the Stoic belief that all -persons originally possess the same nature and that all are children -of the same universal Spirit. Social differences, hence, are external -and superficial. Beneath the surface of human nature there is a -cosmopolitanism which constitutes a passive brotherhood of man. -Brotherly love should rule, according to the Stoics, but it should rule -temperately, and not in such a way as to disturb the individual’s self -control. Brotherly love should be not a passionate but an intellectual -element. - -In his treatise on Benefits, Seneca makes benevolence the most -social of all virtues; and ingratitude the most venal of all crimes. -Marcus Aurelius (121–180 A. D.) gave the social injunction: Love -mankind.[VII-4] Living should consist in passing from one social act to -another.[VII-5] This is a social world; men exist for the sake of one -another.[VII-6] - -The Stoic Emperor declared that God is social and that individuals are -part of God’s universe. Each individual is a component part of the -social system, and hence every act of the individual is an integral -phase of social life.[VII-7] Inasmuch as the Intelligence of the -universe is social, human society functions as a phase of the cosmic -co-ordination. We are all co-laborers and co-operators. Even the -persons who find fault and who hinder what happens, are performing -useful co-operative functions.[VII-8] That which is harmful to the -swarm is likewise harmful to the individual. Man is a citizen of the -world.[VII-9] The services of a good citizen are never lost. The good -citizen does good chiefly by the example he sets.[VII-10] - -But the cosmopolitanism of the Stoics never extended beyond a passive -interest in the world of affairs. It meant that the individual should -be agreeable with other persons, that he should be tolerant of the -weaknesses of others, and that he should be aware constantly that -others are watching him and likely to copy the example he sets.[VII-11] -Stoicism requires the suppression of anger and the exercising of -clemency toward all human beings. While Stoicism does not extend so far -in its profession as Christianity’s doctrine of brotherhood of man, it -represents a broader viewpoint of life than any code of conduct which -previously had developed in the non-Christian world. - -The purpose of punishment, according to Seneca, is two-fold: either -to reform the evil-doer; or to prevent the operation of his evil -influence and to stop him from setting harmful examples.[VII-12] The -social medicine must be determined, quantitatively and qualitatively, -by the nature of the offender and the offense. Above all things else, -he who administers punishment must not act in anger. Justice cannot be -angry.[VII-13] Lynch procedure is entirely contrary to the teachings of -Stoicism. - -First of all, thieves and robbers should be instructed in the error -of their ways. Obtain their point of view and administer punishment -accordingly. Pity them. The individual who understands why criminals -commit offenses is prevented from becoming angry with them.[VII-14] -Aurelius, like Jesus,[VII-15] gave the injunction: Love even those who -do wrong. Aurelius, like Paul,[VII-16] urged an attitude of charity -toward wrong-doers.[VII-17] - -The Stoics condemned luxurious living and fashion racing. True riches -consists not in augmenting one’s fortune, but in abating the desires -for securing material wealth.[VII-18] The words of Emperor Aurelius -regarding ostentatious living do not seem out of place when applied to -the modern display of wealth. Seneca asserted that he would despise -wealth as much when he has it as when he does not possess it. - -Stoicism urged the Aristotelian social mean regarding property. Much -property is a burden and a cause of worry and fear. It excites envy -in others. The best society is that which is characterized by neither -poverty nor plenty. The poor should not condemn riches, and the -wealthy err in extolling the benefits of poverty--each is speaking of -a situation which is objective to him and outside his sphere. Since it -is objective to him, he is not qualified to speak concerning it. The -individual is a great man who is not corrupted by his wealth; but he -is a greater man who is honestly poor in the midst of plenty.[VII-19] -Riches constitute a power to do evil, hence mediocrity of fortune with -a gentleness of mind represents the best status.[VII-20] - -Stoicism enunciated excellent social ideals, which were, however, -passively intellectual. They were not affectively dynamic. Despite -their implications, they begat social inertia. The teachings of the -Stoics removed rather than instilled a sense of public responsibility. -The doctrines are available to the few rather than to the masses, -although a Roman slave, Epictetus, as an exception, rose to a full -interpretation of Stoic principles. The social ideals and concepts of -the Stoics did not possess enough power to regenerate a degenerate -society. They had sufficient strength, however, to maintain themselves -in a voluptuous and pleasure-seeking world. They performed the -exceedingly useful function of preparing the way for the invasion -of the Roman Empire by the new and active Christian propaganda. -The teachings of the Stoics made easier the conquest of Rome by -Christianity. They softened a little an otherwise hard-hearted world. - -As a class the Romans were men of action. They were soldiers and -administrators. The name of Rome is still synonymous with power. On -the whole it must be said that the Romans made little contribution to -societary thought. - -The constructive work of the Romans was legal and administrative. They -built up a special social science--legal science. The legal genius of -the Romans emphasized the rights of contract, of private property, of -interest. Although this attention to the development of individualistic -institutions was fatal to the rise of new social attitudes and to an -increase in the sense of social responsibility, it nevertheless was -instrumental in constructing a stable framework for the evolution of -the social process. - -The Romans preserved a portion of Hellenic culture. The teachings of -Plato and Aristotle were saved to modern civilization. Credit is due -the Romans for receiving, keeping, working over, and handing on a part -of the best Hellenic civilization. - -Roman thought accentuated military principles of authority, even to the -point of autocracy. It tended to crush the unprivileged populace. It -tried to keep the masses contented by generous state aid. It denied to -personality its complete individual and social expressions. In building -an individualistic framework which would provide an orderly _milieu_ -for the rise of the institution of private property, it ignored the -needs of the uneducated and poverty-enslaved masses for a full measure -of liberty. - -Rome developed the concept of organized power. The organizing ability -of the Romans was marvelous, an organizing power that lives today in -and through the Catholic Church. - -The greatest gift of Rome was its Stoic concepts. Although these -originated in Hellas, they attained their maturity in Rome. They opened -the way for the reception of the Christian social concepts of love, -service, brotherhood of man. - - - - -CHAPTER VIII - -EARLY CHRISTIAN SOCIAL THOUGHT - - -Christian social thought is the direct outgrowth of Hebrew social -concepts. Amos and Hosea and Isaiah paved the way for the social -teachings of Jesus. The social commandments of the Old Testament -were the progenitors of the modified social injunctions of the New -Testament. Job, the social citizen, was not an unworthy precursor of -Jesus, the lover of humanity. Out of the love and tender care for -children which thrived in Hebrew homes there arose the concept of -the brotherhood of man and the Fatherhood of God--the two cardinal -principles of Christianity. - -Jesus gave expression to no system of social thought, but uttered -social principles and concepts which, when put together, constituted -the basis of a new social order. He dealt with personalities rather -than with institutions. He looked to the individual rather than to the -mass. He emphasized functions rather than structures. He proclaimed -the need for socio-religious personalities. If he could get these, -he was sure of the ultimate societal results. He foresaw a perfect -society--the Kingdom of God. - -Unlike Plato and Aristotle, Jesus was a continual student of everyday -life. Like Socrates, Jesus was fond of people. He was a student of -individual and social affairs. He mixed with all types of human beings. -Like Socrates, he wrote practically nothing. Unlike Socrates, Jesus had -a dynamic element in his nature which forbade him to remain content -to argue with people (after the Socratic manner), but which drove him -to help and to heal. He went about doing good. The Gospel records are -replete with instance after instance of his work in healing the sick of -their infirmities. He was not, however, a physician but a teacher and a -savior from sin and evil. - -Behind all the teachings of Jesus, there is the concept of a perfect -human order. This Kingdom begins in the hearts of individuals.[VIII-1] -It is a spirit or an attitude of mind which leads the individual toward -co-operative living. The Kingdom may come on earth as well as in -heaven. Consider the picture of a harmonious community life which Jesus -gave when lamenting over Jerusalem: “How often would I have gathered -thy children together, as a hen doth gather her brood together under -her wings, and ye would not!”[VIII-2] - -Jesus extended the concept of brotherhood. Whoever shall do the will of -God is a brother to me.[VIII-3] The world, under God, is one family. -The Kingdom, therefore, is to include all human beings, who worship God -in spirit and in truth and who at the same time love their fellowmen -in justice and co-operative living. - -The ideal society is organic. It grows from good examples. Live so that -other persons, seeing the helpfulness of your life, may live likewise. -The Kingdom grows like a grain of mustard seed, which finally becomes -a tree in whose branches the birds find homes.[VIII-4] Love grows, and -like leaven, permeates and transforms the whole mass,--the result is -the perfect Kingdom. - -God is the spiritual leader of the new society, to whom Jesus prayed in -the social term, Our Father. God is the personification of love. God -loved the sinful world so much that he gave his only son to the task -of saving not simply the Jews or modern Europeans, but the whole world -from all sins. The Star which guided the Magi was God’s service Star, -announcing that he had given his only son in the war against sin. - -Love is the new note that is to re-form the world. Love is the -scientific principle from which all other true sociological concepts -are derived. Love received the most perfect human expression in the -personality and life of Jesus, who came not for self glory but to save -people from hate and sin; who sought not the sheep to oppress and slay -them for his own gratification, but to direct them, when lost, back -to safe living; who sought not to weigh down the burdened with unjust -taxes and harsh living conditions, but to relieve and give rest to the -heavy-laden: who cared less for the upper Four Hundred than for the -lower Four Hundred Million. - -The principle of love compels the members of the Kingdom to show mercy. -God is full of mercy, therefore, let his followers show mercy. Love -forgives. The Christian citizen is instructed to become reconciled with -his brother citizen before worshipping at the altar of God.[VIII-6] If -the individual would be forgiven of his sins, he must acquire the habit -of forgiving other persons. He must be careful not to judge harshly, -lest other persons judge him harshly. He should forgive others seventy -times seven times, that is, without stint or measure. - -St. Luke, the physician, recites the story of a loving father. The -prodigal son impetuously demanded his share of the inheritance, and -going into a far country, wasted his substance in riotous living. But -upon showing true remorse for these exceedingly grave offenses, his -father received him back with a loving, forgiving heart, a feast, the -best robes, and music and dancing. One of the malefactors who was -crucified with Christ, showed a penitent heart at the last moment and -received forgiveness from the loving, dying Christ. Since no one is -without sin, no one has a right to be unforgiving. Even the woman taken -in adultery came within the law of forgiving love. - -The societary principle of love is the major chord of Christianity. -It is Christianity’s unscientific but greatest gift to sociology. It -has become the fundamental concept of sociology. To the Old Testament -type of love which urged the individual to love his neighbor and to -love the alien and stranger, Jesus repeatedly insisted upon a love -that is still greater, namely, a love which will include enemies. Love -your enemies.[VIII-7] Jesus himself exemplified this form of love. He -made no idle interpretation of an impossible love, but demonstrated -and lived a love which forgave his enemies, even those who mockingly, -shamelessly nailed him to a cross. So great is the drawing power of -this almost superhuman love which Jesus expressed in deeds that he -himself predicted that if he were lifted up he would draw all people -unto him. - -Love fills people with compassion. The Gospels are replete with -references to the fact that wherever Jesus saw sickness, poverty, sin, -he was moved with compassion. The illustrations range from the blind -men by the wayside to the bread-hungry multitudes, from the unclean -leper in Galilee to murderous Jerusalem. - -Love is cosmopolitan. All peoples are entitled to know the meaning of -Christian love.[VIII-8] Both Jew and Gentile shall feel its warming -glow. The Samaritan lives it. Loving neighborliness includes more than -priestly and Levitical acts; it involves Samaritan kindness. The love -in the heart of Jesus reached first to a few close friends, then to -sinners and outcasts, then to the Samaritans and the Gentiles, and -finally to the whole world. It led ultimately to that most unselfish -of all human enterprises--the missionary movement. - -Love leads to humility and self-sacrifice. Alms-giving is done in -private, not for social plaudits. The individual prays, not to be seen -of men and thereby to be accounted good.[VIII-9] He who seeks to save -his life shall lose it; whoever loses his life for the sake of the -Kingdom shall save it. He who stores up for himself the wealth of the -world shall lose himself. Salutations in the market places and chief -seats in the synagogues in themselves are unworthy. The poor in spirit -are blessed. - -Love shuns positions of worldly power, lest they be secured at the -loss of one’s soul.[VIII-10] The best positions in life are not to -be seized; they are obtained through the exercise of love; they are -bestowed in recognition of merit and worth. He who exalts himself will -be abased; the humble will be exalted. - -Love creates true greatness. The members of the society of perfect -love are characterized by the sincerity, purity, humility of little -children.[VIII-11] He who serves most is greatest. The Kingdom of God -is an aristocracy, not of Might but of Service. The Son of God came to -serve, not to be served. For the sake of those outside the Kingdom, -Jesus sanctified himself, sacrificing even his life in that cause. - -Love makes the Golden Rule the best sociological proposition in Hebrew -and Jewish literature. “Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you, -do ye even so to them.” In reply to a lawyer of the Pharisees, Jesus -enunciated a two-fold commandment, the first part of which invoked -complete love to God; and the second part, to man. The love of the -individual for his fellow man as shown in both attitude and deeds is -the test of the love of the individual for God. Love means service. -Love does not connote lip-service; neither does it mean divided -service. No one can serve two masters, God and mammon. - -Christian love implies definite and continued public service. Social -service is the test of entrance to the Kingdom, and of the sincerity -of the individual’s religious profession.[VIII-12] On the judgment day -those on the right hand will be blessed and given life eternal, and to -them the king of the judgment will say: - - I was an hungered, and ye gave me meat; - I was thirsty, and ye gave me drink; - I was a stranger, and ye took me in; - Naked and ye clothed me; - I was in prison, and ye came unto me. - -Then the righteous, with surprise, will inquire of the Lord of the -judgment: When did we see you hungry and feed you; or thirsty, and give -you drink? When did we see you a stranger and take you in? Then the -Lord of the judgment will answer them that when they had served the -weak and poor and the heavy-laden on earth, they had been serving him -and thereby had proved their loyalty to God and earned the rewards -of everlasting life. And those who fail to measure up to the social -service test, whether professing Christians or not, will be turned away. - -The importance and nature of religio-social service is indicated by -Jesus when he symbolizes the giving of a cup of cold water in his name -as a test for receiving eternal life.[VIII-13] He who has two coats -should give one to him who has none. The sharing of food with those who -have no food is commanded. Give liberally; give all thou hast.[VIII-14] -It is blessed to give under all circumstances. Material riches are -insignificant in value when compared with spiritual wealth. To give the -things of this world is to receive the greater things of the spirit. He -is richest who gives most, both of material and spiritual goods. As an -expression of his love for God, Jesus lived a life of social and human -service. - -Whenever Jesus mentioned the ten commandments--all three synoptic -writers agree on this point--he omitted the four commandments of -individual import and repeated only the social rules, or principles: - - (1) Thou shalt do no murder, - (2) Thou shalt not commit adultery, - (3) Thou shalt not steal, - (4) Thou shalt not bear false witness, - (5) Honor thy father and mother, - (6) Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself. - -After the fashion of the major social prophets, Jesus cried out -vehemently against social injustice. He denounced the persons who -devour widows’ houses, or who lay unnecessary economic burdens upon -their fellowmen. - -Anti-social religion, above all things else, angered Jesus. He wanted -no followers who were practicing social or political injustice. Cursed -are those persons who appear righteous, who make long prayers, or who -go about in long robes, but who inwardly are hypocrites, are full of -dead men’s bones, of uncleanness, of extortion and excess.[VIII-15] The -shedding of innocent blood is condemned. The paying of money in order -to expiate sin will avail nothing. Such money is tainted; it is blood -money.[VIII-16] - -Anti-social and commercialized religion so angered Jesus that, contrary -to his customary attitudes toward sinners, he committed violence on -one occasion against offenders. He overthrew the tables of the money -changers in the temple, and, making a scourge of small cords, he drove -out the money changers. In so doing, he declared that the worship of -God should not be commercialized.[VIII-17] He would not have the house -of worship turned into a cultured den of thieves. - -So furious were the scribes and the chief priests because of the attack -of Jesus upon anti-social religious practices that they planned how -they might kill him.[VIII-18] It appears that as a direct result of the -antagonism of Jesus to the anti-social practices of the religious, or -temple, authorities and of the other religious leaders the conspiracy -against Jesus finally brought about his death. Jesus went about -stirring up the common people in a democratic movement against the -autocratic, hypocritical, anti-social religious leaders among the Jews. -He met his death while championing the needs of the masses who were -being exploited in the name of religion. - -Jesus was the highest type of social democrat. The perfected social -order which he foresaw is a democracy, ruled by the principles of love -and service in the name of God. Furthermore, no one shall be compelled -to come into the Kingdom. The good tidings shall be presented to all -individuals, but the liberty of the individual shall not be violated. -The principle of voluntary assent, not compulsion or conscription, -rules in recruiting for the Kingdom. Moreover, within the Kingdom, -compulsion is unknown. Love sufficeth. - -Jesus hated sin. To him, sin was anything which overcomes love and -which causes the individual or society to disintegrate. Sin is that -which defeats or hinders the coming of the Kingdom of Love. Sin breaks -up or holds back the social process. Sin, like love, is organic. Sin -grows. An evil tree brings forth evil fruit; grapes and figs are not -gathered from thorns or thistle-bearing plants. - -Jesus forgave sinners; even social sinners. By means of his -imagination, he put himself in the place of the sinner and sought -to understand the causes of the sinning. As his mind filled with an -understanding of sin, his heart overflowed with pity and forgiveness -for the sinner. He sought primarily to reclaim; he thought secondarily -of punishment. Even in the case of the adulterous woman, he sought to -save what was left of the broken spirit rather than to punish. His -cardinal penological principle was reformation. - -It is significant that the social institution which Jesus supported -above all others, even above the church and the state, was the family. -Jesus spoke frequently for the family. He commanded that children -should unwaveringly act loyally toward parents; he used not only the -clear-cut terms of the writer of Exodus but added a curse of death upon -those who abuse their parents.[VIII-19] - -An even stronger command was given by Jesus concerning loyalty to -the marriage relation. A man’s genuine loyalty to his parents, -undiminished in intensity, must be subordinated to faithfulness to his -wife.[VIII-20] This social theory is opposite in character to that of -Confucius concerning attitudes toward parents and wives. The conception -which Jesus urged leads to social progress, while the teaching of -Confucius leads to social stagnation. - -A man and woman who have been spiritually joined together in wedlock -are one flesh, above and beyond separation by civil authorities. Jesus -uttered the stern and awe-inspiring sanction: What therefore God hath -joined together, let not man put asunder. The family as an institution -is accorded a sacredly fundamental place in the social order. - -Jesus recognized woman as equal with man spiritually. His attitude -toward his mother and the other women of his day was one of respect, -chivalry, and gentleness. He laid the foundations of a social process -in which women function on terms of equality with men. - -Honor to parents and honor to wife must be supplanted by honor to -children. Jesus worshiped little children. In them he saw the innocence -and purity of God. When he wished to describe the attributes of the -Kingdom, he selected a little child and held him up as typifying the -simple, natural spirit of perfect living. Although without children -himself, Jesus loved little children, choosing them for special honors, -and declaring that of such is the Kingdom of God. It is not God’s will -that one of these little ones should perish; it is the stupidity of man -and the lack of social conscience that causes a high mortality rate of -little children. He who harms the trustful child shall be cursed. It -were better for such a miscreant that a millstone were tied about his -neck and that he were thrown into the sea.[VIII-21] - -In regard to the influence of private property Jesus was fearful. -His zeal for and whole-hearted loyalty to spiritual values made him -suspicious of vested interests. He repeatedly warned in vigorous -language against the lure of gold and the baneful influences of -material wealth upon the attitudes and acts of the individual. He -himself showed no interest in owning property. He lived without a home -of his own and without private means. If he had possessed these, his -life-work probably would have failed. He urged his disciples to remain -free from the desire for money; he even commanded them to rely for the -means of material subsistence upon the people with whom they labored. -Jesus believed that private property hindered the realization of the -principle of brotherhood of man. He made a sharp distinction between -the interests of God and mammon. He believed that these two sets of -interests are diametrically opposed to each other. To the extent that -the individual relies upon property, he separates himself from God and -the things of the Spirit. The disciples were instructed to scorn, not -only the earning of wealth, but if they possessed earthly goods, they -were to sell these and give the proceeds to the poor.[VIII-22] The -disciple of the spiritual life must divorce himself from the love of -monetary gain. - -Toward the poor, Jesus was sympathetic. The Gospel shall be preached -chiefly to the poor, not because the poor, _per se_, need it more than -the rich and not because the poor should be specially favored, but -because they recognize their needs. They are in a receptive attitude -whereas the attitude of the rich has been calloused by their wealth. -The response to the Gospel is not likely to be whole-hearted by persons -who possess an extensive interest in riches. - -Jesus taught a spiritual socialism. He thought in terms of spiritual -love for all persons, not of material well-being for the proletariat. -But he seemed to prefer the company of the poor. Blessed are the poor, -was his attitude; for they are in a frame of mind which makes them fit -subjects for the perfect Kingdom. The possession of property gives -the individual a feeling of self-exaltation; poverty gives rise to -humility--a cardinal virtue of the Kingdom. - -Jesus did not attack poverty with preventive measures. Poverty will -continue to exist.[VIII-23] Perhaps it is well that it should continue, -for a nation of economically satisfied people might not be religiously -minded. It is harder for a camel to go through a needle’s eye than for -a rich man to get into the swing of an untrammeled social process. Woe -unto the rich, because they are self-centered, materially inclined, and -pleasure-loving. The man who pulled down his barns in order to build -larger barns, saying to himself, “Take thine ease, eat, drink, and be -merry,” is scathingly condemned by Jesus.[VIII-24] He is ostracized -from the ideal society. In the story of Lazarus and the rich man, the -former is carried to Abraham’s bosom, but the latter, in torments, begs -for a cup of water and the company of Lazarus. He wanted Lazarus sent -to him; he longed for the company of him whom he once ignored. The -attention of Jesus was continually centered on the dangers of wealth, -but rarely on the need of preventing poverty. - -Zaccheus, a rich man, was called as a disciple of Jesus. But before -the discipleship began, the superintendent not only had to come down -from the mulberry tree and declare his allegiance to God, but he had to -become socially converted as well. He promised to give one-half of his -wealth to the poor and to restore falsely acquired possessions fourfold. - -Then there was the rich young man who came to Jesus, asking how he -might obtain admittance to the Kingdom, declaring that he observed the -commandments. One more thing, however, was required of him, namely, -that he sell all his possessions and give the returns to the poor. Only -by so giving might he have treasure in the social Kingdom. - -The teaching of Jesus concerning the Sabbath throws light on the -exceedingly human element in his thought. The Sabbath is a special -day for doing good deeds.[VIII-25] The Sabbath is to be treated not -primarily from the standpoint of religious rites but from the viewpoint -of human welfare. Works of necessity, and deeds of mercy and kindness -to man and beast are proper to the Sabbath.[VIII-26] Man was not made -for the Sabbath, but the day of rest and good deeds was designed for -the benefit of man. - -The attitude of Jesus toward the problem of peace versus war has -aroused considerable controversy. There are certain of his sayings -which seem to contradict each other. But an analysis of all his -teachings demonstrates that his emphasis was on peace. The exceptions -to the rule will be stated first.[VIII-27] On one occasion he said: I -came not to send peace, but a sword. The context shows that Jesus was -speaking in an individual and not a national way. He had in mind the -conflicts which arise between the individuals who are converted to -the ideals of the Kingdom and those who are not. Jesus explained that -those who love him must do so even at the expense of forsaking father -and mother.[VIII-28] Loyalty to the Kingdom may mean that the son will -oppose the practices of his father in business, the daughter will -object to the time wasted in the unChristian practices of her mother, -the parents will protest the sowing of “wild oats” by son or daughter. - -In the temple, on one occasion, Jesus displayed anger and used -violence. He was dealing, however, with a group of criminals, cultured -criminals, who apparently would respond to no treatment except -violence. They would not cease their nefarious practices except through -compulsion. - -On the other hand, the illustrations are many where Jesus used love -in order to change the ways of people. He never used force in his own -behalf, even to save his life. He rebuked Simon Peter for drawing his -sword and cutting off the right ear of the servant of the high priest -who in company with others were seeking Jesus in order to bind him and -kill him.[VIII-29] At another time Jesus specifically enjoined: Resist -not evil; and instructed his followers when smitten upon the right -cheek to turn the left also. Those who take the sword shall perish -by the sword; the nation that builds itself up by the sword shall be -destroyed by it.[VIII-30] - -The birth of Jesus was accompanied by glad tidings and song, -proclaiming peace on earth and good will toward men.[VIII-31] Blessed -are the peacemakers. In the perfect society, good will by all to all -will be shown, perfect love will reign, and permanent peace will -prevail. - -Jesus may or may not have expressed himself on several important issues -of his day. The incomplete records do not indicate his attitude upon -many vital social problems. It appears that Jesus usually spoke in -remedial rather than preventive social terms. However, beneath this -remedial terminology there are fundamental social principles, which, -if put into common practice, would solve all social problems. Jesus -proposed to build an ideal society by re-making and regenerating -individuals. He dared to promulgate the radical program of re-making -human nature itself. He commanded that all selfish impulses and -instincts be completely subordinated to the altruistic and socializing -desires. - -Jesus insisted throughout his life-work upon the principle that -material factors must be subjected to spiritual values. In order to -make this principle clear he often took particular pains to treat -material goods with the utmost insignificance. He perceived that -individuals are made slaves by the worship of wealth, either on the -part of themselves, of the privileged classes, or of society itself. He -inaugurated a program of spiritualization which would free the world -from the slavery which may come from economic forces. - -Although a religious teacher above all things else, Jesus insisted upon -the necessity of the existence of something more than saving faith -alone. He required a social attitude of mind, a heart of social love, -and a spirit of service. Give freely to others. Serve others. By giving -himself for others, the individual will function in the Kingdom of -perfect love, and win other individuals to that Kingdom. - -Jesus required that love be substituted for hate. Unkind deeds must -be supplanted by kind deeds. According to this principle, employers -and employees must learn to love one another; and business must be -put upon the basis of love and service. Government must be a series -of mutual services. Religion must harbor no selfishness. In all human -relationships, Jesus reiterated the principle: Love, love, love. This -is the spiritualizing and socializing principle by which Jesus proposed -to make over the social process. - -Paul, the apostle to the Gentiles, by virtue of unique experiences -and many travels, possessed a cosmopolitan attitude of mind. He gave -a practical application of the teaching of Jesus concerning the -brotherhood of man. He urged the equal treatment of Jews and Gentiles, -bond and free.[VIII-32] He preached the essential unity of mankind. God -is no respecter of persons; his Kingdom is a spiritual democracy. We -are all--Jew and Gentile--children of the same Father, who gave his son -in service for all.[VIII-33] To the call to come over into Macedonia -for the purpose of rendering aid, Paul responded immediately and -favorably. By so doing he believed that he was carrying out the true -implications of the love of God. - -The greatest tribute that has ever been paid to love as a social force -was given by Paul.[VIII-34] Although possessing the highest educational -qualifications and being able to speak with the greatest eloquence, -any individual leads a practically useless life unless that life is -motivated by love. Giving one’s possessions to the poor and sacrificing -one’s body counts little if one does these things in any other spirit -than that of love. Love protects the individual from envying his -neighbors, from becoming proud and haughty and boastful. Love is the -greatest principle of life. - -The members of the Kingdom of God should love one another under -all circumstances.[VIII-35] They should bear one another’s -burdens.[VIII-36] They should do good to all men, even to those who -persecute. Above all, they should not recompense any man with evil -for evil, or fail to feed their enemies if the latter hunger. Love is -the law of God. Perfect love is more powerful than principalities and -powers and even death.[VIII-37] Love conquers all evil. Love is more -powerful than might. A practical, cosmopolitan brotherhood of man is -one of the fundamental concepts of Paul’s teachings. - -Paul taught the organic unity of mankind. In the perfect Christian -order each individual has a specific function to perform which is a -part of the whole process. Paul compares this situation to the human -body in which there are many organs, each performing its individual but -correlated function.[VIII-38] No one liveth to himself, no one dieth -to himself.[VIII-39] Every individual, even in dying, influences the -social equilibrium and affects group progress. All individuals in the -perfect Kingdom are co-laborers and co-operators. Whatever weakens -one individual weakens society; whatever strengthens the individual -strengthens society, providing that strength is used societarily. - -Another fundamental element in the social thought of Paul was his -concept of sin. Sin is socially and individually destructive. The wages -of sin--a generic term--is death. Paul made a long list of social -sins, namely: covetousness, maliciousness, drunkenness, wantonness, -dishonesty, fraud, stealing, fornication, murder. In nearly all his -letters, Paul warned his followers against the evils which beset -mankind. He urged people to beware of the appearance of doing evil. -Paul’s rule of conduct was the Aristotelian mean: Be temperate in all -things. - -On the other hand, Paul cited long lists of virtues. Love is -continually urged. Temperance, meekness, gentleness, honesty, purity, -and justice are repeatedly stressed. Paul’s description of a good man -and bishop is the delineation of the character of a social citizen, who -is temperate, a good husband, who is not mercenary nor covetous, and -who ruleth well his household, with good reputation and character. - -In all Paul’s thought, righteous living was uppermost. Cheerful giving -was commended. The strong should bear the infirmities of the weak, not -only for the sake of the weak, but in order that the strong may not -become self-centered. - -Paul taught a gospel of peace. He deprecated strife between -individuals. He trusted in the operation of the law of love. Love will -bring order out of confusion, and peace out of discord. The social -Kingdom of God, motivated by love, moves orderly, harmoniously, and -constructively. - -Paul firmly supported the family as an essential institution of -society. He admonished children to obey their parents, to honor their -fathers and mothers. He commanded wives to obey their husbands, and -husbands to love their wives even as Christ loved the church and as -men love themselves.[VIII-40] He commanded men to remain true in the -marriage relation, and to keep the single standard of morals inviolate. - -The dangers of wealth were frequently pointed out by Paul. We brought -no riches into this life: we can not take any riches out. Riches -continually subject us to temptations, snares, and lusts. The love of -money is the root of all evil.[VIII-41] The greatest wealth which any -person can acquire is the wealth of good deeds done to other persons. - -The thought of Paul concerning law is exceedingly modern. Law is not -for the righteous; law is for the lawless and disobedient. The honest -and righteous and just are above the law in the sense that a well-mated -husband and wife are above the law of divorce. If there were none -other than happily-mated husbands and wives, there would be no need of -divorce laws. In a similar way, if perfect love prevailed among all -people, law could be entirely discarded. The teachings of Paul run the -gamut of brotherly love. Paul thought in terms of concepts such as -these: being well-grounded in love; abounding in love; let brotherly -love continue; the love of Christ constraineth. Paul carried a message -of love to all men, and established the church as a home for all who -would accept Christ’s message of love. - -The apostle James spoke in no uncertain terms of the democracy of -God, the need of helping the weak, the dangers of riches, the evils -of strife, and the social commandments. James made social service a -fundamental test of religion.[VIII-42] - -Peter attacked the same social sins that Jesus and Paul had flayed, -argued in behalf of the justice of God, and proclaimed with new vigor -the law of love. - -John is the chief exponent of the principle of love. God is love. The -reign of God is a reign of love; the Kingdom of God is a Kingdom of -perfect love. In the Book of Revelation, John describes two cities; -one wicked; and the other, perfect. The first is elegantly clothed -in purple and gold, bedecked with precious stones. But her heart -is rotten. Lust and vice have ruined her. Her dominating sins are -sex immorality and luxury. The perfect city is the new Jerusalem, a -community of happy people, motivated in all things by love. Nothing -that defileth is permitted in the New Jerusalem, nor anything that -worketh abomination, or maketh a lie.[VIII-43] - -The fundamentals of early Christian social thought may now be -summarized. The New Testament authorities offered no system of -sociology; they did not submit a scientific program for the social -reorganization of the world, but made, however, substantial -contributions. - -(1) Early Christian social thought represented a system of changing -the attitudes of individuals. By making over individuals the world -can be improved. The individual is exalted. The individual must be -re-educated. The right sort of men will produce the right sort of -social structure and the proper type of social process and society. -Christianity indicated socialized principles of conduct which the -disciples of Christianity must accept. - -(2) The Fatherhood of God is made a cardinal principle of the Kingdom. -When all persons recognize the Fatherhood of God, they will have a -strong tie binding them together and impelling them to regenerated -living. - -(3) The universal brotherhood of man is a natural corollary of the -principle of the Fatherhood of God. When everyone recognizes the -underlying brotherhood of all individuals, the prejudices of race which -now so bitterly divide mankind will begin to dissolve. - -(4) Marriage is a divine right, and husbands and wives shall work -together in behalf of their children. The family is the chief social -institution which the New Testament writers supported. - -(5) Little children set examples of simple faith and trust. They call -for sacrifice and transform parents into altruistic beings. - -(6) Early Christian thought was missionary. It was not self-centered. -It said: Go. It drove out its adherents unto all forms of unselfish -living. It required that its followers help the sick, preach the -gospel, travel into foreign lands. It was an activity religion. It -defined in living terms the dynamic and driving principle of love. - - - - -CHAPTER IX - -SOCIAL THOUGHT IN THE MIDDLE AGES - - -The social thought of the Middle Ages was in part a reflection of the -unsettled social conditions, and in part an outgrowth of the thought -and life of the five centuries which intervened between the beginning -of the Christian Era and the Fall of Rome. During these centuries the -Church Fathers moved away from the pristine Christian teachings. While -they accepted the underlying social nature of mankind and believed that -government and social organization were necessary in order to curb evil -tendencies, their teachings treated government as a divine institution -and transformed rulers into super-powerful beings with divine rights. -The autocratic rather than the democratic element in government -received support. - -The strong Roman bias for organization and administration was builded -into the church--the result was the powerful Church of Rome with its -hierarchal structure. After the Fall of Rome, the Roman proclivity for -centralization of government lived on and produced within the Church a -center of power that has been the marvel of church history. - -The Church Fathers directed the attention of the people to the next -world and to preparation therefor. Sacramental and sacrificial methods -of salvation were elaborated. The importance of improving social -conditions was ignored. In fact, the injustices in the current social -order were considered as disciplinary measures for the soul in its -preparation for the next world. The improvement of living conditions -was considered to be wasted effort, if not indicative of heretical -tendencies of mind. - -By the third century, loyalty to creed had become a dominant note in -Christianity. The poor constituted a decreasing influence in church -life; wealth was exerting unChristian influences. The aristocratic -elements in church organization began to transform the poor into a -special class within the church. Poverty was not viewed preventively. -By the time of the Fall of Rome the poor had become objects upon which -to bestow alms as a means of expiating sin. - -The greatest of the Latin Fathers was Saint Augustine (354–450). Among -other works, he wrote a large set of twenty-two volumes under the title -of _The City of God_. In this gigantic undertaking social thought was -submerged beneath theological discussions. A part of the argument is -devoted to an explanation of the Fall of Rome. The leading causal -elements are described as economic factors, such as the rise of luxury; -and religious unbelief, such as the worship of pagan gods. Augustine -describes two cities, one of this world, materialistic and debasing; -and one of the next world--the City of God, which through the will of -God will finally triumph. - -During the first half of the Middle Ages the dominant tendencies are -Roman and Christian. The Roman power of organization gains increasing -strength in its new form--the Church. The Christian influences were -expressed in high ideals, new duties, and asceticism. The church acted -as a soothing and quieting force in the centuries of unrest. It built -elaborate monasteries and gathered together under its protecting wing -large numbers of people, chiefly the poor. Under the supervision of the -church, these religious believers lived in communal and sympathetic -fashion. Along with these developments the church also manifested grave -abuses. At the expense sometimes of the ignorant and the poor the -church grew powerful. - -Out of the period of social disorder which characterized the early -Middle Ages there developed educational movements, such as that which -Charlemagne sponsored, and the system of Feudalism, which gave to the -Middle Ages its most distinctive set of characteristics. Feudalism made -land the central institution of society. The ownership of land gave -power; land constituted social and political power. Land was parcelled -out upon the receipt of oaths of homage and fealty. Under this land -system there were three classes of people: the nobles, the clergy, -and the peasants. The nobles were the rulers and exercised military -prerogatives. The clergy were either the privileged subjects of the -nobles, or else through the institution which they represented they -acquired land power. The peasants often despised the nobles, although -they worked for and supported them. - -As an outgrowth of feudal industry various forms of guilds or -industrial organizations flourished from the tenth to the fifteenth -centuries. Sometimes the masters and workmen jointly belonged to -guilds, as in the case of the merchant guilds. Sometimes the guilds -became local monopolies. Always they possessed the aim of improving the -conditions of the membership. - -The religious wars, or Crusades, of the eleventh to the thirteenth -centuries inaugurated many changes. They gave the restless nobility -major themes of attention and even removed many nobles through death in -battle from the European arena. They created intellectual unrest. They -enlarged the horizons of many individuals and gave rise to skepticism. -They led to the Reformation. - -Social thought in the Middle Ages received a considerable stimulus from -Teutonic sources. The barbarous Teutons contributed ideas of freedom. -They increased the emphasis upon the individual. They were rough, -bold exponents of “personal liberty,” and disregarded mere churchly -procedure, social traditions, and some of the finer ideals of life and -character. On the other hand, chivalry and knighthood were perhaps of -Teutonic origin. - -The church utilized chivalry. It became the duty of the knight to -defend the church and that which belonged to the church. Chivalry -became a form of social discipline which ruled in the latter part of -the Middle Ages. It softened manners and became the sponsor for virtue. -It remained, however, a modified military structure with military -traditions. - -The rise of scholasticism took place in opposition to monasticism. -In the ninth century the leading thinkers had not advanced beyond -the conception of a natural social state, characterized by chaotic -conditions, and organized by political machinery. By the twelfth -century only the faintest glimmerings of a doctrine of popular -sovereignty had begun to appear. The thought of the day was largely -theological. - -The church through its systems of monasteries had maintained centers -where religious and intellectual traditions had been preserved. These -centers were undoubtedly important factors in conserving much that -was valuable in an age when ruthless disregard for civilized values -prevailed. - -Because of the abuses which sprang up in connection with the -monasteries, certain positive reactions against the monasteries arose. -St. Francis of Assisi (1181–1226) turned from the monastery to actual -life. He inaugurated a method for the regeneration of society. He -and his followers lived and spent themselves among the actual poor, -subjecting themselves to the economic conditions of the poor. They -helped the poor, not by giving alms as an expiation for sin and to -secure self-salvation, but by the first-hand giving of their lives. -St. Francis ignored the regular ecclesiastical conception of charity -and gave it all the reality of a new and genuine social force. By -renouncing the possession of property and living as the poor live, he -obtained what he could secure in no other way--the poor man’s point of -view. In this way, also, he secured an entrance into the poor man’s -mind and heart that could not be had so well by any other method. By -renouncing wealth and accepting literal poverty he reached the core of -the problem of poverty. St. Francis was motivated by a desire to live a -life of love. He spent not wealth but his life for the poor. - -Scholasticism developed as a reaction against churchly asceticism. -According to scholasticism the individual should look to reason -rather than to church dogma for religious and spiritual guidance. -Scholasticism repudiated church traditions as a guide for individual -action; it turned to Aristotelian logic for its technique. Thomas -Aquinas (1226–1274), the best known of the scholastic philosophers, -pushed forward the Aristotelian premises as follows: Man is a social -being: he unites with other individuals in a social organization in -order to gain his own purposes. The individual looks to able rulers -for wise political guidance; he accords the requisite power to these -rulers. Aquinas thus recognized a tacit social compact, or contract, -foreshadowing Rousseau. - -In religion, scholasticism reduced religious mysticism to rational -forms. It based religion on learning rather than on authority; it -pursued the methods of reasoning rather than of contemplation. - -Scholasticism furthered the advancement of learning; it aided and -developed the life of the universities. It encouraged the growth of -independent thinking, although its decline set in about the fourteenth -century, before it had had a fair opportunity to inaugurate a movement -which would lead to an inductive or a positivistic philosophy, or -sociology. - -Various other thought elements appeared in the closing centuries of the -Middle Ages. As early as the ninth century a maritime code, a military -code, and a rural code were formulated in the Byzantine Empire in -order to meet new social needs. Until the fall of Constantinople the -Byzantine influence was a deterrent against the forces from the East. -Byzantium preserved and gave a new impetus to Grecian literature, art, -architecture, and law. - -In Arabia the celebrated historian and philosopher Ibn Khaldun -(1332–1406), made a detailed and surprisingly accurate description of -the social life of the Arab tribes. With the evolution of the life of -the individual, he compared the development of the successive stages -in social life. This distinguished historian urged that history should -consider not simply rulers, dynasties, and wars, but also racial -factors, climatic forces, the laws of association, and the stages of -associative life. He wished to make history scientific, even a social -science. He formulated an evolutionary doctrine of social progress. He -evolved a spiral theory of social evolution, beginning with the crudest -primitive life and ending with the most civilized urban life. - -In the latter part of the fourteenth century, England’s great popular -poet, William Langland, wrote an allegorical poem entitled, _Piers -Ploughman_. In this work the oppressed laboring and peasant classes -cry aloud their longings for improved conditions. They are personified -in Piers the Ploughman, who as a dignified laborer, plays for the -first time the leading rôle in serious thought. He is the leader of -a field of all types of people who are laboring together and longing -for a better social order. Along with the agricultural laborers we see -weavers and tailors, friars and minstrels, merchants and knights. Labor -of every sort is dignified. All living laborers who work with their -hands and minds, truly earning, living in love and according to the -laws of social order and progress, will become the pure and perfected -leaders of truth. - -Langland depicted well the living and working conditions of the English -laboring classes. Productive toil, he argued, will receive its crown -of glory. But he did not indicate practical solutions. Langland -was sure, however, that the service of labor to society is sacred. -He pronounced patient poverty to be the prince of all virtues. He -personified Jesus in the form of a working man. Langland’s fourteenth -century social message was that the individual should renounce wealth, -join the honest laboring poor, and follow Christ’s example of living a -life of labor and love.[IX-1] - -Social thought in the Middle Ages is fragmentary. While several -centuries are included in the period, new social ideas are very few. -The centuries of unrest and transition, the paucity of great leaders, -the intellectual stagnation, and the prevalent illiteracy of the masses -produced situations in which little social thinking of importance was -stimulated. New thought of any type was almost negligible except as an -isolated individual stood forth, such as Augustine, Charlemagne, Ibn -Khaldun, Aquinas. A portion of the social thinking of the preceding -age, however, was preserved, constituting a foundation for the -renaissance of social thought that was coming. - - - - -CHAPTER X - -MORE AND UTOPIAN SOCIAL THOUGHT - - -Shortly after the close of Middle Ages with its modicum of social -thinking, the idealism of Plato appeared in a new form, namely, in -descriptive utopias. Of these, the chief and subtlest was the work of -England’s sane, shrewd, tolerant student of society, Sir Thomas More -(1478–1535). More’s _Utopia_ deserves a degree of attention which is -not customarily accorded it. - -More mediated Plato to modern social philosophy; he moved in the field -of Platonic ideas and ideals. He was also indebted to Plutarch’s -account of Spartan life. At the dawn of the Renaissance he presented -the concept of a perfect commonwealth. - -If one would understand the social thought of More, a contemporary -of Columbus, he must put himself under the spell of fifteenth and -sixteenth century conditions in England. He must remind himself of -Henry VII and Henry VIII, two autocratic rulers whom it was difficult -for any individually-minded person to please. The living conditions -of the peasants were almost intolerable. Unemployment was common. -Punishments were severe and brutalizing. Even thieves were subject to -capital punishment. If an individual stole a loaf of bread, he might as -well kill the person who saw him steal the bread. In fact, by so doing, -he might be better off--the only witness to his theft would thus be -unable to testify against him. - -Sir Thomas More could not have openly criticised the unjust social -conditions of his day, and long escaped death. It was necessary for -him to put his radical ideas into the mouth of a fictitious traveler, -Raphael Hythloday, and thereby disown them. At is was, More became a -martyr to his religious faith and to the cause of social freedom. - -More wrote the _Utopia_ in two parts. Part one was written as an -explanation, or introduction, to part two. In part one a conversation -involving three persons is reported. A conservative Dutch citizen of -Antwerp converses with Raphael Hythloday, an experienced traveler, and -with More. Hythloday, however, is the chief speaker. He is well versed -in Latin and especially in Greek culture. Moreover, he has traveled -extensively, even with Amerigo Vespucci, the Florentine navigator. In -this way he is given prestige in the mind of the reader. It is not -impossible in part one of _Utopia_ to recognize a distinct resemblance -to the dialogue form of Plato. - -Part one describes certain factors in the political situation in -England. The untoward phases of poverty and the vicious forms of -punishment that prevailed are painted in gloomy colors. The reader is -glad to turn from this unpleasant social picture to the description in -part two of _Utopia_, where the people are living under well-ordered -conditions. - -The ideal commonwealth is located on the mystical island of Amaurote, -where Raphael Hythloday lived for five years. On this island the -economic and social life is communistic, somewhat after the manner -of Plato’s _Republic_. It is a fundamental communism which More -postulates. Complete communism of goods exists on Amaurote.[X-1] All -possess equal portions of wealth. The Utopian communistic state implies -a radical change in human nature. More justifies communism on the -grounds that it roots out that serious social evil, covetousness.[X-2] -Likewise, the incentive for stealing and plundering is removed. If -there is a scarcity of economic commodities in any part of Utopia, -the surplus in any other part is immediately drawn upon to meet the -need. Thus the whole land conducts itself as if it were one family or -household.[X-3] The guiding principle in regard to economic goods is -that of human needs. - -In Utopia everyone finds his greatest pleasure in giving to others. The -strongest league of peoples or of nations is not that which is united -chiefly by covenants or treaties, but one which is knit together by -love and a benevolent attitude.[X-4] The strongest league in the world -is that which is based on the fellowship of kindred natures--a genuine -Christian brotherhood of nations. - -In Utopia, agriculture is the most highly respected occupation. -Agriculture is a science in which all Utopian men and women are expert. -In the harvest days the urban people, both men and women (farmerettes) -go out into the country and help gather in the crops.[X-5] Urban and -rural co-operation at harvest time solves the farmer’s employment -problems to the pleasure, good feeling, and advantage of all concerned. -The food question is considered of paramount national importance. The -agriculturist is equipped with the best tools and follows intensive -methods.[X-6] - -In addition to agricultural science, every citizen of Utopia learns -at least one trade or craft.[X-7] Even every woman learns a skilled -trade. The advantages of learning a trade by every citizen are -obvious--they include a great increase in the potential industrial -resources of a people. The question may be raised here, if it would -not be a worth-while asset for every citizen in our modern days to -learn a trade. Such an accomplishment would give a sense of economic -independence to every individual; it would afford to everyone the point -of view of the skilled workman; it would add a gigantic potential force -to production. - -In Utopia, there is one leader, or syphogrant, to every thirty -families. Although there are other officers, including a prince for -each city and a king for the island, the syphogrants are in reality -the leading officials. It is noteworthy that no public matters are to -be decided until they have been considered and debated for at least -three days. By this scientific procedure the necessity of rescinding -hasty legislative action is reduced to a minimum. - -An important duty of the syphogrants is to regulate employment. Not -only is everyone in Utopia to have a trade, but all are to work. -There are no idle poor or idle rich. All rich men, commonly called -“gentlemen,” all women, priests, monks, and friars (except a few) -engage in productive labor. Even the syphogrants, or officials, work -spontaneously. All useless occupations are prohibited. In countries -where the dollar rules, there are many vain occupations which serve -only to augment riotous superfluities.[X-8] Thus, since all persons -work and since only needed occupations are permitted in Utopia, the -working day is shortened to six hours. - -In the case of a season of unemployment, the simple device is adopted -of shortening temporarily the labor day. By cutting down the hours of -labor to four a day during an unemployment period, work is provided for -all. When an individual, it may be added, visits his friends, he works -the same as if he were at home. He sets himself to the task in which -his friends are engaged. No one in Utopia is encumbered with visitors -who sit about doing nothing and at the same time hinder their hosts -from productive activities. - -The syphogrants prevent idleness; they also prevent overwork. They -permit no one to work at a task like a laboring and toiling beast; they -allow no one to become a slave to his labor. - -Laws in Utopia are few in number. Inasmuch as all the people are well -instructed and socially minded, many laws are needless.[X-9] Each -citizen is above the law in the same way that an honest person is above -the law against stealing. In the case of those disputes which must -necessarily arise, the plaintiff and defendant go before the judge and -plead for themselves. Utopia is noted for its scarcity of laws and the -absence of attorneys. No crafty and subtle interpretation of laws by -attorneys is permitted. Every man is his own attorney and simply states -the facts in the given dispute; the judge knows the law and decides the -case. - -The organization of the cities is interesting. In the middle of each -quarter of each city there is a market place for the exchange of all -manner of goods. Public _abattoirs_ are in operation. Splendidly -appointed hospitals are located outside the cities in a quiet -environment. Contagious wards are provided. So excellent is the care -which is afforded the patients in the public hospitals that any person -who falls sick prefers to go to a hospital than to be cared for by the -kindly ministrations of relatives at home. It may be noted that every -city is provided with a hall of fame. - -Every urban community is a garden city; every house has a garden plot. -Furthermore, the people take much pride in their gardens; they compete -with one another, endeavoring to excel in the fruitage and in the -beauty of the gardens.[X-10] - -City planning rules in Utopia.[X-11] Overcrowding is not permitted; -whenever a city exceeds the norm, a new city is established. New urban -communities are established by public action. - -Social centers are common on the island of Amaurote. In the winter when -the people cannot work in their gardens after the supper hour, they -gather in their community halls, where they engage in music, wholesome -conversation, and games. Dice-play and similar foolish and pernicious -games are unknown.[X-12] Wine taverns, alehouses, “stewes,” lurking -corners, and places of wicked counsels are prohibited.[X-13] - -Good health is a virtue in Amaurote; great pleasure is derived from -possessing a well-ordered state of public health. Health is considered -a sovereign pleasure in itself.[X-14] Preventive measures are -substituted for remedial medicines. - -Fashions are regulated rigidly. Fashion imitation is prevented. The -garments for men are all of one mode; and for women, of another -mode.[X-15] The married are distinguished from the unmarried by the -style of wearing apparel. Thus, there are simply four sets of styles in -Amaurote. Coats of uniform colors--the natural color of wool--are worn. -It is argued that coats of many colors are no warmer and hence no more -practical than coats of the one natural color; they are more expensive -and hence more wasteful. - -In Utopia, gold and silver are held in reproach. They are not -considered to be as useful as iron. Consequently, the Utopians load -down their slaves with gold and silver ornaments and pearls.[X-16] In -this connection the description of the visit of a group of ambassadors -to Amaurote is amusing. The ambassadors from an adjoining country were -dressed in gorgeous apparel like the very gods. They came to Amaurote -wearing chains of gold and displaying peacock feathers. The citizens of -Amaurote, coming out to meet the guests, rushed past the ambassadors -and saluted the plainly dressed slaves of the ambassadors. They mistook -the ambassadors for fools and knaves. Even the little children of -Amaurote, when they saw the jewelry of the ambassadors, looked at -their mothers and said: “See, how great a lubber doth wear pearls and -precious stones, as if he were still a little child.”[X-17] After being -in Amaurote a short time, the ambassadors perceived how foolish it was -to set emphasis on the doubtful glistenings of trifling stones. They -recognized that it is foolish to consider oneself nobler than other -selves because one can wear clothes that are spun from finer wool than -the clothes of other persons. After all, whether the wool is coarse or -fine, it may have come from the self-same sheep. - -An individual does not become a god by wearing precious stones. The -more the individual burdens himself with heavy stones and gorgeous -apparel, the more insignificant he is. - -Although in Utopia no man is wealthy, yet in a sense, all men are -wealthy. All live joyfully, without worrying, and without fearing that -they or their children will fall into poverty. Amaurote is a gigantic -household, wherein the more able take a personal interest in the less -able and in the unfortunate. No one lives in idleness and no one lives -by virtue of any form of unnecessary economic enterprise. Rich men are -not permitted by either private fraud or common law to snatch away -from the poor man some portion, great or small, of his daily earnings. -There are no idle rich, conniving how they may keep their unearned -wealth or how they may grind down the poor in order to get more wealth. -Since the love of money is unknown in Amaurote, other passions are also -absent. Since the people do not love money, they have lost the desire -to perpetrate the money crimes, such as fraud, theft, murder, treason. -Likewise, pride which measures its satisfaction, not in terms of its -own merits, _per se_, but by comparison with the poverty of human -beings, is destroyed. The Utopians have conquered materialism. They -are not subject to the death grapples which are caused by the love of -money. Luxuries have been suppressed and the leisure class has been -eliminated. Social extremes are unknown. - -People are honored, not for their wealth but for their serviceableness -to the community.[X-18] In the halls of fame, to which allusion has -already been made, benefactors of the commonwealth are rewarded by -having images of themselves set up in perpetual memory of their good -deeds to their fellows. - -The family is the fundamental social unit, but it is of the patriarchal -type. Pure monogamic love is idealized. Especial care is taken that -neither of the parties of a marriage vow possesses any hidden vices. -Adultery is the chief justification for breaking the marriage bond. A -single standard of morals for both husband and wife is set. Love may -be won by beauty, but it can be kept and preserved only by virtue and -obedience. - -Because of freedom from long hours of monotonous labor, nearly every -one in Utopia is able to maintain his intellectual interests and to -experience intellectual growth throughout life. It is the solemn -custom to have daily lectures early every morning and it is the habit -of multitudes of people of all types to attend.[X-19] All of the time -that it is possible to spare from the necessary occupations is devoted -to the development and garnishing of the mind.[X-20] Nearly all the -citizens devote their extra-occupational hours throughout their lives -to the arts and sciences. The chief felicity of life is said to be -found in learning. In training the mind, the Utopians never weary. -As a matter of course, a common school education is provided for -every individual. Classes for adults and adult education are made the -outstanding features of the public school system in Amaurote. One must -learn to live and must go on learning throughout life. Hence, the -provisions of public education should be adequate for the adult as well -as for the adolescent. - -Religious education and practice are considered essential. More’s -tolerant attitude in an age of brutal intolerance is shown by the -fact that the Utopians are permitted whatever religion they prefer. -Superstitious beliefs are taboo. More makes a subtle thrust when he -observes that the priests of Amaurote are possessed of great holiness -and hence are few in number.[X-21] It is no esoteric or monastic -religion which More endorses. Future happiness may be secured best by -busy labors and social efforts in this life.[X-22] Public service, -including the care of the sick, is religiously emphasized. - -War is beastly. Contrary to the attitudes of the people in all other -countries, the people of Amaurote count nothing so inglorious as the -glory that is obtained in fighting and killing.[X-23] No imagination is -necessary in order to understand the courage which More displayed in -making a vigorous attack in the sixteenth century upon war. - -Under limited conditions, however, war is justifiable. More gives -three worthy reasons for declaring war: (1) the defense of one’s own -country; (2) the defense of the country of one’s friendly neighbors; -and (3) delivering oppressed peoples anywhere from the yoke and bondage -of tyranny.[X-24] From the twentieth century point of view, these -justifications of war are sound. - -These reasons are all “defense” factors,--which is remarkable in view -of the fact that they were enunciated in an age when “offensive” wars -were common. The only reason for assuming the offensive in matters of -war is the social one of taking land away from people who deliberately -withhold land from cultivation and fail to produce food for the -nourishment of mankind.[X-25] By this plan, More severely indicts the -holders of large landed estates which are held chiefly for the selfish -gratification of the owners. - -Hired or mercenary soldiers are employed in war. The people of Amaurote -employ hideous, savage fighters from the wild woods and the high -mountains to do their fighting for them. The larger the number of these -impetuous barbarians who are killed in battle, the better off is the -world. - -More opposed conscription. Ordinarily, no one is forced to fight, -because under such circumstances he will not fight well. In the case, -however, of defending Amaurote, the cowards are distributed among the -bold-hearted. In warfare, the people of Amaurote do not allow their -warriors to lay waste or destroy the land of their enemies. Neither -foraging nor the burning of food supplies is permitted. No one who is -unarmed is to be hurt. - -More’s penological ideas are modern. He points out the folly of making -theft a capital offense the same as murder. The temptation will be to -steal, or rob, and to kill also, whereas under a more reasonable law -the temptation in many cases would be to steal only. A law which makes -theft a capital offense is harsher than even the harsh Mosaic law of -an eye for an eye, a life for a life, because the former justifies -the government in taking the life of an individual who is guilty of -stealing money. In Utopia the thief is compelled to restore the stolen -goods to the person from whom he stole, and not to the king, as in many -lands in More’s time. The thief is put at common labor, not thrown into -a city or county jail and left in idleness. Compulsory labor is the -common method of punishment.[X-26] - -The fundamental penological principle which More developed was that -crime should be prevented by taking away the occasion of offense.[X-27] -He condemned the prevailing method in England of allowing wickedness -to increase, and then of punishing the sinners after they had been -permitted to grow up in an environment of sin. He objected to taking -men from the trades for war service and then later irresponsibly -discharging them, leaving many of them industrially stranded, -unemployed, and subject to the temptation of stealing. More’s dictum -was: Show people how to live; do not let them steal and then take their -lives away. Life in Utopia is more or less equally divided between -five factors: industry, study, music, travel, and domesticity. - -In the _Utopia_, Sir Thomas More made a direct criticism of conditions -in England; he showed himself an able student of social problems; and -his ideas are noted for their “modernness.” Altogether, the _Utopia_ -has made a remarkable impression, not simply upon social idealists but -also upon practical thinkers. As a literary invention for shrewdly -suggesting criticisms of vicious but entrenched social wrongs it has -been followed by imitations, but remains unparalleled in quality. - -In the _New Atlantis_, Sir Francis Bacon (1561–1628), wrote an -unfinished description of a utopian island where there is a high degree -of social welfare and where “social salvation by scientific education” -obtains. An Order or Society of “Solomon’s House” is established -which sends out every twelve years merchants of light (intellectual) -who travel for the following period of twelve years, gathering facts -in all branches of science and art.[X-28] Upon being relieved by the -next group of traveler scholars, they return home and contribute their -knowledge to the acquired store, which in the meantime has been added -unto by many trained experimenters and research scholars. Airplanes, -horseless wagons, and submarines are not unknown in the _New Atlantis_. -Superstition is banished. Social knowledge will lead to a nation of -socialized persons,--this is the Baconian implication. - -Tommaso Campanella (1568–1639), a monk, a philosopher, and an Italian -contemporary of Francis Bacon, urged that human nature should be -studied rather than books. Because of so-called heretical ideas, he was -imprisoned for twenty-seven years. Shortly after his release he fled -to Paris, where he died. In prison he wrote _The City of the Sun_, a -crude but significant psychological analysis of society. It is a social -order based on the balanced relations of the three principles of Power, -Intelligence, and Love. These forces are equally expressed in the -social process and produce a perfect society. - -_Oceana_, “a Midsummer Night’s Dream of politics,” is the title of a -romance which was written by James Harrington (1611–1677). His social -order rests on economic factors, chiefly landed estates. However, the -author advocates the election of rulers by ballot every three years and -the choosing of the rulers from the intellectually élite. - -In this chapter it is impossible to note all the “utopias” that have -been written. The utopian and communistic systems of socialists, such -as Fourier, Saint Simon, and Owen will be referred to in Chapter XIV. -There are other important utopian contributions, such as those by -William Morris and Edward Bellamy. In _News from Nowhere_, William -Morris (1834–1896), an English artist and socialist, describes his -native England as a perfected society under a régime of socialism. -Because of its American setting, Bellamy’s _Looking Backward_ will be -presented in some detail in the following paragraphs. - -In recent decades the utopian postulates of Edward Bellamy (1850–1898), -in _Looking Backward_ and _Equality_ have had a wide reading. The -author was the first American to command attention in the field of -utopian thought. Bellamy presents a plan of industrial organization on -a national scale with individuals sharing equally in the products of -labor, or in public income, in the same way that “men share equally in -the free gifts of nature.” Bellamy protests against an economic order -whose chief evil is summed up in the following question: How can men be -free who must ask the right to labor and to live from their fellows, -and seek their bread from the hand of others? - -Society is likened to a gigantic coach to which the masses of humanity -are harnessed, toiling along a very hilly and sandy road. The best -seats are on top of the coach. The occupants of the elegant seats are -constantly in fear of falling from their cushions of ease, splendor, -and power,--and hence their interest in the toilers. - -In _Looking Backward_ the entire social process is made an expression -of service. Service is a matter of course, not of compulsion. No -business is so fundamentally the public’s business as the industry and -trade on which the livelihood of the public depends.[X-29] Therefore, -to intrust industry and commerce to private persons to be managed -for private profit is a folly “similar to that of surrendering the -functions of political government to kings and nobles for their -personal glorification.” - -Buying and selling are pronounced anti-social. They are an -education in self-seeking at the expense of others.[X-30] Citizens -who are so trained are unable to rise above a very low grade of -civilization.[X-31] They are sensible chiefly to such motives as fear -of want and love of luxury. For buying and selling, credit books are -substituted which are good at any public warehouse. In place of higher -wages, the chief motives to activity are honor, men’s gratitude, the -inspiration of duty, patriotism, the satisfaction of doing one’s work -well--in other words, the same motives that now influence, for example, -the members of the teaching profession. - -The arduousness of the trades are equalized, so that all shall -be equally attractive, by making the hours of labor in different -trades to differ inversely according to arduousness.[X-32] Everyone -works as a common laborer for three years and then chooses an -occupation--agriculture, mechanics, the professions, art. The working -life is twenty-four years long, from the ages of twenty-one to -forty-five, after which all may devote themselves to self-improvement -and enjoyment, but subject to emergency calls along industrial and -other social service lines. - -Bellamy challenges an individualism which incapacitates people for -co-operation. He builds his society upon solidarity of race and -brotherhood of man. He does not fear corruption in a society “where -there is neither poverty to be bribed nor wealth to bribe.”[X-33] - -All cases of criminal atavism are treated in hospitals. There are no -jails. Under capitalism nineteen-twentieths of misdemeanors are due to -economic inequality. The remainder are the outcropping of ancestral -traits. In Bellamy’s ideal society there are no private property -disputes and no lawyers. - -The educational system in _Looking Backward_ does not educate some -individuals highly and leave others untrained.[X-34] It gives everyone -“the completest education that the nation can give,” in order that -individuals may enjoy themselves, in order that they may enjoy one -another, and in order that the unborn may be guaranteed an intelligent -and refined parentage. - -Bellamy holds that human nature in its essential quality is good, not -bad, and that men are naturally generous, not selfish; pitiful, not -cruel; godlike in aspirations, moved by divine impulses of goodness, -images of God and not the travesties upon Him which they have -seemed.[X-35] It is our economic order which has fostered shameless -self-assertion, mutual depreciation, a stunning clamor of conflicting -boasts, and a stupendous system of brazen beggary. - -In three utopias, H. G. Wells portrays societary conditions that -are kinetic rather than static and world-wide rather than local in -scope.[X-36] While the author provides a changed economic system, -socialistic in nature, he urges that changed social attitudes are also -needed. - -In the utopian social thought that has been presented in this chapter -and in similar works which are not mentioned here there is generally -displayed (1) a common weakness of impracticability under current -circumstances, (2) an over-emphasis upon simply changing the economic -order, and (3) static rather than dynamic principles. The strength of -utopian social thought is found (1) in its drastic criticism of current -social evils, (2) in its relative harmlessness at the given time, (3) -in the force of its indirect suggestion, (4) in the widespread hearing -which it secures, and (5) in its social idealism. - - - - -CHAPTER XI - -INDIVIDUALISTIC SOCIAL THOUGHT - - -At the dawn of the Renaissance, tradition and dogmatism were ruling -mankind. Here and there, however, individuals were perceiving the -nature of the bondage. Occasionally a cry for individual freedom was -uttered. Petrarch dared to say that the world was made for man’s -enjoyment. The early Teutons crudely developed the idea of personal -liberty. In France a movement arose which culminated in the doctrines -of natural rights and “Back to Nature.” The stress upon individualism -in England became so deeply ingrained that it exists today as a -powerful form of traditionalism. The United States was founded, in -part, upon a doctrine of natural rights. - -Absolutely unlike Sir Thomas More in many ways, Niccolo Machiavelli -(1469–1527), an Italian contemporary, broke with tradition and received -the sobriquet, the Galileo of social science. Unfortunately, many -people think of the Italian writer in terms of the adjective which -bears his name, Machiavellism, or political intrigue. While he deserves -this reputation, he also should be considered in another light. He cut -loose from the customary ways of thinking of his time and asserted -that it is not necessary to take all things on fiat or alleged -divine decree. Although this may be dangerous doctrine, it serves a -useful and constructive purpose when people are ruled by political -and ecclesiastical autocrats. Machiavelli was no idealist in the -accepted sense of the term, but a man who mixed with people, traveled -extensively, and studied actual conditions. He declared that people -should be considered as they are, and not according to false teachings -about them. - -A century before the time of Sir Francis Bacon, the inaugurator of the -so-called inductive or scientific method of study, Machiavelli was -observing human conditions and upon the basis of these observations -was drawing conclusions. He believed that it does not pay to be guided -in one’s conduct by abstract ethics or impracticable ideals--and said -so, in an age when imprisonment, exile, or death awaited anyone who -opposed the autocratic authorities. From abstract ethics, Machiavelli -swung to the extreme of concrete expediency. He lived and thought in -the exigencies of the moment. He is an example of one who reacts so -strongly against the stress and strain of the hour that he cannot -get the larger vision that is necessary for balanced thinking on -fundamental issues. - -Machiavelli wrote on the subject of leadership and government. -He advocated either an autocratic or democratic form of -government--according to the conditions of the time and place. In the -_Prince_ he described with noteworthy accuracy the traits and methods -of a leader whose constituents must be treated with absolute authority. -In the _Discourses_ he dealt with a democratic-republican type of -leadership and control. - -The succesful prince, or leader, in the selfish sense, makes himself -both beloved and feared by his people.[XI-1] On occasion he uses -force and even fraud. Sometimes he must either exterminate or be -exterminated. He must repeal or suppress old laws and make new ones to -fit the social situation. He seeks to be considered merciful rather -than cruel. He exercises universal pity in order to prevent social -disorders from occurring and producing rapine and murder.[XI-2] He -does not allow his mercy to be taken advantage of by ungrateful and -hypocritical persons. He is strong-minded; he is either a sincere -friend or a generous foe. He is paternalistic, urging that his -subjects be well-fed and have a good livelihood,[XI-3] thus gaining -and maintaining the affection of the people. In international affairs -he acts with a strong hand, fortifying well his city or nation, and -providing good laws for internal growth.[XI-4] He errs grossly, -however, in his fundamental philosophy that any plan or action that is -for the welfare of the state, or nation, considered as a supreme unit -of authority in itself, is morally sound. - -Sir Francis Bacon, whose contribution to utopian social thought -has been indicated in the foregoing chapter, placed all social and -sociological thinkers under deep obligations by his emphasis upon -inductive reasoning. He helped to free the individual from control by -dogma and superstition. He provided the individual with a technique -for securing a new sense of individual freedom. In freeing himself -the individual discards his irrational pre-judgments, whether -socially inherited or individually developed. He protects himself -from anthropomorphic judgments, i. e., from judgments which he makes -because he looks upon life and the universe through human eyes. These -pre-judgments are common to all mankind--they are “the idols of the -tribe.” On the other hand, the individual avoids purely personal -preferences, which he is likely to hold because of his own peculiar -experiences, and which thus place him outside the pale of common -experience--these are “the idols of the cave.” - -Then there are “the idols of the forum,” which cause the individual to -give undue dependence to words and language. “The idols of the theater” -are traditional systems of thought. Bacon’s dictum has been stated as -follows: Get as little of yourself and of other selves as possible in -the way of the thing which you wish to see. - -Having eliminated human predispositions, the individual is ready to -gather facts, arrange them in groups, draw conclusions from them, and -act according to the resultant laws. Knowledge gives power.[XI-4] -Social knowledge gives power to improve human conditions and makes -possible wise social control. Thus, Bacon opened the road to individual -freedom. - -Too much individual freedom, however, destroys government and the -social order. If each individual is a law unto himself, anarchy reigns -and progress is prevented. Consequently, the question arises: How can -individually free persons unite in a society without giving up their -freedom? The answer to this question took the form of a controversy on -the subject of the social contract, i. e., the contract or agreement of -individuals, as units, to form and maintain societies. This controversy -arose in the seventeenth century and was waged vigorously in the -eighteenth century. - -Thomas Hobbes (1588–1678), the distinguished social philosopher of -England, introduced his analysis of society with the idea that man was -originally self-centered, egoistic, and pleasure-loving. He was an -independent center. His interest in other people was based on their -ability to cater to his own good. He and they desired the same things -in life. His hand was thus raised, in competition, against every other -man. This state of continual conflict became mutually destructive -and unbearable.[XI-5] In consequence, each individual agreed to give -over some of his precious, inalienable rights to a central authority -or sovereign, whose decrees should constitute law and serve as the -guide for conduct. The war of each against all, with the concomitant -state of fear, was thus supplanted by a mutual contract, conferring -sovereignty by popular agreement upon the ruler. In this way Hobbes met -the dilemma of supporting an absolute form of government in which he -believed and of denying the divine right of kings which he abhorred. -Hobbes performed a useful service in intellectually destroying the -idea of the divine right of kings, but urged after all an undemocratic -political absolutism. Hobbes conferred humanly derived but irrevocable -authority upon the king. He, however, traced sovereignty back to the -people rather than to a divine right. - -In getting away from the conditions “of Warre of every one against -every one” in the natural state where “every man has a Right to -everything,” Hobbes swung to an undemocratic extreme. His Puritanic -training gave an undue severity to his social thought. The Puritans, -however, believed in the complete eradication of the savage human -tendencies and also in the ultimate elimination of kings. Hobbes did -not analyze deeply the instinctive bases of human nature. He built his -_Leviathan_ out of natural human qualities and tied its units together -by means of a strong, central will--this was his perfect society. - -Baruch Spinoza (1632–1677), the Portuguese Jewish philosopher of -Holland, improved the social contract idea. He believed that man was -originally of an anti-social and a tooth-and-fang nature, possessing -only incipient social impulses. Hence, man is not naturally bad, but -naturally anti-social. Social organization was effected for purposes -of individual gain and glory; it was promulgated and furthered by -individuals in order that they might escape the miseries of unregulated -conflict. Agreements were made whereby sovereignty was embodied in a -ruler, but if the ruler abused the sovereignty entrusted to him, it -reverted immediately to the people. This democratic conception was -vastly superior to the idea of Hobbes, that sovereignty is delegated by -the people to the king as an irresponsible monarch. - -John Locke (1632–1704) strengthened the social contract theory, -elaborating the idea that sovereignty reverts to the people whenever -the king becomes a tyrant. He held that the natural state of -individuals is a condition of perfect freedom to order their actions, -not asking leave of any man.[XI-6] This state of liberty is not -a state of license to individuals to destroy themselves or their -neighbors.[XI-7] The state of liberty has the law of nature to govern -it. Since all are equal, no one ought to harm another in his liberty or -possessions. - -Locke affirmed that men are in a state of nature until by their own -consent they join in a political society.[XI-8] In order to meet their -needs effectively, they join in societies. One of these important needs -is the preservation of property. Locke defended private property on the -ground that it is a normal expression of individuality and necessary -to individuality. - -Right and wrong are not determined by the ruler or the state; they -existed before society developed. Here the Puritanism of Locke enters. -He stressed moral values. He made the natural rights of individuals -supreme; individuals may even overturn the government and still keep -within their rights. - -Locke’s justification of revolution is his most startling doctrine. -Imagine the heart-throb of the common people who heard Locke’s -contention that the end of government is the good of mankind, that -people should not submit to tyranny, that whoever uses his force -without right and law puts himself in a state of war with those against -whom he uses it, and that in such a state the people have a right to -resist and defend themselves.[XI-9] Further, the people have a right to -act as the supreme social force and to put legislation into new forms -and into the hands of new executives. By these bold declarations Locke -created a new public opinion, and aroused new moral power in the minds -and hearts of the common people. - -By the middle of the eighteenth century the concept of individual -freedom became crystallized in the doctrines of the natural rights -of the individual, the contractual societary relationships between -independent individuals, and the _laissez faire_ principle in -governmental science. The physiocrats, who took up the ideas of natural -liberty and economic freedom, exercised a tremendous influence in -France during the three decades following 1750. Their leaders were -Quesnay, de Gournay, Condorcet, and Turgot. They believed that there -was a natural law ruling human lives, just as there is a natural law -ruling the physical world. They chafed under social restraints. Under -the natural law, every individual has natural rights, chief of which is -the right to the free exercise of all his faculties so long as he does -not infringe on the similar right of other individuals. Unlike John -Locke and other English thinkers who accepted the idea of individual -liberty, the physiocrats argued that this natural liberty could not be -abridged by a social contract. - -According to the physiocrats the chief function of governmental control -is to preserve the natural liberty of individuals. Industry and -commerce must not be governmentally regulated, for by such regulation -the rights of some men, chiefly employers, will be infringed upon. -Employees, on the other hand, who are being treated unjustly will -freely quit a harsh employer and obtain employment with considerate -masters. Thus, an unjust employer will be unable to secure workers -and be forced to discontinue his unjust practices--without government -regulation. Likewise, a dishonest merchant will lose his customers and -be forced to become honest or to close his shop--and again without -government regulation. The physiocrats became known by their famous -phrase, _laissez faire, laissez passer_. - -Jean Jacques Rousseau (1712–1778), an able but baffling character, -is the best known champion of the social contract idea. Although he -advocated the family as a social institution and praised fatherhood, -he reports that he carried his own children to a foundling asylum. -He deprecated the disintegrating elements in civilization and urged -a return to nature’s simple ways. In his chief works, the _Contrat -social_ and _Emile_, he attacked civilization vigorously. He asserted -that civilization had almost destroyed the natural rights of man. His -dictum was: Trust nature. - -According to Rousseau the early life of mankind was nearly ideal in -its simplicity and pleasantness. War and conflict were relatively -unknown. In his later writings, Rousseau modified his belief and -asserted that primitive confusion made necessary some kind of social -organization. On the other hand, it became the belief of Rousseau -that civilization generates social evils and results sooner or later -in social deterioration. Corruption in society has become notorious. -Social inequality is rampant and unbearable. “Man is born free, and -is everywhere in chains.” People have become so engrossed in the -artificialities of social life and so bewildered by its complexities -that happiness has been lost. - -Leave the individual free to carry out his own plans, untrammelled -by complex social rules, restrictions, and duties. There is no -social sanction at all; there is no authority except nature, which is -necessity. In _Emile_, Rousseau takes his two leading characters to an -island, where they live alone--happily! Liberty not authority reigns. -But Emile, who has declared for liberty as opposed to authority, -insists in his discussions of domestic relationships that “woman is -made to please man.” The “unselfish, unsocial life” of Emile and Sophie -turns out to be more than purely individualistic--it is anarchic -and sensual. Emile fails to demonstrate the merit of Rousseau’s own -theories, such as “Man is good naturally but by institutions he is made -bad,” and “Everything is good as it comes from the hands of the Author -of Nature; everything degenerates in the hands of man.” - -Slavery is wrong, according to Rousseau.[XI-11] It is a contract or -agreement, at the expense of the slave and for the profit of the -slaveholder, in which the slaveholder asserts: I’ll observe the -agreement and you will observe it--as long as it pleases me. - -Strength does not make right. Strength and moral force are not -necessarily the same. Strength may often be ironically accepted in -appearance and established in principle. By a social contract man -loses his natural liberty and gains civil and moral liberty.[XI-12] -In this connection Rousseau was simply the spokesman of a point of -view which found frequent expression in the seventeenth and eighteenth -centuries. For example, in 1635, John Winthrop, the first governor of -the Massachusetts colony, made a clear-cut distinction between natural -liberties, and civil and moral liberties. Natural liberty is liberty to -do what one lists, to do evil as well as good. Civil, or moral, liberty -is liberty under the covenant between God and man, under the political -covenants between men and men, and under the moral law. It is a liberty -to do only that which is good, just, and honest.[XI-13] - -It was Rousseau who contended that life, liberty, and the pursuit of -happiness are man’s inalienable rights. It was this doctrine which -profoundly influenced Thomas Jefferson, as evidenced in the Declaration -of Independence. Sovereignty rests not in a ruler or monarch but in the -community of people--this was perhaps Rousseau’s main contribution to -social thought. - -Before Rousseau, however, wrote the _Contrat social_, the social -contract theory had been overthrown. The writings of Montesquieu -(1689–1755) offer an elaborate analysis of social and political -processes. These analyses are similar, in some ways, to Aristotle’s -analyses of 158 constitutions. Montesquieu discussed the doctrine of -natural rights, but did not believe that the natural state of mankind -was one of conflict, in which social organization was forced as a -means of meeting the needs of individual protection. He asserted that -there was a natural, innate tendency in man toward association. In the -support of this belief, Montesquieu drew facts from the lives of the -individual members of the primitive tribes which were extant in his -day. The influence of Montesquieu was clearly inimical to the social -contract doctrine. - -In the _Esprit des lois_, Montesquieu dissected the laws of many -nations and tried to show the relations between these laws and social -and political conditions. The general implication is that laws are a -natural outgrowth of life conditions rather than of formal contractual -agreements. Hence, society is a natural evolution rather than a -contract. - -Perhaps the chief antagonist in the eighteenth century of the social -contract theory was David Hume (1711–1776), the father of social -psychology. According to Hume, the origin of society was not in a -contract arrived at by intellectual processes; it was instinctive. -Man is a social animal. At the basis of this sociability lies the sex -instinct, which resulted in the establishment of the family. The sex -instinct is strongly supported by the sentiment of sympathy, which -also is innate, and which may develop into intelligent co-operation. -Man is not entirely self-centered; he takes pleasure in other people’s -pleasures and suffers when others are in pain, or the victims of -disease, or are dying. - -Sympathy, like the sex instinct, is a genuinely fundamental element in -human nature and in society. However, the combination of sympathy and -the sex instinct is not strong enough to support the family in either -its simple or complex stages from the attacks upon it that are made by -inherent human selfishness. Hence, social and political organizations -are necessary to hold the selfish impulses and interests of mankind -in check. Intellectual control of society thus becomes necessary and -consciously recognized. Environment alone does not cause people in -a given community to act alike. It is imitation, primarily, which -operates to bring about group conformity.[XI-14] - -Man in a large measure is governed by interest. It is impossible for -men to consult their interests “in so effective a manner as by a -universal and inflexible observance of the rules of justice, by which -alone they can preserve society, and keep themselves from falling into -that wretched and savage condition, which is commonly represented as -the state of nature.”[XI-15] - -According to the contract theory, people expect protection and -security. If they meet with tyranny and oppression, they are freed from -their promises and return to that state of liberty which proceeded the -institution of government. But Hume maintained that if people entered -into no contract and made no promises, government would still be -necessary in all civilized societies. The obligation of submission to -government is not derived from any promise of the subjects.[XI-16] - -Adam Ferguson (1723–1816) wrote an _Essay on the History of Civil -Society_ and _The History of the Progress and Termination of the Roman -Republic_. He argued that social institutions and social convenience -lead to inherent sociability, and pointed out that competition and -conflict are vital to social development. Thomas Paine (1737–1809) -asserted that man is inherently social and that social organization is -a natural development. - -The natural rights theory and the resultant individualism not only -repudiated their false derivative, the social contract concept, but -also wrestled with considerable success with the socio-economic concept -of mercantilism. Mercantilism was a system of regulating industrial -enterprise by governments in order to build up strong nation-states. -Mercantilism reached its strictest form in France in the writings of -Colbert (1619–1683). It prevailed in Europe during the sixteenth and -seventeenth centuries, and the first four decades of the eighteenth -century. It was a system which grew out of feudalism and the city-state -type of society. It operated to bring together towns and cities into -national unities. Under feudalism, the town had regulated industry for -its own advancement and against the welfare, perchance, of neighboring -towns. Mercantilism served to unite towns and to create in townspeople -a national loyalty. - -Under mercantilism, the nation entered upon the task of regulating -industry and finance so as to build a strong state. A favorable balance -of trade was sought in order to add to the bullion within the state. -High tariffs were enacted, which sometimes defeated the intended -purposes. A dense population was favored as a means of securing cheap -labor, and hence of furthering manufacture, which in turn would develop -foreign trade and bring in the coveted bullion--the heralded strength -of a nation. - -In the eighteenth century, mercantilism in France and England met -defeat in the contest with the _laissez faire_ theory, with which the -names of the physiocrats and of Adam Smith are inseparably connected. -It often fathered too stringent regulations. Instead of supporting -national ends, mercantilistic measures frequently furthered private -interests. Mercantilism, however, played a strong part in building up -the concepts of national unity and loyalty. - -In the German states and Austria, cameralism represented the ideas for -which mercantilism stood in England, France, and elsewhere in Western -and Southern Europe. Among the leading cameralists were Seckendorf, -Horing, Justi, and Sonnenfels. Cameralism obtained a far deeper hold -upon the German states than mercantilism did, for example, in England. -The _laissez faire_ philosophy was never able to make a deep inroad -upon cameralism. In fact, the _laissez faire_ philosophy did not -receive serious consideration in the German states before 1800, and -did not strike deep. National self-sufficiency, paternalistic control, -minute regulation of internal affairs, rearing of large families, and -subordination of the welfare of the state--these are the concepts which -ruled in Germany. - -Adam Smith (1723–1790), primarily an economist and often referred -to as the father of political economy, exerted a profound influence -upon social thought. He coupled a modified natural rights theory -with a doctrine of sympathy; he spoke for the natural rights of the -individual, of the poorer classes in society, and of the smaller -nations. He vigorously attacked mercantilism with its system of -minute regulation of individuals. He objected to promoting unduly -the interests of one class of men in a country, for by so doing, the -interests of all other classes in that country and of all persons in -all other countries are harmed.[XI-17] He pointed out the fallacy of -building a nation of shopkeepers, for in so doing the government of -such a nation will be unduly influenced and controlled by the interests -of shopkeepers. The interests of other classes will be more or less -ignored. Adam Smith protested against Great Britain’s methods of -regulating the American colonies. To prohibit the American colonies -from making all they could of every part of their own produce or from -employing their stock and industry in the way that they judged most -advantageous to themselves, was “a manifest violation of the most -sacred rights of mankind.”[XI-18] - -Mercantilism made use of monopoly of one kind or another, and hence -is objectionable, according to Smith. Mercantilism is regulation, -and regulation is often carried on for the benefit of the rich and -powerful, thus neglecting and oppressing the poor.[XI-19] Smith failed -to note, however, that the _laissez faire_ policy likewise favored the -rich and powerful and neglected the poor. Mercantilism, according to -Smith, considers production and not consumption as the end of industry -and commerce, and thus favors one class at the expense of other classes. - -“Wherever there is great property,” said Smith, “there is great -inequality.” For every very rich man there must be at least 500 poor -men, and the affluence of the few supposes the indigence of the -many.[XI-20] But no society can be flourishing and happy wherein the -greater part of the members are poor and miserable.[XI-21] The laboring -men should have “such a share of the produce of their own labor as to -be themselves tolerably well fed, clothed, and lodged.” Poverty does -not prevent the procreation of children, but is on the other hand -extremely unfavorable to the rearing of children.[XI-22] - -Smith pointed out four causes of social inequality:[XI-23] (1) -Superiority in personal qualifications, such as strength, beauty, -agility of body; or wisdom, virtue, prudence, justice, fortitude, -moderation of mind. (2) Superiority of age and experience. (3) -Superiority of fortune. Riches give social authority; riches possess -power to buy. (4) Superiority of birth, based on family prestige. - -Smith extolled the merits of division of labor in industry with the -resultant increase in the quantity of work. There are three sets of -causal circumstances:[XI-24] (1) the increase of dexterity; (2) the -saving of time in passing from one kind of work to another; and (3) -the invention of a large number of machines. Smith, however, deplored -the deadening effect upon the individual of repeating over and over -a simple process, hundreds or thousands of times daily. In summary, -Adam Smith (1) applied the concept of natural rights to industrial -conditions; (2) developed Hume’s concept of sympathy into a theory of -mutual aid between individuals, classes, and nations; and (3) supported -the necessity of division of labor. - -The natural rights and social contract theories affected in one way -or another the thinking not only of the men who have already been -considered in this chapter, but also of many other individuals. -Blackstone (1723–1780) held that man’s weakness in isolation led to -association. The primary group was the patriarchal family. Blackstone -was not an advocate of social regulation. His exposition of English law -in the _Commentaries_ stood for law itself, and became the bulwark at -once of the doctrines of individual rights and property rights in both -England and the American colonies. In the United States, its influence -remained dominant for more than a century after the founding of the -republic. - -Although Edmund Burke (1729–1797) believed in a corporate unity of -society, he became in his century the chief spokesman of humanity for -humanity’s sake. He pleaded for justice for and conciliation with the -American colonies; he spoke for the benighted Hindus who were being -plundered by English stockholders; and he championed the rights of -slaves. He failed, on the other hand, to appreciate the struggles of -the French people which culminated in the French Revolution. - -Immanuel Kant (1724–1817) declared man in a natural state is both -social and unsocial and referred to the “unsocial sociableness” of man. -“Man cannot get on with fellows and he cannot do without them.” Man has -an inclination to associate with others and also a great propensity -to isolate himself from others. He wishes to direct things according -to his own ideas and thus courts resistance and conflict. It is this -conflict, however, which leads to individual advancement. - -Kant laid great stress upon a good will.[XI-25] The individual may have -intelligence and sagacity, power and wealth, but he may still be a -pernicious and hurtful member of society. He is not even worthy to be -happy unless he possesses a good will. A man’s will is good not because -of the end he seeks nor because of the results of his activities but -because he inherently wills the good. It is this “good will” of Kant -which is in conflict with the utilitarianism of Bentham and Mill, and -also with modern behavioristic psychology and objective sociology. To -Kant, morality is subjective. Social laws may regulate and control -man’s conduct but they cannot control his motives. - -Johann Fichte (1762–1814) joined with Kant in the interpretation of a -good will. He held that property is essential to the development of -freedom. However, he pushed the social contract idea to an extreme and -developed a doctrine of an idealistic state socialism, including the -superiority of Germany among the nations of the world. - -Hegel (1770–1831) supported cameralism by developing the State idea, -with the implication that Germany would become the supreme State in the -world. Hegel even asserted that man has his existence and his ethical -status “only in being a member of the State.”[XI-26] Morality is not a -matter of striving independently to realize one’s inner self, but of -living in accord with the traditions of one’s State. - -Perhaps the individual rights theory never manifested a greater -aberration than in the mind of Friedrich Nietzsche (1844–1900). Power -is supreme. The individual or the nation with the greatest power has -the greatest right to live. Against this idea or the expressions of -this idea, the weaker individuals tend to combine and to extol their -weaknesses as virtues, even building a religion out of these glorified -weaknesses, for example, Christianity. Nietzsche’s doctrine of the -superman and the superstate will be discussed in Chapter XXI. - -Closely related to the discussions concerning natural rights and the -social contract is the doctrine of utilitarianism, a modified form -of individualism with certain objective standards. Jeremy Bentham -(1748–1832) made utilitarianism well-known, and particularly the -standard: The greatest good of the greatest number. In accordance with -a formal idea of social change, Bentham urged that social improvements -be made by legislation. He demanded objective standards as opposed to -Kant’s emphasis on the inner motive. Where Kant accented the “how” of -conduct, Bentham insisted on the “what” of conduct. He pointed out -the need for improved forms of government, apparently ignoring or at -least greatly underestimating the fact that real progress comes chiefly -through modifying organic processes. However, Bentham may be rated a -virile social reformer, for he strongly advocated such measures as the -secret ballot, woman suffrage, trained statesmancraft. He made social -welfare a main goal. - -The doctrine of utilitarianism was carried forward by James Mill -(1773–1836) and was brought to its highest fruition by the son, John -Stuart Mill (1806–1873). The elder Mill contended that utility is -morality. Like Bentham the elder Mill urged many social reforms. - -John Stuart Mill adopted a modified form of the natural rights theory. -He asserted that the individual should have all the rights that he -can exercise without infringing upon the equal rights of other -individuals. Mill recognized a gradation in the pleasures which satisfy -individuals. He declared that it is better to be a man dissatisfied -than a pig satisfied; he objected to the prevailing classification of -people on the basis of poverty and wealth, and urged the substitution -of standards of personal worth, honor, and true leadership as bases for -social classification. - -Sir Henry Maine (1832–1888) invented the phrase: From status to -contract. He applied this phrase to a program of social welfare. There -are many illustrations, he pointed out, in business and industrial -life, and even in political and fraternal activities where people -make social contracts. The marriage contract also has many of the -characteristics of a genuine social contract. Maine pushed the social -contract idea to its furthest practical point; but deprecated the -possibility that the masses might come into power. His individualism -deprived him of a faith in the possible social development of the -uneducated. - -Herbert Spencer, whose ideas will be discussed more extensively in a -subsequent chapter, became one of the chief exponents of the doctrine -of _laissez faire_ in governmental matters. He brought a vast reading -knowledge and able arguments to the support of individualistic -doctrines. He added very little that was new to individualistic and -_laissez faire_ theories although he was at one time perhaps their -leading exponent. One of his chief contributions to social thought -was indirect and unintentional, namely, the way in which his writings -challenged the attention of an American paleontologist, Lester F. -Ward, and led him to point out the psychical nature and hence telic -possibilities of civilization. In consequence of this challenge Spencer -fell, and Ward rose to the rank of dean of American sociologists. An -entire chapter will be devoted to the sociology of Lester F. Ward. - -William G. Sumner (1840–1910) was the last noted champion of a -governmental _laissez faire_ doctrine. He held that the State owes -nothing to anybody except peace, order, and the guarantee of rights. -It is not true that the poor ought to care for each other, and that -the churches ought to collect capital and spend it for the poor; it is -not true that if you get wealth you should support others; and that -if you do not get wealth others ought to support you. In a society -based on contract there is no place for sentiment in public or common -affairs.[XI-28] Every individual will develop the self-reliance of -a free person, if he is not taught that others will care for him in -case he fails to care for himself. Sumner spoke vigorously as well as -harshly in support of liberty, contract, and private property. Although -he took an extreme and untenable position his ideas will bear careful, -unbiased study, for they contain a large amount of common sense. His -ethnological work will be indicated at some length in another chapter. - -A noteworthy statement which has come from a current American school -of legal thinkers concerning individualistic social thought, is found -in the writings of Professor Roscoe Pound of Harvard Law School. In -“A Theory of Social Interests” he has summed up the new point of -view.[XI-29] In the last century all interests were thought of in terms -of individual interests, all were reduced to their purely individual -elements and considered as rights. - -In this century, Dean Pound indicates that law, for example, aims -primarily to conserve some general social interest. It conserves the -social interest in the general security, that is, in public health and -in peace. It conserves the social interest in institutions,--domestic, -religious, political. It conserves the social interest in natural -resources, preventing the waste of oil and gas and protecting water -rights. It conserves the social interest in general progress, in -economic, political, cultural progress, although its main contribution -in other fields, such as promoting the esthetic interests, are yet to -be made. It conserves the social interests in individual life and in -seeing that people live humanly and that the will of the individual -is not trodden upon. Legal processes have thus become types of social -engineering. - -The doctrine of natural rights reached its largest degree of acceptance -in England, France, and the United States. It was not only reflected -in the thought of Thomas Jefferson but in the fundamental principles -upon which the United States was established. It suffered an aberration -in the form of the social contract theory which in its extreme forms -was later repudiated. Its greatest weakness was the exaggerated form -which it assumed, especially in England and the United States. In the -latter country it became greatly magnified through contact with the -spirit of discovery, invention, and pioneering which prevailed for over -a century. Consequently, it dominated the thought life of the United -States throughout the nineteenth century. It permitted captains of -industry to exploit the helpless masses, and encouraged politicians -to pursue selfish practices until governments became honeycombed with -graft. It nearly capsized the good Ship of State--Democracy. - -Theories of natural rights have been supplanted by considerations -of natural needs, both individual and social. Human needs are now -considered the only imperatives, but even they are relative and -changing. - - - - -CHAPTER XII - -MALTHUS AND POPULATION CONCEPTS - - -A unique and distinctive trend in social thought with important -sociological implications developed in the closing years of the -eighteenth century, namely, Malthusian thought regarding population. -Malthusianism, however, was preceded by the ideas of William Godwin -and Adam Smith. In 1775, Adam Smith had stated that “every species -of animals naturally multiplies in proportion to the means of their -subsistence, and no species can ever multiply beyond it.”[XII-1] -Scanty subsistence, however, destroys a large percentage of offspring. -Inasmuch as men, like all other animals, multiply naturally in -proportion to the means of their subsistence, food is always, more -or less, in demand; and food, or the cost of living, regulates -population.[XII-2] City people must depend upon the country for their -subsistence, whereas seaport towns can command food resources from all -parts of the earth. - -The population ideas of William Godwin (1756–1836) were the immediate -stimuli which set Malthus at work. In 1793, Godwin’s _Enquiry -Concerning Justice_ was published. Godwin elaborated several radical -social ideas of the French Physiocratic philosophers. He declared -that human misery is caused by coercive institutions. Government, -he asserted, is an evil and should be abolished. He urged also the -abolition of strict marriage relations, although he personally -acquiesced in the custom and in his last days he commended marriage. -He thought that no social group should be larger than a parish, and -that there should be an equal distribution of property. Godwin thus -carried the doctrine of natural rights to the verge of anarchy and -licentiousness. His ideas furnished a basis for the nineteenth century -experiments in communism. But what is more important, Godwin’s ideas -regarding the reconstruction of society stimulated Thomas Malthus, -who developed what is commonly known as the Malthusian doctrine of -population. - -In 1798, under an assumed name, Thomas Robert Malthus (1766–1834) -offered to the world the first carefully collected and elaborated body -of data, dealing with what he called _the_ social problem, namely: -What is the underlying cause of human unhappiness? This study may be -counted, in a sense, the beginning of modern sociological study. Early -in life Malthus showed an interest in social questions. Godwin’s ideas -had centered Malthus’ attention on population. Malthus’ well-known -treatise entitled, _An Essay on the Principle of Population as it -Affects the Future Improvement of Society_, undertook two important -tasks: (1) To investigate the causes that have impeded the progress of -mankind toward happiness, and (2) to examine probabilities of a total -or partial removal of these causes.[XII-3] - -Among both plants and animals there is a constant tendency to reproduce -numerically beyond the subsistence level. Wherever there is liberty, -this power of increase blindly asserts itself. Afterwards, a lack of -nourishment and of room represses the superabundant numbers.[XII-4] -It appears, therefore, that the ultimate check to population is lack -of food, due to the fact that population increases faster than food -supply. Nature, in other words, sets a harsher law over the increase -of subsistence than she does over the birth rate. Man fails to take -cognizance of this law and brings untold misery upon himself. The lower -economic classes are the chief victims, and the giants of poverty -and pauperism rule over whole sections of human population. Malthus -considers the question of population the fundamental social problem. - -Since population outruns food supply, dire human consequences -naturally follow. Food supply, as a check upon population, operates -harshly; it is but representative of an entire series of rigorous -natural, or positive, checks upon population. In this list there are -unwholesome occupations; forms of severe labor; extreme poverty; -damp and wretched housing conditions; diseases, epidemics, plagues, -poor nursing; intestine commotion, martial law, civil war; wars of -all forms; excesses of all kinds.[XII-5] These positive checks upon -population are the results of two main causes, namely, vice and misery. -As a result of the operation of these factors, population is being -continually cut down and kept near the mere subsistence plane. - -Malthus pointed out another check upon population, the preventive. -The fear of falling into poverty causes many young people to postpone -marriage until they can safely marry--economically. This check so -far as voluntary is peculiar to man and, to the extent that it is -not followed by irregular sex gratification, is prudential. The -actual pressure of population upon food supply, or the fear of this -impingement, prevents people from marrying earlier than they do and -from reproducing their kind faster than they would do otherwise. This -pressure, or the fear of it, cuts down the marriage rate in times of -economic depression. But let prosperity come and the marriage rate -leaps upward, especially among the poorer classes. - -The positive and preventive checks upon population hold a definite -relation to each other. “In every country where the whole of the -procreative power cannot be called into action, the preventive and the -positive checks must vary inversely as each other.”[XII-6] That is to -say, when positive checks, such as famine and war, slay large numbers -of people, moral restraint is diminished and the population numbers -rapidly increase. When the preventive check expresses itself strongly, -the population is kept down numerically, and positive checks, such as -famine or even war, are defeated. - -Malthus attempted to establish three propositions: - -(1) The limitation of population by the restriction of the means of -subsistence. - -(2) The invariable increase of population whenever the means of -subsistence increase, unless prevented by powerful checks. - -(3) The factors which keep population on a level with the means of -subsistence are all resolvable into three: moral restraint, vice, and -misery.[XII-7] - -No one can gainsay the importance or the seriousness of the problem of -population. Plato wrestled with it, and urged that procreation when it -goes on too fast or too slow should be regulated by the state--through -a proper distribution of marks of ignominy or of honor. The number of -marriages should be determined by the magistrates. - -Aristotle suggested that the ages of marriage for both sexes should be -regulated; he even advocated the regulation of the number of children -for each marriage. Additional children should be aborted. - -Malthus, however, was wiser than either Plato or Aristotle, for he -observed that the cause which has the most lasting effect in improving -the condition of the poorer classes is the conduct and prudence of -the individuals themselves.[XII-8] Malthus asserted that it is in the -power of each individual to avoid all the evil consequences to himself -and society which result from the principle of population, “by the -practice of a virtue clearly dictated to him by the light of nature and -expressly enjoined in revealed religion.”[XII-9] - -Malthus demonstrated clearly the weakness of liberal poor-laws. Give -more food to the poor, and they will produce more children, and suffer -more misery. Poor-laws increase the numbers of children of the poor, -and hence increase the amount of misery. Both private benevolence and -poor-laws increase the number of marriages and of children.[XII-10] - -Education is the solution which Malthus demanded.[XII-11] Educate the -poor to postpone marriage, to keep the birth rate down, and to practice -economic thrift. To a great extent education will secure the operation -of the prudential check upon population. The science of moral and -political philosophy should not be confined within such narrow limits -that it is unable to overcome in practical ways the obstacles to human -happiness which arise from the law of population.[XII-12] - -There are factors in the population situation which did not exist -at the time of Malthus, or which he did not see. Today there are -additional preventive checks upon population, for example, the rise -of democracy in the family whereby the wife and mother no longer -is dominated by the husband and father, but has a voice of her own -regarding domestic matters, such as the number of children. Closely -related to this tendency is the feminist movement, or woman’s rights -movement, whereby women are demanding that they not be confined to -the sphere of bearing and rearing children. Increasing intelligence -and foresight has served as a powerful preventive check upon -population. The current emphasis upon luxury is inimical to the birth -rate. A higher economic status almost uniformly cuts down the birth -rate. Within the last score of years the new science of eugenics -has attracted widespread attention. Eugenics stresses quality of -population. It would effect a decrease in the numbers of children -born among the lower classes, among the poorer stocks, and prevent -procreation among the mentally deficient. It would increase the birth -rate among the cultured and the high grade stocks. - -Malthus appreciated the dependence of urban population upon rural -districts, but he could not foresee the degree to which cities would -grow in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The relative decrease -of agricultural labor and the proportional increase in non-agricultural -labor has thrown a burden upon the food supply which even Malthus could -not forecast. - -On the other hand, Malthus did not realize the extent to which new -countries such as the United States, Canada, Australia, Argentina would -contribute to the world’s means of subsistence. He could not predict -the way in which invention would be applied in solving agricultural -problems, and how today one man with improved machinery and intensive -methods can produce a hundred ears of corn where one was produced a -century ago. Nevertheless, the “new country” argument against Malthus’ -principle of population is ultimately fallacious, for new countries -soon become old, the supply of new countries becomes exhausted, and -there is even a limit to soil productiveness. The very pressure of -population against means of subsistence is, however, a cause of -inventiveness, so that unanticipated increases in food supply may occur -at any time. - -Socialism has criticized Malthus severely. Socialism holds that at -a given time the food supply is sufficient to meet human needs but -that it is poorly or unjustly distributed. With just distribution of -the returns from industry, food supply would not impinge strongly on -population. But socialism might greatly endanger the prudential check -on population, and hence result in an increased birth rate; which in -turn would more than balance any release from human misery that a just -distribution of the returns from industry would effect. - -Another point which Malthus did not observe is that the increase in -technical skill which comes with vocational education is overcome by -the tendency of the world’s population to overtake the world’s food -productiveness. With increase in population, the price of land rises, -the rent for land increases, the cost of living mounts upward, and the -purchasing power of the dollar, or its equivalent, declines. - -Some of the followers of Malthus have advocated birth control as an -artificial means of regulating population. Birth control prevents by -physical means the birth of children. It is a useful weapon against -sexually brutal husbands. It does not provide for self control or moral -control of the sexual impulses. It encourages rather than controls -gratification of the sexual desires. By it a gain is made in protecting -helpless women and in cutting down the birth rate among the lower moral -classes, whether wealthy or poor, but the gain is more than lost by the -opportunity which birth control gives to the irregular gratification of -sexual impulses and by the resultant weakening of moral fibre. - -Thomas N. Carver, whose work will be referred to again in subsequent -chapters, has developed an interesting population theory which is -partly Malthusian.[XII-13] The increase in population from both -immigration sources and the birth rate should be cut down, thereby -decreasing the percentage of unskilled labor. Further, persons should -be trained out of the unskilled group into the skilled group and then -into the _entrepreneur_ class. Thus, by greatly decreasing the number -of unskilled laborers and by increasing the number of entrepreneurs, -wages will advance and profits will be increasingly subdivided. The -poor will become well-to-do, and poverty as it is now known will -tend to disappear. This theory underestimates the importance of -psychological motives and of social attitudes under a system where a -marked degree of competition is encouraged. - -In conclusion, it may be stated that the principle of population as -given by Malthus is fundamental to an understanding of the problems -of social progress.[XII-14] There is a positive relation between -population and means of subsistence. Positive and preventive checks -upon population are continually at work. Moral restraint and self -control, based on scientifically devised human laws, create a better -moral fibre than birth control. The quality of personality is far more -important than mere numbers of population. The struggle for quality in -personality must be supplemented by justice in industrial and social -processes before the population problem can be solved. - - - - -CHAPTER XIII - -COMTE AND POSITIVE SOCIAL THOUGHT - - -An organized foundation for the field of social thought was not laid -until near the close of the first half of the nineteenth century. -At that time Auguste Comte (1798–1857) gave at least an organized -groundwork, if not a synthetic introduction to sociology. He was -the first to stake out the territory of social thought, to show -the relation of social thought to other fields of knowledge, and -to separate social statics from social dynamics. He was the first -important social philosopher, and his _Positive Philosophy_ the first -treatise roughly to outline the field of sociology. - -Auguste Comte invented the term, sociology, by which he meant the -science of human association. While he did not contribute much to -the science itself, he laid important foundation stones. He reacted -against all forms of loose thinking about man, rejected metaphysical -and theological speculations, and insisted upon the observation and -classification of social phenomena. He repudiated attempts to discover -causes of social uniformities, and coined the name, positivism, for the -philosophical system upon which he founded sociology. The bases of -positivism may be found in the ideas of Bacon, Galileo, and Descartes. -As each of these three men broke with tradition and sought observed -facts in their respective fields, so Comte was likewise prompted to do -in the field of social thought. - -Auguste Comte was born at Montpelier, France, the son of humble and -law-abiding Catholic parents. At the age of nine he displayed unusual -mental ability, a strong character, and a tendency to defy authority. -He is described as brilliant and recalcitrant. He possessed a wonderful -memory and a remarkable avidity for reading. In school he won many -prizes, and took a position of leadership among his fellow students, -who called him “the philosopher.” At the age of sixteen he was devoting -his energies and abilities to the study of mathematics. - -As a youth Comte demanded the resignation of one of his instructors, -criticized Napoleon, and disregarded both ecclesiastical and parental -authority. He especially enjoyed to point out the stupidity of his -superiors and to oppose tyranny. - -At the age of nineteen Comte made the acquaintance of Saint Simon, the -well-known socialist. The friendship lasted for only a few years, but -long enough to exert a deep influence upon the youthful mathematician. -Saint Simon (1760–1825) had indicated the need for a scientific -classification of the sciences with political science at the head of -the list, and had developed a new fraternalism under the name of _Le -nouveau Christianisme_. This system was optimistic and humanitarian, -but dreamy. Comte was dissatisfied with it, and undertook to work out a -better scheme of social analysis and organization. - -In 1822, Comte’s first important work was published. It contained -an introduction by Saint Simon, and was entitled _A Prospectus of -the Scientific Works Required for the Reorganization of Society_. It -represented an important beginning of the task on which Comte was to -spend his life. Upon the problem Comte read and worked assiduously, -save as he was interrupted by an unhappy married life and by mental -aberrations, due to overwork. He gave courses of public lectures, but -insisted upon working gratuituously. He would not accept royalties -from the sale of his books, despite the fact that he lived continually -on the verge of starvation. His friends, however, made him gifts and -established a subsidy. He insisted upon the rule that all his literary -productions should be given to the public gratuitously.[XIII-1] - -His method of composition has been commented upon by his biographers. -As a result of his unusual memory and the high degree of mental -concentration to which he attained, he was able to plan chapters and -volumes in their smallest details, and then from memory to put them -into written form. This method enabled him to secure “an extraordinary -unity of conception and organic symmetry of plan.” - -Comte manifested an unusual regard for the truth. This attitude -required him to modify and qualify statements of fundamental principles -at great length. As a result his works are often tedious reading. He -preferred, however, to write meticulously and thus to safeguard truth, -rather than speak in epigrams and sacrifice truth. - -Comte’s two leading works are: the _Positive Philosophy_ and the -_Positive Polity_. The first appeared in six volumes during the years -from 1830 to 1842. The second work, in four volumes, was published -in the years from 1851 to 1854. It is not the equal of the _Positive -Philosophy_, which was translated into English in 1853 by Harriet -Martineau. - -John Stuart Mill has referred to Comte as among the first of European -thinkers; and, by his institution of a new social science, in some -respects the first.[XIII-2] George Henry Lewes called Comte the -greatest of modern thinkers. John Morley, the English statesman and -author, says of Comte: “Neither Franklin, nor any man that has ever -lived, could surpass him in the heroic tenacity with which, in the -face of a thousand obstacles, he pursued his own ideal of a vocation.” -Harriet Martineau summarizes his methods as follows: “There can be -no question but that his whole career was one of the most intense -concentration of mind, gigantic industry, rigid economy, and singular -punctuality and exactness in all his habits.”[XIII-3] - -In laying the foundations for a new social science, Comte began with -an analysis of types of thinking. (1) Primitive and untrained persons -everywhere think in supernatural terms. They suppose that all physical -phenomena are caused by the immediate action of capricious supernatural -beings. The primitive man believes in all kinds of fetishes in -which spirits or supernatural beings live. Fetishism admitted of no -priesthood, because its gods are individual, each residing in fixed -objects.[XIII-4] - -As the mind of primitive man became better organized, fetishism -became cumbersome. Too many fetishes produced mental confusion. A -coalescence of gods resulted and polytheism arose. The polytheistic -gods represented different phases of life. This state in human thought -is well illustrated by the Homeric gods. - -But a large number of capricious divinities are mentally -unsatisfactory. They create mental contradictions. Consequently, -the gods are arranged in a hierarchy. Finally, the idea of one God, -or of monotheism, developed. The belief arose that every phenomenon -is produced by the immediate action of the one God. As man’s vision -widened and his observations increased in scope and depth, the concept -of a monotheistic universe became clarified. Monotheism is the climax -of the theological stage of thinking. - -But rationalism argues that God does not stand directly behind every -phenomenon. Pure reason insists that God is a First Cause or an -Abstract Being. Pure reason speaks in terms of inalienable rights: -metaphysical explanations, however, are unsatisfactory to the mind. - -Hence, Comte developed his concept of positivism, which is a purely -intellectual way of looking at the world. Comte held that the mind -should concentrate on the observation and classification of phenomena. -He believed that both theological and metaphysical speculations, as -he used the terms, were as likely to be fiction as truth, and that -there is no way of determining which is the case. Thus it will be more -profitable if the individual should direct his thoughts to the lines -of thinking which are most truly prolific, namely, to observation and -classification of data. - -Comte even took the position that it is futile to try to determine -causes. We can observe uniformities, or laws, but it is mere -speculation to assign causes to these uniformities. Positivism deified -observation and classification of data. Its weaknesses should not -hinder the student, however, from seeing the importance of its emphasis -upon the scientific procedure of observing and classifying data in an -age when dogmatism and speculation were rife. - -The three stages of thought which Comte described are not three levels -of thought, as Comte contended, but, as Herbert Spencer indicated, they -may represent the same plane of thinking. Each requires about the same -degree of thinking ability. Moreover, as John Fiske argued, the three -methods of approach to problems are often pursued simultaneously by -a given person. Some phenomena are explained theologically; others, -metaphysically; and others, positively. - -A second main contribution which Comte made to social thought is that -each of the three modes of thinking determines and corresponds to a -type of social organization. Speaking from the standpoint of his own -religious contacts, he declared that theological thinking leads to a -military and monarchial social organization, with God at the head of -the hierarchy as King of kings and a mighty warrior, and with human -beings arranged in a military organization. Divine sanction rules. As -expressed through the human leaders, this divine sanction must not be -questioned. Dogmatism must be meekly endured, or else its threatened -punishments will be turned loose upon helpless offenders. Divine rights -rule. - -Metaphysical thinking produces a government dominated by doctrines of -abstract rights. Natural rights are substituted for divine rights. -A priesthood is furthered. Social organization becomes legalistic, -formal, structural, without adequate content. - -Positive thinking produces practical results in the form of industrial -enterprises, and ushers in an industrial age. It inquires into the -nature and utilization of natural forces. It transforms the material -resources of the earth, and produces material inventions. - -Comte failed to postulate a fourth mode of thinking, namely, socialized -thinking, or a system of thought which would emphasize not simply -the use of natural forces, but the use of natural forces for social -ends, for the purpose of building constructive, just, and harmonious -societies, and of developing personalities who will evaluate life in -terms of the welfare of other personalities. Comte, however, should be -credited with opening the way for the rise of socialized thinking. - -A third phase of Comte’s system was his classification of the sciences, -with sociology as the latest and greatest of the group. The Greek -thinkers, it will be recalled, undertook to classify all knowledge -under three headings: physics, ethics, and politics. Bacon made the -divisions correlative to the so-called mental faculties of memory, -imagination, and reason, namely: history, poetry, and science. - -Comte chose as his principle of classifying knowledge, the order of -increasing dependence. He arranged the sciences so that each category -may be grounded on the principal laws of the preceding category, and -serve as a basis for the next ensuing category.[XIII-5] The order, -hence, is one of increasing complexity and decreasing generality. The -most simple phenomena must be the most general--general in the sense -of being everywhere present.[XIII-6] - -Comte began with mathematics, the tool of the mind. Accurate thinking -is always done in terms of mathematics. With mathematics as its chief -tool, the mind of man can go anywhere in its thinking. Mathematics -is the most powerful instrument which the mind may use in the -investigation of natural laws.[XIII-7] - -Mathematics is not a constituent member of the group of sciences. It is -the basis of them all. It holds the first place in the hierarchy of the -sciences, and is the best point of departure in all education, whether -general or special.[XIII-8] It is the oldest and most perfect of all -the sciences.[XIII-9] - -Mathematics is the science which measures precisely the relations -between objects and ideas. It is _the_ science.[XIII-10] The Greeks -had no other. Its definition is the definition of all science. Its -function is that of ascertaining relationships, a process which is -basic to scientific thinking in all fields. Education that is based on -any other method is faulty, inexact, and unreliable. It is only through -mathematics that we can understand science. - -The highest form of mathematics is calculus. There is no scientific -inquiry in which calculus is not used. Even the physician in -prescribing for the cure of a disease, must provide for the mixing -together of different quantities of different medicines, so that, -when taken at determined intervals of time, they will possess the -right qualities for bringing the human body back to its normal state. -Calculus is the branch of science which has the highest intellectual -dignity. In it the proportion of reasoning to observation is greater -than elsewhere. - -With mathematics as the tool, the classification of knowledge may -proceed. All natural phenomena fall into two grand divisions: inorganic -and organic. The inorganic are more general and should be considered -first. Inorganic phenomena are of two classes: astronomical and -terrestrial. Astronomical phenomena are the most general of all. The -stars and planets appear under the least varied aspects.[XIII-12] -Astronomy is the science by which the movements of the heavenly bodies, -including the earth, are measured. How can we thoroughly understand any -terrestrial phenomena without considering the nature of the earth and -its relation to the other units of the solar system?[XIII-13] - -Terrestrial physics includes two fields: physics proper and chemistry. -Material bodies may be regarded in either their physical or chemical -aspects. Physics is more general than chemistry; it deals with masses -rather than elements. Chemical phenomena depend upon the laws of -physics, without being influenced by them in turn. Chemical action is -conditioned by the laws of weight, heat, electricity. The study of -inorganic phenomena thus falls under three scientific heads: astronomy, -physics, and chemistry. - -Organic phenomena include two types: individual and group. The first -refers to the function and structure of all individual forms in the -plant and animal worlds. It is general physiology, or, in modern -terms, biology. It involves the study of all life and the general laws -pertaining to the individual units of life. - -Biology rests on chemistry, because it is in chemistry that all -reliable knowledge about nutrition or secretion is found. Biology is -indebted to physics for knowledge concerning the weight of, temperature -of, and related facts about living organisms. Biological laws are -partially determined by astronomical factors. If the earth were to -rotate faster than it does, the course of physiological phenomena would -be accelerated, and the length of life would be shortened.[XIII-14] -If the orbit of the earth were to become as eccentric as that of a -comet, changes of a fatal nature would occur to all life on the earth. -If there were no inclination of the earth’s axis, the seasons would -be unknown, and the geographical distribution of living species would -be vastly different from the present situation. All accurate work -in biological studies is mathematical in character. Thus biology, -the science of organic phenomena, is dependent on all the preceding -divisions on the scale of knowledge. - -The study of gregarious or associative life is a special field. -Comte called this science social physics, and for it invented the -specific term, sociology. It rests in turn upon biological, chemical, -physical, astronomical knowledge and uses mathematics as its tool. -Comte virtually defines six sciences: mathematics, astronomy, physics, -chemistry, biology, and sociology. He treats of transcendental biology, -which is the basis of modern psychology. Comte urged that no science -could be effectually studied without competent knowledge concerning -the sciences on which it depends. It is necessary not only to have a -general knowledge of all the sciences but that they should be studied -in order--this is Comte’s dictum to the student of sociology. Comte -insisted that one general science could not develop beyond a given -point until the preceding science has passed a given stage. - -Each of the six general sciences has passed through the three stages -of thought. Mathematics, which has advanced furthest into the positive -stage, is still connected with superstition, such as that which hovers -round the number 13. The other general sciences are less further along. -Sociology, the latest science to develop, Comte hoped by his works to -push over into the positive stage. - -Comte divided sociology, or social physics, into social statics and -social dynamics. Social statics is the study of the laws of action -and reaction of the different parts of the social order, aside for -the time being from the general social movements which are modifying -them.[XIII-15] Social dynamics considers the laws of progress. Social -statics inquires into the laws of co-existence of social phenomena; -social dynamics examines the laws of social succession. Sociology is -the study of social organization and of social progress. - -Society is in a state of anarchy. Individuals with the best of purposes -are continually weakening the efforts of each other. Powerful persons -are crushing the weak. The defeated are conniving against the strong. -Why all this social anarchy? To Comte the answer is clear. Behind moral -and social anarchy there is intellectual anarchy. People do not have a -knowledge of the fundamental laws of social order and social progress. - -Moreover, people fail to appreciate the necessity of knowledge of -social laws. They are insensible to the value of sound social theory. -They want nothing but the “practical,” unmindful of the fact that the -“practical” is as likely to be based on incorrect social theory as upon -sound social conceptions. - -The necessity of fundamental concepts concerning society underlies -social organization. In the absence of these general ideas, there -is “no other daily resource for the maintenance of even a rough and -precarious social order than an appeal, more or less immediate, to -personal interests.”[XIII-16] In the absence of a moral authority, the -material order requires the use of either terror or corruption; the -latter is less inconvenient and more in accordance with the nature -of modern society.[XIII-17] Moreover, politicians and other public -men work against the elaboration of the social theory which is -necessary for the salvation of society. They sneer at the development -of social science. Many of those who occupy the chief political -stations regard with antipathy the true reorganization of society. -Social principles are not even sought. On the other hand, social -charlatanism attracts by the magnificence of its promises and dazzles -by its transient successes. Comte deplored attempts to re-make society -through institutionalism, regardless of social theory. He stressed -the fundamental importance of social principles as the only means -of guaranteeing a correct institutional procedure. As a practical -principle of social adjustment, Comte endorsed the Catholic ideal: In -necessary things, unity; in doubtful things, liberty; in all things, -charity. - -Comte protested vigorously against materialism. He pointed out that for -three centuries the best minds had been devoted to material science and -had neglected societary problems.[XIII-18] Material institutions should -be modified and made to harmonize with the underlying laws of social -evolution. A moral reorganization of society must precede and direct -the material and political reorganization.[XIII-19] - -Social improvement is a result of mental development. This development -favors the preponderance of the noblest human tendencies. Prevision -and science when applied to society will bring out the best phases of -human nature, and thus result in social improvement. Although the lower -instincts will continue to manifest themselves in modified action, -their less sustained exercise will debilitate them by degrees.[XIII-20] - -The three chief causes of social variation result from, first, race; -second, climate; and third, political action in its whole scientific -content. The first and second factors cannot be changed greatly, but -the political influences are wide open to modification by social -prevision. In this connection sociology finds its manifestation. - -With the development of society, intellectual activity and -gregariousness slowly overcome the preponderance of the affective -over the intellectual phases of life. But even in the best natures -the personally affective elements are more powerful than the social -affections. Real intellectual development, however, will strengthen -man’s empire over his passions, refine his gregariousness, and release -his energies for social activities. - -Comte makes the family the social unit. Man cannot live in isolation, -but the family can survive by itself.[XIII-21] The striking -characteristic of domestic organization is its establishment of the -elementary idea of social perpetuity, by directly and irresistibly -connecting the future with the past.[XIII-22] Family life will -always be the school of social life, both for obedience and for -command.[XIII-23] Comte failed to escape the logic of the patriarchal -family life. He did credit women, however, with being superior to men -in the spontaneous expansion of sympathy and sociality, although -inferior in understanding and reason. - -The direction of social evolution is toward further development of the -noblest dispositions and the most generous feelings, and away from the -expression of the animal appetites and the material desires.[XIII-24] -The trend is from the satisfaction of the selfish impulses to the -habitual exercise of the social impulses. Happiness depends on the -presence of new stimuli in one’s form of activity. A life of labor that -is full of constructive stimuli is after all the fittest to develop -personality. - -Comte was the friend of popular education.[XIII-25] He based his -contention on the invariable homogeneity of the human mind. The minds -of people of all races are potentially similar. All members of the race -are capable of development to a common plane. - -In his _Positive Polity_, Comte made important changes in his thinking. -This work was the product of his later years, and shows the effects -of deprivation and struggle. It is inferior in quality to his earlier -treatise on _Positive Philosophy_. It is a question, therefore, how -far his later ideas should be permitted to supersede his thinking -when he was in his prime. In his later thought-life he receded from -his emphasis upon the intellectual nature and stressed the importance -of the affections. He made affection the central point of life and -developed the concept of love. We tire of thinking and even of acting, -he asserted, but we never tire of loving.[XIII-26] - -The Comtean ideal became a disinterested love of mankind. Comte -developed a religion of humanity. His contact with Christianity gave -him the belief that it is chiefly ecclesiastical. He did not see in -Christianity a social keynote. Hence, he attempted to create a purely -social religion. He made mankind an end in itself; he failed to see -that human society is probably an outcropping of universal purpose. - -If we judge Comte by his own time and age, we shall see the importance -of his contributions to social thought, which were as follows: 1. -There is need for accurate thinking about society. Mathematics is the -best tool for obtaining social accuracy. 2. Comte developed positivism -with its emphasis upon observation and classification of social data. -3. Knowledge has scientific divisions, according to the principles of -increasing dependence and decreasing generality. This scale begins -with mathematics and astronomy, includes physics, chemistry, biology, -in order, and ends with the social sciences, particularly sociology. -4. Sociology deals with the static and dynamic phases of human -association. 5. Comte developed a humanitarian philosophy. 6. Comte -insisted on an intellectual understanding of social processes as the -only true basis for overcoming social anarchy and for solving the -problems of society. - - - - -CHAPTER XIV - -MARX AND SOCIALISTIC SOCIAL THOUGHT - - -Socialism proper had its beginning in the second and third decades of -the nineteenth century. It developed primarily in continental Europe -and in England. Although Plato’s communism and More’s utopianism were -forerunners of socialism, the social unrest in Europe in the early -years of the nineteenth century was the direct causal factor. Socialism -also represented a reaction against the prevailing _laissez faire_ -thought regarding the evils of society and the suffering of the poorer -classes. - -Socialism began with the concepts and experiments of Saint Simon -and Fourier in France, of Robert Owen in England, and of Rodbertus, -Lassalle, Marx, and Engels in Germany. In France the movement was -carried forward by Proudhon and Blanc; and in England by the Christian -socialists, chiefly Maurice and Kingsley. In Germany, Marx maintained -the position of leadership for many decades, and finally became the -best known exponent of socialist thought in the world. - -In his _New Christianity_, Saint Simon, who was referred to in the -preceding chapter, made a unique contribution to social thought. His -thinking was not deep, or systematic, but characterized by ingenuity. -Saint Simon advocated a society in which only useful things are -produced. In this industrial order, men of science will be in control. -Saint Simon was greatly interested in the welfare of the poorest -classes. His _New Christianity_ was essentially a plea that the whole -world devote itself to the improvment of the living conditions of the -very poor. The influence which Saint Simon had upon Comte has already -been mentioned. - -Another important socialistic ideal was developed by Fourier -(1772–1837), who worked out a social system in which the _phalange_ -is the chief instrument in securing a perfect society. The phalange -is composed of from twenty-four to thirty-two groups of people. Each -group comprises from seven to nine individuals. The unifying bond is -natural attraction, or free elective love and sympathy. The members -of each phalange live communistically in a large commodious structure -called a _phalanstère_. The phalanges were to unite in one large world -federation, with headquarters at Constantinople. - -The people work according to their interests, frequently changing -occupations. The products of labor are subdivided; a minimum goes -equally to all, irrespective of any conditioning factors; of the -remainder five-twelfths goes to labor, three-twelfths to special -ability, and four-twelfths to capital. Difficult common labor is paid -the most, on the assumption that he who does pleasant labor receives -pay in mental ways. Every individual should have an opportunity to -become a capitalist; and every woman should be enabled to become -independent economically. These utopian plans of Fourier called for a -sudden and complete transformation of human nature. They underestimated -the force of human selfishness. - -Socialistic thought was carried into politics by Louis Blanc -(1811–1882). He declared that no genuine reformation of society could -take place until political machinery was organized democratically. -The democratic state would endow national workshops. These workshops -would be operated by industrial associations composed of workingmen, -who would elect their own officers, regulate their own industries, and -provide for the distribution of the returns from industry. Once started -by the state these industrial associations will expand and increase in -number until the whole nation, and then the world, will be organized in -this way. - -Blanc participated in the French Revolution of 1848 and became a member -of the provisional government. His national workshop idea failed -in practice. His enemies were partly responsible for this defeat, -because the essentials of productive work and guarantees of character -which Blanc urged were disregarded. The fact, however, that these two -essentials were considered necessary for the successful development -of national workshops indicates that the system, under average -conditions, might not be a success. - -Nearly all the early socialists were evolutionists rather than -revolutionists. They did not advocate class struggle theories. They -developed bourgeois rather than proletariat ideas. An outstanding -exception to these statements is found in the radical attitude of -Babeuf (1760–1797), who was essentially a forerunner of Marxian -socialism and also of the anarchistic philosophy of Proudhon and -Bakunin. Babeuf vigorously proclaimed the sovereignty of the -proletariat, and advocated the abolition of inheritance laws and -of private property. He urged that the property of corporations be -confiscated, and that a communistic state be established. - -The well-known principles of justice, liberty, and equality were -utilized by Proudhon (1809–1865), a philosophic anarchist. He would -have the same wages paid to an unskilled workman as to a successful -business or professional man. He predicted that equalization of -opportunity would bring about an equalization of ability. - -Proudhon attacked property rights. He declared that property is theft. -In itself property is lifeless, but it nevertheless demands rent, -interest, or profits, or all three. It protects itself behind law, and -in order to guarantee its alleged rights, it calls out the militia, -evicts families, and takes bread from the mouths of little children. It -robs labor of its just returns.[XIV-1] - -By unsatisfactory reasoning Proudhon urged the free development of -individuals in society, whereby each individual would learn to govern -himself so well in society that government would no longer be needed. -This theory is Proudhon’s concept of anarchy. In this doctrine Proudhon -neglects to provide an adequate dynamic or to foresee the ultimate -complexity of human relations. - -In England, Robert Owen (1771–1858) became a founder of socialism. As -a factory manager, Owen developed social ideas. Living in an age of -long hours, woman and child labor of the worst forms, and deplorable -housing conditions, Owen deserves the credit of inaugurating a -twentieth century program of welfare work. It was Owen’s theory that -the workingman is so subject to his environment that even his character -is determined for him. Owen attempted in theory and practice to -prevent the impingement of the economic environment upon the workers. -He believed in self-governing organizations of labor. He inaugurated -the co-operative movement as a means of securing industrial justice -and of giving the workingman a chance at the free development of his -personality. - -Owen objected to Malthus’ doctrine of population on the ground that it -failed to consider the marvelous increase in the means of subsistence -which might come from the application of inventive genius to the -sources of the food supply. He also protested against the Malthusian -argument for the restriction of population, because this argument did -not give due weight to the unjust distribution of wealth and to the -enslaving social organization to which labor is subject. - -Owen’s experiments, particularly at New Harmony, Indiana, demonstrated -that a communistic organization of society in itself cannot save -society. The strength of Owen’s social thought lay in its accentuation -of the need for providing labor with opportunities of industrial -initiative and co-operation. - -During the middle of the nineteenth century in England, the Christian -socialists flourished. The founders of this movement were Frederick -Maurice and Charles Kingsley. These men were clergymen who became -greatly interested in the welfare of the working classes. They made -clear the evils of the prevailing economic order, the formality of the -Manchester school of economics, and proposed to apply the principles of -Christianity to the economic system of the day. They opposed economic -competition. For this method they urged the substitution of the ethical -and spiritual principles of co-operation and love in industrial -relationships--for both employer and employee in all their dealings -with each other. Their socialism is essentially a vigorous application -of Christian love to every-day relationships. - -The influence of Christian socialism strengthened the experiment -of the Rochdale weavers who in 1844 had organized a consumers’ -co-operative society. The concept of consumers’ co-operation received -its original impetus from the thought and practice of Robert Owen, -achieved a measurable degree of concreteness under the efforts of the -Rochdale weavers, and through Maurice and Kingsley won the assistance -of Christianity. - -In Germany, Rodbertus, Lassalle, Marx and Engels molded the thinking of -socialists about the nature of human society. Rodbertus (1805–1875), -the son of a university professor, was a quiet, deep thinker about -social processes. According to his analysis of social development, -three stages may be pointed out. The first was marked by slavery, or -by private property in human beings. The second state is an indirect -form of the first, namely, one of private property in land and capital. -Through this type of ownership the economically fortunate or shrewd -are able to exercise widespread power over the unfortunate and the -uneducated. In the third state, toward which society is trending, -the concept of service will rule, and private property as a dominant -concept will be compelled to take a thoroughly subordinate place in -human activities. The ultimate goal, according to Rodbertus, is a world -communist society, with land and capital as national property, and with -labor rewarded according to its productiveness.[XIV-2] - -Rodbertus denied the validity of the wages fund theory and argued -that wages are not paid by capital; it is that part of the productive -earnings of labor which labor receives. His fundamental thesis is -that labor is the source and measure of all value. He advocated an -evolutionary procedure whereby the state should pass legislation that -would guarantee just returns to labor. This form of state socialism is -to be gradually developed, until a scientific socialism is reached with -its emphasis upon a government of labor, for labor, and by labor. - -The founder of Social Democracy in Germany, Ferdinand Lassalle -(1825–1864), wrote two significant treatises, the _Bastiat-Schulze_ -and the _Working Men’s Programme_. Lassalle believed that natural -conditions are productive of misery and vice, and that it is the -chief business of the state to extricate men from this thraldom. The -state should provide means for lifting the laboring man to a level of -industrial freedom. - -Lassalle objected to the theory known as the iron law of wages. He -protested against the smallness of the share of his earnings which the -laborer really receives. He advocated the establishment of productive -associations wherein labor might perform the double function of -workman and capitalist. In order that these productive associations -might be started, the state should advance funds. After the productive -associations have secured momentum they will continue by virtue of -their own strength. Ultimately, industry will be conducted exclusively -through productive associations; both industrial and social democracy -will finally rule in political life. Lassalle became the founder of -the Social Democratic party in Germany. Lassalle boldly denounced the -reactionary classes that were in political power in his time and led -the workers in a movement to overthrow the existing social order.[XIV-3] - -The name of Karl Marx (1818–1883) is supreme on the list of socialists. -Marx was born in Germany of Jewish parents, and educated at the -universities of Bonn and Berlin. He became a journalist, but the paper -which he edited was considered too liberal and was suppressed. Marx -went to Paris in 1842, where he continued editorial work. At this -time he was influenced by French socialism and its leader, Proudhon. -In 1845, he was expelled from Paris at the request of the Prussian -government. He went to Brussels. In the meantime a deep friendship with -Friedrich Engels (1820–1895) had been established. - -In 1847, Marx and Engels issued the Communist Manifesto.[XIV-4] This -radical document was circulated widely and became extensively accepted -by social revolutionists. Its doctrines were: - -1. Abolition of property in lands; rents to be used for public purposes. - -2. Abolition of all rights of inheritance. - -3. Progressive income tax. - -4. Nationalization of the means of transportation and commerce. - -5. Extension of productive enterprises by the state. - -6. Compulsory labor. - -7. Free education; no child labor. - -8. Elimination of the distrust between town and country. - -Marx returned to Germany and established the _Neue Rheinische Zeitung_ -in Cologne in 1848. Engels served as editor. Because of revolutionary -activity, Marx was forced to leave Germany in 1849. He went to Paris -and then to London, where he became a newspaper correspondent and where -he lived until his death in 1883. - -In 1859, the _Kritik der politischen Oekonomie_ was published. It -contains the essential principles of Marx’s system of thought. In 1864, -Marx found the opportunity for which he had long been seeking, namely, -to organize the workers of the world into one large association. On -September 28, in St. Martin’s Hall, Marx in the presence of a vast -concourse of people, he initiated the “International Workingmen’s -Association.” The fundamental idea was to organize the societies of -workingmen which have a common purpose, namely, the emancipation of the -working classes, into a world or international union for co-operative -purposes. The International proposes that governments shall put the -interests of the working classes to the forefront of national concern, -and subordinate the present attention they give to war, diplomacy, and -national jealousies. - -In 1869, Marx, aided by Karl Liebknecht (1826–1900), Engels and others, -organized in Germany the Social Democratic Labor Party. The movement -which Lassalle had started became united with the Marxian movement, -and in 1875 the German Social Democracy presented a united front to -capitalism. Marx, Engels, Liebknecht, and Bebel are its best-known -leaders. Bismarck was forced to acknowledge its power, and condescended -to inaugurate a system of social insurance in order to appease its rank -and file. - -In 1867, 1885, and 1895, the three volumes of _Das Kapital_ appeared, -in chronological order.[XIV-5] By this work, _Capital_, Marx is known -throughout the world. The style is laborious; the analyses are minute -and in places difficult to follow. The method is historical. Marx -analyzes social evolution. He traces the rise of capitalism from its -humble beginnings to its autocratic fruition. In this development the -instruments of capital showed a tendency to congregate in a decreasing -number of hands. By this token it will be seen that the number of the -propertyless ever increases. Likewise, their influence decreases. In -this way, the proletariat is developed, a product of capitalism. - -A definite class, the capitalist, acquires increasing industrial, -political, and social power. The proletariat suffer increasing misery. -They own nothing except their ability to labor. They are forced to -throw this human quality on the commercial market and sell it to the -highest bidder. But capitalism increases the number of the proletariat. -This tendency, together with the increase in population, creates a -superabundance of labor. Laborers are forced to compete in the labor -market. The laborers who will sell their labor for the least wages will -be employed. Capitalism thus forces wages to a mere subsistence level, -with the result that the misery and suffering of the proletariat are -greatly augmented. In this way the laborer is crushed by the operation -of the iron law of wages. - -By the operation of the iron law, the capitalist is enabled to -appropriate to himself an increasing amount of the earnings of labor. -This appropriated amount is called the surplus value. Marx developed at -length the concept of surplus value. Capitalism exploits the laborer by -taking possession of as large a proportion of the earnings of labor as -it can obtain--through its might and its shrewdness. - -The growth of capitalism, also, causes a class consciousness to develop -among the members of the proletariat. This class consciousness is -increasing. It produces labor organizations; these organizations are -acquiring vast power. The struggles between them and the capitalistic -classes go on. The two groups have little in common. By force of -numbers the proletariat are bound finally to win, and to overthrow the -capitalistic classes which are now in power. They will seize the means -of production and manage them for the good of all. - -Marx did not outline an utopia. He described the historical evolution -of society as he saw it, and he participated in plans for the -organization of all laborers for their common good. Inasmuch as Marx -advocated compulsory labor, the laboring class under Marxian socialism -would include all people. Marx advocated an equal distribution of -wealth, not in the sense of the popular misconception of that term, but -in the sense that the earnings from the industry shall be distributed -to the workers in proportion to their achievements. - -In Russia, Marxian socialism in 1918 came into power. The Bolsheviki -represent the radical wing of the Marxian followers. They established -essentially a dictatorship of the proletariat, substituting it for the -dictatorship of capitalists which existed under the reign of the czars. -Bolshevism substitutes occupation for geographic area as a basis of -representative government. This program is deficient and sociologically -untenable, because occupational groups do not encompass all phases of -human personality. A government based on occupational group needs is -representative of only a portion of the elements of human life. When -seventy-five per cent of the people are illiterate, as has been the -case in Russia, no form of government whether democratic or not can be -other than a dictatorship. - -Revolutionary socialism coincides, in part, with syndicalism, a -movement which developed in France and England. Syndicalism is a -radical form of trade unionism. It declares that workingmen cannot -hope for genuine betterment through politics. They must organize and -inaugurate a general strike. This universal strike will paralyze the -present régime and render it helpless. As a result the workers will -come into power. In the meantime, the workers must keep up a running -warfare with capitalists and the government which supports capitalism. -Sabotage is a common concept among syndicalists. It implies a program -of destroying machinery, hindering the production of economic goods, -and creating inefficiency in capitalistic industry. In both England -and the United States, syndicalism has appeared. In the United States, -the Industrial Workers of the World, or I. W. W., confess to doctrines -similar to those which have been espoused in Europe under the name of -syndicalism. The philosophic exponent of syndicalism has been George -Sorel. - -Revolutionary socialism has been paralleled in certain ways by -anarchism. These teachings first acquired force through the writings -of Proudhon. Another leading anarchist was the Russian nobleman and -military officer, Michael Bakunin (1814–1876). Although of aristocratic -birth, Bakunin became furious when he observed the human misery among -the masses which Russian autocracy was producing. He became an -agitator. He was confined in dungeons and exiled to Siberia. He escaped -from Siberia, and by way of California went to England and then to -Switzerland. His chief work is _God and the State_. Vital, vigorous, -magnetic, fearless--these are the adjectives which describe the -personality of Bakunin. - -Bakunin scorned rank, birth, and fortune. He attacked external -authority of all kinds. He denied the validity of concepts such as -“God” and the “state”; they are parts of systems which enslave the free -will of man. Classes must be abolished and the masses of individuals -freed from all enslaving institutions, such as marriage, the church, -the state. - -In a related way Prince Kropotkin (1842–1921) developed anarchistic -principles. Peter A. Kropotkin was of aristocratic Russian birth and -a person of mild, courteous manners. His father was a serf owner; the -son could not bear to see the sufferings which the serfs underwent. -He threw away the privileges of rank and became a defender of the -oppressed. He attempted to correlate the theories of anarchism -with those of mutual aid, and fought socialism with the concept of -centralized control on the ground that it would destroy individual -liberty.[XIV-6] In Chapter XXII, Kropotkin’s theory of mutual aid will -be analyzed. - -Anarchism and socialism make similar attacks upon the evils of -capitalism. Both are determined to overthrow capitalism. Both believe -in revolt. They part ways when they advocate a constructive program for -the new order which shall follow the violent overthrow of capitalism. -Unlike socialism, anarchism holds that all government is an evil and -that industry can go on without organization. It advocates a free -communism. - -One of the essentials in the Communist Manifesto was the appropriation -of rents for public purposes. Starting from a viewpoint distinctly -different from that of Karl Marx, Henry George (1839–1897) became the -founder of single tax propaganda. In early manhood Henry George came -to San Francisco and established a struggling newspaper. At once he -found himself practically overwhelmed by the brutal competition of the -metropolitan press and telegraphic news service. George was crushed by -monopoly. It was this defeat which gave him a new idea--an idea that -was to command the attention of the world. - -As George walked the streets of New York City he puzzled over the -existence of indescribable destitution and suffering in the shadow -of the princely rich with their ostentatious luxuries.[XIV-7] Why in -a land blessed with generous natural resources should there be such -poverty? Although discovery has followed discovery and invention has -followed invention, neither has lessened the toil of those who most -need respite. With material progress poverty takes on a larger aspect. -Material progress may be likened to an immense wedge which is being -forced, not underneath society, but through society. “Those who are -above the point of separation are elevated, but those who are below are -crushed down.”[XIV-8] George set himself the task of finding out why -poverty is associated with progress. - -This cause George found in the land situation. As land increases -in value, poverty increases. The price of land is an index of the -disparity in the economic conditions of the people at the extremes of -the social scale. Land is more valuable in New York City than in San -Francisco, and there is more squalor and misery in New York City than -in San Francisco. Land is more valuable in London than in New York -City, and likewise there is more squalor and destitution in London than -in New York City. - -When increasing numbers of people live in a limited area under a system -of private property in land, rents are raised and land values go up. -The cost of living mounts, wages are kept to a minimum, overcongestion -of population ensues; and again, rents and land values are increased. - -Upon what does title to land rest? Where did it originate? In force. -But has the first comer at a banquet the right to turn back all the -chairs, and claim that none of the other guests shall partake of the -food that has been provided? Does the first passenger who enters a -railroad car thereby possess the right to keep out all other persons, -or admit them only upon payment to him of sums of money? “We arrive -and we depart, guests at a banquet continually spread, spectators -and participants in an entertainment where there is room for all who -come.”[XIV-10] These illustrations are pertinent to the unjust elements -in the present economic order. - -As a result of private property in land, the owner possesses power over -the tenant, a power which is tantamount to a system of slavery. There -is nothing strange, therefore, in the poverty phenomena of the world. -The Creator has not placed in the world the taint of injustice. The -fact that amid our highest civilization men faint and die with want, -is not because of the niggardliness of nature or the injustice of the -Creator, but is due to the injustice of man.[XIV-11] Since the owner of -land receives wealth without labor to an increasing degree, so there is -an increasing robbery of earnings of those who labor. - -George attacked Malthusianism, and pointed out the deficiencies in the -proposed remedies for poverty, such as greater economy in government, -diffusion of knowledge, and improved habits of industry. He then -proceeded to give his own and well known solution, namely, making land -common property through a system of taxation of land values alone. -Since land, not labor, is the source of all wealth, it is just and -necessary to make land common property. - -The weakness of Henry George’s argument lies in his single panacea -for securing justice. He over-emphasized the importance of one line -of procedure. He neglects other important factors, such as a selfish -human nature. He rendered, however, a splendid service in showing -the weaknesses in the system of private property in land. In this -connection he has been unequaled in his contribution to social thought. - -In this discussion of the contributions of socialism to social thought, -many types or expressions of socialism have not been presented. The -educational propaganda of the Fabian socialists in England should be -mentioned as being very effective. Although small in number this group -of intellectuals, the best known being Sidney and Beatrice Webb, have -exerted a constructive and practical influence upon social thought. - -Socialism has assumed various phases. (1) It originated in utopianism -and in a loose, broad type of communism. (2) It then took the form -of associationism, urging the organization of groups of associated -individuals, such as phalanges. As utopianism was in part the -expression of a poetic imagination, so associationism represented a -bourgeois philosophy. (3) In the next place socialism assumed political -aspirations, and advocated a governmental program whereby the existing -governments shall gradually extend their power until they exercise -control over rent-producing land and interest-producing capital. (4) -State socialism, however, was supplanted in many minds by ideas of -more radical procedure. Marxian socialism holds that a class conflict -is inevitable and that the workers must overthrow the capitalists, -together with the governments which they control. (5) To the other -radical extreme is philosophic anarchism, with its emphasis upon -the abolition of all existing governments and the establishment of -individual autonomy. - -Socialism has made several contributions to social thought. (1) It has -called the attention of civilized mankind, and particularly of the -economically wealthy classes, to the needs of the weaker classes. It -has introduced humanitarian concepts into the minds of the socially -unthinking educated classes. (2) It has jolted many economic autocrats -from their thrones of power. It has thrown the spot light of publicity -upon the selfish and wicked ostentation of the hereditary leisure -classes. (3) It has held social theory to a more practical course -and to developing more immediate social solutions than it otherwise -would have achieved. (4) It has developed a power equal to that held -by individualism. It has helped to demonstrate the dualistic nature -of social evolution, that is, that there are two poles to human life -rather than one. - - - - -CHAPTER XV - -BUCKLE AND GEOGRAPHIC SOCIAL THOUGHT - - -It has long been observed that climate, fertility of soil, rainfall, -and similar factors have had a powerful influence upon human nature -and upon the development of civilization. The chief founders of this -line of thought were Buckle and Ratzel. In recent years Semple and -Huntington have become well-known authorities. Many other thinkers -have contributed to the present knowledge concerning the interactions -between geographic factors and human development. - -One of the first writers to elaborate a climatic theory of social -evolution was Bodin (1530–1596). Hot climates, he observed, further the -rise of all kinds of superstitious beliefs. Cold climates produce brute -will-power. Temperate climates constitute an essential basis for the -development of reason. In the ideal commonwealth which Bodin described, -all three types of climate are represented.[XV-1] The northern zone -furnishes the fighters and the workers. The southern zone produces -poets, priests, and artists. The temperate zone is the parent of -legislative, judicial, and scholarly leaders. - -In the _Spirit of Laws_ to which reference was made in Chapter XI, -Montesquieu accentuated the importance of environmental influences on -social processes. He attempted to show the effects of climate upon -social institutions. Montesquieu did important pioneer work in what is -now known as the field of anthropo-geography. - -By way of contrast, the attitude of Hume, whose contributions to social -psychology have already been noted, stands out sharply. According to -Hume, physical causes have no particular effect on the human mind. No -geographic factors influence either the temperament, disposition, or -ability of people. Hume was led to this extreme position by his staunch -faith in the subjective and psychological factors of human nature. - -The distinguished German scientist, Alexander von Humboldt (1769–1859), -travelled extensively throughout the world, observing the physical -geography of many lands in conjunction with the meteorological -conditions of each. At the same time von Humboldt was a careful -observer of the customs, manners, and standards of the various -peoples with whom he came in contact. In these travels and studies, -von Humboldt was careful to note relationships between soils and -civilizations. His contributions to social thought were of this -descriptive nature, based on first-hand observations in many parts of -the world. - -The writings of Henry Thomas Buckle (1821–1862) contain an extensive -and detailed explanation of the ways in which geographic and natural -factors modify human life. Buckle starts with a decidedly dualistic -universe--a dualism which is disjunctive. The dualism consists of -nature and mind, each subject more or less to its own laws. Rejecting -both the doctrine of free will and of predestination, Buckle concludes -that the actions of men are determined solely by their antecedents -and that they have a character of uniformity.[XV-2] Man modifies -nature, and nature modifies man, but in the past in many parts of the -world the thoughts and desires of men are more influenced by physical -phenomena than they influence such phenomena. Because of this dominant -activity of the physical forces, these should be studied as a basis for -understanding the history of man. - -The physical factors which have powerfully influenced men are four: -climate, food, soil, and the general aspects of nature. By the fourth, -Buckle refers to those appearances which are presented chiefly through -the medium of sight and which produce their chief results by exciting -the imagination and suggesting superstitions. The three first-mentioned -factors do not operate on the mind directly.[XV-3] - -The first effect of climate, food, and soil upon man that may be -noted is that they lead man to accumulate wealth. These accumulations -permit that degree of leisure from “making a living” which enables -some members of society to acquire knowledge. Upon these acquisitions -of knowledge, particularly of socialized knowledge, civilization -depends. This progress in the early stages of civilization rests on -two circumstances: “First, on the energy and regularity with which -labor is conducted, and second, on the returns made to that labor -by the bounty of nature.”[XV-4] Both these causes are the results -of physical antecedents. The returns which are made to labor are -regulated by the fertility of the soil. Moreover, Buckle asserted, the -energy and regularity with which labor is conducted will be entirely -dependent on the influence of climate.[XV-5] When heat is intense, men -will be indisposed and partly unfitted for active industry. Climate -also affects the regularity of the habits of laborers. In very cold -climates, the weather interferes with regular habits and produces -desultoriness. In southern countries regular labor is likewise -prevented--this time by the heat. Thus, in the early stages of -civilization the fundamental law may be stated: the soil regulates the -returns made to any given amount of labor; the climate regulates the -energy and constancy of labor itself.[XV-6] - -Of the two primary causes of primitive societary growth, the fertility -of the soil is more important than the climatic influences. It is only -where soil fertility exists that civilization can arise at all.[XV-7] -But in Europe, climate has been more effective than soil fertility. In -Europe a climate has existed which has stimulated human activities. - -Since the mental powers of man are unlimited they are more important, -once they get started, than the powers of nature, which are limited -and stationary. Man has endless capacity, through his dynamic mental -tendencies to develop the physical resources of the earth. - -The birth rate depends on food supply. In hot countries, where -less food per capita is required than in cold countries, and where -an abundance of food exists, the birth rate is very high. In cold -countries highly carbonized food is necessary, but this food is largely -animal in origin and great risk is involved in procuring it. Hence the -people of cold countries become adventuresome.[XV-8] - -By the study of physical laws it is possible to determine what the -national food of a country will be. In India, for example, the physical -conditions are decidedly favorable to the growth of rice, which is the -most nutritive of all cereals, and which, consequently, is a causal -factor in a high birth rate. - -But where there is a cheap national food, the increase in population -becomes very great. As a result, there are multitudes of people who are -able to keep just above the subsistence level. A few individuals who -understand the operation of these physical laws are able to manipulate -the multitudes in such a way as to make themselves immensely wealthy. -Since wealth, after intellect, is the most permanent source of power, -a great inequality of wealth has been accompanied by a corresponding -inequality of social and political power.[XV-9] It produces classes -and even castes. Poverty provokes contempt. Class conflict results. The -poor are ground low, murmur, and are again subjected to ignominy. Under -such conditions democracy has a hard struggle. When physical conditions -favor one class, that class will constitute itself the government and -bitterly oppose the extension of government to all other classes. In -Europe there was no cheap national food, no blind multiplication of -population, and hence no such disparity between classes as in India. In -Europe it has been easier for democratic movements to spread. - -Early civilization developed in the Euphrates valley, the Nile valley, -and in the exceedingly fertile regions of Peru, Central America, and -Mexico. Modern civilization is found largely in fertile river valleys, -such as the Thames, Seine, Rhine, Po, Danube, Hudson, Mississippi. But -in the Amazon valley, the fertility of soil has not invited the growth -of a large population. The trade winds have brought in a superabundance -of moisture, producing torrential rains, and a luxuriance of plant life -and a complexity of virile animal life which thus far have defied the -skill of man to overcome. - -The fourth physical factor which Buckle presents is the general aspects -of nature. Of these the first class excites the imagination and the -second stimulates the rational operations of the intellect.[XV-10] -In regard to natural phenomena it may be said that whatever inspires -feelings of terror, of the vague and uncontrollable, and of great -wonder tends to inflame the imagination and to cause it to dominate -the intellectual processes. Where nature is continually exhibiting its -power, man feels his inferiority. He assumes a helpless attitude. He -ceases to inquire or to think. His imagination, rather than his reason, -reigns. On the other hand, where nature works smoothly and quietly, man -begins to assert his individuality. He even essays to dominate nature -and other men. His cognition develops and his volition expresses itself -vigorously. - -All early civilizations were located in the tropics or sub-tropics. -In these regions nature is dangerous to man. Earthquakes, tempests, -hurricanes, pestilences prevail. Consequently, the imagination of man -takes exaggerated forms. The judgment is overbalanced; thought is -paralyzed. The mind is continually thrown into a frantic state. These -reactions throw human life into feeling molds, into poetic rather -than scientific forms. Religious feelings are promoted. The leading -religions of the world originated in the sub-tropical and tropical -regions of the earth. - -East Indian literature and thought illustrate the effect of nature upon -the feelings and the imagination. The works of the East Indians on -grammar, law, history, medicine, even on mathematics, geography, and -metaphysics are nearly all poems.[XV-11] Prose writing is despised. -The Sanscrit language boasts of more numerous and more complicated -metres than can any European tongue. The East Indian literature is even -calculated to set the reason of man at defiance.[XV-12] - -The imagination, for example, in India has produced an exaggerated -respect for the past; it is this situation which has led poets to -describe a Golden Age in the remote past. In the literature of India -there is recorded the statement that in ancient times the average -length of life of common men was 80,000 years. There are instances of -poets who lived to be half a million years old. - -In Greece, on the other hand, nature is more quiet and the mind of man -functioned in a reasoning way. In the North Temperate zone science -developed. “The climate was more healthy; earthquakes were less -frequent; hurricanes were less disastrous; wild beasts and noxious -animals less abundant.”[XV-13] Buckle, in other words, insists that -everywhere the hand of nature is upon the mind of man. - -The work of Buckle, the chief exponent of the influence of physical -nature upon mental man, accentuates important phases of the growth -of civilization. Buckle over-emphasized his anthropo-geographic -observations. However, they constitute a part of the whole picture of -human progress, and when seen in the light of modern mental growth and -control of environment they shrink into proper proportions. - -The field which Buckle opened has been developed extensively by -Friedrich Ratzel (1844–1904). This German scholar, traveler, and -geographer is generally credited with putting anthropo-geography on a -scientific basis. Miss Ellen Semple attempted to translate his work on -_Anthropo-Geographie_ into English, but found the German constructions -so difficult to handle accurately that it was necessary for her to put -Ratzel’s observations into her own words. She also points out in Buckle -a lack of system and an undue tendency to follow one generalization -after another. Her own _Influences of Geographic Environment_ has now -become a standard work on the ways in which physical nature affects -mankind. - -Miss Semple, following but improving upon Ratzel, has shown in turn the -influences of geographical location, area, and boundaries upon people. -She indicates the various ways in which oceans, rivers, and coast lines -have molded human minds; she distinguishes between mountain, steppe, -and desert effects upon mankind. She describes man as a product of -the earth’s surface. She stresses unduly the physical influences; she -considers nature the dominating force. Even where civilized man has -developed inventive powers and spiritual prowess, nature is given -the credit.[XV-14] Nevertheless, Miss Semple has marshalled facts in -powerful array and increased their force by literary skill. No student -or teacher can afford to neglect Miss Semple’s extensive survey of the -interactions between physical nature and human progress. - -Among the many other writers upon the relation of geographic factors -to civilization the investigations of Ellsworth Huntington are -significant.[XV-15] He has described the climatic conditions that -are most favorable to mental stimulation and growth, and then has -classified all districts of the earth according to the degree in which -they stimulate or arrest mental advance. - -In this same connection William Z. Ripley has investigated the relation -of climate to races.[XV-16] After analyzing races and distinguishing -between them and the geographic influences upon pigmentation, head, -form, stature, and other traits, mainly structural, he classifies -climatic elements in order of importance, as follows: humidity, heat, -and monotony. A high humidity, excessive heat, and long series of -sunshine or of cloudy weather produce mental enervation, stagnation, -and retrogression. - -Acclimatization of races is a very slow process, according to Ripley. -It requires centuries. Perhaps the white race can never become truly -acclimated in the tropics. Racial differences he shows are due to -environmental factors far more than is ordinarily supposed. - -In conclusion, it may be said that physical forces have operated -strongly on man. But when man has developed modern mental tools, -he has been able to escape a part of the enslaving environmental -influences. The history of the relation of geographic factors to human -progress indicates a fundamental but a proportionate decrease in those -influences. - - - - -CHAPTER XVI - -SPENCER AND ORGANIC SOCIAL THOUGHT - - -In the second half of the last century social thought passed under -biological influence. Society was discussed in terms of biological -analogies, that is, it was compared in its structure and functions -to organic life. Herbert Spencer was the leader among those writers -who attempted to analyze society in terms of biological figures of -speech. He also stressed the structural nature of society, and in -his _Principles of Sociology_ he went into great detail in giving a -historical description of social institutions. - -The Greek writers, the Hebrews before them, the founder of Christianity -made references to the likenesses between human society and plant and -animal life. Mankind has often been compared to a tree or a plant with -its manifold, evolving branches and fruit. - -Spencer’s famous organic analogies were preceded by the studies of -biologists, such as Lamarck and Darwin. Lamarck (1744–1829) argued that -by activity and use man could develop traits which would be transmitted -by inheritance. Although this theory has been undermined by Weismann, -it served as a basis for the further study of the biological laws of -human evolution. - -The thought of Charles Darwin (1809–1882) upon the nature of evolution -was stimulated in part by Malthus’ doctrine of surplus population -and the consequent struggle for existence. He also based his ideas -on the Lamarckian theory of transmission of acquired characters. He -developed the concepts of the prodigality of nature and the struggle -for existence, which led to the resultant concept of natural selection -and survival of the fittest. The process of natural selection accounts -for the instincts, imitation, imagination, reason as well as for -self-consciousness, and the esthetic and religious impulses. In this -way man, according to the Darwinian formula, has ascended by stages -from the lower orders of life. - -The fittest to survive, concluded Darwin, are those individuals who -are best fitted to meet the conditions of their environment. If the -environment be competitive, savage, brutal, then the fittest will be -the strongest physically and the most vicious. If the environment be -co-operative, then the fittest will be the individuals who co-operate -best. With the development of intelligence and sagacity in early human -society, individuals otherwise cruel learned to co-operate. A tribe -of co-operating individuals would be victorious in a conflict with a -tribe of non-co-operating members. Thus co-operation and a co-operating -environment themselves are the result of natural selection. - -Unfortunately, Darwin’s concept of natural selection has been grossly -distorted. Upon this misapprehension, a doctrine of “social Darwinism” -has gained recognition. According to this false interpretation of -Darwinism, the tooth and fang struggle for existence among animals is -the normal procedure among human beings. The most brutal, cruel, and -shrewd men are “fitted” to survive in an environment of physical and -mental competition. Likewise, the nations which can marshal together -the most powerful armies and navies are the “fittest” to survive in a -world where each nation is accountable unto itself alone. Thus, it is -seen that human society is simply an extension of the animal society -and that the fundamental law of social progress is the law of force and -might, first physical, and then physical and psychical. - -But this interpretation is false to Darwin’s own principles. While -Darwin did describe and lay great emphasis upon the tooth and fang -struggle for existence, he noted and stressed the fact that even -among animals, modifying influences were at work. He made clear that -co-operation exists among many species of animal life, and that this -co-operative tendency is an important survival factor. He also saw -that among the highest types of animals there were new and complex -expressions of co-operation, and that the higher mental activity -of these animal types seemed to be a correlate in some way of the -greater co-operative spirit. The application of this principle to human -progress implies that the co-operative spirit may ultimately become -the chief survival force, and that some day the “fittest” to survive -will be those individuals or groups of individuals who co-operate most -wisely. This theory will be developed further in the chapter upon -“Co-operation Theories in Sociology.” The chief contributors have been -Kropotkin and Novicow. - -Darwin made another important contribution to social science in his -theory of sexual selection. This idea is a phase of natural selection. -Among the higher animals the females choose their mates. The males, -for example, with the singing voice and beautiful plumage, are the -most likely to be chosen. These males thus become the progenitors of -the next generation of the given species; the less attractive males -mate if at all with the inferior types of females. Thus signs of male -attractiveness come to possess survival value.[XVI-1] - -Among human beings the principle of sexual selection operates, but in -a reversed sexual form. During the earlier centuries of human history -the custom developed whereby the males took the initiative in choosing -mates. As a result, the females resorted to all sorts of devices to -make themselves “attractive” and to get themselves “selected.” - -The social theories of Herbert Spencer (1820–1903) have caused more -controversy than those of any other writer in the sociological field. -The fact that in these controversies the ideas of Spencer have usually -been worsted will not blind the fair-minded seeker after truth to the -important rôle which Spencer took in the field of social thought. - -Spencer early developed the habit of causal thinking, that is, he -believed in causes, and hence searched everywhere for causes. Because -of the acrimonious discussions which took place between his father -and mother, and because of his own independent nature, he repudiated -the orthodox religious explanations of the universe. He was trained -for the profession of civil engineering. His studies in mathematics -and mechanics accentuated his precise and somewhat materialistic -interpretation of the universe. His social theories are an outgrowth in -part of his emphasis upon the laws of co-existence and sequences in the -physical world. - -In order to understand Spencer’s social laws it is necessary first to -consider his general law of evolution. He traced everything in the -world back through causal chains to two fundamental factors, namely, -matter and motion--two aspects of force. As a result of the operation -of some First Cause, an integration of matter began to take place, -accompanied by a concomitant dissipation of motion. As a result, matter -passes from an indefinite, incoherent homogeneity to a definite, -coherent heterogeneity. During this process the unexpended motion -undergoes a similar change.[XVI-2] - -The best explanation of this law of evolution can be found in its -application to societary phenomena. Suppose that a modern city -neighborhood undertakes to organize itself. It possesses physical -resources and mental abilities. The “neighbors” are all more or less -untrained in community organization activities. In this sense they are -homogeneous. At first they are unable to work together; in fact they -do not know what to do; thus, they form “an indefinite, incoherent -homogeneity.” But with experience in community organization activities, -the individuals of the neighborhood learn to work together. Each finds -the type of work which he can do best. All work toward a definite -goal. Thus, a definite, coherent heterogeneity arises. Further, the -unexpended energies of the people are influenced and transformed by the -pattern ideas which experience in community organization measures has -taught.[XVI-3] - -This application of Spencer’s law of evolution to human progress -has weak as well as strong points. There is not always an original -homogeneity. Upon close examination this homogeneity disappears -before a variegated conglomeration of heterogeneous experiences and -potentialities of all the individuals who are concerned. It is not -necessary to point out additional errors. Spencer deserves credit, -however, for developing the concept of social evolution as a phase of -natural evolution and for stressing the idea of natural causation in -societary matters. - -Spencer began his _Principles of Sociology_ with a very elaborate -description of primitive man--the original societary unit corresponding -to the biological cell. The physical, emotional, and intellectual -life of primitive man is given prominence. An analysis is made of the -behavior of man, the original social unit, when he is exposed to the -various environing conditions--inorganic, organic, and super-organic. -The emphasis upon “man” as the primary unit neglects the importance -of the “group” in the social evolutionary process. Moreover, Spencer -underrated the intellectual nature of primitive man; he denied to early -man the qualities involving excursiveness of thought, imagination, and -original ideas.[XVI-4] - -Spencer’s discussion of primitive ideas shows widespread reading of -volumes of source materials. The “inductions” are often influenced -by preconceived notions of human life, despite Spencer’s sincere -desire and effort to be scientific. While the horde, the family, and -other groups are described, the influences which are the result of -the interaction of individual minds and the interactions between the -individual and his group are scarcely recognized. - -In regard to the state, Spencer carried forward the theories which have -already been noted, namely, of individual rights. He repudiated the -state which is the product of the military organization of society. -Such a régime is primordial and uncivilized. It is an organization of -homogeneous units in which the units, or the individuals, are slaves to -the organization. - -Spencer believed in a new industrial development whereby individuals -would become differentiated and developed, and whereby individuals -would be shifted from an autocratic maximum to a democratic maximum. To -Spencer, man is vastly superior to the state. In the coming industrial -order Spencer foresaw an era in which the main business of society will -be to defend the rights of individuals. Spencer forecasted an epoch -of industrial states which have abolished war. In such a day the only -conflicts that will take place between states will be natural. These -will be only the competitions that arise naturally between states that -are engaged in building up the best individuals, that is, those persons -who develop their individuality most freely and harmoniously. - -The rise of industrial states with a minimum emphasis upon government -and a maximum emphasis upon individuality will produce a world order -in which national barriers will slowly melt away and a planetary -unity will develop. Spencer’s industrialism, however, has fundamental -weaknesses. It implies that social organization is more important than -social process. It neglects to provide for inherent psychical changes. -It assumes that an industrial society, _per se_, will be peaceful. It -underestimates the importance of socializing motives. - -In the changes from a military to an industrial organization -of society, the six main sets of social institutions undergo -deep-seated changes. Spencer describes at length these six -institutional structures, namely, the domestic, ceremonial, political, -ecclesiastical, professional, and industrial. Two, the political and -industrial, have been mentioned on the preceding page. Spencer’s -treatment of the other four is accurate to a degree but at fundamental -points is unreliable--judged by current conceptions and data. - -Perhaps Spencer is best known for his treatment of the organic analogy. -He set up the hypothesis that society is like a biological organism and -then proceeded to defend his thesis against all objections with great -logical force. But logic was his sociological downfall, for it overcame -his scientific insight. - -Spencer found four main ways in which society resembles an -organism.[XVI-5] (1) In both cases growth is attended by augmentation -of mass. (2) In each instance growth is accomplished by increasing -complexity of structure. (3) In the organism and in society there is an -interdependence of parts. (4) The life of society, like the life of an -organism, is far longer than the life of any of the units or parts. - -But there are ways in which society and an organism are unlike.[XVI-6] -These were analyzed by Spencer and determined to be merely superficial -differences. There are four of these main differences. (1) Unlike -organisms, societies have no specific extensive form, such as a -physical body with limbs or a face. (2) The elements of society do not -form a continuous whole as in the case of an animal. The living units -composing society are free, and not in contact, being more or less -dispersed. (3) The parts of society are not stationary and fixed in -their positions relative to the whole. (4) In an organism consciousness -is concentrated in a small part of the aggregate, while in society -consciousness is diffused. The alleged superficiality in this -difference between society and an organism was difficult for Spencer to -maintain. - -In discussing the organic analogy further, Spencer compared the -alimentary system of an organism to the productive industries, or the -sustaining system in the body politic.[XVI-7] Furthermore, there is a -strong parallelism between the circulatory system of an organism and -the distributing system in society with its transportation lines; but -more particularly, its commercial classes and media of exchange. Then, -in both cases there has developed regulating systems. In an organism -there is a dominant center and subordinate centers, the senses, and -a neural apparatus. A similar structure appears in society in the -form of an adjustive apparatus, or government, for the purpose of -adjudicating the differences between the producers and the consumers. -These parallelisms throw only a small measure of light upon the nature -of society. They appear ridiculous when carried to an extreme, for -example, to the extreme to which Spencer himself went when he compared -the King’s Council to the medulla oblongata, the House of Lords to the -cerebellum, and the House of Commons to the cerebrum. - -Spencer uses his analogies very extensively and vigorously, and later -refers to them as merely a scaffolding for building a structure of -deductions. This conclusion contains contradictory elements. When the -scaffolding is removed, society is left standing as a more or less -intangible affair. If a society is like an organism, it experiences a -natural cycle of birth, maturity, old age, and death. But according to -the telic concept of progress that was advanced by Lester F. Ward and -developed by later writers, the death of society does not come with -organic inevitableness, but depends on the vision, plans, courage, and -activities of that society’s members. A society need never die. - -For many years it has been popular to criticise Spencer. Nearly all -the criticisms are justified. Moreover, they have been so numerous -that little of worth seems to be left in Spencer’s writings. However, -Spencer’s contributions to social thought are not negligible for -several reasons. (1) He emphasized the laws of evolution and natural -causation. (2) He described social evolution as a phase of natural -evolution. (3) He pointed out the likenesses between biological -organisms and human society. (4) He made the rôle of social structures, -or institutions, to stand out distinctly. (5) He stressed the -importance of individuality. (6) He undermined the idea that the State -is a master machine to which all the individual citizens must submit -automatically. - -In the United States, Spencer possessed an able and loyal friend -in John Fiske (1842–1901). Fiske built his social thought upon -the evolutionarily formulae of Darwin and Spencer. In his _Cosmic -Philosophy_, or philosophy of the universe, Fiske contended that -the evolution of man produced fundamental changes in the nature of -cosmic evolution. With the development of man there appears a new -force in the universe, the human spirit, or soul. The advent of this -psychical entity has produced a subordination of the purely bodily, -physical, material forces and established a control by spiritual -forces. Moreover, in human evolution there has been a slowly increasing -subordination of the selfish phases of spiritual life to the -altruistic. With the apparent cessation in important bodily changes -there have come unheralded and unanticipated psychical inventions, -which have released man from the passive adaptation to environment -which animals manifest, and given to him an increasingly positive -control over the processes of adaptation. Humanity as the highest -product of the evolutionary processes has the power to change the -whole course of cosmic development. Fiske distinctly emphasized the -psychical forces in evolution and the part which they are playing -in making mankind purposeful and in organizing groups on social -principles. Humanity is not a mere incident in evolution; it is the -supreme factor.[XVI-9] The main purpose of man is not the perpetuation -of the species, but the development of increasingly higher and more -social purposes. - -Following the ideas of Maine, Tylor, McLennan, and Lubbock, Fiske -concluded that social evolution originated when families, “temporarily -organized among all the higher gregarious mammals, became in the case -of the highest mammal permanently organized.”[XVI-10] Gregariousness -developed into definite family relationships and responsibilities. -Social evolution produced an increased complexity and specialty in -intelligence, which in turn required a lengthening of the period -“during which the nervous connections involved in ordinary adjustments -are becoming organized.” Such a transformation requires time, and hence -the need for a period of infancy which is not common to the lower -animals. Accompanying this period of infancy, there is the development -of strong affection of relatively short duration among higher animals. -Among mankind parental love takes on the characteristics not only -of intensity and unselfishness but of duration and forgiveness. In -this phase of evolution there is a correlative development of three -factors, namely, the prolongation of infancy, the rise of parental -affection, and increasing intelligence. The gradual prolongation of the -period of infancy is partly a consequence of increasing intelligence, -and in turn the prolongation of infancy affords the circumstances for -the establishment of permanent relationships, of reciprocal behavior, -of sociality. - -Fiske was one of the first social philosophers to point out the -significance of foresight as a phase of evolutionary development. -Perhaps the chief way in which civilized man is distinguished from the -barbarian is in his ability “to adapt his conduct to future events, -whether contingent or certain to occur.” Civilized man has the power to -forego present enjoyment in order to safeguard himself against future -disaster.[XVI-12] This quality is the essence of prudence and is due -in large part to civilized man’s superior power of self-restraint, -one of the chief elements in moral progress. It is equally important -as “an indispensable prerequisite to the accumulation of wealth in -any community.” It is the basic factor in civilized man’s elaborate -scientific provisions and in his numerous far-reaching philosophic and -religious systems. - -Paul von Lilienfeld (1829–1903) made the organic analogy a definite -part of his theory of society. He compared the individual to the -cells in an organism; the governmental and industrial organizations, -to the neural system; and the cultural products of society, to the -intercellular parts of an organism.[XVI-13] - -Lilienfeld compared the stages of growth of the individual to the -stages of racial development, namely, savage, barbarian, and civilized. -This analogy was made use of by Fiske. Although somewhat true in a very -general sense, this recapitulation theory cannot be carried into minute -details. - -The concept of social capitalization was originated by Lilienfeld. By -it he meant the ability of society to store up useful ideas and methods -and transmit them from generation to generation. In this way each -generation becomes the inheritor of all the human experiences that have -gone before. - -Lilienfeld was one of the first sociological writers to develop the -definite concept of social pathology.[XVI-14] His treatment of this -theme, however, was exceedingly weak. He distinguished between a -normal and diseased organism and then, by analogy, between a normal -and diseased society. Social pathology, according to Lilienfeld, deals -with three sets of diseases, namely, of industry, of justice, and of -politics. Lilienfeld carried the organic analogy to a ridiculous and -puerile extreme when he compared the diseases of industry to insanity; -of justice, to delirium; of politics, to paralysis. He also elaborated -a system of social therapeutics to correspond to the diseases. - -In Albert Schaeffle (1831–1903), the organic analogy found another -disciple, but a more worthy one than either Spencer or Lilienfeld. In -the thought of Schaeffle, society is not primarily a large organism but -a gigantic mind. Schaeffle presented a functional analogy rather than a -biological analogy. Whereas Spencer was especially interested in social -structures, Schaeffle set his attention upon social functions. - -In his functional analogies Schaeffle compared the reason with the -legislature in society; the will, with the executive officers; and -the esthetic judgment, with the judiciary. Schaeffle’s psychology is -inaccurate and on the whole unscientific; his analogies add little -to an understanding of society. Nevertheless, his thought on these -subjects represents an advance over the ideas of Spencer. - -In the _Bau und Leben des Socialen Körpers_, Schaeffle undertook -to develop a complete sociological system. His teachings follow -the principle that “function leads structure and structure limits -function.” Activities produce developments in bodily structure, and -also cause the formation of new social institutions. Bodily structures -and social institutions alike limit activities and usefulness. These -propositions are a reversal of the emphasis which Spencer maintained. -They are fundamentally correct. - -Although Schaeffle referred frequently to the “social body,” he did not -give the concept a specific meaning. He introduced the term “social -process,” but did not analyze its nature. He repudiated the idea that -the individual is the social unit; he considered the group to be the -all-important unit in society. Natural selection in social evolution -manifests itself in conflicts between the ideals of different groups. -René Worms, it may be added, has assumed the existence of a social -consciousness apart from the consciousness of individuals, and argued -that the chief difference between biological organisms and social -organizations is one of degree. - -Schaeffle considered that government justifies itself in protecting -the weaker members of society, and in maintaining the highest welfare -of all. He pointed out the social responsibility which rests upon the -best educated and most fortunate members of society. Schaeffle wisely -emphasized the development of purposeful activity on the part of both -the individual and society. - -The ideas of John Stuart Mackenzie differ from those of Spencer, -Lilienfeld, and Schaeffle. Mackenzie does not use the figure of an -organic analogy; he speaks in terms of homologies. According to -Mackenzie, society is not like an organism; it is organic. - -The organic nature of society is three-fold. (1) There is an intrinsic -relation between the parts of society and the whole. The individual -reflects the culture of the group in which he has been trained. (2) The -development of a group is by virtue of intrinsic processes. A group -builds on ideas derived from both the past and from other groups, but -it does not genuinely grow unless it takes these ideas and makes them -over into a part of its own nature. (3) Society develops towards ends -which are discoverable in society itself. By analysis of the ideals and -motive forces of a group, it is possible to determine in what direction -the group is moving. - -Mackenzie argues for the inner principle of things and particularly -of society. He believes, however, that knowledge concerning this -inner principle and the essential unity of mankind cannot be reduced -to a science, but will constitute the basis of a social philosophy. -Social philosophy does not supply facts, but seeks to interpret the -significance of the special aspects of human life with reference to the -social unity of mankind.[XVI-15] - -The family and the state are the two forms of association in which -the most intimate bonds of union are nurtured. Language, if it can -be called a social institution, is perhaps the most fundamental -institution of all, because it produces that community of spirit -whereby intimacy in social intercourse can take place and whereby the -realization of a common good can be achieved.[XVI-16] - -According to Mackenzie, there are three main lines of social progress, -and hence three main types of social control to be encouraged.[XVI-17] -(1) The control of natural forces by human agencies. (2) The control of -individuals by the communal spirit. (3) Self control. - -The road of social advance is beset with obstacles. The chief are -these: (1) The dominance of vegetative needs. These economic factors -are so universal and insistent that they are likely at any time to -override all other human needs. (2) The insistence of animal impulses, -chiefly love and strife. While love promotes unity, it generally -produced a limited unity. Moreover, one mode of unity is apt to -conflict with other types of unity, and thus lead to intense strife. -(3) The mastery of mechanism. Life is easily crushed under the weight -of organization; thought, by scholastic pedantry; industry, by economic -systems; nationality, by soulless bureaucracy. (4) Anarchism. The -remedy for over-organization is not anarchy, for life and society are -composed of numbers of conflicting tendencies, which must be controlled -by the power of thought. But the exercise of merely individual thought -will not suffice. Individual thought is likely to be egocentric, to -evade the problems of group life, or to solve them selfishly. (5) -Conservatism. An established and successful civilization is in danger -of relying too much on its past. It often carries within itself the -canker of decay, and frequently lacks any clear vision of higher -development. - -Mackenzie is committed to internationalism. It is no longer fitting -for anyone to think of his own country as an exclusive object of -devotion. “The earth is our country, and all its inhabitants are our -fellow-citizens; and it is only the recognition of this that entitles -us to look for any lasting security.” - -Mackenzie advances beyond the organic analogists when he describes -the ways in which society is organic. As a social philosopher he has -contributed important pattern-ideas. He has escaped from the foibles of -the organic analogy and at the same time indicated the values that lie -beneath that concept. - -This chapter deals with a significant period in the history of social -thought. The biology of the time was very faulty and the sociological -applications of biological knowledge were consequently of little merit. -The early years of the present century were characterized by noteworthy -improvements in biological thinking. The facts about the laws of -heredity and variation increased in number; a science of heredity was -established. The first decade of the present century also marks the -rise of the science of eugenics. In a later chapter the contributions -of recent scientific biology, and particularly of eugenics, to social -thought will be presented. - - - - -CHAPTER XVII - -THE SOCIOLOGY OF LESTER F. WARD - - -The name of Lester F. Ward (1841–1913) stands forth between the old -and new eras of social thought. Ward belongs to both the old and -new. He adopted Comtean positivism and built in part upon Spencer’s -evolutionary principles, but opposed Spencer’s _laissez faire_ ideas -and his evolutionary determinism, especially in regard to education. -Perhaps his most notable work was the way in which he shocked a -Spencerian-tinged world of social thought into a new method of thinking. - -Ward became the ardent advocate of social telesis. Man can modify, -defeat, or hasten the processes of nature. Ward brought the concept -of dynamic sociology to the attention of the world. Although he was -interested in social statics, his primary concern was in the fact that -man through the use of his intelligence can transform not only the -natural world but the social world, and that he can harness not only -the natural forces to social ends, but even the social forces to social -purposes. Hence it is that Ward holds rank today, despite his monistic -philosophy and his false psychological beliefs, as one of the world’s -leading sociologists. - -Lester F. Ward was born in Joliet, Illinois. He received a limited -schooling, and early went to work, first on a farm and then as a -wheelwright. He manifested an unusual liking for books and to a -great extent was self-educated. He entered the employment of the -United States Government, where he remained for more than forty -years, after he was honorably discharged from service in the Civil -War. In the Government service he held the positions of geologist -and paleontologist. Despite his strenuous and efficient work for the -Government, he found time to think through and write out an elaborate -sociological system of thought. - -Ward’s published works in sociology began with his _Dynamic Sociology_ -(1883) and ended with the _Glimpses of the Cosmos_ (1913) in several -volumes, which, with the exception of volume one, have been published -posthumously. The intermediate books of importance in order were: _Pure -Sociology_, _Applied Sociology_, and _Psychic Factors of Civilization_. - -Ward was characterized by an impressive command of his subject and “a -terrific mental drive.” In 1906, he began the unique experiment of -teaching sociology at the age of 65. As a professor of sociology he -served Brown University until his death--for a period of seven years. -He was supported by the indefatigable assistance of his wife, as shown -by the many files which she kept of “Reviews and Press Notices”, -“Autograph Letters,” and “Biography.” - -Ward was led to produce the _Dynamic Sociology_ because of his -observation that preceding 1875 there was an essential sterility in -social science thinking. Ward observed that the prevalent teachings of -Herbert Spencer were statical, and that the ideas of Spencer’s American -disciples were only passively dynamic. Ward believed that before the -science of society could be truly established the active dynamic -factors must be described. A science which fails to benefit mankind -is lifeless. To save sociology from the lifelessness which it was -manifesting, Ward wrote the _Dynamic Sociology_. He contemplated social -phenomena “as capable of intelligent control by society itself in its -own interest.”[XVII-1] His main thesis in the _Dynamic Sociology_ is -“the necessity for universal education as the one clear, overshadowing, -and immediate social duty to which all others are subordinate.” -He argued for a truly progressive system of popular scientific -education.[XVII-2] He declared that not one-hundredth of the facts -which original research has already brought forth are today obtainable -by a one-hundredth of the members of society, and hence not one truth -in ten thousand is fully apprehended.[XVII-3] - -The prevailing doctrine in social thought, that of _laissez faire_ as -championed by Spencer, drew forth Ward’s best intellectual efforts as -a challenger. Ward protested against the teaching that natural forces -are operating only as elements in the all-powerful evolutionary -process. He pointed out that man is distinguished from animals by -the development of his psychical nature, i. e., of his foresight and -reason. He demonstrated that by this development man is able to master -and regulate the operation of the blind evolutionary forces. Hence, -the doctrine of _laissez faire_ is not only false but pernicious. It -defeats social progress. The truth is, said Ward, society is able to -improve itself, and it should set itself scientifically at once to the -opportunity. - -Passive, or negative, progress is represented by the social forces -operating in their natural freedom, subject only to general -evolutionary laws.[XVII-4] Active, or positive, progress is represented -by the social forces guided by conscious human purposes. Social statics -deals with the nature of social order; social dynamics treats of the -laws of social progress. Social dynamics concerns itself with two -types of studies. One line analyzes and describes what is going on in -society under the influence of natural laws--this is pure sociology. -It is pure diagnosis; it has nothing to do with what society ought to -be. It describes the phenomena and laws of society as they are.[XVII-5] -The other procedure discusses the application of human purpose to the -natural social forces--this is applied sociology. It studies the art of -applying the active, or positive, forces to the natural evolution of -society. This method is distinctly a human process and “depends wholly -on the action of man himself.” Applied sociology treats of social ends -and purposes. - -Pure sociology describes the spontaneous development of society; -applied sociology deals with the artificial means of accelerating -the spontaneous processes in society.[XVII-6] Pure sociology treats -of achievement; applied sociology, of improvement. But applied -sociology is not social reform; “it does not itself apply sociological -principles, it seeks only to show how they may be applied.” It lays -down principles as guides to social action. The carrying of these -principles into social and political practice is social reform. - -The distinction is now clear between natural and artificial -progress.[XVII-7] The former is a blind growth; the latter, a -purposeful manufacture. One is a genetic process; the other, -a teleological process. One is characterized by increasing -differentiation; the other, by a process of calculation. Artificial -progress is considered superior to natural progress. - -Ward was a monist. He believed in the absolute unity of nature, from -the revolutions of celestial orbs to the vicissitudes of social -customs and laws.[XVII-8] He held that “life is a property of matter,” -and naïvely declared that “it is simply the result of the movements -going on among the molecules composing a mass of protoplasm.”[XVII-9] -Psychic phenomena are “the relations which subsist among the material -molecules of the brain and nervous system and between these and the -material objects of the outside world....” Since mind is relational, -it is immaterial, but it has matter for its basis. Relations, however, -constitute the properties of matter, and hence mind, as well as life, -is a property of matter.[XVII-10] The logical length to which Ward goes -in supporting his monistic doctrine is in itself a proof of his error. - -Unlike Comte, Ward believed that man originally was anti-social and -completely selfish. In the earliest stage of human existence, man lived -a life almost solitary, or at least in small groups.[XVII-11] He was -surrounded by destructive forces both inorganic and organic. Against -the wild and ferocious beasts he found himself almost physically -helpless. Some of his number overcame their physical defenselessness -by using their “wits.” Through sagacity and cunning they were able to -withstand the attacks of the wild beasts, to survive, and to propagate -their young. Along with increased cunning there went an increased -brain size in proportion to size of body, and also an improved brain -structure qualitatively. - -This brain development is the essential prerequisite for perceiving the -advantages of association.[XVII-12] Man early recognized the merits -of association, and moved up from the solitary, or autarchic, stage -of social life to the second, or constrained aggregate stage. This -second stage does not contain the elements of permanency because of its -forced nature. The tendencies toward association are often counteracted -and at times destroyed by fierce contests for the limited natural -foods. In contending that man’s early ancestors were very irascible -and quarrelsome beings, Ward went beyond the limits of scientific -induction. In believing that altruism is an outgrowth of egoism, Ward -again violates the best scientific thought. The probabilities are that -both egoism and altruism have developed _pari passu_, and in part from -different causes. During the second stage human speech became an art. -It was a natural outgrowth of the associational life. - -The rise of the rudiments of an established government marks the -beginning of the third period in human society. For protection, -tribes unified themselves under central controls. Through compulsion -or interest, and for protective reasons, tribes united; the spheres -of social organization thus were enlarged. But government, which was -established for the purpose of securing peace, became one of the chief -causes of external wars. Governments, autocratic control, and territory -hunger led peoples into destructive war. The world is still in this -third stage. - -But some day, according to Ward, wars between nations will cease, -national prejudices will soften, diversity of language will be -overcome, and all governments probably will be consolidated into one. -This picture represents the fourth, or ideal, level of societary life, -and may never be attained. Ward cherishes the strong belief that the -present national stage will be succeeded by the cosmopolitan, or -pantarchic, age. Ward perceives an ultimate triumph of humanitarian -sentiments, which will be also “a triumph of practical interests, that -shall sweep away the present barriers of language, national pride, -and natural uncongeniality, and unite all nations in one vast social -aggregate with a single political organization.”[XVII-13] - -Ward’s analysis of social evolution rests on his conception of the -social forces. The primary social force is desire. Desire is the -expression of any of the native impulses which, at the given moment, -has not been gratified. This striving for gratification constitutes -desire and the moving force in the societary world. “Desire is the -essential basis of all actions.” - -The desires are numerous and complex, but upon examination lend -themselves to classification. There are two fundamental and primary -sets of desires, the nutritive and the reproductive. The end of the -first is to preserve the individual; and of the second, to preserve and -maintain the race. - -“The first desire of all creatures is for nourishment.” This desire -remains dominant throughout life. The human race, Ward summarizes, -spent its infancy--thousands of years--in the single pursuit of -subsistence.[XVII-14] When the natural food supply failed, man was -forced to be inventive and to labor or die. Too many individuals in one -place meant either the migration of some individuals or that others -must compel nature through labor to increase her normal yield of -subsistence.[XVII-15] - -The nutritive desire has led man to labor. Labor, however, is not -the natural condition of man.[XVII-23] Work, according to Ward, is -unnatural and irksome. The constant spur of hunger transformed man -into a working man. To be useful, however, work must be continuous and -applied steadily to a given object until that object is attained. This -process is the essence of invention, the highest and most useful form -of labor. Without wings, valuable weapons of offense and defense, claws -for digging, man has had but one line of advance open to him, namely, -invention, whereby he could overcome his limitations and master nature. - -Ward overlooked what Veblen has called the instinct of workmanship. Man -has a desire to do, to achieve, to be active--only so can he escape -the terrors of ennui. He secures illimitable enjoyment from seeing the -crude materials of nature change under the manipulations of his hand -and mind into works of art. - -Nevertheless, the need of nutrition was probably the chief factor in -the invention of tools and in the storing of food against the hungry -day. These tools and stores constituted property. Property at once -represented power. The law of acquisition soon exerted a great force. -Intense rivalries in acquiring property developed. “The grand rivalry -was for the object, not the method; for the end regardless of the -means.”[XVII-16] Through the centuries and until the present hour, the -morality of obtaining wealth has rarely risen to the morality of many -other phases of life. - -Deception early came into prominence. We deceive an animal, in order -to catch and domesticate or kill him. We deceive a fellow human being -and take his hard earned property away from him. Society, blindly, has -praised deception even when used by one individual against the welfare -of his fellows. Society has honored him who could “drive a bargain.” - -Ward declared that the desire to acquire property regardless of the -method is as strong as ever.[XVII-17] The only changes that have -come are a mitigation of the harshness of the method and the rise of -compulsory laws and codes which force individuals to “drive their -bargains” and to practice their deceptions within prescribed limits. -The acquisitive impulses have created major social evils, as evidenced -by “the exceeding indigence of the poor and the exceeding opulence -of the rich,” and by a relatively large proportion of non-producing -rich people to the entire number of wealthy.[XVII-18] On the other -hand, those who are poor because they are indolent are only a small -proportion of those who are poor and industrious. - -The evils of acquisitiveness cannot be overcome by softening the human -heart. Ward would make it impossible for individuals to take away the -property of others by making it to the interest of all individuals not -to act in that way. And then he would teach them, through the social -sciences, that such conduct is against their own highest development. - -Ward pronounced the money-making tendency one of the most useful and -at the same time “one of the coarsest and cheapest of all mental -attributes.”[XVII-19] It is useful because it is “the spur of all -industry and commerce; it provides the leisure which makes intellectual -pursuits possible; it encourages exploration, discovery, and invention; -it is the basis of all large business undertakings; and it has been an -essential force in the development of civilization. Since civilization -is so exclusively artificial, money can buy a vast variety of objects -of human desire; hence, the possession of money is strenuously sought. - -On the other hand, money-making confers a pleasure which after all is -sordid.[XVII-21] It often leads to avarice. It has produced a pecuniary -inequality of mankind which socially admits of little justification. -From a moral viewpoint the great struggle for pecuniary possession -has been man’s greatest curse.[XVII-22] Because of it, many infants -have opened their eyes as millionaires in a world of boundless plenty; -others (equally worthy) have opened their eyes as beggars in a world of -abject poverty. - -Society becomes divided into two main classes: the industrials and -the non-industrials, or parasites. The non-industrials use their -cunning in various ways.[XVII-24] The leading non-industrial modes of -acquisition are these: robbery, theft, war, statecraft, priestcraft, -and monopoly. This list represents the chronological order and history -of non-industrial types of acquisition. - -Robbery is the coarsest manner of acquisition. Theft represents the -lowest order of cunning. Wars of conquest are robbery on so large a -scale that they arouse group patriotism. Cunning and treachery in war -have given way to strategy. Statecraft has often been characterized by -the egoistic attempts of a few shrewd individuals, who have devised -means for supplying the wants of the many, and appropriated rich -rewards for themselves from “the befriended and grateful community.” -Priestcraft as represented by many of the priests of Brahma, Buddha, -Osiris, Ormuzd, Mahomet and even Jesus have developed successful modes -of acquisition. They have often stood at the gates of death, and for -pay guaranteed to the stricken and fearful friends of a departed loved -one a safe journey through the perils following death. Monopoly takes -cunning advantage of a scarcity of the means of substance, or creates -an artificial and false scarcity. Monopoly has organized the fields of -transportation, exchange, finance, labor, manufacture. - -The non-industrials co-operate better than the industrials and against -the welfare of the latter. The industrials, unfortunately, do not -understand the principles of co-operation very well and do not -have the intelligence to carry them into practical operation. They -receive less education than the non-industrials; the years of their -industrial apprenticeship are taken from their school days. After their -apprenticeship begins, the fatigue of their labor gives them little -time or energy for intellectual improvement.[XVII-25] In pronouncing -co-operation the product of superior intelligence Ward neglects -the rôle played by the gregarious, parental, and related social -instincts. Ward sees only part of the truth when he calls competition -a natural law, and co-operation artificial. He wisely observes, -however, that those who co-operate thrive at the expense of those who -compete.[XVII-26] In the same way that individuals co-operate in order -to secure their own gain, society must organize to secure the progress -of all. - -The second primary set of fundamental forces is the reproductive. -These operate for the future and for the species. In animals they -operate without arousing shame or modesty. Among human beings they are -manipulated through the agencies of the reason and the imagination and -give rise to the sentiments of shame and modesty.[XVII-27] They are so -clouded in secrecy that they arouse dangerous forms of curiosity. - -Among animals the choice of mates is largely determined by the females. -In fact, among the lowest types of animals there are no males. Among -certain higher forms of animal life the male appears as a mere -adjunct. But among human beings, male sexual selection developed. -This change in sexual selection is one of the differences between the -brute and the human worlds. This transition is explained by the fact -that the higher a being rises in the scale of development the more -sensitive its organs become, and by the correlated fact that the male -human being through his reason is able to arouse and satisfy a thousand -desires within the female, and thus cause her to look to him for “that -protection and those favors which he alone can confer.”[XVII-28] - -In the human world the reproductive forces have first produced a crude -sexual love, animal in its nature, but far-reaching in its basic -implications. Sexual love is an unconscious but dominant factor in -courtship. In its refined form, and modified by the addition of genuine -but often short-lived affective elements, it becomes romantic love. -Romantic love, according to Ward, unfits lovers for the normal pursuits -of life. While under its spell they are unable to enjoy anything but -each other’s presence. “The man is unfitted for business, the woman for -social life, and both for intellectual pursuits. The only spur that can -make either party pursue other things, is the sense of doing something -that the other desires.”[XVII-29] - -In the sense that natural, or sexual, love becomes the basis of -romantic love, so romantic love in turn represents the genesis of a -still higher form of love, namely, conjugal love. The love of a man -for his wife or of a woman for her husband is, however, fundamentally -different from romantic love. It is more stable, less disturbing to the -normal processes of life, and makes the home and the family socially -productive institutions. It often reaches a high state of refinement -and develops its beauty of content from the sharing together by husband -and wife of great joys and sorrows. - -Maternal love, an outgrowth of maternity, manifests startling degrees -of courage even among animals. Under the spur of the need for defending -her young, a mother will often perform miraculous deeds. In its highest -form maternal love manifests a remarkable strength throughout life and -an extra-human power of forgiveness. - -Then there is consanguineal love, which according to Ward includes -paternal and fraternal affections. It becomes the blood bond or feeling -of attachment that exists among the members of a primitive kinship -group, and it leads to feelings of race and world solidarity and -attachment. - -Ward also pointed out that for each of these forms of love there is a -correlative hate. This force of repulsion is often greater than the -correlative love. Jealousy often leads to violent and destructive -actions. Race hatred frequently becomes a vicious, brutal, and -widespread sentiment that paralyzes all tendencies toward world -progress. - -Marriage institutions have developed from the operation of the -reproductive forces. Polygamy, polyandry, and a score of other types of -marriage have arisen, although monogamy has demonstrated itself to be -the superior type of marriage institution. - -The reproductive forces have led to numerous sexuo-social inequalities. -Men and women have come to occupy separate spheres of activity, and to -represent distinct social conditions.[XVII-30] Although the two sexes -live together and appear to be companions, they are in fact dwelling in -separate worlds and on different planes. There are several principal -inequalities. (1) There is an inequality of dress, which has loaded -woman with ornaments and caused her an enormous amount of disease and -suffering. (2) There is an inequality of duties, which has kept woman -confined to the house, and made a slave or a pampered pet of her. -(3) There is an inequality of education. Society has shut woman in -the past from all opportunities for gaining knowledge by experience. -Moreover, society has seen fit to debar women from the knowledge that -is acquired by instruction. (4) An inequality of rights has meant that -women have been discriminated against before the law. Without direct -representation in legislatures, women have suffered in proprietary -matters. (5) A general sex inequality has at times made woman the -property or the slave of man. In short, women have been denied, until -with recent years, entrance to the higher intellectual forms of -activity and at the same time denied social and political rights. - -Reverting to Ward’s classification of desires, we may now proceed -to a discussion of the third set of forces, the sociogenetic. In -contradistinction to the nutritive and the reproductive desires, or -to the ontogenetic and the phylogenetic forces, respectively, the -sociogenetic forces lead directly to race, or social, improvement. The -ontogenetic forces guarantee individual preservation; the phylogenetic, -race preservation; and the sociogenetic, race and social progress. -Ward classified the sociogenetic forces as moral, esthetic, and -intellectual.[XVII-31] - -Morality is either racial or individual. Race morality is largely -an outgrowth of custom. Duty, according to Ward, is conduct -favorable to race safety, while virtue is “an attitude of life and -character consistent with the preservation and continuance of man on -earth.”[XVII-32] Individual morality on the other hand, is based on -altruism. Altruism is the expenditure of energy in behalf of other -individuals, and involves the power of representing the psychic states -of others to one’s self. Morality leads to humanitarianism, whose -aim is meliorism. Meliorism aims to reorganize society so that the -minimum pain and the maximum enjoyment may be insured. Meliorism is -a non-sentimental improvement or amelioration of the human or social -state.[XVII-33] - -Ward holds that the esthetic forces consist of a desire for open or -deep-seated symmetrical forms. Behind a landscape which at first -appears irregular and jagged, there is a fundamental symmetry and -balance. Sculpture, painting, and landscape-gardening are largely -imitations of nature. Architecture, however, emphasizes straight lines, -regular curves, and other symmetrical and geometrical figures.[XVII-34] -Because of the invention of popular musical instruments, music is open -to and enjoyed by the common people. No such invention, unfortunately, -has taken place in the fields of painting and sculpture. These realms -are limited to the highest geniuses and “their choicest productions -appropriated by the few who combine wealth with taste.”[XVII-35] - -The intellectual forces are chiefly the desires to know. These desires -are three-fold: (1) to acquire knowledge, (2) to discover truth, and -(3) to impart information.[XVII-36] The desire to acquire knowledge -is perhaps strongest in the young. Youth will often learn anything, -without exercising any powers of discrimination. The gratification -of the desire to discover new truth yields almost divine thrills of -satisfaction. There are four methods of imparting information to -others, viz., (1) by conversing, (2) by teaching, (3) by lecturing, and -(4) by writing. - -In addition to the dynamic forces there is the directive agent in -society, namely, the intellect. Ward makes a precarious distinction -between the feelings and thought, or between intellect as a seat of -emotion, appetite and motive power, and intellect as the organ or -source of thought and ideas.[XVII-37] Ward’s psychology is admittedly -unscientific. The thought or ideational phase of the intellect Ward -divorced almost absolutely from the affective aspects of consciousness. -He failed to perceive the dynamic character of thought and ideas. He -made thought simply the directive agent in society. - -In thought, Ward found the hope of the race. Thought can restrain and -control social energy. It can produce telic methods of progress which -are immeasurably superior to the blind, ruthless methods of nature. -The procedure of nature with unlimited resources is “to produce an -enormously redundant supply, and to trust the environment to select -the best.”[XVII-38] Nature secures success through “the indefinite -multiplication of chances.” Hence the survival of the fittest results -in a sacrifice of a great majority--a highly wasteful method. The -method of mind is the reverse. Though prevision, mind utilizes all the -dynamic forces of society, that is the human desires, in constructive, -orderly ways. Social waste may be reduced, by telic methods, to a -minimum. Mind can perceive the best social ends and pursue them, -whereas nature works blindly. Thought has in its power the possibility -of subjugating natural forces and turning them into contributors to -human needs. - -Ward developed essentially four leading principles of social dynamics -and hence of societal progress. (1) The first law he called “difference -of potential.” This term, which he borrowed from physics, refers to the -difference in potential possibilities of individuals. This difference -is manifested, for example, in the crossing of cultures. It disturbs -social stability, and creates social liability. Sex is a device whereby -a difference of potential is maintained. While asexual reproduction -is characterized chiefly by repetition of forms, sexual reproduction -creates changes in the stock in countless directions. The difference of -potential which is caused by a crossing of strains is highly dynamic, -resulting in unnumbered variations, and hence in providing endless -opportunities for progress. In a similar way a cross fertilization of -cultures opens many opportunities for social advancement. “Progress -results from the fusion of unlike elements.”[XVII-40] Difference of -potential, again, is illustrated in the friction of mind upon mind. -Thoughts conflict, and the result is likely to be an invention. - -Difference of potential may lead to creative synthesis.[XVII-41] When -two elements are joined, the result is usually more than the sum of -the parts. The combining of hydrogen and oxygen in given proportions -produces water, which manifests characteristics that are not possessed -by either of the constituents. Likewise, the combining of two ideas by -the human mind may result in a new idea, and thus in progress. - -(2) A second dynamic principle is innovation, which has its biological -homologue in the sport, or mutant. Throughout nature and society, -fortuitous variations occur. Life at times breaks over the bounds of -pure heredity--the result is innovation. Variation, in the sense of -mutation or innovation, appears to be due to the exuberance of life. -At times nature appears to react against being bound by rigid laws of -heredity, to defy her own rules, and to become rampant. - -Social innovation is invention. New ideas often appear accidentally. -The mind in its exuberance coins new phrases, catches new glimpses -of reality, and creates ideas which are contrary to all that is -established and supposedly true. - -(3) Ward’s third law of progress is called conation. This concept -refers to social effort which is carried on naturally to satisfy -desire, to preserve or continue life, to modify the surroundings. In -satisfying normally the gregarious desires, the individual advances -the cause of social progress. In preserving the life of the child, -the mother presumably contributes to the welfare of the race. The -sacrifices which parents make in behalf of children are efforts which -further the welfare of society. Every constructive modification -of either the physical or spiritual environment benefits mankind. -Conation is thus a term which covers a multitude of activities that -are performed in the ordinary course of daily life, and which -unconsciously to the doers are adding to the sum total of human welfare. - -(4) The fourth dynamic principle which Ward described has already been -discussed, namely, the principle of social telesis. The possibilities -in social telesis are illimitable. Social telesis can turn the passions -and desires of men into socially useful channels. These passions are -bad only when directed to wrong ends. They are like fire--they can -destroy or they can refine. If individuals as members of society could -develop prevision and work together for societary ends, they would be -able to transform the world. - -Ward believed that greatness does not rest so much in intellectual -power as in emotional force. He had great faith in persons of average -intellectual ability who are ambitious. It thus becomes the part of -wisdom for society to educate wisely the average intelligence. Ward -challenged the idea that only a very few persons are geniuses and -that these individuals, by virtue of their superior abilities, will -uniformly overcome their environments. He held that genius is largely a -matter of focalization of psychic energy, and that by this process all -individuals may have the honor of contributing something valuable to -civilization. - -Ward pointed out that geniuses are as likely to appear in one social -stratum as in another, among the poor as among the healthy, in the -hovel as in the palace. He also demonstrated how society allows genius -and talent to be ruthlessly destroyed among the lower classes through -denial of opportunity. As a solution for this problem, Ward advocated -social distribution, that is, the distribution of all useful knowledge -to all humanity everywhere. A scientific system needs to be perfected -for the more thorough and equal distribution of the great volume of -valuable knowledge which has already been discovered. Ward was a strong -advocate of the socialization of education. - -In an article which appeared in the month following his death, Ward -discussed his idea of social progress under the terms, eugenics, -euthenics, and eudemics.[XVII-42] He supplemented a theory of sound -birth with a theory of sound environment. The practical result in -society would be a state of eudemics, or a society of sound people. - -Ward was an advocate of sociocracy. By sociocracy he did not mean a -democracy or a rulership that is likely to be conducted selfishly by -the individuals who exercise sovereign power. Sociocracy connotes a -rulership of the people in which each individual is governed primarily -not by his own interests but by the interests of society. - -Achievement was a large concept in Ward’s mind. He made “achievement” -one of the chief goals of human life. By achievement in behalf of human -progress individuals gain social immortality. The masses of humanity -are achieving little or nothing in behalf of society. - -In this treatment of Ward’s sociological thought it has not been the -aim of the writer to enter upon a dissertation regarding the abstract -and philosophic implications that are involved in the subject matter. -Neither has he attempted a polemic against the weaknesses in Ward’s -thinking, except to note the defective monistic philosophy and the -erroneous “faculty” psychology. It has been his purpose to let the -strong, constructive elements in Ward’s system of sociology speak -clearly and effectively for themselves. - - - - -CHAPTER XVIII - -ANTHROPOLOGIC SOCIOLOGY - - -Additional light upon the nature of sociological thought may be secured -by consulting the anthropologists, and particularly, the students -of social origins. The last mentioned group of scholars have been -unusually successful in making valuable contributions to sociological -thought, because they have used the psychological approach. - -For more than a century the anthropologists have been searching -for materials and advancing theories concerning the origin of man, -of conflict and co-operative tendencies, and of the early ideas -and institutions of the human race. They have been aided by the -investigations of the geologists and especially of the paleontologists. -The ethnographers and ethnologists have also discovered important -data. The findings of all these groups of investigators, as far as -they relate to the main thread of this book, will be here treated -essentially as a unitary contribution. There is not space to deal -specifically with the work of anthropologists, such as Tylor, Morgan, -Pitt-Rivers, Haddon, Frazer, Goldenweiser, Keane, and a number of other -prominent authorities. - -Anthropological social thought will be indicated here under several -headings. As far as possible the controversial and technical theories -in anthropology will be avoided. Certain of the ideas that have been -advanced by Sumner, Westermarck, Hobhouse, Wundt, Boas, and Thomas will -receive special attention, because they are unusually pertinent to the -main theme of this volume. - -1. There is common agreement among anthropologists that man is the -descendant of a branch of higher animal life, and that the creation of -man took place by a slow, evolutionary process. The slowness of this -developmental process does not necessarily lessen the mysterious or -miraculous character of it. It places the origin of the human race at -a much earlier date than was once supposed--perhaps from 200,000 to -500,000 years ago. The animal inheritance of man need not lead anyone -to deny the correlative fact that man possesses spiritual qualities not -common to the highest developed animals.[XVIII-1] - -Even the psychic equipment of man can be traced in its origins to the -primates with their individual and social instincts. The instinctive -bases of human conduct are hundreds of thousands of years old. They are -so intrinsically a part of human nature that no discussion of current -social problems will neglect the imperiousness of the ancient instinct -heritage of the human race. - -2. There is extensive anthropologic evidence that mankind had a -common origin. The remains of the earliest human beings are found -in a region which extends through India from Java to England. From -these geographic centers primitive man seems to have migrated in -various directions--northeast, southwest, and finally to the Western -Hemisphere. Different climatic and environmental conditions affected -the migrating groups in different ways. Those who migrated into the -tropical regions were retarded because of the enervating climatic -factors. Those who reached the frigid zone were also retarded, or -subjected to recidivism for a different reason--a harshness of living -conditions and an excess of environmental obstacles. The north -temperate zone with its fertile lands and its invigorating climate -afforded the proper _milieu_ for the development of the race. - -3. An important question relates to the alleged potential equality of -all races. The common origin of races is admitted, but the question -remains open whether, for example, the African races possess the same -innate mental abilities as the Caucasian races. The controversy here -is sharply drawn between the environmentalists and the eugenists. Each -side of the debate has collected a large body of evidence. In reality, -the question apparently boils down to this: Have the many centuries of -living under the enervating torrid zone conditions effected the African -races so deeply that under favorable cultural circumstances they have -become incapable of developing beyond a certain mental level which -is lower than that attained by the Caucasian races? In the past the -answer to this question has been a strong affirmative. The bulk of the -evidence that has been collected in recent years indicates that the -affirmative answer is incorrect. - -4. It is becoming clear that every race is a composite of several -races. Ethnological data show that the five grand divisions of the -human race may be subdivided into racial stocks, and into races and -sub-races, until more than 600 races may be described; and furthermore, -that each of the 600 or more races represents an amalgamation of at -least three or four races. It is evident that no clear line of racial -demarcation can be drawn, and that purity of race may be a fictitious -term. - -5. Intermarriage of the representatives of races belonging to similar -racial stocks seems advisable--according to the ethnologist. Pure -bloods apparently die out. The strongest races today are those in which -amalgamation has taken place recently--that is, within one thousand or -two thousand years, for example, the English, or the Scotch-Irish. - -A mooted question of world importance relates to the intermarriage -of the representatives of races widely different, such as the white -and the yellow races, or the white and the black races. No race has -yet developed out of such combinations. Race prejudices and social -distinctions have produced conflicts which thus far have prevented -the formation of such a race. Very few scientific data are available -regarding miscegenation. - -Apparently, the interbreeding of whites and blacks leads ultimately -to the elimination of the racial characteristics of the blacks and -to the complete dominance of the whites. There are some writers who -assert that this process takes place to the gain of the lower race and -to the loss of the higher race. The last-mentioned point has not yet -been proved. Miscegenation between whites and blacks occurs under such -abnormal and vicious social conditions that the racial tendencies are -definitely obscured. - -6. Conflict between races is primordial; conflict between races today -is illustrated in national wars and race persecutions. Weaker races -have often combined against a stronger race; from these experiences -there has come a growing sense of the value of co-operation. Nations -with high moral principles have united against a powerful neighbor -nation with bullying tendencies. Out of these temporary combinations -there has arisen a sense of need for permanent forms of national -co-operation. This common need will ultimately lead, undoubtedly, to a -permanent association of nations. - -The conflict between the grand divisions of the human race will -probably continue for a long time to come. Sometimes it is concentrated -in an antagonism between the white and yellow races; and again, it is -expressed in the more fundamental struggle between Occidentalism and -Orientalism. - -7. The origin and development of primitive ways of doing constitute -a well-cultivated field of study. Anthropologists have published an -endless amount of materials on the origin of languages, religions, -occupations, sex distinctions. A portion of this work has been done -without an accurate understanding of the psychological principles that -are involved, and hence has to be viewed with caution or neglected -entirely. - -W. G. Sumner, whose argument in favor of individualism and of a -_laissez faire_ governmental policy was given in Chapter XI, published -in his _Folkways_ a minute and extended account of the nature of -primitive institutions. - -In the development of his theories, Sumner began with the needs of -primitive peoples and with the attempts to meet these needs. Repetition -of these acts leads to established ways of doing, that is, to folkways. -Folkways are “the widest, most fundamental, and most important -operation by which the interests of men in groups are served.”[XVIII-2] -Societal life consists chiefly in making folkways and applying them. -Even the science of society might be defined as the study of folkways. -Folkways are the product of the trial and failure method of meeting -needs. They tend to become firmly established and to be passed on from -generation to generation. They become traditional. They acquire all -the authority which is attached to the memory of respected ancestors. -Even the ghosts of ancestors stalk the earth keeping guard over the -folkways. The folkways carry with them the conviction that they are -essential to human welfare. It is this conviction which gives them -the force of _mores_. Thus the folkways are not purposeful methods of -securing progress but unconscious ways of meeting current exigencies; -they are blindly and rigorously forced upon successive generations. - -8. Races are guilty of ethnocentrism.[XVIII-3] Each race considers -itself the center of mankind. It judges all other races by its own -standards, and not by a higher standard that is determined by data that -are representative of the best interests of all races. Ethocentrism -compels each race to exaggerate the importance of its own folkways and -to depreciate the folkways of other races. For example, the Romans -and Greeks called all outsiders “barbarians.” The Jews considered -themselves “the chosen people,” and the Romans and Greeks as “pagans.” - -9. Sumner divided the chief motives of human action into four classes: -Hunger, sex passion, vanity, and fear (of ghosts and spirits). Behind -each of these motives there is a set of interests. (1) Hunger led -primitive man to invent simple weapons and tools, such as arrows and -hoes, and then to produce and hoard more complex forms of wealth. A -strange peculiarity of wealth is its effect on its creator; it seems to -be stronger than its creator. It often bears him down to a slavish, -materialistic, and even selfish existence. Labor in the struggle -for existence is irksome and painful. Wealth and labor, however, -are both commendatory when they are used to increase human welfare. -In this statement Sumner overlooked the fact that wealth in order -to be commendable must also be produced under constructively social -conditions, and that labor in order to be praiseworthy must in its -exercise be individually helpful. In other words, Sumner’s test of the -use to which wealth and labor are put is incomplete. - -Sumner gave a new meaning to the term, slavery. He held that “men -of talent are constantly forced to serve the rest. They make the -discoveries and inventions, order the battles, write the books, and -produce the art.”[XVIII-4] Sumner deplored the tendency to call -whatever one does not like by the name of slavery. He felt that -marriage slavery, rent slavery, sin slavery are terms which are coined -by a too easily disgruntled people. - -(2) The sex passion leads to sex _mores_ which cover the relations of -men and women to each other before marriage and in marriage, and the -obligations of married persons to society. The sex _mores_ determine -the nature of marriage and of divorce. Sumner derided sex equality. Man -has a more stable nervous system than woman, is more self-absorbed, -more egoistic, less tactful. Since man has greater physical strength -than woman, woman was educated by circumstances in primitive days -to adapt herself to the stronger sex, and to win by developing -charms where her lack of comparative strength rendered her helpless. -Resignation and endurance thus became acquired traits of women. - -Neither renunciation nor license is the proper method of control of the -sex passions. Both produce unnecessary agony. License, for example, -“stimulates desire without limit, and ends in impotent agony.” Sumner -advocated temperance and regulation--a regulation which comes from -knowledge and judgment. - -Women by necessity must bear an unequal share in the responsibilities -of sex and reproduction. Likewise, men must bear an unequal share of -the responsibilities of property, war, and politics. For the latter -types of duties women are hampered by a delicately adjusted and -cumbersome generative system which men do not possess.[XVIII-5] - -Formerly women yielded to the will of men. Today, the marital state is -one of endless discussion, a defeat for one party or the other, with -unpleasant effects upon life and character. In ancient times women took -pride in the supervision which their husbands exercised over them and -valued themselves as hidden treasures.[XVIII-6] This protected position -was considered aristocratic. Under polygamy, women looked with pity and -disgust upon the man who cannot, or is unwilling to, support more than -one wife. - -At this point it is interesting to note that W. I. Thomas has -distinguished between the sexes on the basis of differences in -metabolism--men being katabolic and women anabolic. Man consumes more -energy than woman.[XVIII-7] He is better fitted for bursts of energy, -while woman possesses more endurance. Man’s structural variability is -toward motion; woman’s, toward reproduction. Hence man seems to have -been assigned in primitive society to tasks requiring violence and -exertion, whereas to women fell the work requiring constant attention. - -Civilization thus far has largely profited by the intelligence of man. -If to this situation it will develop and add the intelligence of women, -it will be supplanted by a higher type of civilization. Under these -conditions a large percentage of marriages will represent “the true -comradeship of like minds,” instead of being frequently, as now, an -arrangement in which woman is treated as a pet. - -(3) The motive of vanity is all-powerful. “One likes to be separated -from the crowd by what is admired, and dislikes to be distinguished for -what is not admired.”[XVIII-8] To satisfy vanity, barbarian mothers -“deform their babies toward an adopted type of bodily perfection.” -Aristocracies grow up out of appeals to vanity. An aristocracy is a -group of persons closely united who define the possession of things -for which they are admired and which the masses do not possess. Vanity -leads to all types of absurdities and indecencies in dress. Teeth are -knocked out for the sake of appeasing vanity. An Indian woman puts a -board on the forehead of her baby to make the forehead recede. - -(4) Fear as a motive rules the lives of primitives. Fear of ghosts and -spirits is peculiarly enslaving. Pestilence, defeat in war, bodily pain -were all considered the result of the wrath of the gods. - -The mass phenomena of fear are especially pitiful. Manias of various -types rule whole masses. Witchcraft thrived for centuries on the -strength of fear. Pilgrimages and crusades were partly due to fear; -demonism was a product of fear. When fear became firmly established -in the folkways, it acted as an ever-ruling tyrant. In the _mores_ -it became firmly entrenched and was a leading factor in moulding -character. Through religious practices and dogmas it defined a “hell” -and ruled with a fearful hand. - -10. Upon simplest analyses, according to Sumner, four societal -values stand out with clearness: intellectual, moral, economic, and -physical.[XVIII-9] Each of these, however, is composite. The highest -societal value seems to result from a harmonious combination of the -four values enumerated. The best member of society is he in whom the -intellectual, moral, economic, and physical values are more or less -equally and harmoniously represented. - -11. Sumner divided society into five main classes.[XVIII-10] (1) -The masses represent social mediocrity. They are of average social -usefulness. (2) Then there are the dependent and defective classes--a -drag upon society but not harmful or vicious. (3) The delinquent -classes are grossly harmful. They are anti-social and a grievous -burden. (4) Above the masses there are the people of talent, and (5) -above the talented are the geniuses. “A man of talent, practical -sense, industry, perseverance, and moral principle is worth more -to society than a genius who is not morally responsible, or not -industrious.”[XVIII-11] - -It is a mistake to think of the masses as being at the base of society; -they are located at the core. They are traditional, conservative, and -the bearers of the _mores_. The lowest sections of the masses are a -dead weight of ignorance, disease, and crime. - -12. A social institution is composed of an idea, notion, or interest, -and a resultant structure. The primary institutions are property, -marriage, and religion.[XVIII-12] These began as folkways; they became -customs. Social institutions can be modified only when the _mores_ -are changed; they develop rituals, which are ceremonious, solemn, and -strongest when perfunctory and when exciting no thought.[XVIII-13] - -Sumner boldly asserted that nothing but might has ever made right, -and that nothing but might makes right now.[XVIII-14] The fact that -property began in force is not proof that property is an unjust -institution. Marriage and religion also began in force, but the element -of justice in the existence of these institutions is not seriously -questioned today. Sumner, however, did not discriminate between force -as an agent or a tool, and force as a primary cause. He did not -distinguish clearly between hate and love as the dynamic factors behind -action that is decisive. He did not set forth the distinction between -harsh, material, immutable force and a kindly, spiritual, attracting -love. - -13. The persistency of folkways and _mores_ is illustrated in a -thousand ways by Sumner. He described (1) their slow variability -under changed life conditions, (2) their sudden variability under -revolutionary conditions, (3) the possibility of changing them by -intelligent action, (4) the problems involved in adjusting one’s self -to the _mores_ of another group, (5) the conflicts between the _mores_ -of different groups.[XVIII-15] - -The _mores_ are powerful engines of societal selection. The most -important fact about the _mores_ is the power which they exert over the -individual. He does not know their source. He is born into them. He -accepts them in his early years uncritically. His habits and character -are moulded by them. If in adult life he challenges them, he is -ostracized by his group, labeled unpatriotic, and even trodden under -foot.[XVIII-16] The _mores_ develop powerful watch-words, slogans, -and even epithets of contempt and disapproval which only the most -independent and courageous individuals dare to face. - -14. Ideals are entirely unscientific, declared Sumner.[XVIII-17] -They are phantasies little connected with fact. They are often formed -to pacify the restless, or to escape settling a question justly in -the present. The “poor” are told to look to the next life for their -rewards. The radicals are urged to accept the Christian virtues of -meekness and lowliness. Ideals are useful, chiefly, in homiletics, -in self-education _via_ auto-suggestion, in satisfying vanity, in -marriage. In these observations, Sumner undoubtedly pointed out genuine -weaknesses in ideals. He underestimated the psychological fact that -they spring from the very real affective phases of consciousness, -and that they can be projected rationally. He was right, however, in -deploring the chasm which exists between ideals and practices, and in -showing how ideals may become encysted in literature although not in -the _mores_. “The Greeks proved that people could sink very low while -talking very nobly.” - -Immorality is conduct contrary to the _mores_ of the time and -place.[XVIII-18] Chastity is conformity to the current taboo on the -sex relation. “Modesty is reserve of behavior and sentiment.” Even -“nakedness is never shameful when it is unconscious,” that is, when -there is no consciousness of a difference between fact and the rule set -by the _mores_. - -Sumner deduced an important principle when he asserted that the -“_mores_ can make anything right.” The _mores_ give usages a certain -order and form, and cover them with a protecting mantle of propriety. -The sanction of the _mores_ is utilized by the class in power in order -to maintain the established régime, even though it be one of injustice. - -Sumner decried the importance which is ordinarily attached to book -learning,[XVIII-19] because it is addressed to the intellect rather -than to the feelings which are the springs of action. The real -education is that which comes through personal influence and example. -It is derived from “the habits and atmosphere of a school, not from the -school textbooks.” - -15. Despite Sumner’s failure to appreciate the significance of a -thoroughgoing psychological approach to an analysis of folkways, his -description of these societal phenomena constitutes a unique and -valuable contribution to social thought. Sumner’s rigorous attitude -toward social life did not permit him to enter into an extensive -interpretation of the folkways in the light of folk ideals. He dealt -with what _is_ to the exclusion of what _ought to be_. He saw the past -so clearly, and the present so much as a reflection of the past, that -no enheartening forward look was possible. He rested his theories on -the inexorable work of the laws of biological evolution, modified -chiefly by his belief in a strong individualism. - -Sumner’s fundamental theses have been developed and modified by A. G. -Kellor. Professor Kellor has projected the Darwinian principles of -variation, selection, transmission, and adaptation into societal -concepts. In fact, he has done this so well that he has given the -Darwinian principles full sway, not allowing sufficiently for the rise -and operation of complex psychic principles. He has made the folkways -the connecting link between organic and societal evolution, but has -not noted fully the new, countless, and often intangible but powerful -factors by which societal evolution is characterized. - -16. The rôle that concepts of conduct have played in the evolution of -society, has been analyzed by E. A. Westermarck and L. T. Hobhouse. -The former is usually known as an anthropologist, and the latter -as a sociologist. Professor Westermarck has shown that, strictly -speaking, a custom is not merely the habit of a certain group of -people; it also involves a rule of conduct.[XVIII-21] It possesses two -characteristics--habitualness and obligatoriness. - -Not every public habit, however, is a custom, involving an -obligation.[XVIII-22] There may be certain practices which are more -or less common in society, but which at the same time are generally -condemned. The disapproval of these is as a rule not very deep or -genuine. - -Dr. Westermarck has indicated that there is a close similarity between -the conscience of a community and of an individual.[XVIII-23] If a -group commits a sin twice, it is likely to be considered allowable. In -order to get at the real nature of societal life, the “bad habits” as -well as the professed opinions of groups must be examined. - -“Society” says Dr. Westermarck, “is the birthplace of the moral -consciousness.”[XVIII-24] Emotions which are felt by the community at -large tend to take the form of conduct standards. The moral emotions -lead to a variety of moral concepts. These fall into two main classes: -concepts of disapproval, such as the concepts, bad, vice, wrong; and -concepts of approval, such as good, virtue, and merit. - -Professor Westermarck is convinced of the tremendous influence -that religious beliefs have exerted upon the moral ideas of -mankind.[XVIII-25] This influence has been exceedingly varied. -Religion has taught the principles of love and yet has indulged in -cruel persecutions. It has condemned murder and yet been a party to -child sacrifice. “It has emphasized the duty of truth-speaking, and -has itself been a cause of pious fraud.” Professor Westermarck has -contributed to social thought not only in his valuable descriptions -of the rise and evolution of moral ideas, but also in his _History of -Human Marriage_, to which reference will be made in Chapter XXIV. - -The writings of L. T. Hobhouse reveal a thorough, comparative study -of the conduct rules of mankind. Professor Hobhouse has described the -evolution of ethical consciousness as displayed in the habits, customs, -and principles that have arisen in human history for the regulation of -human conduct. He has shown how, in the lowest forms of the organic -world, behavior is regulated, and directed to some purpose.[XVIII-27] -This behavior is somewhat definitely determined by the structure of the -organism itself.[XVIII-28] - -There are three forces which may be called social, or which tend to -keep society together. These social bonds are: (1) the principle -of kinship, (2) the principle of authority, and (3) the principle -of citizenship.[XVIII-29] Kinship is the moving force in primitive -society. The principle of authority becomes prominent when one tribe -captures and enslaves a weaker group. This principle is also invoked in -order to secure an integration of openly diverse attitudes within the -group, even of modern national groups. It is exemplified in the various -forms of absolutism in government. The principle of citizenship finds -expression when certain individuals within the group are delegated to -perform as servants and ministers of the public as a whole.[XVIII-30] -Personal rights and the common good are the two reigning ideals. Every -individual is recognized as having a right to the conditions requisite -for the full development of his social personality. The good in life -consists “in the bringing out into full bloom of those capacities of -each individual which help to maintain the common life.”[XVIII-31] The -third principle, that of citizenship, when carried to its conclusion -reveals the possibility of a world state.[XVIII-32] - -It is the contention of Professor Hobhouse that there is a close -connection between the growth of law and justice and the prevalent -forms of social organization. Organized law has developed out of a -sense of community responsibility, which, however, has expressed itself -as a rule in crude ways, and without distinguishing between accident -and design. This sense of community responsibility in primitive groups -tends to hold in check the spirit of anarchy and of self-redress. -Sooner or later, the method of community self-redress yields to -the authority of a chief or of a council representing the whole -community.[XVIII-33] Ultimately the community develops a special social -organ for adjusting disputes and preventing crime. It is then that the -ethical idea becomes separated from the conflicting passions of the -collectivity. Thus, the foundations are laid for true judicial inquiry -by evidence and genuine proof, and for a system of scientific public -justice. - -17. In applying the principles of folk psychology to the anthropologic -field, William Wundt has developed a new method and new theories. Folk -psychology is the study of “the relations which the intellectual, -moral, and other mental characteristics of peoples sustain to one -another.”[XVIII-34] The term was originated by Lazarus and Steinthal, -whose works will be referred to again in Chapter XXII. In the -masterpiece on the _Elements of Folk Psychology_, Wundt has given -a psychological description of the main processes and institutions -in society, tracing them from their beginnings in the processes of -nature; he has made a survey of human progress. His study opens with -a discussion of the processes which produced the digging stick, the -club, and the hammer; it ends with an analysis of world empire, world -culture, world religions, and world history. The intervening ages are -the totemic and the age of heroes and gods. - -World empire affected primarily the material aspects of the life of -peoples. It led to world intercourse, which in turn multiplied the -needs of peoples. These multiplied needs were followed by exchanges of -the means of satisfying the needs. The external and material phases of -culture are survived by the spiritual phases--thus world culture is -a sequence of world empire. It may be said that the vicissitudes of -peoples under the rule of the world empire idea brings forth a unified -history. World culture in turn creates a common mental heritage for -mankind.[XVIII-36] - -In the establishment of a world culture, world religions are the -leading forces. They have been foremost in creating the idea of a -universal human community. In particular, Christianity is based on -a belief in a God who makes no distinction between race or class or -occupation. Consequently, “it has regarded missionary activity among -heathen peoples as a task whose purpose it is finally to unite the -whole of mankind beneath the cross of Christ.”[XVIII-37] - -For a long time in human history, religious development was considered -to be the main connecting link--such was the contention of St. -Augustine. In 1725, Vico argued that the development of language and -jurisprudence is of universal import.[XVIII-38] Finally, world history -has become an account of the mental life of peoples--“a psychological -account of the development of mankind.” - -18. The work of Professor Wundt is similar in many ways, although -characterized by a distinctive starting point and by many differences, -to the contributions of Franz Boas and W. I. Thomas. Professor Boas has -declared his belief in man’s ability to dominate the laws of organic -evolution as expressed in human life. He has brought forward a large -amount of evidence in support of the theory that environment has caused -differences between races. He has pointed out that race prejudice -is largely a product of social environment, and that under changed -conditions of life it has little place in the world. Boas is a strong -advocate of the theory, already advanced in this chapter, that all -races are potentially equal in ability, and that they would demonstrate -the truth of this statement, if given a common cultural background and -social opportunities. He has advanced the idea that “the organization -of mind is practically identical among all races of men.”[XVIII-39] - -Professor Boas has amassed considerable evidence to show that in the -matter of inhibition of impulses, of power of attention, of ability to -do original thinking, primitive man compares favorably with civilized -man. Inasmuch as the social environment is powerful and education is -effective in making over social environments, education can raise all -races to the same high level, and at the same time unify them upon -the same knowledge bases. This contention is similar to the position -that Professor Hobhouse has made clear, namely: “While race has been -relatively stagnant, society has rapidly developed.” Moreover, social -progress is determined not by alterations or racial type, but by -modifications of social cultures.[XVIII-40] These modifications are -caused primarily by the interactions of social causes. - -19. Noteworthy pioneering in the field of social anthropology and -social origins has been done by W. I. Thomas. He has developed the -theory that progress results from “crises.”[XVIII-41] As long as -life runs along smoothly, a lack of interest is likely to ensue. The -result is ennui. But a crisis in any of the life processes arouses -the attention, that is, produces a concentration of psychic energy. A -disturbance of any habit is a crisis. When the exigences of the crisis -are solved through a focalization of consciousness, the situation is -said to be controlled by the individual, who again lapses into a state -of disinterestedness until another disturbance of habit occurs. The new -method of control will be imitated. If imitated widely, it will mark a -rise in the level of civilization. - -It will be observed at once that the power of attention to meet crises -is largely an individual matter and that the rôle of the individual is -very important. The group level of culture limits the power of the mind -to meet crises and to make adjustments.[XVIII-42] The mind is limited -by the psychic fund which the group already possesses. If there is no -knowledge of mathematics in the group, then a large banking system is -impossible. Crises, attention, control--these are the three leading -concepts in Thomas’ theory of social origins. - -Control is the object of all purposeful activity.[XVIII-43] It is the -end, and attention is the means. An animal differs from a plant in -that it has a superior control over a larger environment than does the -plant. “It does not wait for food, but goes after it.” Man differs from -an animal partly in the fact that his fore limbs are free to secure -new and varied forms of control. Moreover, man through his mind has -a superior instrument of control. By the use of knowledge, mind is -effective in controlling factors that are present in neither time nor -space. Through its inventions, such as language, religious creeds, -mechanical appliances, forms of government, man has risen to a high -level of civilization. - -Thomas has analyzed the social process in terms of social attitude and -social values. An attitude is a process of individual consciousness -that determines “the real or possible activity of the individual in -the social world.”[XVIII-45] A social value, on the other hand, is any -datum that has an empirical content accessible to the members of a -social group and a meaning which may make it an object of activity. -Activity is thus the bond between a social attitude and a social -value. The value is the meaning which a material or spiritual datum -may have. An attitude is a real or implied going out after value. -Social psychology is the science of social attitudes. At this point -anthropologic social thought has merged into social psychology. - -Until twenty-five years ago, anthropology interpreted societary origins -pretty largely in terms of the individual. With the use of a social -psychology such as Cooley represents, “anthropology has given more -accurate explanations and become essentially a social anthropology.” - -Before we discuss the different phases of psycho-sociologic thought, it -will be well to make clear the recent advances that have been made in -the biologic phases of social thought. The center of attention in this -field is the relation of the laws of heredity to human progress, which -constitutes the problem in eugenics. A discussion of eugenic social -thought will bring forward in a scientific way the chief elements -of an intellectual situation that was left, in Chapter XVI, in the -unsatisfactory Spencerian formulae. A presentation of eugenic social -thought will give a valuable background to the discussion which follows -concerning psycho-sociologic thought. - - - - -CHAPTER XIX - -EUGENIC SOCIOLOGY - - -Eugenic social thought is the child of biological discoveries. -Eugenics, the science of good breeding, which did not achieve -scientific standing until the closing years of the last century, may -be traced back in its incipient forms to Plato, who advocated that -strength should mate only with strength, and that imperfect children -should be eliminated from society. In its scientific origins eugenics -dates from 1859, when Darwin’s _Origin of Species_ was first published. -Its beginning as a distinct field of human thinking is found in -the articles by Francis Galton on “Hereditary Talent and Genius,” -which appeared in 1865; and in 1869, in book form under the title, -_Hereditary Genius_.[XIX-1] - -Eugenic social thought deals with the operation of the laws of heredity -in society. It was a part of this field which Francis Galton made -world-known by his treatises on _Hereditary Genius_ and _Inquiries into -the Human Faculty_.[XIX-2] In 1904, Galton wrote a paper entitled: -“Eugenics; Its Definition, Scope and Aims.” In this dissertation the -new science of eugenics was formally introduced to the world. Gabon’s -analysis of eugenics became its leading interpretation.[XIX-3] - -The mantle of the founder fell upon Professor Karl Pearson, whose -work at times has assumed a distinctly statistical nature. Professor -Pearson’s leaning toward biometry has brought severe criticism upon -him. The statistical approach, while exact and thought-provoking, is -subject to various errors in interpretation of data. The viewpoint from -which Professor Pearson writes, however, is not one-sided. For example, -he states that “it may require years to replace a great leader of man, -but a stable and efficient society can only be the outcome of centuries -of development.”[XIX-4] He holds that group conscience ought for the -sake of social welfare to be stronger than private interest, and that -the ideal citizen should be able to form a judgment free from personal -bias.[XIX-5] - -C. W. Saleeby, another English writer, has developed an independent -reputation as a eugenist.[XIX-6] In the United States, such men as -C. B. Davenport[XIX-7] and Paul Popenoe have made important eugenic -contributions. The recent tendency has been to be wary of purely -statistical studies of heredity and to rely more definitely upon case -studies. However, since eugenics is directly indebted to the studies -of heredity and since heredity must be investigated for several -generations, eugenic social thought has not yet developed far. - -Galton defined eugenics as the science of good breeding. Its aim as a -pure science is to study the agencies under social control “that may -improve or impair the racial qualities of future generations, either -physically or mentally.” Galton’s program, as outlined by the founder -shortly before his death, insisted upon (1) a study of the laws of -heredity, (2) a dissemination of knowledge about heredity, (3) a study -of the factors underlying marriage, (4) a study of birth rates, and (5) -a case study of individual families. - -Eugenic social thought holds that heredity among human beings operates -according to the same laws that govern heredity among animals. The -theory of Mendelian units becomes in practice the theory of multiple -factors. The unit characters, upon analysis, appear to be complex and -to be inherited in complex ways. Multiple factors are inherited from -generation to generation directly when pure factors are united with -pure factors. But when the pure is united with the hybrid, then the -laws of dominance and recessiveness operate. In such combinations -certain factors tend to express themselves in greater proportion -than do other elements. This failure to secure expression in a given -generation, however, means that the specific factor is recessive for -the time being. Later, it will likely appear. - -Galton stated another important eugenic law, the law of regression. -Each peculiarity is inherited by the offspring on the average in a -slightly less degree than it is found in the parent. Hence, according -to Galton, good traits and poor traits alike are inherited in a -degree nearer mediocrity by the offspring than by the parents. This -law partially explains why gifted men rarely have sons who are equally -gifted. The law seems to hold good for large numbers, but not when -considered in relation to single families. It serves as a check upon -variation and mutation. - -Galton and Pearson advanced another statistical law, the law of -ancestral inheritance. Galton supposed that the parents contribute -to the child one-half of his inherited factors, the grandparents -one-fourth, and so on. Pearson has secured statistical evidence which -shows that Galton’s geometric series is incorrect, and that on the -average in a large number of cases the parents together contribute to -the child .624 of his traits; the four grandparents, .198; the eight -great grandparents, .063; and so on. - -The law of mutation, described by de Vries and other geneticists, -refers to the appearance of mutants, or individuals who do not -reproduce to form but represent a new line of heredity. In this way the -appearance of genius may often be accounted for. However, the factors -which explain the appearance of mutants have not yet been analyzed. - -Another fundamental genetic consideration is the law of selection. If -individuals with worthy traits mate only with individuals who possess -worthy traits, a superior stock will be produced. This tendency is very -important, since it points the way to a potent method of securing -social progress. - -Eugenic social thought has been developed in part on the basis of the -Weismann theory of no or slight transmission of acquired traits. The -germ-plasm is transmitted from individual to offspring in a direct -line of descent. Injuries to the parent rarely change the nature of -the germ-plasm. Only extreme malnutrition or excessive use of alcohol -apparently exerts a definite influence on the germ cells. Nature has -thus made provision for the protection of germ-plasm, whether strong -or defective. Society, then, may encourage the mating of individuals -who possess strong physical and mental traits, and discourages the -mating of individuals who are defective--thus securing its own positive -improvement. - -Eugenic social thought follows two courses. Restrictive eugenics -advocates the segregation of the so-called dysgenic classes, such as -the feeble-minded, the insane, and the grossly defective criminal. -Public opinion reacts against sterilization; injustice that cannot be -remedied may be done through the use of sterilization. Segregation by -sexes, while involving expense, is a satisfactory eugenic method of -safeguarding society against the reproduction of dysgenic persons. - -The other trend of eugenic thought supports the raising of the -standards of choice in mating. Constructive eugenics, as distinguished -from restrictive eugenics, urges a program of education whereby -young people will habitually rate one another by physical and mental -standards rather than by wealth and class standards. - -Eugenics disapproves of random mating. It favors assortative -mating, because, for example, the “marriage of representatives of -two long-lived strains ensures that the offspring will inherit -more longevity than does the ordinary man.”[XIX-9] Eugenics thus -stresses the importance of teaching young people eugenic ideas, and -of training them to be guided by these ideals rather than by caprice -and passion.[XIX-10] Eugenic ideals include health, paternity and -maternity, and pleasing disposition. Education and character are -secondary eugenic ideals of importance. - -A study of the birth rate shows that the inferior stocks and classes -of individuals produce many more children than do the superior groups. -Many cultured people do not marry, or if they marry they keep the birth -rate very low. As a result, the racial character of a whole people may -change within a few generations. The superior strains may be lost and -the inferior furnish the entire population. - -The low birth rate of the superior stocks is due to several factors: -(1) The lengthening period of education and of professional training -calls for the postponement of marriage. (2) The desire to give children -the best advantages limits the birth rate. (3) The increasing spirit of -independence on the part of women causes a postponement of marriage -and a limitation of the number of children. These and other causes have -produced a differential birth rate in favor of the inferior strains. -Eugenic thought urges that the differential be reversed in favor of the -superior strains. This conclusion implies that the dysgenic classes -must be prevented from producing children, that the poor must be raised -to higher educational and economic levels and taught to limit the birth -rate, and that the eugenically superior be taught to increase the birth -rate. - -Eugenics pronounces war to be both dysgenic and eugenic.[XIX-11] (1) -It is dysgenic in that the bravest and the physically best are killed -first. In the case of a long war only the weakest men physically and -mentally are left alive to propagate the race. (2) War is dysgenic -in that it produces a large number of hurried marriages. Rational -choices of mates are supplanted by sudden emotional reactions. (3) War -is dysgenic in that sex immorality greatly increases. Prostitution -flourishes in the neighborhood of military encampments, unless rigid -means of control are established. (4) Again, the dysgenic effect of war -is seen in the period of socio-mental unrest which always follows war, -and which among other things undermines rational sexual selection. - -The chief eugenic effect of war is manifested during the period of -training. This preparation period accents the importance of a strong -physique and health measures. An insipid, stoop-shouldered population -of city young men may be transformed into an army of fit soldiers. -However, the conclusions are obvious that the dysgenic effects of -war are far more potent than the eugenic gains, and that the eugenic -advantages may he acquired in other ways than by promulgating war. - -Eugenics looks askance at the feminism movement. Feminism once meant -the development of the womanly traits of the sex. It now refers to the -elimination as far as possible of sex differences. It would make women -as nearly as possible like men. Eugenics objects to this trend, since -it underestimates the importance of the fact that women physically -are built to be mothers. To the extent that women enter into all the -occupations, they will become men-like; and their efficiency as mothers -of the race will decrease, and the race will suffer. - -The economic equality of the sexes is a satisfactory doctrine to the -eugenist if the doctrine is extended to make motherhood a salaried -occupation, like mill work or stenography.[XIX-12] “Child-bearing -should be recognized as being as worthy of remuneration as any -occupation which men enter, and should be paid for (by the state) on -the same basis.”[XIX-13] - -Eugenics would throw every possible safeguard around motherhood, -especially in the period immediately before and after the birth of -the child. The mother, even the expectant mother, “is doing our -business, indispensable and exacting business, and we must take care -of her accordingly. She is not only a worker but the foremost of all -workers.”[XIX-14] - -Eugenic thought as represented in the writings of C. W. Saleeby has -denominated alcohol, venereal disease, and tuberculosis as “racial -poisons.” While there is some doubt regarding the eugenic effects of -taking small amounts of alcohol into the human body, eugenists are -agreed that alcohol, when taken in excess quantities, affects the -germ-plasm and produces a neurotic taint. It appears that alcoholism -may be a cause in producing defective children. The verdicts of hygiene -and economics that alcoholism is injurious to the race is supported by -eugenics. - -Venereal disease, another so-called racial poison, produces toxins -which apparently affect the germ-plasm indirectly if not directly. -It lowers the physical and moral tone and causes unfavorable racial -tendencies. Venereal disease tends to destroy the generative organs and -to cut off the birth rate entirely. It is a result of sex immorality -which in itself tends to produce children under such abnormal -conditions of vice that it becomes an anti-social, if not a dysgenic -factor, in society. To the extent of course, that venereal disease -kills off the racially useless, it may be considered eugenic.[XIX-15] -Such a point of view, however, fails to rate properly the invasions -which venereal disease is continually making upon normal and superior -types of germ-plasm. - -Tuberculosis weakens the membranous tissues and probably leads in a -few generations to an unusual degree of susceptibility to the invasion -of tubercle bacilli. It is still a question, however, to what extent -tuberculosis may be counted a racial poison. Professor Hobhouse has -argued that, by the development of scientific hygiene, it will be -possible to center attention not upon eliminating a tubercular stock -but upon eliminating the tubercle bacilli.[XIX-16] - -In regard to race questions the social anthropologist and the eugenist -represent different poles of thought. As was indicated in the preceding -chapter, the social anthropologists, such as Boas and Thomas, support -the theory of potential race equality. The eugenist, on the other hand, -contends that there are inherently superior and inferior racial stocks, -and that the marriages of representatives of inferior stocks with -representatives of superior stocks will produce children of a stock -distinctly lower than that of the superior stocks. The eugenists in the -United States hold that the immigration of the southern and eastern -peoples of Europe will not only supplant through a higher birth rate -the native stock of Nordic origin but, where marriages between natives -and southern and eastern European immigrants occur, it will lower the -racial quality of the population. While eugenic thought in this matter -deserves a complete and respectful hearing, it must be considered along -with the findings of social anthropology. - -Eugenic thought opposes the miscegenation of the Caucasian and -African. The Negro, it is contended, is not only different from -the Caucasian but as a rule is eugenically inferior, judged by the -achievements of the Negro. Moreover, the eugenist interprets the -anthropological tests to show that the innate ability of a colored -man “is proportionate to the amount of white blood he has.” The -conclusion of eugenics is that “in general the white race loses and -the Negro gains from miscegenation,”[XIX-17]--as far as the germinal -natures of the two races are concerned. The eugenist would forbid all -intermarriage between the races, and urge that the taboo against sexual -intercourse between the races be extended. - -In the light of eugenic thought genealogy may become scientific, -in fact, it may become a valuable source of scientific materials -for eugenics. Heretofore genealogy has been the concern of a few -leisure-class people, who have taken pleasure and pride in recounting -the fact that some one of a possible thousand or more ancestors several -generations back was distinguished in some way or other, and who would -have friends or the public believe that they inherited from this -ancestor of note the characteristics which made him great. Eugenics -points out a nobler purpose to which genealogy may be put. It urges -that mental and physical traits of every individual in all families -be carefully analyzed and accurately and systematically recorded. In -this way it will be possible in a generation to have available a large -amount of eugenic materials, and in a few generations a reliable body -of data for studying racial heredity. - -The debate regarding the comparative influences of nature and nurture -has been long and bitter. It may be said here that both heredity and -environment are more or less equally essential in the development of -human personality. Without inherited factors in the individual the -environment has nothing upon which to work. Without a stimulating -environment the inherited traits will remain dormant. Each human being -has inherited factors which, if played upon by certain environmental -factors, may lead the individual to try to wreck society or himself -or both. Every person, also, has traits which, if stimulated by -the proper environmental elements may cause him to develop into a -useful member of society. While the environment cannot change the -inherited potentialities very much, if any, it is a prime factor of -vast importance in determining which inherited tendencies will never -find expression, which will be expressed in modified ways, and which -will reach full fruition. Eugenics insists with increasing force that -educational programs shall provide that every child be not only well -reared but also well born. A weakness in eugenic thought is that it -implies that sound racial stock is sufficient to guarantee progress; -it tends at times to overstress an aristocracy of racial stock. -It sometimes detracts from the importance of character and moral -discipline as essential elements in social progress. - - - - -CHAPTER XX - -CONFLICT THEORIES IN SOCIOLOGY - - -The concept of social conflict has already been introduced to the -reader. In the chapter on Individualistic Social Thought the prolonged -struggle between individual rights and genuine social control was -analyzed. Malthus described the conflict between population and the -means of subsistence. Comte insisted that man is not naturally a social -being. Hence this unsocial nature of mankind is a fruitful source of -human conflict. Marx pictured the class struggle; and Darwin elaborated -the doctrine of the survival of the fittest. - -The slightest grasp of social thought reveals the fact that human -association is characterized at times by deep-seated and subtle -conflicts; and at other times by a fundamental co-operative spirit. -Some sociological writers have seen only or chiefly the conflicts -of life; others have sought out the co-operative activities; still -others have tried to discover the relationships between conflict and -co-operation in societal development. This chapter will deal with the -concept of social conflict, while the next chapter will be centered on -the ideal of social co-operation and upon the relationship of conflict -to co-operation in group processes. - -One of the outstanding believers in the theory that conflict dominates -societal life was Ludwig Gumplowicz (1838–1910). His system of thought -begins with the assertion that primitive hordes were the original -units of society. Gumplowicz dissented from Herbert Spencer’s belief -in the individual as the original societary unit, although he accepted -the determinism that is inherent in Spencer’s theory of evolution. -Gumplowicz also repudiated Comte’s belief in social amelioration -through prevision, but subscribed to Comte’s positivism. - -According to Gumplowicz, society began with a large number of primitive -groups, which were self-sustaining and self-conscious units. Each one -of these hordes was a warring group, possessing an instinctive hatred -of all other hordes.[XX-1] As these hordes increased in size, the -general food supply failed to meet the needs. Consequently, inter-group -struggle resulted and the members of the weaker hordes were either -destroyed or enslaved. The existence of slaves led to situations of -intra-group inequality, which in turn created problems involving -justice and injustice. - -As a result of continual conflicts between groups, there are -frequent changes taking place in their personnel. The vanquished are -continually being absorbed by victorious groups. In a given successful -group two classes are at once established, namely, the victors and -the vanquished. Classes are thus continually arising out of new -juxtapositions of heterogeneous racial elements.[XX-2] - -It was in an intense form of group self-interest that Gumplowicz -found the mainspring of social progress. This self-interest leads to -an exaggerated group appraisement, a strong degree of group unity, a -state of warfare between groups--and perhaps progress. Basic to this -group self-interest, there are the material needs of the members of the -group; the economic desires and the occupational interests; and the -moral and spiritual tendencies. The group is bound together by various -factors, such as a common social life, a common language, religion, and -culture. - -Gumplowicz advocated a theory of potential race equality. He argued -against innate racial superiority and racial inferiority. He doubted -the existence of any pure races. Each race is a compound of other -races, and hence races are potentially similar in fundamental respects. -National progress, therefore, holds no connection with race purity. - -Gumplowicz minimized the importance of the individual. Society rules. -Centuries of traditions dominate. The thoughts of the individual are -almost, if not entirely, a mere reflection of the social environment. -The group develops group pride or group disloyalty in the minds of its -members. The distinguished leader is largely the man who expresses the -will of the group during the group crisis. Gumplowicz makes only a -brief reference to the process of interaction between the individual -and the group.[XX-3] An underlying theory of natural determinism -vitiates much of Gumplowicz’s ideas concerning the individual. - -Inasmuch as society, like individuals, passes through a cycle of growth -and decay, subject to unchangeable natural and societary laws, there -is no justification for individual interference with social processes. -In fact, this theory led Gumplowicz into pessimistic conclusions -concerning life. He failed to see that societal life is not necessarily -a series of hopeless cyclical conflicts, and that social processes are -becoming increasingly subject to human control--for good or ill. He did -not appreciate the fact that groups are not subject to laws of cyclical -growth and decay after the manner of individuals. Hence, his conflict -theory of societal life ended in confusion and pessimism. - -A reference was made in Chapter XI to the theories of Friedrich -Nietzsche (1844–1900). This German philosopher developed the idea of -social conflict, basing it on the concept of the “will to power.” -Leaders desire power. They enjoy to exercise power and they thrive -under that exercise. Jealousy of the leaders arises. The weaker members -of society join together against the possessors of power. They develop -a will to power, but of a weaker type than that of the leaders. -Conflicts ensue between the will to power of the superior and the will -to power of the inferior. - -The superior and the inferior types each possess a distinctive code -of morality.[XX-4] The supermen develop a harsh and rigorous attitude -toward themselves and others. They gird and prepare themselves for -the crises of life. They strive to augment their power. They become -self-contained. They take pride in crushing weakness and in deifying -strength. Their morality stresses those factors in life which create -power. They feel a condescending pity for the weak. They experience no -sense of responsibility for the inferior classes. Since supermen are -the supreme goal of nature, supermen feel that all persons and things -should contribute to increasing the power of supermen.[XX-5] It is a -waste of energy for supermen to give their lives in behalf of inferior -persons. They are interested only in the welfare of other supermen. - -The morality of the inferior is of a type which furthers weakness. It -accents sympathy. It emphasizes gregariousness. The inferior create a -slavish, cringing, meek morality. They sacrifice themselves readily and -humbly in behalf of others who may be inferior to themselves. - -Nietzsche believed in a eugenics program. He declared that marriages -should be arranged with a view to producing supermen. Nietzsche’s -deterministic view of natural evolution led him to believe, however, -that equality of privileges is unattainable. He opposed democracy -because its theory of equal opportunities contradicts the tendencies -of nature. He was no socialist. He asserted that an aristocracy of -power is the only true goal for society. He carried forward the -ruthless biological laws of tooth and fang into his conception of the -highest types of civilization. - -Moreover, the superman is a biological mutant. He appears sporadically. -At this point Nietzsche’s inconsistency becomes obvious. For example, -if geniuses appear sporadically and without reference to biological -laws, why attempt to arrange marriages so as to produce supermen? To -get himself out of the dilemma, Nietzsche postulated cyclical returns -of supermen and lost his bearings in trying to interpret an endless -circular movement in social evolution, endlessly repeating itself. In -an applied form Nietzsche’s philosophy has appeared in German political -life, but to the defeat of Germany. - -In starting points, Nietzsche and Gumplowicz were widely different. -Nietzsche began with an apotheosis of the man of power and extolled -the achievements of supermen. Gumplowicz had little place for the -individual, even for the most powerful. Both sets of theories ended in -a deterministic philosophy of individual and social despair. - -An unusually fundamental delineation of social conflict has been -advanced by Simon N. Patten in his _Theory of Social Forces_.[XX-6] -Human society is the product largely of a pain economy in which the -requisites for survival are determined “by the enemies and pains to -be avoided.” In a like manner a pain morality and a pain religion -develop. The purpose of the pain morality is “to keep persons from -committing acts and putting themselves in situations which lead to -destruction.” The pain religion, likewise, aims to invoke the aid of -higher powers in the human conflict with enemies and death. The social -forces in a pain economy have been builded up in the form of sets of -ideals, instincts, and habits. - -Society, however, is now in a transition stage--entering a pleasure -economy. A large number of the sources of pain have been eliminated -through the inventive and administrative phases of civilization. -Dangerous beasts and reptiles, barbarous invasions, and superstitious -interpretations are uncommon among the advanced human groups. - -No nation, unfortunately, has been able to live under a pleasure -economy. Its members have not built up sets of instincts, habits, and -ideals that withstand the effects of a pleasure economy. Consequently, -individuals and nations have fallen into lethargy, vice, and decay. The -enemies in a pleasure economy are found within the individual; these -are as yet unconquered under the allurements of a pleasure environment. -In discussing the conflicts between these habits and ideals, Dr. Patten -may err in implying that the race once was not in a pain economy -and hence did not originally develop out of such an environment, -but he nevertheless has analyzed an important societal fact in his -pain-pleasure transition concept. - -Another type of conflict theory of society is advanced by Thomas Nixon -Carver. Professor Carver begins his analysis with a discussion of the -conflict of human interests. Originally all conflicts were settled on -the basis of might. But conflicts between persons who are beginning -to think, sometimes lead one or each of the contending parties to a -consideration of adjusting the conflict by other than physical strife. -At this point the concept of justice begins to take form. - -Justice, according to Dr. Carver, is “that system of adjusting -conflicting interests which makes the group strong and -progressive.”[XX-7] Virtue and strength are pronounced identical, and -strength is defined “according to its ability to make itself universal.” - -Conflict arises out of scarcity. Where two men want the same thing, -conflict ensues. It is this antagonism of interests which produces -moral problems and furnishes a basis of determining justice and -injustice. One reason for the lack of supply of things which people -seek is that in society human wants are unduly expended. If wants could -be kept low and production high, an adaptation of people to things -would take place which would greatly lessen conflict. - -Conflicts take place in three different fields: (1) between man -and nature, (2) between man and man, and (3) between the different -interests of the same man.[XX-8] If there were no such conflicts, -there would be no moral problems. The result would be paradise. - -The institutions of property, the family, and the state have developed -out of antagonism of interests, which in turn, as has been said, is -the result of scarcity. If things were not scarce, no one would think -of claiming property in anything. In a similar way the kinship group -becomes desirous of possessing property and hence acquires unity. In -asserting that _the_ unifying principle in the family is an economic -one, Dr. Carver espouses a theory of economic determinism. In fact, he -holds that “the economic problem is the fundamental one, out of which -all other social and moral problems have grown.”[XX-9] - -Dr. Carver somewhat softens his rigorous social theories when he -admits that there may be a few people in the world whose feeling of -humanity is strong enough to overbalance an antagonism of interests -and to lead them to treat the world as a normal individual treats his -family.[XX-10] A world of such people would make a world of communism. -But such a world is unthinkable, because world-loving people are social -aberrations. The individual whose altruism is such that he gladly -gives his body to a tiger, is not helping to transform the world -into a world of saints but into a world of tigers.[XX-11] Extreme -forms of benevolence and meekness constitute the very food upon which -selfishness fattens.[XX-12] - -Professor Carver, therefore, points out two sources of conflict, -namely, scarcity of desirable things and self-centered appreciation. -These two bases of conflict are fundamentally natural and normal. -Conflicts appear, however, in a great variety of forms. This -classification of the methods of struggling for existence is -fourfold.[XX-13] - -(1) There is a group of conflicts which are primarily destructive, such -as war, robbery, dueling, sabotage, brawling. These conflicts are all -crude, primitive, brutal. They represent man at his lowest ebb. They -are militant in character, depending upon the individual’s power to -destroy, to harm, or to inflict pain and injury.[XX-14] - -(2) Deceptive conflicts are of an order slightly higher than the -militant. They include thieving, swindling, adulteration of goods, -false advertising. They imply a greater degree of intelligence than the -purely destructive types of conflict. - -(3) Another form of conflict is persuasive in character, for example, -political, erotic, commercial, and legal conflicts. Political -competition includes seeking governmental appointments, running for -office, campaigning for a political party. Erotic conflicts are in -the main different forms of courtship. Commercial persuasion utilizes -the agencies of advertising and salesmanship. Legal conflicts include -litigations in the courts. In all these illustrations the individual -strives to further his own interests by his persuative ability. -Oftentimes resort is made to cheap persuasive methods, such as -demagogy or political claptrap. Sometimes the persuasion falls to the -level of deception and, occasionally, to destructive depths. - -(4) The highest form of conflicts are the productive types. Some -productive conflicts refer to rivalries in producing economic -goods; others to rivalries in rendering service. In his _Essays in -Social Justice_, Professor Carver discusses three forms of economic -competition at length. Here he includes competitive production, -competitive bargaining, and competitive consumption of economic goods. -The second class has already been referred to as commercial persuasion. -Competitive production increases the supply of economic goods and -“always works well.” Competitive consumption, however, “always works -badly.” It means “rivalry in display, in ostentation, in the effort -to outshine or to outdress all one’s neighbors, or at least not to -be outshone or outdressed by them.” It is usually deceptive; it has -no productive features about it. It may even assume a form of waste -and destruction. The highest type of conflict is friendly rivalry in -rendering service to other people. - -Professor Carver would have self-interest direct its efforts toward the -welfare of the nation. Since neither law nor government can eliminate -self-interest, the next best thing is to connect it with national -well-being. Nearly all useful things that are done in a community are -undertaken through self-interest.[XX-15] Even co-operation is a form -of competition.[XX-16] The purpose of co-operation is to enable groups -of individuals to compete more effectively against opposing groups. - -Competition is not an evil in itself. The spirit which dominates -competition is the important thing. Some people are motivated by the -pig-trough philosophy, which emphasizes struggle for the sake of -possession and consumption of goods. The workbench philosophy accents -“action and not possession, production and not consumption.” - -These theories, excellent in many particulars, apparently do not rate -at full value the fact that education and love can and do modify the -self-interest of the individual, and at the same time direct the -attention of the individual toward unselfish service. In stressing -service through achievement and production, they neglect to emphasize -achievement through service. Competition in rendering unselfish service -is underrated. - -It was Novicow, the Russian sociologist, who laid bare the alleged -benefits of war, showing that the gains which come from war may be -obtained through other methods of social interaction.[XX-17] Novicow -argued forcefully that the real enemies of a group of people are -disease germs and death, not the best people of other nationality -groups. Novicow’s vision enabled him to perceive the foolishness of men -who lock themselves together in destructive conflict, when the real -enemies are microscopic disease bacteria and the gaunt black specter -of death. - -Conflict bulks large in the sociology of Edward A. Ross. Any -interference with the carrying out of the individual’s plans and -with the satisfying of his interests creates opposition. The best -characteristic of the phenomenon of opposition is that it awakens and -stimulates.[XX-18] Competition operates according to psychologic laws; -for example, the intensity of competition varies according (1) to the -degree of personal liberty, (2) to the rate of social change, and (3) -inversely as the efficiency of the selective agents.[XX-19] - -One of the most important forms of competition is found in -industrialism. The invention and adoption of the power-driven machine -has created an industrialism which is moulding and transforming society -in startling ways, and which is causing “its members more and more to -cluster at opposite poles of the social spindle.”[XX-20] Professor Ross -expresses slight hope that the ownership of industrial capital will be -disseminated through the working class according to the conflict rules -of the present economic system. - -Other conflict theories will be presented in the following chapters; -for example, the conflict theories of Gustav Ratzenhofer and Albion -W. Small will be noted in the chapter on co-operation concepts, and -Gabriel Tarde’s analysis of conflict will be taken up in the discussion -of psycho-sociological thought. - -In general, the social conflict doctrines, when carried to the extreme, -fail to recognize that conflict and co-operation are correlative -social processes. Humanly speaking, one is as old as the other. Both -spring from the deepest types of human needs. While the earliest types -of associative life may have been characterized by a predominance of -conflict, the highest stages are ruled by the co-operative spirit. This -transition together with the leading co-operation theories of social -progress will be taken up in the chapter which follows. - -Suffice it to say here that conflict and competition are essential -to social advance. They are both highly useful when operating in the -fields of production and service. - - - - -CHAPTER XXI - -CO-OPERATION THEORIES IN SOCIOLOGY - - -One of the first persons to work out a systematic interpretation -of co-operation was Giovanni Vico (1668–1744), an Italian -philosopher.[XXI-1] Vico rejected the social contract idea because he -believed that it was a false interpretation of the true principle of -co-operation. The concept of a social contract embodied an artificial -and metaphysical notion of social life. - -In his chief work, _Principles of a New Science Concerning the -Common Nature of Nations_, Vico inaugurated a study of actual social -phenomena. He sought to discover possible social laws. He attempted -to cast aside the accidental social elements and to organize the -regularities of social phenomena into laws. He searched for the laws -governing the growth and decay of societies. He undertook to analyze -the history of human society. - -Although Vico’s important treatise was not known outside of Italy until -a century and a half after it was originally published, it contained a -statement of the factor which is basic to any sound co-operation theory -of social progress. Vico was one of the first writers to describe the -principle that all human groups have a common nature. His comparative -studies of human institutions everywhere, led him always to the belief -in the common mind of mankind, a concept which in recent years has been -ably elaborated by D. G. Brinton. For this contribution Vico has been -called “the father of sociology.” - -According to Vico, the fundamental social movement is a gradual -unfolding or evolution of social institutions in response to the -common needs of people. Society owes its development in part to the -reflections of the wise, as the social contract theorists have said, -but also to the human feelings even of the brutish. This natural -sociability of man has furnished the chief basis for the rise and -development of the spirit of co-operation. - -The natural sociability of human beings has led, more or less -unconsciously on the part of man, to the establishment of necessary -social relations and institutions. The purpose of social organization -is to produce perfect human personalities. Vico outlined the -evolutionary character of society according to the spiral theory, -namely, that society does return upon itself but that, when it -completes a cycle, it is upon a higher plane of co-operation than when -the given cycle began. Vico also made religion a necessary principle of -progress. Although in adjusting himself to the prevailing theological -dogmas of his time, Vico committed serious scientific errors, he -nevertheless is deserving of special credit for his emphasis upon the -common nature and natural sociability of mankind. - -Hugo Grotius (1583–1645), the celebrated Dutch scholar, gave to social -thought the international concept. He advanced the idea of the coming -co-operation among the nations--nations which in his time were moved -primarily by jealousy and hatred in their relations with one another. -Grotius was the originator of a definite set of principles and laws for -international co-operation. His work in this regard accentuated the -importance of like-mindedness in matters of international polity. - -Spinoza, whose contributions regarding the concept of sovereignty have -already been stated, declared that the instinct to acquire is naturally -stronger than the tendency to share. Hence, man must be educated to -perceive the advantages of co-operative living. When this appreciation -occurs, when the advantages of co-operation become clear, then man will -sublimate his egoistic and self-seeking desires to altruistic communal -living. As man comes to understand, step by step, the values of -co-operative conduct, he will overcome, degree by degree, his selfish -impulses. - -The references which were made in Chapter XIV to the work and writings -of certain socialists, such as Robert Owen, form another link in this -discussion of the development of the co-operation concept. While the -experiments in consumers’ co-operation, such as the activities of -the Rochdale Pioneers, have had splendid success in many countries, -they have demonstrated that they can flourish only in an environment -where the co-operative spirit rules. While the experiments in -producers’ co-operation have often failed and have not yet as a class -been successful, they have testified to the absence of a developed -co-operative spirit rather than to the failure of the principle upon -which they are based. - -Peter Kropotkin, whose opposition to socialism was indicated in Chapter -XIV, rendered a useful service in writing his _Mutual Aid; a Factor -in Evolution_. Kropotkin, a loyal Darwinian, protested against the -falsely labeled “social Darwinianism.”[XXI-3] Kropotkin made plain that -Darwin’s interpretation of evolution, while stressing the struggle for -existence, also pointed out that there is in evolution a powerful tide -of co-operation. The logical conclusion of this treatment of evolution, -according to Kropotkin, is not a phase of “social Darwinianism” with -its emphasis upon a biological struggle in the highest human realms, -but a world of human association in which the co-operative spirit has -risen to a position of control over physical force and selfish desire. - -Kropotkin studied animal life extensively and concluded that, although -there was among animals a severe struggle against a heartless Nature, -there was essentially no bitter struggle for existence “among animals -belonging to the same species.”[XXI-3] There is no pitiless inner war -for life within this species, and moreover, this alleged war is not a -condition of progress. War, declared Kropotkin, is not a condition of -social progress. - -Kropotkin considered the clan and the tribe rather than the individual -or even the family the starting point of society. The tribe itself -developed a morale on the basis of beliefs in its common origin and -in the worship of common ancestors. Then the possession in common of -certain lands served to arouse new tribal loyalties. These loyalties -expressed themselves in the form of “con-jurations,” sworn agreements, -and ultimately in fraternities and guilds for mutual support. Kropotkin -believed that primitive man was naturally peaceful, and that he fought -from necessity rather than from ferocity. - -In primitive communal organization the judge and military chief united -for “mutual insurance of domination,” drawing to their support the -slavish loyalty of the witch-doctor or priest. In the twelfth century, -however, the old communal spirit broke forth with “striking spontaneity -all over Europe;” it stopped for a time the growth of the despotic -monarchies of Europe; it produced endless numbers of communes. - -The free cities developed under the shelter of communal liberties, and -in them art and invention flourished, producing the beauty of Raphael, -the vigor of Michaelangelo, the poetry of Dante, and “the discoveries -which have been made by modern science,--the compass, the clock, the -watch, printing, gunpowder, the maritime discoveries, the law of -gravitation.”[XXI-4] - -Then, there came the modern State formed by a triple alliance of -the military chief, the Roman judge, and the priest. The industrial -revolution and the rise of capitalism furthered the interests of -the military-legal-priestly triumvirate. When the State and Church -were separated, the money baron took the place of the priest in -the triumvirate. With the overthrow of militarism the power of -the triumvirate is broken, and the old communal co-operative -feelings of man again begin to express themselves. Kropotkin led -the way in defining the law of co-operative individualism. He urged -decentralization in social control, and attacked monopolies of all -types, public as well as private. Although he exaggerated the rôle of -mutual aid in primitive society, considering it the main social factor, -he nevertheless rendered a valuable service in giving the world a -vigorous presentation of a significant concept. - -The social process was analyzed in terms of both conflict and -co-operation by Gustav Ratzenhofer (1842–1904). It is characterized -by a continuous reappearance of the phenomena of individualization -of structures already extant.[XXI-5] Both differentiation and -socialization arise out of the operation of human interests. Both -are implicit in the nature of man. Certain human interests lead to -individualization and some to communitization. - -At this point we encounter Ratzenhofer’s theory of force. Force and -interest are made the two primordial principles. These two factors work -together in order to secure for the individual the largest possible -degree of self development. - -The struggle of pre-primitive men against the harsh phases of nature -established a pre-primitive sociality. Struggle has always led -to co-operation in the interests of preservation. Similarly, war -leads to co-operation. In primitive society institutions arose in -response to community needs. Among barbarians the increase in numbers -produced an increasing emphasis upon conflict, which was expressed in -robberies, wars, and enslavements. Warfare led to the formation of -classes and class conflicts. Class interests, as distinguished from -individual interests, then began to secure definition. With the rise -of capitalism, the interests of capital were asserted; and at once -the interests of labor, in apposition, assumed tangible expression. -A stage, however, of stable social conditions is coming, in which -the whole world will be organized on the basis of a single system -of economic and non-competing production and of free international -exchange.[XXI-6] - -Throughout this analysis Ratzenhofer gives force a leading -place.[XXI-7] He also develops a theory of a ruling aristocracy -of supermen. Despite these unfortunate emphases, Ratzenhofer’s -contribution to social thought in his theory of interests as -dominating human factors, and his accent upon the rise of an -increasing degree of co-operation, is noteworthy. - -Professor Albion Small, whose methodology will be indicated in Chapter -XXVII, has modified, corrected, and refined Ratzenhofer’s theory -of interests. “In the beginning were interests,” says Professor -Small.[XXI-8] An “interest” is defined as an unsatisfied capacity, an -unrealized condition of the organism, a tendency securing satisfaction -of an unsatisfied capacity.[XXI-9] In its subjective phase an interest -is a desire, and in its objective phase, a want. An interest is -developed when the individual knows something, feels something, or -wills something. Consequently, the whole individual or social process -consists in developing, adjusting, and satisfying interests. - -The six groups into which Professor Small divides all interests are -as follows: (1) The health interest arises from the sheer interest -in keeping alive. It is expressed in the food interest, the sex -interest, the work interest and includes all the desires which find -satisfaction in the exercise of the powers of the body. (2) The wealth -interest is encompassed in the desire for mastery over things. (3) -The sociability interest is represented at its best by the appetite -for personal interchanges of stimulus of a purely spiritual nature. -(4) The knowledge interest arises from the curiosity impulses. The -limits of its possibilities are expressed in the terms, nescience -and omniscience. (5) The beauty interest secures satisfaction through -an appreciation of the symmetrical phases of material and spiritual -phenomena. (6) The rightness interest traverses the gamut of all other -interests. It results in enjoyment when it secures the sanction of the -individual’s ideal self or of his whole self. - -Each of these interests tends to be absolute.[XXI-10] Each seeks -satisfaction regardless of the others. In consequence, there is a -universal conflict of interests. Moreover, there is a universal -conjunction of interests. The conflict, however, is more spectacular -than the conjunction. In the history of mankind this conflict has been -the predominating relationship. The social process has resolved itself -into a series of reactions between persons some of whose interests -comport, but others of which conflict. Furthermore, the social process -is a continual formation of groups and institutions around interests. -It is a perpetual equating and adjusting of interests;[XXI-11] it is a -rhythm of differentiations and integrations. - -Professor Small points out that struggle and co-operation are always -to a certain extent functions of each other.[XXI-12] Moreover, in -the social process viewed historically, there is a movement “from a -maximum toward a minimum of conflict, from a minimum toward a maximum -of helpful reciprocity.” The social process, thus, is a perpetual -readjustment between the forces which “tend backward toward more -struggle, and those that tend forward toward more socialization.” By a -minimum of conflict, Professor Small does not mean absence of conflict, -for he recognizes that stagnation would result in a society in which -conflict was eliminated. By a maximum of co-operation he does not refer -to a state of complete social solidification, which in turn would mean -stagnation and death. - -The fundamental social problem is to give free scope to those interests -which require the fullest rational development of all other interests. -The social problem is to intellectualize all the interests, and -moreover, to intellectualize the conflict of interests. Hence the -fundamental conflict today is between the knowledge interest and all -other interests.[XXI-13] Socialization, then, becomes the process of -transforming conflict into co-operation. - -Sociology may be said to be the study of human interests, together with -their conflicts and reciprocities. It is an interpretation of human -association in terms of the effective interests of man. It focalizes -within one field of vision all human activities so that the persons -who have the benefit of this outlook may rate their own activities in -relation to the whole. - -In a concrete, specific way Professor Small has presented his theory -of the social process in the book, _Between Eras, From Capitalism to -Democracy_. Here is a vivid picture of the conflict between labor -and capital, with the resultant misunderstandings and injustices. A -young lady, Hector, observes the essential activities of labor and -capital, and as a representative of capital perceives the relationship -which actually exists between herself and one of the working girls. -She receives large dividends, for which she puts nothing into the -productive activities of the corporation. The working girl is paid -low wages, but is giving her life to the industrial concern from -which Hector’s liberal dividends are pouring forth. The main end of -the discussion is an argument for the establishment of the principle -of industrial democracy. Professor Small urges that the employees, -_per se_, be given representation on boards of directors. While this -representation at first will necessarily be a minority one, it will -serve the useful purpose of providing for regular meetings of the -representatives of the employees around the same council table. These -council meetings will enable the representatives of either party in the -bitter labor-capital conflict to become acquainted with the problems -which the opposing group faces. In this interchange Professor Small -sees the rise of a spirit of co-operation which will melt many of the -difficulties that have sprung up in the controversy between capital -and labor.[XXI-14] Although Dr. Small’s _Between Eras_ was published -in 1913, the idea of industrial representation was not considered -seriously in the United States until about 1918. The initial steps -which have thus far been taken toward industrial representation in the -management of business and in the determination of wages, hours, and -conditions of labor, have produced noteworthy co-operative results and -have fully justified Professor Small’s prophetic recommendation for the -solution of a world-disturbing social situation. - -The primordial social group, according to Professor E. A. Ross, is -a band of mothers and their children. In such groupings preliminary -socialization took place. In earliest societies definite principles of -human action made themselves evident.[XXI-15] Domination was one of the -ruling principles. Note for example the domination (1) by parents over -offspring, (2) by old over young, (3) by husband over wife, (4) by men -over women, (5) by the military over the industrial classes, (6) by the -wealthy over the poor. The chief purpose in dominating is to exploit, -that is, to use other individuals as means to one’s own ends.[XXI-16] - -Socialization, or social adaptation, runs the gamut of toleration, -compromise, accommodation, and amalgamation. The simplest form of -co-operation is mutual aid, which, however, is more popular among the -lower classes than among the higher. Socialization, it may be noted -here, has been shown by E. W. Burgess to be the fundamental process in -the determination of social progress.[XXI-17] - -Organization of effort is a specific societal method, which has -developed in society, for getting things done. Organization results -(1) in the accomplishment of ends which are unattainable otherwise, (2) -in arousing a common interest intermittently in all, (3) in dividing a -task into its natural parts, (4) in securing a degree of expertness, -(5) in producing a co-ordinated, intelligent plan, (6) in eliminating -needless duplication of effort.[XXI-18] On the other hand, organization -leads to wastes and abuses, which are: (1) overhead expenses; (2) undue -time devoted to making out reports and similar routine work; (3) a loss -in personal contacts; (4) a tendency to formalism and red tape; (5) an -inflexibility of machinery; (6) a misapplication of power to personal -ends; (7) too much specialization; (8) the organization becomes an end -in itself. - -Socialization, in content, is the development of a we-feeling in a -number of persons, and “their growth in capacity and will to act -together.”[XXI-19] A very simple causal factor of this process is the -age-long custom of giving a banquet, that is, in eating and drinking -together. A consciousness of kind arises which, as Professor Ross -believes, is not the perception of a general resemblance but “an -awareness of likeness or agreement in specific matters.”[XXI-20] -Nationalism, or the process of creating a spirit of national -patriotism, illustrates the meaning of the socialization concept. - -The sociology of L. T. Hobhouse, discussed in part in Chapter XVIII, -is largely an interpretation of society in terms of increasing -co-operation. Professor Hobhouse has defined social progress as -the development of the principle of union, order, co-operation, and -harmony among individuals. He has described a certain mutual interest, -similar to Giddings’ consciousness of kind, which has served to keep -individuals together, from the lowest groups of savages to the highest -civilized groups.[XXI-21] - -The social process, as Professor Cooley analyzes it, is not a series of -futile repetitions or brutal and wasteful conflicts, but an eternal, -onward growth which produces increasingly humane, rational, and -co-operative beings. While the element of conflict is useful in that -it awakens and directs human attention and thus leads to activity, it -is limited by a superintending factor of co-operation and organization -to which the contestants must adjust themselves if they would -succeed.[XXI-22] - -The discussions in this and the preceding chapter have shown that the -natural trend of evolution is away from a pitiless competitive and -destructive social process, and toward a tempered, productive, and -co-operative process. Of course, there are reactionary movements from -time to time which halt the co-operative trend. On the other hand, the -development of reason gradually eliminates the more brutal effects of -conflict. Conflict, however, will always remain, as far as can now be -seen, an essential factor in the processes of individual and societal -growth. Through rational controls, it will operate in the direction and -interest of the co-operative spirit. In the old social order, hate -and the spirit of conflict have ruled. The spirit of co-operation has -often been utilized only for selfish purposes. In the coming social -order love and the co-operative spirit will direct, while the spirit of -conflict will play a vital but secondary rôle. - - - - -CHAPTER XXII - -PSYCHO-SOCIOLOGIC THOUGHT - - -A large number of references have already been made to -psycho-sociologic thought. In origin it may be traced to the primitive -days of the race. The folkways reveal keen psycho-sociologic -observations. Undoubtedly, many phases of the psychic nature of group -activities were known to the leaders of ancient civilizations. Plato -wrote on the importance of custom and custom imitation as a societal -force. Aristotle understood the socio-psychic nature of man when he -observed that property which is owned in common is least taken care -of, and when he declared that a fundamental test of good government -may be found in the attitude of a people toward public service. In his -theory of social attitudes Aristotle made a distinct contribution to -psycho-sociologic thought. - -Thomas More analyzed the causes of human actions. He was a worthy -social psychologist when he protested against heaping punishment upon -human beings, without attempting to understand the causes of criminal -conduct and without seeking to remove the societal causes of such -conduct. Bodin postulated a theory of interests in his explanation of -social evolution. He made the common economic, religious, and other -interests of man the basis of social organization. These interests, -according to Bodin, led primitive families to form a commonality of -organization or government. - -It was Hobbes who believed that man originally was a being of entirely -selfish interests. Man’s interest in others was based on their ability -to cater to his own good. This theory still has strong support; there -are large numbers of individuals who today apparently are living -according to this rule. Nations oftentimes still seem to be motivated -by no higher principle. On the basis of an introspective psychology, -Hobbes made the scientific observation that “he that is going to be a -whole man must read in himself--mankind.” Such a person must not simply -find in himself this or that man’s interests, but the interests of all -mankind. - -George Berkeley (1685–1753), bishop of Cloyne and eminent philosopher, -in his _Principles of Moral Attraction_ attempted to point out the -analogies between the physical and social universe. His work was -stimulated by the discoveries of Isaac Newton. He tried to apply the -Newtonian formulas to society. While his “physical analogies” are of -little value, they represent a stage in the rise of psycho-sociologic -thought. He made the social instinct, or the gregarious instinct, in -society the analogue of the force of gravitation. The centrifugal force -in society is selfishness; and the centripetal, sociability. As the -attractive force of one mass for another varies directly in relation -to the distance between them, so the attraction of individuals for -one another varies directly in proportion to their resemblances. The -physical analogies, however, could not be carried far without being -lost in the realm of absurdity. - -The Scotch philosopher, David Hume, has been called the father of -social psychology because of his splendid analysis of sympathy as a -social force. “Let all the powers and elements of nature conspire to -serve and obey one man, ... he will still be miserable, till you give -him some one person at least with whom he may share his happiness, -and whose esteem and friendship he may enjoy.”[XXII-1] “Whatever -other passions we may be actuated by, pride, ambition, avarice, -curiosity, revenge or lust,--the soul or animating principle of them is -sympathy.”[XXII-2] - -But sympathy is not always limited in its operation to the present -moment. Through sympathy we may put ourselves in the future situation -of any person whose present condition arouses our interest in him. -Moreover, if we see a stranger in danger, we will run to his assistance. - -Vice was defined by Hume as everything which gives uneasiness in -human actions. By sympathy, we become uneasy when we become aware -of injustice anywhere. “Self-interest is the original motive to the -establishment of justice; but a sympathy with public interest is the -source of the moral approbation which attends that virtue.”[XXII-3] -There is a continual conflict between self-interest and sympathy, both -in the individual and between individuals in society. Although at -times this self-interest seems to predominate, “it does not entirely -abolish the more generous and noble intercourse of friendship and good -offices.”[XXII-4] - -Sympathy causes people to be interested in the good of mankind.[XXII-5] -But whatever human factor is contiguous either in space or time has a -proportional effect on the will, passions, and imagination.[XXII-6] It -commonly operates with greater force than any human factor that lies in -a distant and more obscure light. This principle explains why people -often act in contradiction to their interests, and “why they prefer -any trivial advantage that is present to the maintenance of order in -society.” - -In accordance with the analysis of sympathy by Hume, Adam Smith made -sympathy a leading concept in his theory of political economy. Smith -also carried the concept of self-interest, with the resultant conflict -between self-interest and social interest, into nearly all his economic -theories. - -According to Adam Smith there are four classes of people in modern -life. (1) There are those who live by taking rent. They have social -interests but are not socially productive; they grow listless and -careless. (2) There is the class which takes wages. This group is -large, productive, and socially interested, but their widespread lack -of education makes them subject to the passions of the day, and hence -socially useless or even harmful. (3) Those who take profit have -interests at direct variance with the welfare of society. Their selfish -interests become unduly developed; their public attitudes are usually -dangerous to all except themselves. (4) The fourth group is composed -of all who derive a living from serving one or more of the three -afore-mentioned classes. The interests of the three first-mentioned -groups often clash, leading to destructive social conflicts. Despite -this conclusion, Adam Smith was an advocate of _laissez faire_. He -urged that natural laws be allowed to express themselves normally. - -In 1859, Moritz Lazarus and Heymann Steinthal began to contribute -to social thought in the _Zeitschrift für Völker-Psychologie und -Sprachwissenschaft_. They applied psychological methods to the study -of primitive society. In this journal they made notable contributions -concerning the social customs and mental traits of early mankind. -It is in this field, which was discussed in Chapter XVIII, that the -original work of such men as Franz Boas, W. G. Sumner, W. I. Thomas, -and L. T. Hobhouse belongs. Fundamental pioneering in psycho-sociologic -thought was done by Lester F. Ward (see Chapter XVII). Ward opposed -the prevailing belief of his time, and particularly of Herbert -Spencer, that society must continue as it now is going on, namely, an -exhibition of a blind struggle of competitive forces. He not only -perceived the rise of mind out of the obscure processes of social -evolution, but more important still, he noted the part that mind may -play in modifying the course of social forces. Although he considered -the human desires to be the dynamic social elements, he gave to mind, -through its power of prevision, the prerogative of directing the -desires of mankind. Moreover, he pointed out the direction in which -mind could best guide the desires. He urged a sociocracy in which the -desires of the individual are so controlled that they operate only when -in harmony with the welfare of other individuals. For establishing -these fundamental considerations, Ward ranks high in the history of -psycho-sociologic thought. - -The chief founder of social psychology was Gabriel Tarde (1843–1904). -He wrote the first important treatise in the field of the psychology of -society. The _Lois de l’imitation_ established Tarde’s reputation as a -social psychologist, and at the same time aroused the world of thought -to the existence of a new phase of social science. Tarde was a jurist -who inquired into the causes of anti-social conduct. He was greatly -impressed by the observation that criminal acts are committed in -waves. Upon examination of this fact he found imitation to be a potent -factor, and began to analyze the laws of imitation. This study soon -showed that not all is imitation but that much human conduct arises -out of opposition. His analysis of the laws of opposition led him to -the conclusion that imitation and opposition are the bases of a third -social factor, invention. The social process, as he observed it, is -characterized (1) by an ever-widening imitation of inventions, (2) by -the opposition of conflicting circles of imitation, and (3) by the rise -of new inventions (out of these oppositions), which in turn become the -centers of new imitations. Thus, the social process goes on, endlessly -and unconsciously or consciously. To understand society, Tarde believed -that one must understand how minds act and interact. - -Tarde’s work, first presented is _Les Lois de l’imitation_, was -formally developed in his _Logique sociale_, and summarized in his -_Lois sociale_ (English translation, _Social Laws_). Together, these -books constitute a unique social theory. Although Tarde’s approach to -the psychology of society was objective and sociological, and although -he did not give serious attention to the purely psychological nature of -the mind nor to the instinctive bases of conduct, he nevertheless made -a contribution to social thought which is valid and enlightening. - -Society, according to Tarde, is a group of people “who -display many resemblances, produced either by imitation or by -counter-imitation.”[XXII-7] Again, he says that society is “a group of -distinct individuals who render one another mutual services.”[XXII-8] -Societies are groups of people who are organized because of agreement -or disagreement of beliefs.[XXII-9] “Society is imitation.”[XXII-10] -The outstanding element in social life is a psychological process in -which inventions are followed by imitations, which when coming into -inevitable oppositions produce new inventions. - -To the degree that a person is social he is imitative. In the way -that vital, or biological, resemblances are due to heredity, so human -resemblances are caused by imitation. The closer the human resemblances -between individuals, even though they be occupational competitors, -the larger will be the proportion of imitations and the closer the -social relationships. The father will always be the son’s first -model.[XXII-11] A beloved ruler will so fascinate his people that they -will imitate blindly, yea, even be thrown into a state of catalepsy by -him. In such a case imitation becomes a kind of somnambulism.[XXII-12] - -Imitations are characterized by inclines, plateaus, and -declines.[XXII-13] The incline refers to the period of time which an -imitation requires for adoption. The plateau is the length of time -during which an imitation is in force. The decline, of course, has to -do with the passing away of an imitation. Each of these phases are -of varying lengths--dependent upon the operation of almost countless -socio-psychical factors. It is this career through which all imitations -must pass that is the important phase of history.[XXII-14] - -There are two causal factors determining the nature of imitation: -logical, and non-logical.[XXII-15] Logical causes operate when the -imitator adopts an innovation that is in line with the principles -that have already found a place in his own mind. Extra-logical, -or non-logical, imitations are those which are determined by the -adventitious factors of place, date, or birth of the individual. - -The fundamental law of imitation, stated in simplest terms, is that -the superior are imitated by the inferior, for example: the patrician -by the plebeian; the nobleman by the commoner; the beloved by the -lover.[XXII-16] A more accurate statement of the law of imitation is -that “the thing that is most imitated is the most superior one of those -that are nearest.” The term “superior” in all these cases must be -used in the subjective sense, that is to say, that which seems to the -specific individual to be superior, not necessarily that which actually -is the superior, is imitated. - -A country or period of time is democratic if the distance between the -highest and lowest classes is lessened enough so that the highest may -be imitated freely by the lowest.[XXII-17] Democracy will keep the -distance between classes reduced to that minimum where imitation may -operate. - -An important phase of sociology involves the knowledge and control of -imitations.[XXII-18] Sociological statistics should determine (1) “the -imitative power which inheres in every invention at any given time and -place;” and (2) “the beneficial or harmful effects which result from -the imitation of given inventions.” - -Imitation is divided into sets of complementary tendencies; custom -imitation and fashion imitation; sympathy imitation and obedience -imitation; naïve imitation and deliberate imitation.[XXII-19] -Everywhere custom imitation and fashion imitation are embodied in -two parties, divisions, or organizations--the conservative and the -liberal.[XXII-20] - -Through custom imitation, usages acquire autocratic power. They control -habit, regulate private conduct, and define morals and manners with -imperial authority. Usages are frequently extra-logical imitations. -Usages are commonly accepted first by the upper classes. They usually -are related primarily to objects of luxury; they stick tenaciously to -the leisure-time phases of life. Their most favorable _milieu_ is a -social and individual status of ignorance. - -Fashion imitation rules by epochs, for example: Athens under Solon, -Rome under the Scipios, Florence in the fifteenth century.[XXII-21] -These epochs of fashion produce great individualities--illustrious -legislators, and founders of empire. Whenever the currents of fashions -are set free, the inventive imagination is excited and ambitions are -stimulated. - -Fashion imitation has a democratizing influence. A prolonged process -of fashion imitation ends “by putting pupil-peoples upon the same -level, both in their armaments and in their arts and sciences, with -their master people.”[XXII-22] In fact, the very desire to be like the -superior is a latent democratizing force. - -The counterpart of imitation is opposition. Opposition, however, may be -a very special kind of repetition. There are two types of opposition: -interference-combinations and interference-conflicts.[XXII-23] -The first type refers to the coming together of two psychological -quantities of desire and belief with the result that combination -takes place and a total gain is made. The second type refers to -the opposition resulting from incompatible forces. In this case an -individual or social loss is registered. - -From another standpoint, opposition appears in one of three forms, -namely, war, competition, and discussion.[XXII-24] Conflicts often -pass through these three forms, which are obedient to the same law of -development, but in order are characterized by ever-widening areas of -pacification, alternating however with renewals of discord. As war is -the lowest, most brutal form of conflict, discussion is the highest, -most rational form. - -Opposition in human life is society’s logical duel.[XXII-25] This -duel sometimes ends abruptly when one of the adversaries is summarily -suppressed by force. Sometimes a resort to arms brings a military -victory. Sometimes a new invention or discovery expels one of the -adversaries from the social scene. - -The logical result of opposition is invention or adaptation. -“Invention is a question followed by an answer.”[XXII-26] Invention, -or adaptation, at its best is “the felicitous interference of two -imitations, occurring first in one single mind.”[XXII-27] Inventions -grow in two ways: (1) in extension--by imitative diffusion; and (2) -in comprehension--by a series of logical combinations, such as the -combination of the wheel and the horse in the inventions of the -horse-cart.[XXII-28] - -Inventions partially determine the nature of new inventions and new -discoveries. A new invention makes possible other inventions, and so -on. Each invention is the possible parent of a thousand offspring -inventions. - -To be inventive, one must be wide-awake, inquiring, incredulous, not -docile and dreamy, or living in a social sleep. The inventor is one who -escapes, for the time being, from his social surroundings.[XXII-29] -Inventing develops from wanting. A man experiences some want, and in -order to satisfy this want he invents. Inventiveness is contrary in -nature to sheepishness. - -Since an invention is the answer to a problem, inventions are -the real objective factors which mark the stage of progress. But -invention, according to Tarde, becomes increasingly difficult. -Problems naturally grow increasingly complex as the simpler ones -are mastered. Unfortunately, the mind of man is not capable of -indefinite development, and therefore will reach a limit in solving -problems.[XXII-30] At this point, Tarde is on doubtful ground. His -argument can neither be proved nor disproved. Apparently, man’s -ability to solve problems increases with his training and experience in -that connection. Moreover, man appears to be at the very dawn of his -possibilities in the field of invention. He is only beginning to gather -together systematically the materials for inventing, and to understand -slightly the principles of inventing. - -Inventors are imitative.[XXII-31] This statement is but another way -of saying that inventions are cumulative, that they come in droves, -that they are gregarious. A new discovery will arouse the ambition -of many wide-awake persons to make similar discoveries. “There -is in every period a current of inventions which is in a certain -general sense religious or architectural or sculptural or musical or -philosophical.”[XXII-32] - -Invention and imitation represent the chief forces in society.[XXII-33] -Invention is “intermittent, rare, and eruptive only at certain -infrequent intervals.” It explains “the source of privileges, -monopolies, and aristocratic inequalities.” Imitation, on the other -hand, is democratic, leveling, and “incessant like the stream -deposition of the Nile or Euphrates.” At times the eruptions of -invention take place faster than they can be imitated. At other times -imitations flow in a monotonous circular current. - -The contributions of Tarde to social thought have stimulated numerous -investigators to enter the field of social psychology. While Tarde’s -thinking has been severely criticised by the psychologists and -modified by the sociologists, it has opened mines of valuable social -ores. Not the least important consideration was the impetus which the -Tardian thought gave to American writers, such as E. A. Ross.[XXII-34] -Tarde’s name, however, will be long revered for the penetrating way -in which he developed the concept of imitation. Although Walter -Bagehot, an English publicist, in an epoch-stirring book, _Physics and -Politics_, published an important chapter on “Imitation” as early as -1872, it was Tarde’s _Lois de l’imitation_ in 1890 which at once became -the authority on the subject. In the United States, Michael M. Davis, -Jr., has written an excellent summary of Tarde’s socio-psychologic -thought.[XXII-35] As a critical digest of Tardian thought, Dr. Davis’ -_Psychological Interpretations of Society_ is unsurpassed. - -In 1892, Profesor H. Schmidkunz published an elaborate work on the -_Psychologie der Suggestion_. This book is an important pioneer -work. In the English language, the writings of Boris Sidis on the -psychology of suggestion are well-known. Professor E. A. Ross has given -an intensive treatment of the theme in his _Social Psychology_. In -these various discussions, however, the fact is not made clear that -suggestion and imitation are correlative phases of the same phenomenon. -The point, also, is not developed that suggestion-imitation phenomena -are natural products of social situations in which like stimuli -normally produce like responses. - -In 1895, the first book by Gustave Le Bon on crowd psychology was -published. Le Bon has also written on the psychology of revolutions, -of war, and of peoples. He gave a limited definition to the term, -crowds, and then applied the term to nearly all types of group life. -He conceived of crowds as “feeling phenomena.” They are more or less -pathological. Since the proletariat are subject to crowd psychology, -they are untrustworthy and to be rewarded perpetually with suspicion. -A sounder, more synthetic, and historical position concerning the -psychology of groups and of society is taken by G. L. Duprat in _La -Psychologie sociale_. - -Italian contributions in the field of crowd and group psychology are -represented by Paolo Orano’s _Psicologia sociale_, which includes only -a partial treatment of the subject that is indicated by the title; -and by Scipio Sighele’s _La foule criminelle_ and _Psychologie des -sectes_. Permanent groups, according to Sighele (following Tarde), -are either sects, castes, classes, or states.[XXII-36] The sect is a -group of individuals which possesses a common ideal and faith, such as -a religious denomination or a political party. The caste arises from -identity of profession. The class is characterized by a strong unity of -interests. States possess common bonds of language, national values, -and national prestige. - -The concept of “consciousness of kind” was developed by Franklin H. -Giddings in his _Principles of Sociology_ (1896). Consciousness of kind -is the original and elementary subjective fact in society.[XXII-37] -Professor Giddings defines this term to mean “a state of consciousness -in which any being, whether low or high in the scale of life, -recognizes another conscious being as of like kind with itself.” In its -widest meaning, consciousness of kind marks the difference between the -animate and the inanimate. Among human beings it distinguishes “social -conduct” from purely economic or purely religious activity. Around -consciousness of kind, as a determining principle, all other human -motives organize themselves. - -People group together according to the development of the -consciousness of kind in them. Roughly speaking, there are four -such groupings.[XXII-38] (1) The non-social are persons in whom the -consciousness of kind has not yet developed--in whom it finds imperfect -but not degenerate expression, and from whom the other classes arise. -(2) The anti-social, or criminal, classes include those persons in -whom the consciousness of kind is approaching extinction. They detest -society. (3) The pseudo-social, or pauper, classes are characterized -by a degeneration of the genuine consciousness of kind. (4) The social -classes are noted for a high development of the consciousness of kind; -they constitute the positive and constructive elements in society. At -the head of the list are the pre-eminently social. These people devote -their lives and means to the amelioration of society; they are called -the natural aristocracy of the race, the true social élite. - -Consciousness of kind is made possible in part by the operation of -physical factors. Fertility of soil is one of the sources of human -aggregation. Favorable climate makes aggregation possible. Aggregation -of population is either genetic (due to the birth rate) or congregate -(due to immigration). Aggregation leads to association--the proper -_milieu_ for the growth of consciousness of kind. - -Aggregation guarantees social intercourse, which is a mode of conflict. -Conflict, according to Professor Giddings, becomes the basis of social -growth.[XXII-39] Primary conflicts are those in which one adversary -is completely outdone, and hence likely to be crushed, by the other. -Secondary conflict refers to the contests between more or less evenly -balanced forces. Primary conflict is conquest; secondary conflict is -growth. Among people secondary conflict leads to the development of -consciousness of kind through the successive steps of communication, -imitation, toleration, co-operation, alliance. The supreme result -is the production of pre-eminently social classes. Of these various -factors, Professor Giddings particularly stresses imitation. “It is -the factor of imitation in the conflict that gradually assimilates and -harmonizes.”[XXII-40] - -Association reacts upon individuals and produces self-consciousness, -which in turn creates social self-consciousness, or group awareness -of itself. Social self-consciousness is characterized by rational -discussion. With the rise of discussion, social memory, or traditions, -becomes possible. Moreover, a sense of social values arises. Public -opinion springs from the passing of judgment by the members of the -group upon any matters of general interest.[XXII-41] - -Social memory, or traditions, becomes highly differentiated.[XXII-42] -It consists of impressions concerning the tangible world, the -intangible world, and the conceptional world. The traditions in any -field, plus current opinion in that field, form the standards, ideals, -faiths, “isms” of the time. For example, the integration of economic -traditions with current economic opinions is the general standard -of living of the time and place. The integration of the aesthetic -tradition with current criticism is taste, and the modification of a -traditional religious belief by current religious ideas is a faith. - -Inasmuch as consciousness of kind is the psychological basis of social -phenomena, it is natural that the chief social value is the kind -itself, or the type of conscious life that is characteristic of the -society.[XXII-43] The social cohesion is another important social -value. Social cohesion is vital to the unity of any group; therefore -the group is usually willing to make many sacrifices in its own behalf. -The distinctive possessions and properties of the community, such as -territory, sacred or historic places, heroes, ceremonies, constitute -the third class of social values. A fourth group is found in the -general principles which promote the growth of the group; for example, -the principles of liberty, equality, and fraternity. The social values -largely determine the social choices of groups and the nature of social -organizations. - -Professor Giddings develops an interesting theory of the dualism in -social structures. Civilization is marked by the contemporaneous -existence of public and private associations. Civilized society -affords four main sets of dualistic associations: political, juristic, -economic, and cultural. In the political field there are private -political parties and the public association, namely, the government, -or the political party in power. Among juristic associations there -are the privately-organized vigilance committees and the public -associations, such as the police, the courts, the prisons. In the realm -of economics there are private individual entrepreneurs, partnerships, -corporations; and on the other hand, there are the governmentally-owned -railroads, postal service, the water systems, the coinage systems. -In regard to cultural associations we may note the privately endowed -universities and state universities, privately organized churches and -state churches, private charities and public charities. This dualism -in social structure is supported by Professor Giddings on the grounds -that private associations are needed for purposes of initiation, -experimentation, and stimulation; and the public associations serve the -useful purposes of regulation and maintenance of balance among various -contending factors. - -The highest test of social organization is the development of social -personality. An efficient social organization is one which makes its -members “more rational, more sympathetic, with an ever-broadening -consciousness of kind.”[XXII-44] - -In recent works Professor Giddings has developed the concept of -pluralistic behavior. “Any one or any combination of behavior -inciting stimuli may on occasion be reacted to by more than one -individual.”[XXII-45] The character of pluralistic reactions, whether -similar or dissimilar, simultaneous or not, equal or unequal, is -determined by two variables: (1) the strength of the stimulation; (2) -the similarity or dissimilarity of the reacting mechanisms.[XXII-46] -Thus Professor Giddings considers pluralistic behavior the subject -matter of the psychology of society, or sociology. - -In 1897, _Social and Ethical Interpretations_, by J. Mark Baldwin, was -printed; it bears the subtitle of “A Study in Social Psychology.” This -was the first time that the term, social psychology, had appeared in -the title of a book in America, though three years earlier, in 1894, -one of the leading parts of Small and Vincent’s _Introduction to the -Study of Society_ was designated “social psychology” and included a -discussion of social consciousness, social intelligence, and social -volition. Baldwin’s _Social and Ethical Interpretations_ and Giddings’ -_Principles of Sociology_ appeared almost simultaneously, one by a -psychologist and the other by a sociologist. One was written from the -genetic viewpoint, and the other from the objective viewpoint; one -dealt primarily with social psychology, and the other with a psychology -of society; one was built around the concept of the social self, and -the other around the concept of a consciousness of kind. They both -hastened the development of an organic social psychology. - -Professor Baldwin demonstrated that the self is largely a product of -the give-and-take of social life. A child becomes aware of his self by -setting himself off from other selves. It is in group life, that is, in -contact with other selves, that the child develops a self consciousness. - -Moreover, the self is bi-polar. One end of the self-pole is -characterized by what one thinks of himself, and the other end by what -he thinks of other persons.[XXII-47] “The ego and the alter are to our -thought one and the same thing.”[XXII-48] - -People are so much alike because they are imitative. It is imitation -which keeps people alike. Imitation integrates individuals. Imitation -is either (1) a process whereby one individual consciously or -unconsciously copies another individual, or (2) the copying of a model, -that is, adopting a model which arises in one’s own mind.[XXII-49] - -Baldwin found the law of social growth in the particularization by the -individual of society’s store of material, and by the generalization -on the part of society of the individual’s particularizations. The -essence of the first phase of this process is invention and of the -second, imitation. Baldwin considered invention and imitation the two -fundamental processes of social growth. - -In this chapter the strength of the psychological approach to an -understanding of societary processes has been demonstrated. In the -chapter which follows the reader will find further materials, showing -the tremendous vitality of psycho-sociologic thought. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIII - -PSYCHO-SOCIOLOGIC THOUGHT (CONTINUED) - - -In 1902, _Human Nature and the Social Order_ by Professor Charles H. -Cooley was published. This book was at once accepted as an authority -on the integral relationship of the individual self and the social -process. It was followed in 1909 by _Social Organization_, and in -1918 by _Social Process_. The three books constitute a chronological -development of a logical system of psycho-sociologic thought. - -The first volume treats of the self in its reactions to group life; -the second explains the nature of primary groups, such as the family, -playground, and neighborhood, of the democratic mind, and of social -classes; the third analyzes the many elements in the processes by which -society is characterized. The chief thesis of the three volumes is that -the individual and society are aspects of the same phenomenon, and that -the individual and society are twin-born and twin-developed.[XXIII-1] - -An individual has no separate existence. Through the hereditary -and social elements in his life he is inseparately bound up with -society.[XXIII-2] He cannot be considered apart from individuals. Even -the phenomena which are called individualistic “are always socialistic -in the sense that they are expressive of tendencies growing out of -the general life.”[XXIII-3] It is not only true that individuals make -society, but equally true that society makes individuals. - -Professor Cooley has given an excellent presentation of what he calls -the looking-glass self. There are three distinct psychic elements in -this phenomenon: (1) the imagination of one’s appearance to another -person; (2) the imagined estimation of that appearance by the other -person; and (3) a sense of pride or chagrin that is felt by the -first person. The looking-glass self affects the daily life of all -individuals. “We are ashamed to seem evasive in the presence of a -straightforward man, cowardly in the presence of a brave one, gross -in the eyes of a refined one, and so on.”[XXIII-4] Even a person’s -consciousness of himself is largely a direct reflection of the opinions -and estimates which he believes that others hold of him.[XXIII-5] - -Professor Cooley makes a lucid distinction between self consciousness, -social consciousness, and public consciousness. The first is what I -think of myself; the second, what I think of other people; and the -third, a collective view of the self and the social consciousness -of all the members of a group organized and integrated into -a communicating group.[XXIII-6] Moreover, all three types of -consciousness are parts of an organic whole. Even the moral life of -individuals is a part of the organic unity of society. Social knowledge -is the basis of morality. An upward endeavor is the essence of moral -progress. - -The three groups which Professor Cooley has called primary are so -labeled because through them the individual gets “his earliest and -completest experience of social unity.”[XXIII-7] The family, play -groups, and neighborhoods remain throughout life as the experience -bases from which the more complex phases of life receive their -interpretation. - -An unbounded faith in human nature is enjoyed by Professor Cooley. -Human nature comprises those sentiments and impulses which are -distinctly superior to those of the higher animals, such as sympathy, -love, resentment, ambition, the feeling of right and wrong.[XXIII-8] -The improvement of society, according to Professor Cooley, does not -involve any essential change in human nature but rather “a larger and -higher application of its familiar impulses.”[XXIII-9] - -Communication is a fundamental concept in Professor Cooley’s system -of social thought. Communication is “the mechanism through which -human relations exist and develop.”[XXIII-10] Professor Cooley has -pointed out that not only does language constitute the symbols of the -mind, but that in a sense all objects and actions are mental symbols. -Communication is the means whereby the mind develops a true human -nature. The symbols of our social environment “supply the stimulus and -framework for all our growth.” Thus the communication concept furnishes -a substantial basis for understanding the psycho-sociologic phenomena -which are ordinarily called suggestion and imitation. - -Personality has its origin partly in heredity and partly “in the stream -of communication, both of which flow from the corporate life of the -race.” A study of communication shows that the individual mind is not a -separate growth, but an integral development of the general mind. - -The means of communication developed remarkably in the nineteenth -century, chiefly in the following ways: (1) in expressiveness, that -is, in the range of ideas and feelings they are competent to carry; -(2) in the permanence in recording; (3) in swiftness of communication; -and (4) in diffusion to all classes of people.[XXIII-12] Thus society -can be organized on the bases of intelligence and of rationalized and -systematized feelings rather than on authority, autocracy, and caste. - -A free intercourse of ideas, that is, free and unimpeded communication, -will not produce uniformity. Self feeling will find enlarged -opportunities for expression. An increased degree of communication -furnishes the bases for making the individual conscious of the unique -part he can and should play in improving the quality of the social -whole. On the other hand, freedom of communication is tending to -produce “the disease of the century,” namely, the disease of excess, of -overwork, of prolonged worry, of a competitive race for which men are -not fully equipped.[XXIII-13] - -Public opinion, according to Professor Cooley, is not merely an -aggregate of opinions of individuals, but “a co-operative product -of communication and reciprocal influence.”[XXIII-14] It is a -crystalization of diverse opinion, resulting in a certain stability -of thought. It is produced by discussion. Public opinion is usually -superior, in the sense of being more effective, than the average -opinion of the members of the public. - -The masses make fundamental contributions to public opinion, not -through formulated ideas but through their sentiments. The masses -in their daily experiences are close to the salient facts of human -nature. They are not troubled with that preoccupation with ideas which -hinders them from immediate fellowship. Neither are they limited by -that attention to the hoarding of private property which prevents the -wealthy from keeping in touch with the common things of life. - -The striking result of the social process is the development of -personalities. The social process affords opportunities which -individuals, ambitious and properly stimulated, may accept. -Education may perform a useful function in adjusting individuals to -opportunities. But education often fails because it requires too much -and inspires too little; it accents formal knowledge at the expense of -kindling the spirit.[XXIII-15] - -Social stratification hinders.[XXIII-16] It cuts off communication. -It throws social ascendancy into the hands of a stable, communicating -minority. The majority are submerged in the morass of ignorance. -Degrading neighborhood associations, vicious parents, despised racial -connections--these all serve to produce stratification and to hinder -progress. - -Professor Cooley holds that in the social process the institutional -element is as essential as the personal.[XXIII-17] Institutions -bequeath the standard gifts of the past to the individual; they give -stability. At the same time, if rationally controlled they leave energy -free for new conquests. Vigor in the individual commonly leads to -dissatisfaction on his part with institutions. Disorganization thus -arises from the reaction against institutional formalism manifested by -energetic individuals. It may be regarded as a lack of communication -between the individual and the institution. Formalism indicates that in -certain particulars there has been an excess of communication. - -The economic concept of value has long been analyzed in individualistic -terms--the economic desires arise out of “the inscrutable depths of -the private mind.” To this explanation Professor Cooley replies that -economic wants, interests, and values are primarily of institutional -origin; they are socially created. Pecuniary valuations are largely -the products of group conditions and activities. - -It is in a rational public will that Professor Cooley sees the -salvation of the social process. While he repeatedly expresses a -large degree of faith in human nature as it is, he looks forward to -a day, rather remote, when communication and education will enable -all individuals to take a large grasp of human situations and on the -basis of this grasp to express effectual social purposes. Unconscious -adaptation will be superseded by the deliberate self-direction of every -group along lines of broadening sympathy and widening intellectual -reaches. - -Professor Cooley has earned the title of a sound, sane, and deep -sociological thinker. His contributions to social thought are found in -his lucid descriptions of the social process from which personalities -and social organizations arise, in his keen analysis of communication -as the fundamental element in progress, and in his emphasis upon -rational control through standards. - -The year 1908 is a red letter year in the history of socio-psychologic -thought. In that year two important treatises appeared, one written by -William McDougall and the other by Edward Alsworth Ross. The former -was developed from the psychological standpoint; the latter, from the -sociological point of view. - -Mr. McDougall considers social psychology largely as a study of the -social instincts of individuals; Professor Ross concentrates attention -upon the suggestion and imitation phases of societal life. In a sense -Professor Ross begins his analysis where Mr. McDougall concludes. - -Mr. McDougall treats the instincts as the bases of social life. -He makes them the foundation of nearly all individual and social -activities.[XXIII-18] Instincts are biologically inherited; they cannot -be eradicated by the individual. Instincts constitute the materials out -of which habits are made. Consciousness arises only when an instinct or -a habit (that is, a modified instinct) fails to meet human needs. - -The primary instincts are the sex and parental, the gregarious, -curiosity, flight, repulsion. Each is accompanied by its peculiar -emotion, for example, the instinct of flight by the emotion of -fear, the instinct of curiosity by the emotion of wonder. This -instinct-emotion theory is, however, drawn out until it seems to become -academic rather than actual in its details. - -Professor McDougall points out that the instincts are the basic -elements upon which all social institutions are built.[XXIII-19] For -example, the sex and parental instincts are the foundations of the -family; the acquisitive instinct is an essential condition of the -accumulation of material wealth and of the rise of private property as -an institution. Pugnaciousness leads to war. - -This emphasis upon the instincts reaches an extreme form in W. -Trotter’s _Instincts of the Herd in Peace and War_, where the herd -instinct is made all-dominant. According to Mr. Trotter the herd -instinct arouses fear in the individual and rules him through rigorous -conventional means--in a large percentages of cases to his detriment. - -In conjunction with his theory of instincts, Professor McDougall has -advanced a noteworthy conception of the sentiments. The three leading -expressions of sentiment are love, hate, and respect. Sympathy is -regarded as an elemental sentiment, in fact, as an emotion in its -simplest form. A sentiment is “an organized system of emotional -tendencies centered about some object.” The sentiments comprise an -important phase of the self, and function powerfully in determining -social conduct. - -It was in 1901 that Professor E. A. Ross made his initial contribution -to psycho-sociologic thought--seven years before his _Social -Psychology_ was published. His first great work was _Social Control_. -In this excursus he defined social psychology as the study of “the -psychic interplay between man and his environing society.”[XXIII-20] -This interplay is two-fold: the domination of society over the -individual (social ascendancy); and the domination of the individual -over society (individual ascendancy). Social ascendancy may be either -purposeless (social influence) or purposeful (social control). Social -psychology, according to Professor Ross, deals with psychic planes and -currents; it does not treat of groups, which is a part of the preserve -of psychological sociology. - -The psycho-sociologic grounds of control are found in such factors as -sympathy, sociability, an elemental sense of justice, and particularly -in group needs. There are individuals whose conduct exasperates the -group. “In this common wrath and common vengeance lies the germ of a -social control of the person.”[XXIII-21] - -Perhaps the best part of Professor Ross’ discussion of social control -is his analysis of the agents of control.[XXIII-22] Public opinion -and law are the two most important means of controlling individuals. -The weakness of one, in this connection, is its fitfulness; of the -other, its rigidity. Personal beliefs and ideals function widely and -effectively because of their subjective character. An individual may -escape the operation of law; he can hide away from the winds of public -opinion; but he cannot get away from his own ideas and conscience. -It is for this reason that religious convictions are powerful. Art -as a means of social control is commonly underrated. It arouses -the passions, kindles sympathies, creates a sense of the beautiful -and perfects social symbols, such as Columbia, La Belle France, -Britannia.[XXIII-23] - -Systems of social control are political or moral.[XXIII-24] The -political form is more or less objective, is likely to be in the hands -of a few, is apt to be used for class benefit. The ethical arises from -sentiment rather than from utility; it is more or less subjective; it -permeates the hidden recesses of life. The ethical system is usually -mild, enlightening and suasive “rather than bold and fear-engendering.” -Individuals are ordinarily aware of political control, but the -far-reaching influences of ethical control they little suspect. - -The two most difficult problems for society to solve in connection with -social control are these: (1) what measures of control may be best -imposed; and (2) how these measures should be imposed.[XXIII-25] The -variety of disciplines which society may use varies from epithets to -capital punishment. The methods vary from the democratic one of social -self-infliction to the direct autocratic procedure. Too much control -produces either stagnation or revolution, depending on the amount of -energy the rank and file may possess. Too little control leads to -anarchy, or at least to a reign of selfishness. A paternal social -control may cause resentment or a crushing of self-respect. - -Suggestion and imitation are social elements that Professor Ross has -described in detail.[XXIII-26] He has demonstrated that the more -gregarious species are more suggestible than the species whose members -are more or less solitary; that southern races are more suggestible -than northern races, because of the different climatic effects upon -temperament; that children are more suggestible than adults, because -children possess a small store of facts and an undeveloped ability to -criticize; that people of a nervous temperament are more suggestible -than persons who are phlegmatic, because of difference in sensibility; -that women are more suggestible than men, because they have not had -the broadening influences which men have enjoyed, such as “higher -education, travel, self-direction, professional pursuits, participation -in intellectual and public life.”[XXIII-27] - -The laws of imitation, particularly of fashion imitation and -rational imitation, which M. Tarde was the first to outline, have -been elucidated and illustrated by Professor Ross. He has cut boldly -into the shams of fashion, convention, and custom, and made a strong -plea for rationality in these fields. He has shown how mob mind, -the craze, and the fad sweep not simply the foolish and lightheaded -individuals off their feet, but also the persons who are counted as -sane and acquainted with common sense. In fact, he has made clear -that even the most level-headed are blindly or slavishly governed by -custom or fashion or both. He does not develop, however, the fact -that imitation is largely a result of like-mindedness and common -social stimuli. He implies an individual rather than a group origin of -suggestion-imitation phenomena. - -It is in discussion that Professor Ross sees one of the main hopes of -progress.[XXIII-28] Discussion brings conflicts to a head, and leads -to group progress. Discussion changes a person’s opinions. Adequate -discussion leads to the settlement of a conflict and the creation of -an established public opinion, which remains in force until a new -invention occurs, a resultant conflict ensues, and a new public opinion -comes into power. - -In 1920, Professor Ross made his largest and most important -contribution to social thought in his _Principles of Sociology_. This -work, however, is essentially a treatise in social psychology. The -original social forces are the human instincts, notably the fighting -instinct, the gregarious instinct, the parental instinct, the curiosity -instinct. The derivative social forces are societal complexes which -tend to satisfy instinctive cravings. Professor Ross’ classification -of the derivative social forces, or interests, is primarily fourfold. -These fundamental interests are wealth, government, religion, and -knowledge. This classification contains only two, or at best three, -of the six groups of interests which are found in Professor Small’s -exhibit.[XXIII-29] - -Professor Ross’ analysis of the process of socialization has been -indicated in Chapter XXI. This phenomena is to be sharply distinguished -from ossification, which is the hardening of social life into -rigid forms.[XXIII-30] Groups often become unduly solidified. The -salvation of such a situation lies in individuation, which is a -process of pulverizing social lumps and releasing the action of their -members.[XXIII-31] Any movement that develops that spirit of personal -liberty leads to individuation. - -“Commercialization is the increasing subjection of any calling or -function to the profits motive.”[XXIII-32] The various factors which -hold the profits motive in check are: (1) pleasure in creative -activity; (2) pride in the perfection of one’s product; (3) the desire -to live up to accepted standards of excellence; (4) abhorrence of sham -in one’s work; (5) interest in the welfare of the customer; (6) the -social service motive. The profits motive, however, receives support -from many social tendencies, notably: (1) the increasing distance -between producer and consumer; (2) the growing differentiation between -principals and subordinates; (3) the increasing importance of capital -in the practice of an art or occupation. - -Professor Ross has set forth a valuable exhibit of the canons of social -reconstruction.[XXIII-33] (1) Reforms must not do violence to human -nature. (2) They must square with essential realities. (3) They should -be preceded by a close sociological study of the situation which it is -planned to change. (4) Reforms should be tried out on a small scale -before being adopted on a large scale. (5) A reform should be the -outcome of a social movement. (6) Under a popular government, reforms -should move according to legal and constitutional methods. - -In regard to the improvement of social institutions, Professor Ross -rests his argument on the importance of standards. “Standards are, -perhaps, the most important things in society.”[XXIII-34] Although -invisible and intangible they reveal, better than anything else, the -quality of a society. - -The current standards of the family may be improved through imparting -sound ideals of marriage, through fixing these ideals everywhere in -social tradition, and through making “the social atmosphere frosty -toward foolish and frivolous ideals of marriage.”[XXIII-35] Young -people may well be taught to look upon divorce as a moral shipwreck. -Loyalty to the state or society has its origin in the obedience of -children to parents in the family. A sound family life, thus, is rated -by our author as the bulwark of society. - -In regard to industry, it is pointed out that the principle of -the sovyet is associated in an entirely accidental way with -Bolshevism.[XXIII-36] The sovyet may well be judged on its own merits. -The principle upon which citizens may be grouped for purposes of -securing representation in government is not yet settled. Is a given -geographical area a better unit for securing representation than -occupational areas? - -State socialism is objected to by Professor Ross on the grounds that it -leaves the citizens so remote “from that which most vitally concerns -him, viz., the regulation of the industry in which he works, that his -yearly vote may be a mere fribble and he little better than a state -serf.”[XXIII-37] Guild socialism, on the other hand, urges that each -branch of industry shall organize itself democratically, and that -the state shall be organized not with provinces and localities as -semi-autonomies but with industries exercising a degree of autonomy. -Our author endorses the general shift which is occurring at the present -time from the coercive side to the service side of industrial life. - -Professor Ross has deduced several important sociological principles -of general import. These he calls the principle of anticipation, the -principle of simulation, the principle of individualization, and the -principle of balance. - -By the principle of anticipation, he means that a known policy of -an institution will come to be anticipated by the members of the -institution and will result in modifying behavior.[XXIII-38] Unfair -advantage is often taken of people on the basis of this principle. -For example, children frequently count on favor and leniency. The -false beggar’s whine is often effective. It is in this connection that -genuine social reform differs from a common conception of charity, for -the former method fits people to run, clears their course, and incites -them to make the race,[XXIII-39] while the latter fails to render -assistance of permanent value. - -The principle of simulation refers to the common tendency of “the -unworthy to simulate every type or trait which has won social approval, -in order to steal prestige from it.”[XXIII-40] Commercial competition -has produced adulterations, misbrandings, counterfeiting. There is the -professional athlete, who sometimes poses as a sincere enthusiast for -physical development. Politicians are often expert dissemblers. - -The principle of individualization refers to giving individuality -a reasonable chance for growth. As society grows more complex, -institutions more ossified, and life more standardized, the average -individual is increasingly in danger of being crushed; at least, his -opportunities for self-expression grow more slim. There is need of -constant vigilance in education in allowing for individual differences, -in industry for safeguarding the laborer in expressing his personality -in his work, in government in permitting free discussion. - -The principle of balance is stated by Professor Ross as follows: “In -the guidance of society each social element should share according -to the intelligence and public spirit of its members and none should -predominate.”[XXIII-41] There has been in the past, and even now -there is in all countries, a bitter struggle taking place between -classes apparently on the basis that some one class should rule all -the other classes. Society has suffered immeasurably in this way. -Sometimes society has been the victim of the rulership of the dead, -of the rulership of masculinism, of clericalism, of militarism, -of commercialism, of legalism, of leisure class ascendancy, of -intellectualism, of proletarianism, but always by one class lording it -over the weaker classes until some one of the weaker classes acquires -strength enough to overthrow the class in power. - -The socio-psychological thought of Professor Ross has penetrated -the farthermost reaches of human life. It has been stated in -lucid, stimulating language. It has commanded the attention of -socially-thinking persons in many lands. It has defined the field of -sociology, giving the psychological approach. - -Special attention may be given to the concept of “the great society” as -used by Graham Wallas. The Great Society is a name for current human -society, the product of mechanical inventions, industrial production, -commercial expansion, democratic evolution--highly organized and -intricately complex. It is ruled, in the main, by men “who direct -enormous social power without attempting to form a social purpose,” and -it is composed to a surpassing degree of individuals who recognize the -power of society but dimly and who often treat society with distrust -and dislike.[XXIII-42] - -Mr. Wallas substitutes organization for organism as a fundamental -social concept. He makes a distinction between thought organizations, -will organizations, and happiness organizations. Thought organizations -are those institutions in society whose main function is the -organization of thought, such as discussion groups, ranging from a -philosophical club to an ordinary committee that is called together -to plan new legislation. At this point Mr. Wallas asserts that he -has attended perhaps 3000 meetings of municipal committees, of -different sizes and for different purposes, and that he is sure that -at least half of the men and women with whom he has sat “were entirely -unaware that any conscious mental effort on their part was called -for.”[XXIII-43] They attended in the same spirit that many persons -attend church, namely, in the spirit that if they merely attend they -are doing their duty, and that some good must come of it. - -Will organization comes into existence because of imperfect social -machinery. In industry three types of will organizations are striving -for mastery--the institution of private property, represented by -the individualists; the state, represented by collectivists; labor -organizations, represented perhaps by syndicalists. There is urgent -need for “the invention of means of organizing the conflicting wills of -individuals and classes within each nation more effective than reliance -upon any single ‘principle,’ whether representation, property, or -professionalism.”[XXIII-44] - -The organization of happiness has not proceeded far. Efficiency has -supplanted happiness as a modern god. The ideal of making money has -shadowed the ideal of making people happy. A social system organized on -the basis of happiness avoids both destitution and superfluity, employs -the Mean as the standard for the representation of all social interests -as well as for all faculties of individuals, avoids the Extreme in all -things.[XXIII-45] - -The writings of Charles A. Ellwood deal particularly with that part of -sociological thought which rests upon psychological theory. Professor -Ellwood defines a society as “a group of individuals carrying on a -collective life by means of mental interactions.”[XXIII-46] As a -result of mental interactions, co-ordination or co-adaptation of the -activities of the members is effected. - -The psychological basis of social interactions is found in such -characteristics of the individual as spontaneity, instincts, -emotions, consciousness, mind. Organisms possess spontaneity, that -is, movements are set up in them without the apparent aid of external -causes.[XXIII-47] The organism, however, is dependent largely upon -the environment for the development of its potentialities, “but the -essential ground for the beginning of its activities lies within--in -its own organic needs.” Instincts, the product of natural selection, -represent preformed neurological pathways that developed “in response -to the demands of previous life conditions.” The emotions, also -hereditary, are complexes of feelings and sensations. The desires are -complex combinations of feelings and impulses which are accompanied by -an awareness of the objects that will satisfy the impulse.[XXIII-48] -Consciousness develops to solve problems which the instincts cannot -meet. At first, consciousness is largely a selective activity. It -develops, however, into a highly complex agency for mastering the -problems of life and the universe. Mind is a product of the social -life-process. It has arisen under conditions of association. - -One of the most fundamental phases of the associational process -is communication. The need of acting together has given rise to -intercommunicative symbols. - -Professor George H. Mead has given a thoroughgoing discussion of -communication, language, and the consciousness of meaning.[XXIII-49] -He begins with a social situation, where the actions of one person -serve as stimulations to other persons, whose responses in turn -act as stimulations to the first person. Thus life is a series of -actions, stimulations, responses, resultant stimulations--these -activities constitute gestures or symbols with meanings. Symbols and -the consciousness of meaning of these symbols are the main elements in -communication. - -Communication, says Professor Ellwood, is “a device to carry on -a common life-process among several distinct, though psychically -interacting, individual units.”[XXIII-50] This definition probably -emphasizes unduly the “individual units,” which are doubtless a -product, in part, of the stream of social life. Suggestion is an -elemental, but quick form of communication, related in its simpler -phases to sympathetic emotion. Imitation is a common mechanism whereby -actions and ideas spread. Communication in the form of oral and written -language is the chief mechanistic factor in securing social change. - -The contention of Ward that primitive man was anti-social is refuted by -Professor Ellwood, who points out that according to social anthropology -the so-called anti-social traits of earliest man are not found fully -developed among “savages” but among people of later ages. Primitives -were characterized by a narrow sociality, confined largely to the -family and small groups.[XXIII-51] - -Professor Ellwood’s theory of social change is of a two-fold character: -unconscious and conscious,--the former being characteristic of the -lower stages of social evolution, and the latter, increasingly -characteristic of the higher stages.[XXIII-52] The forms of unconscious -social change are manifold. - -Natural selection tends to crush and destroy the weaker individuals -and the weaker groups. Another type of unconscious social change is -that which comes through a gradual disuse of certain cultural elements. -One generation fails to copy the preceding in all particulars. Another -set of sources of unconscious social change is found in the shifting -relationships between individuals that is produced by “the increase of -population, a new physical environment, a new cultural contact, a new -discovery or a new invention.” In fact, Professor Ellwood states that -all social changes start in an unconscious way.[XXIII-53] - -Conscious change begins with the awareness on the part of one or more -individuals that some social habit is not functioning well. Through -communication, this awareness spreads from individual to individual. -Discussion ensues. At first, discussion is largely critical of the -unsatisfactory social situation. The useless or harmful elements in the -situation receive first attention. As discussion proceeds, it takes on -a more constructive nature, that is, it becomes projective, planful, -positive. It suggests a change to be made. It becomes transformed into -a more or less stable public opinion, demanding a substitution of a -proposed way of doing for the old. The chief elements in guaranteeing -conscious readjustments are free communication, “free public -criticism, free discussion, untrammeled formation of public opinion, -free selection of social policies and social leaders.”[XXIII-54] The -selective process in conscious social change is public opinion, whose -social function it is to mediate in the transition from one social -habit to another. - -Conscious social change in Western Civilization is endangered on one -hand by an excessive individualism, and on the other by a socialism -which threatens to suppress individual initiative and to underemphasize -the rôle of mental and moral character. Professor Ellwood urges the -importance of an education which will socialize the individual and at -the same time develop a high type of personal character. - -Social change, also, takes place under socially abnormal conditions, -so long as societies fail to keep “a high degree of flexibility -in their habits and institutions.”[XXIII-55] Autocratic rulers, -propertied classes, ecclesiastical classes, special groups in power, -a general intellectual stagnation, are factors which tend to resist -institutional flexibility. If this adaptability does not exist, then -social conditions will produce revolutions. If the ruling autocracy -is so powerful that the lives of all objectors are snuffed out, then -revolution is indefinitely postponed. If the energetic forces within -a society are hampered greatly in securing constructive opportunities -for expression, they become forces of discontent and agents of revolt. -If a revolution comes, then much that is worthy in social organization -will be obliterated along with the unworthy, confusion will reign and a -reversion to the brutal stages of societal life is easily possible. - -In his discussion of “the social problem,” Professor Ellwood points -out that the good fruits of the World War are in danger of being -destroyed by “the blindness and selfishness of some in our socially -privileged classes, the fanatic radicalism and class hatred of some -of the leaders of the non-privileged.”[XXIII-56] The forces which -are combining against making the world safe for democracy today are -national imperialism, commercialism, materialistic standards of life, -class conflicts, religious agnosticism, and a reckless attitude toward -marriage and the family.[XXIII-57] The social problem, from one angle, -becomes the problem of training people to live together justly, -constructively, and co-operatingly. - -As Turgot indicated, the only way to avert social revolution is -through suitable and well-timed reforms. Today, the reforms most -urgently needed are three-fold: the substitution of an unselfish -internationalism for a selfish nationalism, of a spiritual civilization -for a rampant materialism, and of a socialized human race for -individualized peoples. To bring about these changes is a gigantic -task, namely _the_ social problem. - -Civilization is a complex of social values. Professor Ellwood’s -classification of values is widely different from the analysis that -Professor Giddings has made (given in the preceding chapter). According -to Professor Ellwood, western civilization is represented by the -following groups of social values historically derived: (1) a set -of spiritual and ethical values, described by the ancient Hebrews; -(2) a set of esthetic and philosophic concepts from the Greeks; (3) -a set of administrative and legal forms of Roman origin; (4) a set -of personal liberty beliefs of early Teutonic derivation; (5) a -scientific spirit and technique, originating during the Renaissance; -(6) economic efficiency, born of the industrial revolution; and -(7) an extensive group of humanitarian values, the product of the -nineteenth century. This vast and complicated Western Civilization -needs, however, to remove from its structure the three “rotten pillars” -of hyper-individualism, materialism, and selfish nationalism, -substituting for each its spiritualized and socialized counterpart. - -The nature of social control, according to the analysis by Professor -E. C. Hayes, is “to secure the completed and most harmonious -realization of good human experience, regarded as an end in -itself.”[XXIII-58] Social control should prevent activities which do -not bear the test of reason, and should elicit those which stand that -test, when judged by their own intrinsic value and by their effect -upon other values. This statement of the purpose of social control is -similar to that of other standard interpretations of the matter. - -There are two types of social control.[XXIII-59] The first is control -by sanctions, and the second by social suggestion, sympathetic -radiation, and imitation. Social sanctions refer to proffered rewards -and threatened punishments. Professor Hayes, however, makes not law -but personality the ultimate basis of social order. Repression of -crime is a correct social procedure but of a distinctly lower grade -than the movement to raise the moral character of those who never go -to prison. _The_ problem of social control is to take the instinctive -tendencies of each individual when he is young and make them over into -a disposition that is characterized by the four following traits: -(1) reliability, or honesty; (2) controlled animalism, or temperance -regarding eating, drinking, and other animal propensities; (3) -steadiness in endeavor; (4) the social spirit, or justice.[XXIII-60] - -Professor Hayes’ statement on the agencies of social control is similar -in purport to the list that Professor Ross has given. Education is -considered the chief agency of social control. Education can determine -the direction of ambition; education can shift the emphasis in social -valuations. Professor Hayes recognizes the import of heredity and how -the degree of individual achievement is “more dependent upon heredity -than upon the directions of effort.” Society, however, has the power -to decide which of its members shall develop as far as their potential -abilities will permit, and also the power to determine the direction -the activities of its members shall take.[XXIII-61] - -Among educational agencies of control the family ranks first.[XXIII-62] -The power of the family at its best in building personality is -comparable to the influence in this connection of all other agencies -combined. The profession of mother-work is more important to society -than any other profession. - -The social psychology of business enterprise, of the leisure classes, -of the machine process, of industry and workmanship have been indicated -by Thorstein Veblen. The unique, incisive work of Mr. Veblen is -presented in several books, chief of which are his _Theory of the -Leisure Class_, _Theory of Business Enterprise_, and _Instinct of -Workmanship_. Mr. Veblen’s ideas can best be illustrated by referring -to his “canons.” - -The Canon of Pecuniary Emulation describes the restless straining of -certain individuals in society to outdo one another in the possession -of wealth.[XXIII-63] Such possession is interpreted as conferring honor -on its possessor. Wealth becomes intrinsically honorable. The Canon of -Pecuniary Beauty refers to the impression that things are beautiful in -proportion as they are costly.[XXIII-64] The marks of expensiveness -come to be regarded as beautiful features. - -The Canon of Conspicuous Consumption is a term which describes a -method of showing off one’s wealth by an elaborate consumption of -goods.[XXIII-65] Conspicuous consumption is seen more in matters of -dress than in any other line of consumption. The Canon of Conspicuous -Leisure is the rule which some people are following when they live -a life of leisure as the readiest and most conclusive evidence of -pecuniary strength.[XXIII-66] Sometimes a man keeps his wife frittering -her time away in a doll’s house in order to show his wealth status. - -The Canon of Leisure Class Conservatism is Veblen’s label for the -conservative tendencies of the wealthy. Those whom fortune has greatly -favored are likely to be content with things as they are. Such people -are averse to social change, for social innovation might upset their -comfortable existence. They have a dominant material interest in -letting things alone. - -Mr. Veblen’s Canon of Pecuniary Efficiency means that many persons -conceive of efficiency largely in terms of price. The person who -can induce his fellows to pay him well is accounted efficient and -serviceable.[XXIII-67] The man who gains much wealth at little cost is -rated high in his neighbor’s esteem. The investor who at the turn of -his hand reaps $100,000 in a stock or bond deal is praised widely. In -other words, there is a common tendency to rate people high in direct -proportion to the amount of money that they are able to extract from -the aggregate product. - -The Canon of Bellicoseness refers to the enthusiasm for war which the -hereditary leisure class displays. The very wealthy, not being obliged -to work for a living, find that time drags. Therefore, they seek -excitement and relief from ennui, and find these conditions in various -things, especially in war. - -The Canon of Pecuniary Education covers the tendency to demand -“practical” education, which, upon examination, is education that will -guarantee individual success. “Success,” for which education is to fit -young people, turns out to be, in the eyes of the practical man, a -pecuniary success. “Practical” means useful for private gain. The test -that many persons would give to a course in education is this: Will -it help one to get an income? The Canon of Pecuniary Thinking denotes -that many occupations lead to habits of pecuniary thought. For numbers -of people the beginning and end of their more serious thought is of a -pecuniary nature. - -The Canon of Machine Process Thinking is that mechanical employments -produce a type of thinking that is based more or less on material -cause and effect. The Machine knows neither morality nor dignity nor -prescriptive right. The machine process laborers, working in a world of -impersonal cause and effect, “are in danger of losing the point of view -of sin.” - -Professor Veblen has developed the concept of the instinct of -workmanship at considerable length. According to this contention, it -is natural for individuals to do, to construct, to achieve, to work. -Through activity the individual expresses himself and, in so doing, -develops, and attains happiness. Every individual is a center of -unfolding impulsive activity; he is possessed of a taste for effective -work.[XXIII-68] Labor acquires a character of irksomeness by virtue of -the indignity that is falsely imputed to it by a hereditary leisure -class.[XXIII-69] It was the instinct of workmanship which brought the -life of mankind from the brute to the human plan. - -The contributions of Mr. Veblen to social thought are always of a -thought-provoking nature. Sometimes they give rise to invidious -comparisons, often they antagonize, but as a rule, they are unique. No -brief reference such as is given in the foregoing paragraphs can do -justice to Mr. Veblen’s pungent criticisms of societal foibles. - -It would be a decidedly incomplete treatment of the nature of -psycho-sociologic thought that did not make reference to the work of -George Elliott Howard, political scientist, historian, sociologist, -but above all, social psychologist. In each of the fields in which Dr. -Howard has achieved fame, his method of approach is psychological. He -has prepared an excellent outline of the field of social psychology, -together with a scholarly bibliography of the same. Perhaps the best -way to treat Professor Howard’s socio-psychologic thought, is to give a -sample of it, as found in his address before the American Sociological -Society when he was president of that body. The theme was, “Ideals -as a Factor in the Future Control of International Society.” This -_magnum opus_ served as an excellent introduction to the series of -papers on the subject of social control which were read at the annual -meeting of the Sociological Society in 1918, and which have been -published together with the presidential address as Volume XII of the -Publications of the Society. - -By social control, Professor Howard means the standard conception of -the “ascendency of the social consciousness.”[XXIII-70] In the same -volume, however, Professor Carl Kelsey interprets social control as -“the organization and utilization of our wealth and citizens for -private purposes.”[XXIII-71] Professor Hutton Webster is inclined -to believe that the main feature of primitive social control is -“the superstitious fear of the new.”[XXIII-72] Professor F. Stuart -Chapin sees the essential element of primitive social ascendency in -the pressure upon the individual of social conditions, customs, and -conventions.[XXIII-73] Without giving additional interpretations of -social control, the reader will be referred directly to Volume XII of -the Publications as the best symposium that is available on the subject. - -In discussing ideals as a phase of international control, Professor -Howard makes clear that certain ideals exert a baneful influence. -The ideal of the nation-state appears to be unmoral if not -immoral.[XXIII-74] Of four prevailing standards of ethics, namely, -personal morality, business morality, national morality for home -consumption, and “standards of international morality for use with -outlanders,” the scale is descending, and the fourth type is the -lowest. Nationalisms have been overdeveloped--at the expense of a -needed internationalism. - -Another false ideal of which society needs to rid itself is its -conception of the function of war and militarism. War is not a good in -itself. War as war is not heroic. Race values constitute a third false -ideal. “Every race deems itself superior to every other race and every -race is mistaken.”[XXIII-75] Race conceit is contrary to the Christian -ideal and has steadily been supplanted by the new doctrine of the -potential equality of all races. - -The ideal of democracy, on the other hand, rings true to the needs of -progress. It makes for peace. Democracy, however, must rid itself of -blemishes. Hereditary and class privilege must be abolished; political -corruption and race riots must be defeated; woman, “the original social -builder, the mother of industry, the first inventor of the arts of -peace,” must be granted a full voice in social control. - -The ideal of education is exceedingly delicate, for it involves the -process of the changing of ideals. Education may prepare a people to -admire autocracy or to build a self-governing democracy. - -Dr. Howard enters a strong plea for social idealism--the most effective -that has yet been written.[XXIII-76] “The idealist is the inspired -social architect, who dreams a plan for the sanitary or moral cleansing -of a great city; the campaign for purging politics of graft; a law -for saving little children from the tigerish man of the factory or -the sweatshop; a referendum for banishing from the commonwealth the -saloon, that chief breeder of pauperism, sin, and crime; a conference -for the rescuing from the hands of predacious greed, for the use of -the whole people, of the remnant of our country’s natural wealth. The -idealist is the statesman--the head of a nation--who dreams a scheme -for safeguarding democracy and guaranteeing peace throughout the world.” - -It is evident from the introduction to the history of psycho-sociologic -thought that has been given in this and the preceding chapter, -supported by the materials in the chapters on social conflict and -social co-operation concepts, that psycho-sociologic thought holds -a place of first rank in the field of sociology. It bids fair to -become the central force in social thinking and to lead the social -sciences. It deals with the most vital social concepts, namely, groups, -personality, behavior, conflict, co-operation, and process. Of all the -main approaches to an understanding of societary problems, it promises -most. - - - - -CHAPTER XXIV - -THE TREND OF APPLIED SOCIOLOGY - - -In the preceding chapters the discussions have dealt primarily with the -philosophic and psychologic phases of social thought. Another important -phase of our field is applied sociology. The hosts of individuals who -have been engaged in dealing directly with societal problems have -learned valuable lessons from their personal experiences. Sometimes -they have labored according to false theories; often they have scorned -theories entirely. At the other extreme, the world has often accepted -fine theories, but made a pitiable spectacle of itself in falling away -from its idealistic professions. - -As the term implies, applied sociology treats of techniques for -improving the quality of human living. The best techniques have been -developed experimentally, but by persons who have combined a high -estimate of social theory with practical programs of activity. The -useful concept of social technology, a more accurate term perhaps than -applied sociology, was given to society by Charles R. Henderson, whose -balanced thinking, sane judgment, and important ameliorative activities -made him the founder of this branch of sociological science. Dr. -Henderson’s name is synonymous with a practical interpretation of -both democracy and Christianity, with the spirit of vigorous yet -kindly reformation in penology, with the concept of prevention in -philanthropic endeavors, and with justice and love in all the fields of -human achievement. There are many other important names in the list of -those persons who helped to found applied sociology; for example, such -individuals as Canon Barnett, Arnold Toynbee, Jacob Riis, Jane Addams, -and many other social welfare saints. - -Poverty and crime have been the two chief phenomena with which welfare -work has been concerned. Until the present century the attempts to meet -the problems of poverty have been largely remedial. Jesus said that the -poor are always present in any age of society. St. Francis of Assisi, -tiring of monastery life, sought out the poor in the natural walks of -life, and dedicated himself in their behalf. - -For centuries England has experimented with solutions for the problems -of poverty and pauperism. She has learned that when she cares too -assiduously for the poor she encourages the spirit of pauperism and -increases the numbers of dependents. When she provided liberal aid for -illegitimate children, she found that illegitimacy was furthered. - -England has had a series of important literary leaders who have -interested themselves in behalf of the poor and outcast. Dickens -drew minute word pictures of poverty. Carlyle, the iconoclast and -individualist, pierced repeatedly the shams of society which are partly -responsible for the perpetual existence of social misery. In beautiful -diction Ruskin spoke in behalf of social justice. In similar fields, -France has her Hugo and Balzac; Germany, her Hauptmann; Russia, her -Tolstoi and Gorky; Scandinavia, her Bjornson, Ibsen, and Strindberg. -Individuals of this type, however, cannot be considered social -technologists. They have directed public opinion to specific social -problems, but rarely offered technological programs of practical value. - -Since 1900, the leaders in social technology, such as C. R. -Henderson,[XXIV-1] Sidney and Beatrice Webb,[XXIV-2] and E. T. -Devine,[XXIV-3] have made clear the specific conditions under which -the poor may be permanently aided.[XXIV-4] Remedial care will always -be necessary, but it must be offered in ways that will not encourage -anyone to make a living by begging. The prevailing thought today -regarding poverty is in preventive terms. The individual should be -shown how to help himself up the economic pathway. Education will make -the individual efficient and safeguard him against falling into a -chronic state of pauperism. - -Above all else, social technology urges the establishment of justice -in economic conditions. As shown in Chapter XIV, Henry George, in -his _Progress and Poverty_, made a fundamental analysis of one set -of causes of poverty, which he found in the unjust factors in the -economic system. He showed how ownership in land may be traced back -to force. Shall the first person who acquires a section of land be -allowed to fence it in and to keep out all other persons unless they -pay him a price that rises rapidly as the number of other persons -increases?[XXIV-5] Why is there increasing misery amid advancing -wealth? The larger the city the greater the degree of squalor--this was -George’s perplexing observation. Material progress does not improve -the condition of the lowest classes. Prosperity under the present -economic system appears to be a heavy wedge driven into society. The -individuals who are below the line of cleavage are crushed down; those -who are above this line are hoisted upward into positions of luxury and -affluence. - -Henry George, despite the large number of followers which his ideas -have today, was probably in error in believing that to take the -ownership of land out of the hands of individuals, through the method -of the single tax, would prevent poverty. However, no one should -be blind to the fact that increasing land values result from mere -increase in population. Either the birth rate or immigration increases -population and sends up land values, which in turn is accompanied by -a rising scale of rents with an elevated cost of living and increased -poverty. - -The history of human thought concerning crime has run a vicissitudinous -career. It was not until the days of John Howard and Beccaria that -a truly scientific approach was made to the problem. John Howard -(1726–1790), sheriff of Bedford, became interested in criminals. He -visited jails throughout England. He traveled widely in Europe, usually -at his own expense, studying the causes of typhus fever and endeavoring -to effect a more humane treatment of offenders. - -Beccaria (1735–1794), an Italian criminologist, published in 1764 a -remarkable book, _Crimes and Punishment_. Beccaria protested against -attempting to repress crime by the use of fear. Retaliation is an -entirely inadequate motive for administering punishment. Torture -is inhuman. Neither retaliation nor repression meets the problem. -Reformation was the concept with which Beccaria startled Europe. -Punishment should be administered so as to reform. - -In modern days the names of Cesare Lombroso (1836–1909) stands out -prominently in the field of criminology.[XXIV-6] Lombroso was a -determinist, finding in heredity and environment all the causes of -crime, and relieving the individual of moral responsibility. The mental -defective, the alcoholic, the frantically angry are irresponsible for -the crimes they commit. By defining one irresponsible group after -another the Lombrosan school has practically included all individuals -in this classification, leaving no one responsible for his conduct. - -The remedy for crime, according to Lombroso and his followers, is -found in society. Society is responsible for the criminal acts of its -members. If society should surround all individuals from infancy with -a favorable environment, then crime would end. In the writings of -Garofalo, Ferri, de Quiros, Gross and other Continental criminologists, -a broader point of view is usually taken, making the responsibility -for crime to rest on three factors, heredity, environment, and -individual morality. The margin of choice, and therefore of individual -responsibility, is usually made very slender. European criminological -experts, and even American writers, such as Parmelee, have commonly -minimized the importance of moral character and the accountability of -the individual. - -In the United States the trend of interest has been penological. Since -the days of William Penn, who had been a prisoner in England, American -thought has centered on the problem of prison reform. Barrows and -Brockway devoted their lives to the reorganization of prison procedure. -Wines and Lane show lucidly the trend in penological thought, paying -splendid tribute to the achievements of Z. R. Brockway in establishing -the Elmira Reformatory (New York).[XXIV-7] - -The fundamental principles of the Elmira procedure are as follows: -(1) The average prisoner can be reformed. (2) Reformation of the -prisoner is the duty of the state. (3) Prisoners must be considered as -individuals and accorded the treatment which each needs in order to -bring him to a normal attitude of life. (4) The prisoner’s reformation -requires his own co-operation in the process. (5) The prison must -have the power to lengthen or shorten the sentence according to the -offender’s stage of reformation. (6) The entire process of reformation -is educational, giving the offender opportunity for psychical, mental, -and moral growth. (7) Punishment for crime is administered in the -discipline and labor, which are unremitting and exacting. - -In recent years Thomas M. Osborne has been developing the honor system -and self-government among prisoners.[XXIV-8] The idea is dramatised -by Burleigh and Bierstadt in _Punishment_.[XXIV-9] The conception is -that kindly administration and the personal touch of love will win the -offender’s heart and mind, and effect a reformation. - -The last twenty years have seen a remarkable development of the concept -of prevention of crime. This theory, however, takes the problem back -to pre-adult years, to the adolescent, to childhood, and even to the -pre-natal years of the specific individual. The establishment of the -juvenile court, with the success of Judge Ben B. Lindsey, has served -to call attention to the fact that criminals are made as a rule before -they reach the age of twenty-one. - -The contributors to recent thought about delinquency, such as Jane -Addams, Breckinridge and Abbott, W. R. George, Ben B. Lindsey, Mrs. -Louise de Koven Bowen, Flexner and Baldwin, are pretty largely agreed -that the causes of delinquency, and hence of criminality, are as -follows: (1) The defective home--made defective by illness, poverty, -shiftlessness, ignorance, immorality, desertion, divorce, death--is -the leading single causal element. Nearly all criminals begin their -careers as disobedient sons. The law of obedience and self-discipline, -if not observed in the home, is learned later only at the expense of -anti-social and criminal acts. (2) Mental defectiveness often causes -delinquency. The mentally defective child, if energetic, has great -difficulty in withstanding the evil temptations of life. He or she has -bodily passions that are further developed than his mental inhibitions. -In this connection the public school has an important function to -perform in detecting mental defectives and in segregating them under -special educational care. They should be segregated also by sexes, so -that they may not reproduce their kind, and they should be kept under -educational and institutional direction throughout their lives. They -can be made useful and happy under a guarded environment. (3) Civic -neglect is a third cause of delinquency and crime. Young people are -released from the public schools, often without proper home training -and supervision, and drift about in a highly complex urban environment, -full of commercialized and vicious devices for preying upon the -curious and the unsuspecting. (4) Social injustice, for example in -industry, arouses feelings of hatred of class against class, and leads -to criminal acts. (5) Moral thoughtlessness and religious indifference -are common causes. A moral and religious attitude gives a balanced -expression to personality, wholesomeness and obedience in the home; -and a deep, constant, and abiding interest in public welfare is an -invaluable preventive of sin, vice, and crime. - -A growing conception relative to juvenile courts is that a -considerable portion of the work that such courts are now called on -to perform belongs to the public schools. The compulsory attendance, -child welfare, and continuation school departments may well assume -responsibility for and direction of many youth who now become court -charges. It is urged that a fully organized procedure of constructive -work and play activity under the supervision of the schools will -greatly reduce juvenile delinquency. - -Another cause of juvenile delinquency is parental negligence. It is -believed by many authorities that problems of this character should -be taken care of through the domestic relations court rather than in -the juvenile court. Another causal factor is the growing disrespect -for parents on the part of children, that is, the increasing degree of -failure of children to appreciate the significance of the concept of -obedience. - -In regard to labor problems, social technology has made notable -contributions. Child labor is a term which refers to the employment of -adolescent children for wages, when such children are thereby deprived -from normal opportunities of mental and physical growth. Children -should learn to work, even at unpleasant tasks, but when at an early -age they are taken out of or quit school and become gainfully employed, -they are deprived of a normal adolescence; they and society both -lose.[XXIV-10] - -The problem of women in industry is due to the migration of millions of -women from the home into industry. While women are entitled to equality -of opportunity with men, they are often unmindful that constitutionally -they are not fitted to perform all the tasks that men are doing; that -if they fail in the bearing and rearing of children rationally, the -race dies; and that, if they neglect to make the home attractive, the -family as an essential social institution is undermined. - -The labor problem, when applied to men, brings forth a multiplicity of -contradictory opinions. The idea of industrial democracy is the storm -center. While praising modern capitalism for its stimulus to initiative -and for its large-scale enterprises that have been highly beneficial -in many ways, the social technologist pronounces modern capitalism -undemocratic. He declares that it must purge itself or be supplanted by -another industrial order; it must take cognizance of social changes and -adjust itself accordingly or be routed. - -The injustice in modern capitalism is often stressed in social -technologic thought. Only one factor, wealth, is represented in the -management of business. The skilled or unskilled laborers, often -“the hardest working partners” in the business, are not represented. -Applied sociology, unlike socialism, would keep industry in the hands -of individuals. The idea has been best developed, perhaps, by a social -theorist, Professor A. W. Small. Labor and capital must both have -representation on boards of directors, if capitalism is to prove that -it is not undemocratic.[XXIV-11] - -Tripartite management of industry is a current phase of industrial -thought. Where employers and employees have reached a common ground of -co-operation, they have often joined forces in collusion against the -public and the consumer. The employer agrees to a rise in wages for -the employee, and the employee to an increase in dividends, providing -he receives a portion of the added returns--meanwhile the public is -apathetic or rages impotently. The best thought today is urging that -on boards of directors and managers all three interested parties shall -have representation, namely, labor, capital, and the public. - -It is a current opinion that the failure of capitalism to democratize -itself will result in the rise of socialism by revolutionary means. If -capital with its one-sided control of industry is supplanted by labor -with another type of control, it is doubtful how much will be gained. -The labor standard is manifesting itself as a class standard, and at -times arbitrarily. To have society controlled by labor standards, no -matter under what form of socialism they may appear, will not guarantee -progress. The labor classes, the capitalist classes, the professional -classes--all must rule, and unselfishly for the welfare of society. - -The current socialist thought ranges from a radical bolshevist theme of -a dictatorship of the proletariat to a conservative state socialism, -like that advocated by John Spargo. Bolshevism has the earmarks of -class autocracy. Progress cannot be secured by a social order in which -the least educated and trained are in control. On the other hand, it -is not clear that state socialism, with its governmental control of -interest-producing capital and rent-producing land, will best guarantee -progress. The socialization of individuals will probably be more -effective than the socialization of industries. - -The tendency is toward the elimination of profitism. This negative -thought, it is claimed, will relieve capitalism of its worst evils, and -allow the educational process of socializing individuals to go forward. - -The concept of social insurance has been given a remarkable reception -since 1882. Social insurance was introduced as a means of pacifying -labor and of making it contented under the rule of capitalism. It -was admitted into governmental economy by Bismarck as an agency -of forestalling socialism. It spread rapidly. It has met with two -setbacks. (1) In the first place it has acquired such momentum that -capitalism sees it as the entering wedge of a genuine socialism. (2) -In the second place social insurance is guaranteeing so much security -to the workingman that he is constrained at times to sacrifice his -initiative and even to become shiftless, saying in effect to himself, -“I’ll be taken care of anyway.” It is this second type of antagonistic -thought that indicates the real weakness in social insurance. It would -be better to have a society in which the workingmen as a class would -have an ample opportunity of caring for, and be stimulated to care -for, their old age and for periods of disability. For the individual -exceptions, special provisions could be made. - -The unemployment problem has produced many reform theories. -Unemployment insurance, now being made the subject of experiment, is -probably not reaching the main causes. The causal factors are many -and deep-seated; they range from individual shiftlessness and mental -defectiveness on one hand, to economic injustice and social callousness -on the other.[XXIV-12] The prevailing thought urges a more efficient -training of the individual; the increasing of the workman’s opportunity -to enlarge his personality through each day’s work; the development of -industrial democracy and justice; and a complete socialization program. - -Another set of problems concerning which applied sociology is -endeavoring to find solutions relates to the family, feminism, -marriage, divorce, and housing. Professor George Elliott -Howard[XXIV-13] and Dr. Edward Westermarck[XXIV-14] have traced the -development of the family and marriage throughout human history. The -primitive relationships between sexes have been described by many -anthropological writers. A history of the American family has been -written by A. W. Calhoun.[XXIV-15] Single volume treatments of the -family as a social institution have been made by Bosanquet[XXIV-16] -and Goodsell.[XXIV-17] These works essentially agree that the family -is an evolutionary product, that the primitive family centered about -the mother and child, that patriarchalism introduced a high degree of -masculine arbitrariness, and that the family is at present undergoing -marked changes whereby the spirit of democracy is gaining ground. - -In the new found spirit of freedom, woman has sometimes been captivated -by the desire to follow man into all the man-made occupations. Sex -nature predestines woman to the chief occupation or profession of -all, that of motherhood. For woman to rush headlong after men into -industry may turn out to be not liberty, but license and deterioration. -Current social thought protests vigorously against the idea of women -being household drudges, and also against women wasting their time in -pluming themselves or in idling away their days in dolls’ houses, -supported dependents of men. Women are entitled to learn vocations and -to live constructive lives, in an atmosphere of the largest possible -freedom consistent with the development of themselves and the race. -On the other hand, any movement which weakens the home as a societary -training institution apparently defies the laws of social advance. - -The housing problem is provoking urgent thought. With the rise of -large cities the economic order favors exorbitant land values and -extraordinarily high rents. The social increment goes into the hands of -the few. The flat and apartment house life often favors pet bulldogs -rather than children, and decreases the efficiency of the home as a -social institution. These untoward tendencies, furthermore, are being -supplemented by an attitude of more or less helpless apathy on the part -of the public. - -Another field of applied sociologic thought is represented by the -terms, race problems, immigration, and naturalization. These concepts -are all outgrowths of the population concept which has been treated -in an earlier chapter. The human race with its common origin has -subdivided and wandered into all the inhabitable parts of the globe. -Climate, geography, and social environment have operated to make the -race subdivisions distinct and discriminatory. Race pride and prejudice -have raised impassable race barriers. - -In the United States the leading race problem involves the Negroes. -Booker T. Washington[XXIV-18] urged that if the Negro shows himself -industrially efficient and morally worthy, the prejudice against him -will disappear. W. E. B. DuBois[XXIV-19] asks that the prejudice -against the colored race by the white race be removed in order that -the Negro may have a fair chance to show himself capable. The Southern -white people declare that the colored people must be segregated on -a lower plane than that occupied by the white race. Northern people -assert that the trouble lies chiefly in an undemocratic attitude of -Southern white people toward the colored race. Thus the currents of -thought concerning the Negro come into conflict, but without forming a -common current of action. - -Another phase of the race problem is conveyed by the concept of -hyphenated interests. The Americanization movement has assumed momentum -because of the need for a more unified spirit within the nation. -Although some of the promoters of Americanization have used autocratic -means, the opinion is gaining ground that the transference of the -loyalty of the immigrant from his home country to his adopted country -can best be effected by treating the immigrant sympathetically and -democratically in all his contacts--industrial, social, political--with -the people of our land.[XXIV-20] - -The public health movement has acquired force because of the belief -that only public and widespread action can remove many of the causes -of disease. Tuberculosis, for example, is a disease that is caused -by a microscopic germ which thrives and multiplies in the tissues of -susceptible and weakened organisms. Tuberculosis and unsanitary housing -conditions flourish together. The individual is often helpless, but -the thought is now well grounded that public action can stamp out the -breeding places of the tubercle bacilli and relieve the country of -the white plague. An improved economic and educational status for the -unskilled laborer and his family would also help to improve the health -level of the country. Current social thought supports the contention -that the real work of a physician is to keep people well rather than to -cure them after they have fallen seriously ill. Preventive medicine and -the public health movement are strongly urged by social technology. - -Another phase of applied sociology of current significance is indicated -by the term, community organization.[XXIV-21] The idea of this -movement originated in the failure of people to develop a democratic -consciousness. Community organization refers to attempts of communities -to organize themselves for neighborhood efficiency. When a community -organizes its own recreations and amusements, it functions in two -important directions. (1) It supplants commercialized amusements, -operated for profit and often on a socially destructive basis, by -community recreation, maintained by the people themselves in socially -constructive ways and at a minimum of expense. (2) In participating in -and building up community enterprises such as community recreation, -the people of the community develop a co-operative democratic -consciousness. The problem of the use of leisure time is growing -in proportion to the extent that the laboring classes are winning -a shorter work day. In addition to community recreation, community -health movements, community newspapers, community co-operative stores, -community committees for securing needed legislation and for breaking -the force of economic monopoly, are attracting widespread attention. -The social unit and the block system of community service, are terms -which indicate variations of the community organization concept, -originally a product of the need of meeting the leisure time problem -constructively with the very important result of re-creating democracy. - -Social technology has produced the survey.[XXIV-22] The social survey, -being related in its origin to the census, is an accurate method -of gathering social facts, not merely facts about the numbers of -people, the acreage, and the amount of wealth, but the facts about -the societary assets and liabilities of a city or community, and -concerning the constructive and the destructive forces. By making -surveys at regular intervals of five or ten year periods, a community -can determine the amount and direction of its own progress. The idea -of a survey is similar to that of an inventory of a business house--to -find out the gains and losses, and to plan for the future according to -the verdict of the inventory. - -In recent years social case work has acquired an important rank in -the field of applied sociology. Social reform deals with methods for -improving the whole mass of individuals and for raising the level -of the entire group; social case work on the other hand stimulates -individuals to improve the quality of their lives, to adjust -themselves more adequately to their environment, and to transform -their environments. Social case work insists that sound social reforms -can be effected only on the basis of first-hand experiences with the -needs of individuals who are the victims of social imperfections or -their own shortcomings. Social work with individuals has provided a -body of specific facts of first magnitude as a foundation for measures -of social amelioration and progress; it has mirrored life which is -under the harrow of circumstances; it has portrayed life where living -conditions are harshest. - -Applied sociology represents methods of social attack. It furthers -progress by planning for society on the basis of past societal -experiences and current facts and tendencies. It fulfils the demands of -social telesis. - - - - -CHAPTER XXV - -THE RISE OF EDUCATIONAL SOCIOLOGY - - -In recent decades educational leaders have been thinking in -sociological terms. In its experimental phases educational sociology -constitutes a phase of applied sociology. The principles of modern -educational sociology have a thousand sources. - -Pestalozzi (1746–1827) may be considered a forerunner of current social -theories of education. He was interested in humanity for humanity’s -sake. Like St. Francis of Assisi, he lived with the poor in order that -he might teach them to be thrifty and worthy citizens. In his _Leonard -and Gertrude_, he described the life of the poor, and formulated an -educational procedure for educating the poor. He was a lover of little -children, of poor people, of anyone in trouble, of all humanity. He -spoke in dignified terms of the function of a good woman, no matter how -humble her station in life. Her first duty is to educate her children -and to meet the needs of her family. She has, also, obligations to her -neighbors and community. Others, seeing her constructive work, will be -inspired and motivated to do likewise. - -In opening an industrial school for the poor, Pestalozzi recognized -that the poor have the least opportunities for development and the -largest numbers of problems to solve,--therefore they are in the -greatest need of educational advantages. He held that all the phases -of human personality should be trained, and that there should be “a -harmonious development of all human powers.” Hence, education is the -greatest gift that anyone, rich or poor, can receive. In urging that -the child should be educated in company with other children, that -is, in groups, he took an attitude superior to that of Rousseau, but -presaging that of Froebel. - -Froebel (1782–1852), the founder of the kindergarten, considered -little children “as plants in a garden.” He recognized the educative -importance of the early years of life. He perceived the possibilities -of teaching through the use of plays and games. He understood the -“interests” of little children. His most important conception, perhaps, -was his recognition of the gregarious impulses as an effective setting -for the educative processes. While neo-Froebelians have sometimes -turned all work into play and have neglected to train the child in -doing some things in which he is not interested at the particular -time, the utilization of the gregarious and play impulses as vital -backgrounds for education is not unworthy. The evils in this connection -are no greater than when the Montessori method is followed, with its -emphasis upon a maximum of individual choice. - -In Horace Mann (1796–1859), American education found a new social -emphasis. Education in a democracy, according to Mann, should be public -and open equally to all classes of people. Moreover, in a democracy, -education is not a mere acquisition of knowledge; it is not concealed -in college degrees as such; it is not aristocratic. It was Mann’s -contention that education should be an actual training for rearing -worthy families, for living an unselfish social life, for being a -public spirited citizen in one’s daily activities. - -Mann asserted that the common school is the bulwark of the nation. He -believed that education should encourage true religion. He inaugurated -the normal training school,--in support of his theory of specially -trained teachers. His social philosophy is contained in a statement -from his last public address: “Be ashamed to die until you have won a -victory for humanity.” - -During the intervening decades since the days of Horace Mann, the -social conception of education has been assuming new practical -phases. Professor John Dewey has pointed out that all communication -is education; that the terms, common, community, and communication, -possess more than a verbal relationship.[XXV-1] Anything is educative -which produces similar emotional and intellectual dispositions, -that is, like ways of responding to stimuli. Societal life, hence, -is unusually educative. Education consists of processes of -self-development, of self-continuation, of social continuation. These -processes are possible only on bases of common means of communication. -It is these means, as Professor C. H. Cooley has indicated, which make -even the powerful factors of suggestion and imitation so universal. - -It is not the environment which directly implants certain desires in -individuals.[XXV-2] The environment sets up conditions which stimulate -certain ways of acting. The child gets a real idea of a hat, not by -seeing a hat, or by being told of its uses, but by actually using a -hat. The social environment, in other words, forms “the mental and -emotional disposition of behavior in individuals by engaging them -in activities” that arouse various impulses, purposes, and produces -certain consequences.[XXV-3] - -As society becomes exceedingly complex, it is essential that society -provide a simplified social environment through which the child may -pass, in order that he may adjust himself the more quickly and easily -to the complex societal environment. To this end the school serves a -valuable purpose. However, in order to function best, the school must -be a replica in as many ways as possible of real society.[XXV-4] - -The special social environment, namely, the school, must simplify -and arrange in an orderly way the dispositional factors it wishes -to develop in children. It must present the existing social customs -in purified and idealized forms. It must create a wider and better -balanced environment for the young than they would have if they were -not in school. - -Imitation, to Dr. Dewey, is a less useful term than many social -psychologists believe. What objectively is a process of imitation is -subjectively a process of like response to like stimuli. The term -imitation does not explain; it simply describes--objectively. The -fundamental fact that the sociological student needs to keep in mind is -that “persons being alike in structure respond in the same way to like -stimuli.”[XXV-5] This conception is similar to ideas that Professors -Giddings and Cooley have elaborated. The societal significance of this -interpretation can be stated best in terms of social control. The -highest type of social control is that which plans for a common mental -disposition, a common way of understanding objects, events, and acts, -common sets of socially constructive stimuli. - -Professor Dewey argues for a school life which fully connects theory -and practice. While pragmatic, he emphasizes the necessity for a -correct theory, but more particularly the combining of theory and -practice--in the school life itself. In other words, anything which -sets school life apart from actual life is a disutility; it is -educationally harmful. Hence school life must include the actual -occupations, nature study, and the like. It must relegate formal -education to a secondary position. The moral atmosphere of the -schoolroom must change from one primarily of discipline, even formal -discipline, to one of co-operation. - -School life, in other terms, is properly an embryonic community life. -It is the business of the school to train each child into membership -of a little community that is a counterpart of society at large, -“saturating him with the spirit of service, and providing him with the -instruments of effective self-direction.”[XXV-6] Professor Dewey would -make the school a miniature society, fitting its members by their daily -activities in the schools for normal membership in “a larger society -which is worthy, lovely, and harmonious.” - -The literature on educational sociology is growing rapidly. Within -recent years several books on educational sociology have appeared. -In the list of the authors of these works are the names of O’Shea, -Snedden, Smith, King, Clow, Betts, Dutton, and others of equal -importance.[XXV-7] Professor Walter R. Smith, for example, in applying -sociological principles to educational work, contends that normal -school graduates have been taught to look to psychology alone for -the key to sound pedagogy, whereas sociology is perhaps an equally -important key to effective teaching. Education is not entirely a -matter of training the mind of the individual; it is also a process of -acquainting the individual with the needs of society and of helping -him to participate in improving the quality of societary life. Dr. -Smith urges training not _for_ citizenship, but training _into_ -citizenship.[XXV-8] - -Inasmuch as men and women live and develop and work as members of -groups, it is vital, according to Dr. Snedden, that children be taught -as integral units of group life. It is sociology that must determine -the aims of education.[XXV-9] By sociological standards it has been -proved that existing curricula in the United States are excessively -individualistic in aim as well as in method. Their purpose has been to -encourage the individual to win against, rather than with, his fellows. -Our curricula provide self-culture studies and self-development -studies, but few social culture and social development studies. The -former are indispensable, but if not properly balanced by the latter -they are positively dangerous. - -The responsibilities of individuals for collective thinking and acting -have never been taught to any degree in the schools, and yet these -responsibilities, not only in time of war, but increasingly so in time -of peace, must be assumed widely, else democracy itself will collapse. -By training pupils in the principles of individual success primarily, -the schools have turned out a generation of persons who are unready to -meet the new world problems that are at hand, and who are unable to -promote “constructive programs making for international co-operation -and friendliness.”[XXV-10] - -Custom, not social needs, has too often controlled school curricula. -The _Anabasis_ and Caesar’s _Commentaries_, although splendid bits of -literary composition, “are about as significant to the realities of a -nineteenth or twentieth century as bows and arrows would be in modern -warfare, or Roman galleys in the naval contests of tomorrow.”[XXV-11] -The study of forgotten tongues and antiquated fragments of literature -falls far short of training twentieth century youths for the conscious -co-operative direction of the social forces of the future. - -Vocational education is not all-sufficient. Youth must be taught -to be socially and morally efficient--no less than physically and -vocationally.[XXV-12] In addition to the current emphasis upon -vocational education, attention must be given to a moral education -in the schools that can produce in individuals the moral character -required to meet the needs of a highly developed democracy. - -Educational sociology has viewed with alarm certain recent tendencies -in vocational guidance. It has supported heartily the plans for giving -every child an occupational training and of enabling him to earn his -own living. On the other hand, it has deplored the idea that a vocation -or earning a living is an end in itself. It has insisted that the main -reason for teaching a boy a trade is that the boy may have a larger -opportunity for developing his personality and for serving society. - -Likewise, educational sociology has often looked askance at scientific -management, or the movement for educating all workingmen to the point -of highest productive efficiency. Such a training has frequently -produced a maximum increase in profits for those who have promoted it -and a minimum of increase in wages for the workers, besides tending to -turn the latter into mere machines, instead of into human leaders with -increased capacities for enjoyment and spiritual service. - -The studies in all school curricula must be evaluated in terms of -social worth. For example, what is the purpose of teaching history? Is -it to give the pupil a chronology of dates and a catalogue of ignoble -kings and bloody battles, or is it to give the pupil the meaning of -social evolution, social progress, social inheritances, the rise of -social needs?[XXV-13] - -Educational sociology holds the theory that training for unselfish -social living is as important as training for individual pecuniary -success. It is engaged at the present time in working out techniques -for introducing every member of the public schools to the sociological -viewpoint. The names under which such techniques appear is immaterial, -whether as community civics, American history studies, elementary -social science, or elementary sociology. The next few decades will -undoubtedly be marked by the rapid spread of educational sociology. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVI - -THE SOCIOLOGY OF MODERN CHRISTIANITY - - -In a foregoing chapter the invaluable contribution of the Hebrews to -social thought was presented; the attack of the prophets on social -injustice was the outstanding feature. In another chapter the emphasis -by Jesus upon love as a dynamic societal principle was described. In -the centuries which followed the beginning of the Christian era, the -Church apotheosized beliefs, creeds, dogmas. Near the close of the -nineteenth century a renaissance of the social teachings of Jesus -occurred. - -The trio of writers who brought forward the social ideals of -Christianity in a new, positive, and stimulating way in the closing -decades of the last century were Washington Gladden, Josiah Strong, -and Richard T. Ely. All three of these men began about 1885 to discuss -in print the social content of Christianity. These men had been -aroused by the apparent impotence of the Christian Church in face of -the increasing power of capitalism. While many church leaders allowed -themselves to be carried along in the powerful arms of capitalism, -there were a few who perceived the wreck of human lives that was often -left in the wake of the capitalistic movement. These individuals, while -not blind to the social values of capitalism, were in touch with the -laboring man, and by these contacts caught the social need of the hour. -In this social crisis they heard the still, small voice coming down -through the centuries, even the voice of Jesus as he spoke in behalf of -the poor and outcast. - -It was Washington Gladden who startled and even angered the world of -religious and economic thought by protesting against the acceptance of -“tainted money.” By this term he referred to money which had been made -under a capitalistic system at the expense of the lives of men, women, -and little children in the industrial processes. Dr. Gladden weathered -the storm of protest and gave the capitalistic world a new concept -which, while it aroused anger, also brought introspection and a new -type of social conscience into the lives of many Christians. - -It was Dr. Gladden’s contention that employer and employee ought to be -friends, because they are so closely associated. It is a very large -part of the business of the employer to maintain sympathetic relations -between himself and his employees.[XXVI-1] If the business man will not -let his fellowmen share in his prosperity, he will become in spite of -himself a sharer in their adversity. - -The attitude of Dr. Gladden toward the acceptance of railway passes by -the clergy attracted widespread attention. He came to the conclusion -that a railroad company is bound to render an equal service to -all the people; its business is not to show special favors to the -representatives of either religion or charity.[XXVI-2] “What it has no -right to give me, I have no right to take, and for several years I have -not taken it; I pay the regular fare as all my neighbors do or ought.” - -Dr. Gladden urged the abolition of city slums by governmental action. -Inasmuch as slums are rife with moral miasmas and are breeding-places -of pauperism and crime, the city has the same right to abate such -curses as to drain a morass. Moreover, individuals ought to have no -property rights “in premises which breed death and engender vice. When -they have proved that they lack the power to keep their property from -falling into such conditions, their property must be summarily taken -away from them.”[XXVI-3] - -Without minimizing the importance of conflict as a principle of social -progress, Dr. Gladden stressed the concept of co-operation. For -example, in industrial matters he advocated the idea of a true trades -union--“the union of employers and employed--of guiding brains and -willing hands--all watchful of each other’s interests, seeking each -other’s welfare, working for the common good.”[XXVI-4] - -In his well-known treatise on _Social Salvation_, Dr. Gladden asserts -that, in order to be soundly converted, an individual must comprehend -his social relationships and strive to fulfil them, as well as set -up right relationships with God.[XXVI-5] Sanctification consists in -fulfilling one’s social as well as one’s divine privileges, and in -living according to the needs of human society as well as according to -the needs of the human soul. An individual can no more be a Christian -by himself than he can sing an oratorio alone.[XXVI-6] - -It is no purely social gospel that Dr. Gladden taught. He was correct -in protesting against the attitude of certain reformers who hold that -changing the environment is all-sufficient. It is possible to go too -far in removing temptations from the pathway of men; it would be unwise -to neglect the problem of equipping men to resist temptation, and hence -to weaken the sense of moral responsibility.[XXVI-7] - -In the field of practical social reform Dr. Josiah Strong did effective -work. He also re-interpreted the social principles of Jesus, and -boldly proclaimed the spirit of love as the cardinal principle for -the organization of human society.[XXVI-8] He indicated that people -have stressed properly the importance of _believing_ the truth, but -underestimated the importance of _living_ the truth.[XXVI-9] He -protested against the tendency to separate the sacred and the secular, -and to divorce doctrine from conduct. He believed that the prevailing -religious tendency to neglect the sacred commandment, of loving one’s -neighbor as one’s self, has led to a selfish individualism on the part -of many religious people. - -The contributions to social thought by Gladden and Strong were -ably supported by the social ideas of Richard T. Ely. Professor -Ely remonstrated against the tendency of many church people to -think that they can serve God without devoting their lives to their -fellowmen.[XXVI-10] He made vivid the complaint of American workingmen -that church membership on the part of employers and landlords does not -necessarily insure just and considerate treatment of employees and -tenants.[XXVI-11] Professor Ely insisted that it is as holy a work “to -lead a crusade against filth, vice, and disease in slums of cities, and -to seek the abolition of the disgraceful tenement houses of American -cities, as it is to send missionaries to the heathen.”[XXVI-12] - -The pioneer work of Gladden, Strong, Ely, and others in rejuvenating -the social meaning of Christianity in the closing years of the -nineteenth century has been carried forward in the present -century by a host of able writers. The list includes the names -of well known socio-religious thinkers such as Peabody,[XXVI-13] -Mathews,[XXVI-14] Rauschenbusch,[XXVI-15] Batten,[XXVI-16] -Ward,[XXVI-17] Atkinson,[XXVI-18] Ryan,[XXVI-19] Stelzle,[XXVI-20] and -Taylor.[XXVI-21] Special attention will be given to the contributions -of Rauschenbusch and Ward, because each has been a storm-center in -socio-religious matters. - -In his _Christianity and the Social Crisis_, Professor Rauschenbusch -gave a brief history of Christianity and its Hebrew antecedents, -showing first that “the essential purpose of Christianity was to -transform human society into the Kingdom of God by regenerating all -human relations and reconstituting them in accordance with the will -of God.”[XXVI-22] He then raised the question, why has Christianity -not undertaken the work of social reconstruction? He believed that if -the Church were to direct its full available force against any social -wrong, probably nothing could withstand it.[XXVI-23] Despite the -fact that Christianity has played a leading part in lifting woman to -equality and companionship with men, in changing parental despotism to -parental service, in eliminating unnatural vice, in abolishing slavery, -in covering all lands with a network of charities, in fostering -institutions of learning, in aiding the progress of civil liberty and -social justice, in diffusing a softening tenderness throughout human -life, in taming selfishness, and in creating a resolute sense of duty, -it has not yet undertaken a reconstruction of society on a Christian -basis.[XXVI-24] It has been engaged in suppressing some of the most -glaring evils in the social system of the time.[XXVI-25] - -Dr. Rauschenbusch pointed out several historical factors which have -prevented Christianity from entering upon a program of reconstructing -society, many of which no longer obtain.[XXVI-26] These hindering -factors have been: (1) the moral resentment of the classes whose -interests are endangered by a moral campaign; (2) the belief in -the immediate return of Christ, which precluded a long outlook; -(3) the primitive attitude of fear and distrust toward the state; -(4) the other-worldliness of Christian desire; (5) the ascetic and -monastic ideals; (6) ceremonialism; (7) dogmatism; (8) the monarchial -organization of the church; (9) an absence of the intellectual -prerequisites for social reconstruction. To the extent that -Christianity is no longer hampered by these characteristics it is ready -to undertake the task of making over society. - -The main danger in the present crisis which demands the attention -of social Christianity was found by Professor Rauschenbusch in the -autocratic, unjust phases of capitalism, with its somewhat undemocratic -wage system. To this expression of autocracy there is a three-fold -class reaction.[XXVI-27] First, there are those classes which are in -practical control of wealth; they have no reformatory program; they are -anxious to maintain the present social order intact. Second, there are -the middle social classes, which, sharing partially in the advantages -of the present social adjustment, are also chafing under social -grievances which their ideals do not allow them to attack vigorously; -they want reform work by peaceful and gradual methods. Third, there are -the disinherited classes, which see a widening chasm between themselves -and the wealthy, a chasm that “only a revolutionary lift can carry -them across.” It is around the condition and attitudes of the masses -that the social crisis revolves. This social attitude is like a tank -of gasoline, which by a single explosion will blow a car sky-high, or -which, by a series of little explosions will push a car to the top of a -mountain.[XXVI-28] Which process does Christianity wish to further? If -the latter, then Christianity must socialize first the attitude of the -classes of wealth and social power. Unfortunately, wealth often grows -stronger than the man who owns it; it may own him and rob him of his -moral and spiritual freedom.[XXVI-29] Can Christianity dissolve this -dilemma? - -The principle that a Christian should seek an ascetic departure from -the world of life and work is no longer acceptable. He has two other -possibilities. He can either condemn the world and try to improve it, -or tolerate it and gradually be conformed to it.[XXVI-30] By these -sharply drawn alternatives, Professor Rauschenbusch awoke the Christian -world. While many Christians did not believe that the situation was as -crucial as thus depicted, they nevertheless were jarred from a state of -moral lethargy. - -As a pastor for eleven years among the working people of New York City, -Dr. Rauschenbusch learned to understand the heart throbs and yearnings -of the masses, and dedicated his life through Christian service to -easing the pressure upon the working classes and to increasing the -forces that bear them up. He saw the solution of the social problem in -a Christian socialism that would destroy the autocracy of wealth and -establish a democratic form of industrial relationships. He believed -in the social or public ownership of the natural resources of the -earth. “It is preposterous to think that an individual or a corporation -can have absolute ownership in a vein of coal or copper. A mining -company owns the holes in the ground, for it made the holes; it does -not own the coal; for it did not make the coal. The coal is the gift of -God and belongs to the people.”[XXVI-31] - -Another difficulty is found in the fact that business methods and -the principles of Christianity have always been at strife.[XXVI-32] -Individuals are struggling to get the better of their fellows. This -tendency has been institutionalized in the form of business enterprise. -Private persons have been permitted “to put their thumbs where they can -constrict the life blood of the nation at will.”[XXVI-33] Christianity, -on the other hand, lauds the principle of unselfish service, and of -ranking the individual as the greatest who gives most. Christianity is -awakening to its gigantic task of stopping the nation on “its headlong -ride on the road of covetousness.” - -It is in this connection that Professor Rauschenbusch has made -famous the phrase, “Christianizing the social order.” This term -means “bringing the social order into harmony with the ethical -convictions which are identified with Christ.”[XXVI-35] Such a program -involves attacking “the last intrenchment of autocracy,” namely, in -business,--and Christianizing business. The struggle is already on. -In many of the phases of the conflict, capitalism is swallowing up -Christianity. The church becomes traditional, narrowly ecclesiastical, -dogmatic, opposing science and democracy. Where capitalism is -strongest, the churches as virile social forces are weakest.[XXVI-34] - -In reply to the often repeated charge that socialized Christianity is -no Christianity at all, Professor Rauschenbusch shows that personal -religion, instead of being defeated by a socialized religion, will -gain strength and be able to present a much stronger appeal than -it now does. The advocate of the social teachings of Jesus is not -attacking personal religion, but rather endeavoring to give personal -religion a new dynamic, especially in those phases of modern life -where personal religion has lost most of its appeal. The opponents of -social Christianity cannot afford to neglect the fact that the often -one-sided, mechanical, and superficial gospel and methods of evangelism -have created a religious apathy, if not a definite reaction against -religion.[XXVI-36] It is blind foolishness to try to fence out the new -social spirit from Christianity instead of letting it fuse with the -older religious faith and “create a new total that will be completer -and more Christian than the old religious individualism at its -best.”[XXVI-37] - -Dr. Rauschenbusch insisted that there must be a Christianizing of -international relations, that individuals must be taught to see -the sinfulness of the present social order, and that the popular -conception of God must be democratized.[XXVI-39] He reinterpreted the -organic unity of human society,--asserting that when one man sins, -other men suffer; and that when one class sins, other classes bear a -part of the suffering. - -In 1908, the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in America -was organized at Philadelphia. The Council adopted with slight -modifications the resolutions which some months earlier had been -accepted by the General Conference of the Methodist Episcopal Church -(North), and which Rev. Harry F. Ward and others had drawn up. - -This Bill of Rights, as the Resolutions have been called, imposed upon -the members of the more than thirty Protestant denominations the duty -of obtaining industrial justice for the cause of labor. It spoke for -(1) the principle of arbitration in industrial dissensions, (2) the -adequate protection of workers in hazardous trades, (3) the abolition -of child labor, (4) the safeguarding of physical and moral health of -women in industry, (5) the suppression of the “sweating system,” (6) -the reduction of the hours of labor to the lowest practicable point, -(7) a living wage in all industries, (8) one day of rest in seven -for all workers, (9) the most equitable division of the products of -industry that can ultimately be devised, (10) suitable provisions for -old age or disability of workers, and (11) the abatement of poverty. - -At the meeting of the Federal Council of the Churches of Christ in -America at a special meeting held at Cleveland, Ohio, May 6–8, 1919, -the foregoing platform was re-affirmed; and in addition, as a means of -meeting the needs of the reconstruction days following the World War, -the following notable resolutions were adopted. The Council declared -not only that labor is entitled to an equitable share in the profits of -industry, but took the new step of expressing the belief that labor is -entitled also to an equitable share in the management of industry. “The -sharing of shop control and management is an inevitable step” in the -attainment of an ordered and constructive democracy in industry. The -Council asserted that the first charge upon industry should be wages -sufficient to support an American standard of living. - -In 1919, the Committee on Special War Activities of the National -Catholic War Council published a brief but important document on social -reconstruction. In this pamphlet the defects of the capitalistic system -of industry are declared to be: “Enormous inefficiency and waste in -the production and distribution of commodities; insufficient incomes -for the great majority of wage-earners; and unnecessarily large -incomes for a small minority of privileged capitalists.”[XXVI-40] -The Committee urged that employees shall exercise a reasonable share -in the management of industrial enterprises, and that the State -should inaugurate comprehensive provisions for health insurance and -old age insurance. It recognized that the true line of progress is -in the direction of co-operative production and of co-partnership -arrangements. “In the former, the workers own and manage the industries -themselves; in the latter, they own a substantial part of the corporate -stock and exercise a reasonable share in the management.”[XXVI-41] -The Catholic pronunciamento demands that the spirit of both labor and -capital be reformed. The laborer must give up the desire of a maximum -of return for a minimum of service; he must remember that he owes -society an honest day’s work for a fair wage. On the other hand the -capitalist must learn that wealth is not possession but stewardship, -and that “profit-making is not the basic justification of business -enterprise.”[XXVI-42] - -Inasmuch as the Rev. Harry F. Ward has written more extensively on -social Christianity than any other person, save Rauschenbusch, and has -created widespread and heart-searching discussions, his contributions -to socio-religious thought will be considered next. Dr. Ward does -not believe in social service as a bait for drawing people into the -church. He objects to bribing people in order to get them into an -evangelistic meeting. To him social service is a natural phase of -religion, expressing itself freely and without sinuous designs. In -his estimation, soup kitchens are not to be established as a means of -enticing the laboring man inside the church walls, but as an unselfish -expression of the Christian’s desire to be true to the Christ spirit. -Social service is not a selfish program, on the part of the church, -for increasing its membership. It is as natural to Christianity as -personal evangelism, and equally intrinsic and vital. It has won more -than national recognition. While it is radical in the eyes of the -conservative, it contains an analysis of social conditions that many -of its critics have not appreciated. It breathes a sincerity and a -straightforwardness that compels the fair-minded reader to give heed. - -Slavery was rejected as the economic basis of civilization, and -monarchy has recently been rejected as the political basis. In each -instance the world came to a junction where idealistic impulse -overthrew entrenched power. It is Dr. Ward’s contention that the world -is now reaching a similar junction point, a point where idealistic -impulse will dethrone the autocracy in capitalism. The idealistic -impulse, to which reference has been made in the foregoing lines, is -germinal in the teachings of Jesus. - -With prophetic vision, more organized than the vision of Amos, Hosea, -Isaiah, but equally sincere, and fearless, Dr. Ward points out the -principles of the new social order which he believes are almost upon -the world. He then describes the various factors which are struggling -each in its own way to inaugurate the new order. - -The five principles of the new social order are equality, universal -service, efficiency, the supremacy of personality, and solidarity. -(1) Equality is the old word which won attention in the American and -French Revolutions. It grew out of the theory of natural rights which -was discussed in Chapter XI. The American emphasis on the principle of -equality is shown in the admiration that is accorded the achievements -of energy and toil, in the common struggle for more wealth and luxury, -in foreign missionary activities, in the rise of the democratic -conscience and the idealistic impulses of the people. - -On the other hand, the principle of equality is being violated when, -instead of trying to remove the natural inequalities among folks, “we -increase them by giving special privileges to the strong as the reward -of their strength.” The United States is at the crossroads. One highway -is characterized by luxury and extravagance on one side, and by poverty -and slavery on the other; it leads to revolutionary attempts on the -part of the masses to overthrow the privileged classes. It ends in -national decadence. The second highway is characterized by justice. -Those in economic authority are willing to grant representation to -labor in the management of industry and to further the rise of the -co-operative spirit. They are willing to sacrifice their own special -privileges for the sake of the welfare of the disinherited. - -The intellectuals of the middle class hold vast power. In crises, they -usually join the privileged classes rather than the masses; and hence, -their influence often swings to the side of injustice.[XXVI-43] - -(2) Universal service is the principle of equal obligation. Equal -rights, by itself, may mean equal rights to cheat, to exploit. It needs -to be checked by its complement of equal obligation. During the World -War there was a frequent demonstration of the principle of universal -service. “We are engaged in helping the boys at the front” became the -slogan. At the front as well as in the home towns and cities, wealthy -and poor, capital and labor served together. The end of the War gave -prominence to this question: Will the universal service idea spread or -will it be discarded? Will industry go back to the unashamed pursuit of -private gain?[XXVI-44] - -Dr. Ward makes a careful distinction between the service of democratic -mutual helpfulness and the service of a governing class, no matter how -excellent.[XXVI-45] It is a low type of service which grants Christmas -dinners to the poor with the result that the poor are thereby made -contented with their lot in life. - -(3) Efficiency is a term which is the product of the mechanical era, -which originated in the business world, and which is now being applied -to all phases of social organization.[XXVI-46] Its aim is perfection -in social mechanics. Social efficiency includes not only social -engineering but social knowledge, social philosophy, social ethics, -and social religion. Evidences of social inefficiency are common; for -example, the failure to use and apply the social knowledge that we -have, and the loss of energy through an over-emphasis on competition. -Democracy will never be able to succeed merely because of its splendid -ethical ideals.[XXVI-47] The need is for an efficiency in government -that is scientific and not simply a business efficiency.[XXVI-48] -Scientific efficiency includes “the spirit of service to the common -interest by which alone democracy can live.”[XXVI-49] - -(4) The supremacy of personality is a principle of life that conflicts -today with the current emphasis on economic efficiency. It is because -the latter is so often reckless of human values that the new social -order will stress the development of things of the spirit rather than -material goods; even business must practice this ideal. The World War -raised the estimate which the common people put on their own lives; but -the ultimate result will depend on whether or not people took part in -the war voluntarily and conscious of high moral purposes, and whether -or not the peace which follows shall bring a new world organization -that conserves all the advances in human living that have thus far been -made. - -Institutions possess an inherent fallibility. They tend to become -mechanical and repressive, even those dedicated to high purposes, -such as institutions of democracy, of education, and of religion. -The supreme object of any social institution and organization, -no matter in what field it may exist, should be the increase of -personality.[XXVI-50] - -(5) The new social order will be governed by a sense of solidarity, -that is, by a community of feeling and thought which arises when -individuals associate together in working for a common end. World -solidarity will come when all peoples learn to work together for public -welfare, and subordinate all selfish desires to this end. Christianity -is moving in this direction when it advances the concept of -“comradeship of all men with each other and with the Great Companion,” -when it gradually unfolds the idea of a unified world life, when it -applies its doctrines of brotherhood of man to the relations of the -employer and employee or to the relations of white and black races, -when it seeks the democratic solidarity of the human race rather than -the imperialistic solidarity of an overhead religious control, when it -endeavors to spread love and faith, rather than to spread dogmas and -promote organizations.[XXVI-51] Class cleavage, nationalism as distinct -from nationality, race prejudice, ignorance, and selfishness are the -main opponents of the world brotherhood principle. - -Dr. Ward, having defined what he considers the chief principles -that will govern the new social order, proceeds to measure current -movements by certain standards. He reviews the declarations of the -British Labor Party, the Russian Soviet Republic, the League of -Nations, and the labor movements in the United States. These tendencies -are all expressions of a more or less blind desire for justice. In -all countries of the world the masses are restless, stirring, and -experiencing a keen sense of injustice. Their leaders are struggling, -unscientifically as a rule, toward the light of a new day of democracy. -The trend which this struggle takes depends on the given social -environment and the attitude of the persons in authority. If undue -repression and autocracy are exercised for a long period of time, as -in Russia under the Czars, revolution is the only means of escape open -to the masses. Schooled for a long time under the lash of autocracy, -when they themselves come into control, they will use the only means of -control that they know, the lash of autocracy. - -The British Labor Party is moving in the direction of guild socialism, -which includes the organization of industry into large units, in charge -of the workers and relatively free from the rule of the politicians. -The national government is to have a general oversight over the large -industrial units. As immediate steps in this direction, the Labor -Party demands the nationalization of the railroads, mines, and of the -production of electric power. Municipalities participate in the common -ownership program. The method of transformation is to be gradual, -largely based on political action. - -In regard to the League of Nations Covenant, which was agreed upon in -Paris in 1919, Dr. Ward takes a negative attitude. Although he believes -firmly in an organization of good will, in international friendship -and in world solidarity upon democratic bases, he asserts stoutly -that the Paris Covenant is “a symbol of the sacred right of private -property,”[XXVI-52] that it provided for an international organization -of capitalism with all the force of powerful national governments -behind it, that it represented a series of compromises between -nationally selfish units, that it was an expression of the wishes of -the rulers of the democratic states who are essentially of “the same -moral caliber as the ruling class of imperialistic militarism, and bear -a similar sinister relationship to the future welfare of the common -folk.”[XXVI-53] - -The weakness of Dr. Ward’s treatment of the programs for the new social -order is that it discusses almost entirely programs, platforms, ideals, -without considerating the relations between the programs and the -actual practices of the various organizations. In contrasting the best -phases, for example, of the British Labor Party with the worst phases -of capitalism, an incomplete picture is given. However, this weakness -in method need not obscure the strength of thought which Dr. Ward -displays. Some of the most thought-provoking deductions are: - -1. That individualistic Christianity is losing ground. - -2. That the middle class is becoming a class of privilege. - -3. That the intellectuals of the middle class, while keenly aware of -the evils in the capitalistic system, are so much indebted to that -system that they would consider themselves ingrates if they spoke out -against it, or they are simply afraid to speak out. - -4. That jails and machine guns will not stop the laboring classes in -appealing for a democratic reorganization of industry, but will rather -hasten revolutions, with resultant dictatorships of the proletariat. - -5. That capitalism is passing, as it is bound to do, because it is -organized selfishness--its fundamental principle is wrong. - -6. That political democracy is fighting for its life today, being -attacked on the one flank by economic imperialism and on the other by -the dictatorship of the proletariat.[XXVI-54] - -7. That unless the struggle can be ended by a process of reason and -orderly progress, the world is doomed to devastation by universal -conflict. - -8. That the goal of social development is, in broad terms, “a fraternal -world community, the great loving family of mankind, knit together by -common needs but most of all by loyalty to common ideals, and by the -power of its common love efficiently directing and controlling its -common life.”[XXVI-55] - -An important question arises: How shall the social teachings of Jesus -become widely taught? Evangelistic Christianity, with its personal -emphasis, cannot be expected adequately to carry the social message. -Preachers, theologically trained, are bound to give the social -phases of Christianity a secondary place. In recent years, however, -a movement known as religious education has been acquiring momentum. -Moreover, a social theory of religious education has been formulated. -In this connection, Dr. George Albert Coe has perhaps done the most -significant work. Our life, Dr. Coe believes, gets its largest meaning -not from the fact of individual self-consciousness alone, but from the -equally important fact that life is social.[XXVI-56] Without a belief -in social consciousness, an endless existence after death, in terms -of self-consciousness primarily, would be meaningless and probably -valueless. Religion must solve the problem of establishing a Kingdom -of Heaven on earth, and also train its votaries for a societal life -in Heaven. The latter problem will be met easily when the former -is solved. It is well illustrated by the young Christian lady from -Virginia who asked: Won’t there have to be a separate Heaven for -Negroes, since we hate them so here? In other words, will there not -have to be a thousand or a million Heavens in order to accommodate -happily all the antagonistic Christian groups now on earth? How can -the Protestant Ulstermen and Catholic Irishmen live together lovingly -in Heaven? The problem goes back to solving the social implications of -Christianity in earthly relationships. - -The social aims of Christian education, according to Dr. Coe, are -as follows: (1) Social welfare, or the control of the non-human -environment in the interest of human life. (2) Social justice, or the -inauguration of fair play in all the dealings of every individual, no -matter how strong and shrewd, with every other individual, no matter -how weak and ignorant. (3) A world society or the promotion of a code -of conduct that leads to “the integration of all peoples into a single, -democratically governed mankind.” Nationalism must melt into a larger -regard for human beings; and that which is “a climactic expression of -the selfishness, that is to say the injustice that is organized in our -legal systems and our national sovereignties,” must be revealed to all, -even in the Sunday schools.[XXVI-57] - -The implications of a sound social theory of religious education are -met by the religious doctrine of personal fellowship between God and -man, and between man and man; by a reorganization of the church as a -religious institution in a way which shall put religious education on -as scientific a basis as the ordinary day school education; and by -training the church school pupils in the principles of social justice, -co-operation, and love, as well as in matters pertaining to personal -salvation. - -Another current development is the religious social service director. -For some time the religious education director has been a recognized -force in church work. The social service director in church life is -coming into the foreground, bearing the responsibility of working out -social welfare programs for the church services, directing the training -of the membership in volunteer social work, inaugurating religious -social surveys, in fact, carrying the social message of the church into -all the church activities. - -The social service activities of the church have often been used as a -net for catching the churchless. Social service as a bribe, however, -will fail. Genuine religious social service is that which emanates -naturally and easily from the lives of the church members and of the -church itself, asking no pay and possessing no sinuous ends. The church -that inaugurates a social program for building up the family life, the -play life, the moral life, the economic life, as well as the religious -life, in the community in which it is located, most truly represents a -socialized church. The church, however, that uses its social welfare -program merely in order to build itself up, fails to understand the -social calling as a religious institution. - -The social thought of the Hebrews revolved about the idea of social -justice; of Jesus, about the concept of active love; and of modern -Christianity, at its best, about an unselfish social program for -bringing about a just, co-operative, and harmonious life, ranging in -its operation from the individual in his family and local community -life to the individual as a functioning unit in a new world society. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVII - -METHODS OF SOCIOLOGICAL INVESTIGATION - - -In any line of thought or endeavor a correct method of procedure is -all-important. Inaccurate theories of procedure have wrecked nations, -hindered civilization for centuries at a time, and flooded the world -with negative and harmful ideas. It will be worth while, therefore, to -consider the methods by which sociology has advanced. - -The ancient makers of social proverbs crystallized what they had -individually observed many times to be true, or what they had heard -repeated on many occasions as being true. Such methods were based on -observation and generalization, carelessly used. Moreover, the data at -the command of the makers of social proverbs were very limited. - -The Hebrew prophets, fired by exalted ideas concerning the nature -of Jehovah, insisted upon a practical application of these ideas to -the daily life of the people of their time. When they perceived that -the actions and living conditions of the people fell far below the -implications of the pattern-ideas for which the name of Jehovah stood, -they vehemently proclaimed definite social ideals, and condemned all -who hindered the realization of these ideals. This method of creating -social thought is noteworthy because of the religious dynamic behind -it, and because of the social pattern-ideas which it produced. - -Plato and Aristotle were pioneer social philosophers who took cosmic -views of life. One followed the method of abstract reasoning and -centered his thought in a world of Ideas; the other viewed life -pragmatically, employing a method of empirical tests. While sociology -will always have a place for methods which interpret the daily facts of -individual and social experience in their relationships to the whole -human society and to the universe, it will insist that as large a body -of societary data as possible be gathered together before philosophic -sociology speaks positively. - -In the teachings of Jesus a rare insight to human nature is manifested. -Jesus studied individuals as individuals and, perceiving their selfish -natures, proclaimed a remedy in an inner transformation through -consecration to objective factors, such as persons and ideals. Jesus -was peculiarly happy in his method of moving among all classes of -people, of studying their needs, and of testing in practice his social -principles. While his acquaintance with human life was limited to -small groups of one race, he sought universal as well as particular -human tendencies. His method included an absolutely unselfish spirit, -a search for the truth, a broad viewpoint--all of which are thoroughly -scientific. - -The _Utopia_ of Sir Thomas More, preceded to be sure by Plato’s -_Republic_, introduced another social thought method. The utopian -formula consists in setting forth a set of ideals which presumably are -distinctly in advance of current standards. The method of arriving at -utopian ideas is largely through the use of the imagination. Standards -are postulated so far in advance of current conditions as to make -them of little value. Utopian social thought, however, does have some -scientific merit. The imagination may be used in revealing reality to -otherwise blind individuals. A utopian thought may startle a selfish -individual out of a part of his selfishness. A utopian idea possesses -the power which is inherent in indirect suggestion; it may arouse -without antagonizing. - -In the approach to the social question through an analysis of the -natural rights of the individual, the seventeenth and eighteenth social -writers fell into a deductive and a priori procedure which led them far -astray. Like the theory of individual rights, the correlative doctrine -of the social contract contained more error than truth. - -The method of positivism, ordinarily connected with the writings -of Comte, essayed a scientific approach to the social question. It -insisted upon accuracy, induction, and a right emphasis upon sequence -and co-existence. But positivism, even in the hands of its exponents, -became deductive and philosophic. It promised well scientifically, but -fell into nearly all the errors which it condemned. It was, however, a -factor in producing the nineteenth century humanitarianism. - -The organic analogy method of studying human society attracted -widespread attention, appealed strongly to the imagination even -of scholars, but resulted in findings of negligible value. -The parallelisms between an organism and society proved to be -scientifically valueless, except as they revealed some of the -connections between organic volution and social evolution. They created -a considerable vocabulary of bio-social terminology which has been more -of a hindrance than a help in social thinking. - -The psychical approach to the study of societary life, introduced by -Lester F. Ward, and made scientific by the findings of inductive and -behavioristic psychology, has proved thus far to be the best method -of understanding the social process and of arriving at a statement of -sociological laws. This method has revealed human life as a series of -social conflicts and co-operations, and of forms of social control -designed to regulate individuals for selfish and unselfish group -purposes. An explanation of the more important phases of the psychical -methodology has been presented in several chapters of this volume. - -The individual rights doctrine, the social contract theories, the -concept of positivism, and the organic analogies belong to the -unscientific age in sociological methodology. In the main these -sets of social theories were philosophic, deductive, a priori, and -argumentative. They were based chiefly on opinions, positivism alone -leaning to observation and induction but failing to live up to its -promises. On the other hand, recent decades have been marked by the -rise of scientific methods in sociology, attention has been centered -on the social process, and particularly on the psychical processes -of which the social process is an elaboration. Although he possessed -an entirely inadequate knowledge of psychology, Lester F. Ward laid -the foundations of modern sociology when he insisted that society is -a psychical affair, capable of mastering itself. As a result of this -contribution to method, not by a psychologist but by a paleontologist, -social thought moved forward into the field of scientific sociology. - -There are many writers who would class Ward with the pre-scientific -contributors to sociological thought. His methods, it is true, were -largely deductive; his psychology was seriously faulty; his philosophy -was inefficient. Nevertheless, he pointed the way for sociologists so -clearly that in this treatise his work has been considered as giving -the trend to recent sociology, rather than as being the last word of -discredited types of social thought. - -Then there are other types of sociological methodology of which mention -should be made, notably, the statistical, and the classificatory -procedures. The statistical approach had its origin in the early -census. There are evidences that rulers and kings, at least two or -three millenniums before Christ, had enumerations of their subjects -made. In connection with poor-law administration, people as early as -the Roman Era were counted. But it was not until the eighteenth century -that statistics became scientific, with statistical laws drawn from -a study of tabulated facts. Quetelet gives 1820 as the birth year -of statistical science. It was Frederick William I of Prussia who -is reported to have had an enumeration made of occupational facts; -and Frederick the Great, with having established a system for making -regular statistical studies of population. It is said that early in the -eighteenth century the University of Jena began to offer courses in -statistics. - -In England, in the latter part of the seventeenth century, Captain John -Graunt is credited with applying methods of counting, measurement, and -induction to the births and deaths in London. His studies were referred -to as political arithmetic, and were a forerunner of the current -investigations in vital statistics. Malthus made use of statistical -methods in his work (1798) on population changes. - -Quetelet (1796–1874) is usually considered the founder of statistical -science. He not only applied the method of counting to the study of -the members of human society (the census method in its common form), -but he tried to get at the problem of causation, and to indicate rules -of procedure for making causal studies in statistics. Although this -celebrated Belgian statistician tabulated and analyzed facts ranging -from the astronomical to the societary fields, his ideas can be -mentioned here only so far as they contribute to the subject of social -thought. Quetelet pointed out certain of the pitfalls in the way of -gathering accurate data. He improved the methods of census taking, and -undertook the difficult tasks that are involved in qualitative human -studies. - -Among the results of Quetelet’s work, the concept of “the average man” -is well known. Quetelet defined the law of averages and described -types, especially the average individual. Although it is very important -and useful to know about the “average man,” the term is practically -fictitious, since no one even in a large group exactly fits the -description. All individuals are either “above” or “below” the average. - -The contributions of Quetelet in the field of social statistics were -admirably supplemented by the achievements of Le Play (1806–1882). This -French sociologist and mining engineer applied the methods of physical -science to social science. He insisted upon observation of data and the -use of induction in making generalizations. His method is illustrated -by his studies in family budgets. In order to secure accurate data he -lived with individual families, studying at first-hand the conditions -by which they made a livelihood. Le Play opposed _laissez-faire_ -theories and urged programs of reform through the journal which he -founded, namely, _La Reforme Sociale_. He rejected socialism, and -advocated the method of conciliation and sympathy for effecting -agreements among employers and employees. - -Similar methods were evolved by Engels and Bücher, German -investigators. Engels’ studies of family budgets led him to draw -certain average observations. These “averages” are known as Engels’ -laws, for example: (1) The smaller the income, the larger the -percentage of expenditure for food. (2) The percentage of expenditure -for clothing, and for lodging or rent, varies directly with the income. -(3) The larger the income, the larger the percentage of expenditures -for sundries (including luxuries). - -The statistical method has been carried forward by a large number of -social investigators. With averages, modes, and medians, it is now -possible to make accurate quantitative studies. Current statistical -methods include the use of index numbers, frequency tables, discrete -series, deviations, skewness, correlations. Statistics has thrown -a flood of light upon important phases of societary life, such as -the economic, where wage scales and price levels are significant -concepts. Statistics has been widely utilized in the study of crime and -poverty. The various methods of graphic presentations are valuable in -interpreting tables of statistical data to the lay mind. - -Statistical methods can be used, however, to prove almost anything. The -ordinary individual is helpless when statistical methods are treated -unscrupulously. On the other hand, it is probably true that social -thought will become increasingly accurate by the judicious use of -statistical studies. - -A recent development, closely related to statistical science, is the -social survey. Beginning with the Pittsburg Survey in 1907–1908, the -social survey method has been widely adopted in the United States. Its -use has been applied to inventories of a specific community, such as a -rural district or a small number of city blocks. There is the specific -survey of a given social problem, such as housing or poverty. Then -there is the survey of an entire industry or a school system. - -The social survey is one of the most important sources today of sound -social thinking. By it, large quantities of social facts are being -collected. Urban and rural surveys, specific and general surveys alike, -are affording the best bases at the present time for inductive social -thinking. Some of these results have been indicated in a preceding -chapter upon the contributions of applied sociology. - -The nature of the classificatory method has already been indicated -in this treatise. The Greeks classified the various fields of -knowledge under three heads: physics, ethics, and politics. Francis -Bacon classified knowledge according to his understanding of mental -operations. He divided mental processes into three, namely, feeling, -memory, reasoning; and made a corresponding division of knowledge into -art, history, and science. Auguste Comte classified the social elements -into four groups: the industrial, the esthetic, the scientific, and -the philosophical (previsional). His hierarchal classification of the -sciences into mathematics, astronomy, physics, chemistry, biology, and -sociology has been discussed in an earlier chapter. - -Guillaume de Greef may be considered the best exponent of the -classificatory method. De Greef accepted Comte’s hierarchy of the -sciences with its basic principles of decreasing generality and -increasing dependence of parts, assented to Spencer’s evolutionary -dictum of increasing coherence and heterogeneity, and added his own -concept of volitional contractualism. - -De Greef argued that social progress is characterized by an increasing -degree of volitional activity and freedom. This volitionalism is the -basis of rational social control. The telic factors, however, are not -well developed by de Greef. His social thought rests upon a certain -logical but inaccurate classification of the social elements. - -The basis of this classification is increasing volitionalism and -particularism. De Greef gives the following classification: economic, -industrial, genetic, artistic, scientific, moral, juridical, and -political. In holding that the economic elements in society represent -the least volitionalism, and the political the most volitional -activity, with graded degrees of volitional activities represented -by the intermediate factors, the weakness of de Greef’s analysis -becomes evident. While an improvement over Comte’s classification -and superior to Spencer’s mechanistic order, de Greef’s contribution -possesses only a relative degree of logical merit. It is far from -being objectively correct, and is indicative of the difficulties in -the way of classifying social elements in an evolutionary or filial -order. There is no doubt but that any classification of merit would -have to be arranged according to some correlative plan, which would -serve the purposes of an exhibit but would not be of much scientific -value. Moreover, the classifications that are most useful are those -classifications of societary forces; these are psychical in nature and -have been treated in foregoing chapters. - -De Greef perceived the importance of the principle of socialization. -He emphasized the importance of a “we” feeling in societary life. -His social unit is the primitive family. In the evolution from the -primitive family and state, the evidence of progress is the degree of -“togetherness” that has been developed. De Greef advanced the idea that -there is an increasing degree of contractualism and hence of freedom -in society. De Greef’s work may be taken as the best attempt to carry -Comte’s classification of the sciences to a logical conclusion by -furnishing a classification of the elements which function in the field -of the “highest” science of all, namely, sociology. - -At this point and in concluding, the methodology of Albion W. -Small will be considered. Professor Small’s other contributions to -sociological thought have been indicated at the proper places in -earlier chapters. The correct method for pursuing sociological analyses -is to treat human society in terms of process. The main current in all -sound sociological study is the social process. The significant test of -progress in this social process is achievement.[XXVII-2] According to -Professor Small’s classification, there are six main phases of social -progress, namely: - -1. Achievement in promoting health, - -2. Achievement in harmonizing human relations, - -3. Achievement in producing wealth, - -4. Achievement in discovery and spread of knowledge, - -5. Achievement in the fine arts, - -6. Achievement in religion. - -These grand divisions are the expressions of certain interests[XXVII-3] -that human beings possess: (1) health interests, (2) wealth interests, -(3) sociability interests, (4) knowledge interests, (5) esthetic -interests, and (6) rightness interests. As a result of the operation -of these interests, social problems are produced. Sociology is “the -science of human interests and their workings under all conditions.” - -In this classification human interests serve as the main key forces to -an understanding of the social process. Upon psychological examination, -however, the interests are found to be bafflingly complex. The -psychologist has not given a satisfactory description of interests. And -yet it is clear that what people are interested in is a fair criterion -of the direction which their evolution will take. Furthermore, the -changes in the interests of people are fundamental in telic social -progress. With a correlation of interests as a subjective criterion, -and of achievement as an objective test, Professor Small has shown the -dualistic nature of the social process. Those methodologists who would -measure all things human in purely objective terms are scientifically -negligent of important human elements. Mind is not simply matter; the -social process is not entirely behavior. - -Professor Small has sharpened three important tools for the use of the -sociological investigator. These are: the social process, personal -interests, and the group. His analyses are sound, except as he does -not show how “interests” usually possess social origins. Otherwise -he speaks consistently and helpfully in terms of groups and group -processes. - -With concepts such as have been favorably presented in the foregoing -paragraphs--and chapters--the sociologist of the future will be able to -make contributions to thought that will help to determine educational, -religious, economic, political, and other important human aims. - - - - -CHAPTER XXVIII - -THE DISSEMINATION OF SOCIOLOGICAL THOUGHT - - -Despite its youth, inchoateness, and naïveté, sociological thought is -exerting a vital influence in the world. It is giving a new rating to -all the established values of life, undermining some, strengthening -others, and creating still others. - -The chief values in sociological thought are that it constitutes the -center of all worth while thought; it gives balance and proportion to -thinking in any field; it defies race prejudice and social intolerance; -it smites selfish living; it rivets attention to the essentially human -values; it stimulates personal development in harmony with group and -societary welfare. At the same time, it postulates group advancement, -not upon paternalistic or autocratic grounds, but upon a constructive -projection of personalities that harmonizes with unselfish group -service. - -For centuries genuine social thinking was confined largely to a few -of the intellectually élite. These few lived, and did even their -social thinking, in a more or less isolated way. It was not until the -first decades of the last centuries that social thought began to be -scientific in character, that is, became sociological. Sociological -thinking, however, was isolated and uncorrelated for many years. In -the last decade of the nineteenth century, sociology began to develop -a considerable body of thinkers and to create a new morale. There -were many disagreements that tended to break the new science asunder. -The opening decades, however, of the twentieth century witnessed -a development of sociological thought that was followed by the -establishment of the teaching of sociology as a profession. - -With the rise of professional sociologists, the dissemination of -socialized thought became noteworthy. For a long time sociology was -considered only as a post-graduate study. In the last few years, -however, sociology has been making its way downward in college and -university curricula, until it is being widely taught to college -freshmen and sophomores. In this connection there is a variety of -textbooks that have been written to meet the needs of beginning -students. There are some teachers who would introduce sociology through -anthropological studies, beginning with the origin of man. Others would -give a survey or prospectus of social institutions, processes, and -problems.[XXVIII-1] Still others would deal only with social problems. -Then there are those persons who would build a text-book around a -central theme, tracing it through social relationships. For advanced -work in sociological thought there is a variety of treatises dealing -with systems at once profound, complex, and fundamental. - -For high schools, the technique of sociological teaching is in the -beginning stages. The importance in high schools of social science -teaching is generally recognized, but there has been great difficulty -in effecting an agreement among the various social science branches. -Some high school teachers prefer a “social problems” course, although -the demand is growing for a “social science” course, extending -throughout the year, dividing the time more or less evenly between -economics, sociology, and civics. There are other high school -teachers who contend that sociology can be taught best in a general -“citizenship” course. One of the specific difficulties is that the -high school curriculum is full, and that the representatives of none -of the established courses are willing to see the subjects in which -they are interested crowded out. Another difficulty is the power which -the self-culture and self-development concepts possess. The equal -importance of the social culture and social development concepts is -being recognized, but with amazing slowness. - -In the grades the teaching of sociology is gaining ground. In the sense -that there is an advanced group of mathematical studies for university -men and women and an elemental mathematics for the grades, so there is -advanced sociology, and also an elemental sociology centering around -the activities of the primary groups, such as the family, play, -neighborhood, and school groups. A child who is old enough to learn -to obey is old enough to begin elemental sociology, in fact, when he -learns to obey, he is already beginning to experience the meaning of a -social, if not a sociological concept. Simple social studies are being -prepared for the grades, even beginning with the first grade. - -The dissemination of sociological thought is a practical question to -which in the last score of years special attention has been given. -The universities and colleges began to establish chairs of sociology -in the closing decade of the last century. The movement has acquired -a remarkable momentum in the United States. Normal schools and high -schools have adopted the movement. Many churches are promulgating a -socialized gospel. Literature is gradually assuming an appreciation of -the sociological viewpoint. - -From the social proverbs of primitive man to a treatise such as Ross’ -_Principles of Sociology_, with its admirable analysis of significant -societal processes, such as equalization, domination, individuation, -socialization--this is the main span of social thought. Social -thought began in the simplest form of observations about social -relationships between individual and individual, between chieftain -and tribal member, between master and servant. It experienced various -stages of denunciation of social wrongs. It produced perspectives of -perfect societies. It moved profoundly forward in the form of social -philosophies. Now it is proceeding either as the investigator of new -social facts, or the psychological interpreter of these facts in terms -of social processes. It is assuming a scientific procedure, although a -portion of the results of its undertakings finds expression in social -philosophy. It is beginning to formulate sociological laws. It is -inaugurating a technique for preventing the maladjustments that produce -social evils; it is establishing a teaching technique. Although the -masses of the human race are beginning to feel blindly the meaning of -social values, they have not yet been able to make their highest social -aspirations rationally articulate. Until that time comes, democracy -will remain an experiment, and world progress a toy of autocratic -forces. - -A history of social thought is essentially a review of an irregular -but positive acceptance of social values. Individual after individual, -leader after leader, profession after profession, group after group, -have felt and accepted the challenge of the sociological viewpoint. -They have changed from living selfishly to living socially. They have -even given up the ideal of service for self advancement, setting up in -its place the ideal of service for the welfare of others. In so doing -and living they have found expansion of personality and contributed -to the advancement of society. Since the days of Comte in particular, -the social sciences have been increasing in variety and scope until -they number a score or more, and sociological influence has been -widening until the related sciences are inviting sociology, which is -the scientific study of group phenomena, to define their objectives for -them. In fact, sociological concepts are permeating the farthermost -reaches of personal living and societal control. A history of social -thought is a history of the socializing of human attitudes and -interests, presaging a human society in which personal achievement and -group progress are equally and supremely sought. - - - - -FOOTNOTES - - -CHAPTER II - -[II-1] W. I. Thomas, _Source Book for Social Origins_, University of -Chicago Press, 1909, p. 161. - -[II-2] Daniel Crawford, _Thinking Black_, Doran, 1913. - -[II-3] E. M. Curr, _The Australian Race_, Melbourne, 1883, 1:339. - -[II-4] A. M. Howitt, _The Organisation of Australian Tribes_, p. 452. - - -CHAPTER III - -[III-1] _Boulak Papyrus_, trans. by Griffith, p. 5340, _La Moral -Egyptienne_. - -[III-2] _“The Instruction of Ptah-Hotep,”_ trans. by Gunn, Wisdom of -the East Series. - -[III-3] Code of Hammurapi, Sect. 196. - -[III-4] Ibid., Sect. 198. - -[III-5] Ibid., Sect. 229. - -[III-6] _Shoo King_, 27:3. - - -CHAPTER IV - -[IV-1] C. F. Kent, _The Social Teachings of the Prophets and Jesus_, -Scribner, 1917, p. 4. - -[IV-2] Exodus, 3:7, 8. - -[IV-3] Amos, 2:6, 7, 8; 3:10; 4:1, 2; 5:7, 15; 6:4. - -[IV-4] Isaiah, 1:23. - -[IV-5] Isaiah, 3:14, 15. - -[IV-6] Micah, 3:2, 3. - -[IV-7] Jeremiah, 22:13, 15, 17 (Modern Reader’s Bible). - -[IV-8] Louis Wallis, _Sociological Study of the Bible_, University of -Chicago Press, 1912, Ch. VII. - -[IV-9] Hosea, 4:11; 9:11, 16. - -[IV-10] Exodus, 20:12. - -[IV-11] Proverbs, 20:20. - -[IV-12] Proverbs, 12:4. - -[IV-13] Proverbs, 29:15. - -[IV-14] Isaiah, 5:11. - -[IV-15] Proverbs, 20:1. - -[IV-16] Proverbs, 31:7. - -[IV-17] Exodus, 21:13; I Kings, 1:50; 2:28. - -[IV-18] Job, 31. - -[IV-19] Amos, 9:7. - -[IV-20] Isaiah, 9:5; cf., Kent, _The Social Teachings of the Prophets -and Jesus_, p. 112. - - -CHAPTER V - -[V-1] Hesiod, _Work and Days_, trans. by A. W. Mains, Oxford, 1908. - -[V-2] _The Works of Hesiod, Callimachus and Theognis_, trans. by Banks, -Bohn’s Classical Library, p. 227. - -[V-3] Botsford and Sihler, _Hellenic Civilization_, p. 64. - -[V-4] George Rawlinson, translator, _History of Herodotus_, 4 vols. - -[V-5] Plutarch’s Pericles, revised by Clough, 1:234 ff. - -[V-6] Botsford and Sihler, op. cit., p. 340. - -[V-7] _On Air, Water and Places_ in the Genuine Works of Hippocrates, -trans. by Adams, Vol. I. - -[V-8] Plato I, 338 C. All references to Plato’s _Dialogues_ in this -chapter or in later chapters are to Jowett’s translation. - -[V-9] Adela M. Adam, Plato, _Moral and Political Ideals_, p. 10. - -[V-10] The reader will find in Will Durant’s _Philosophy and the Social -Problem_, Ch. I, a unique although ideocentric interpretation of -Socrates. - -[V-11] _Laws_, 738. - -[V-12] The beginning student of Plato’s social thought should first -read the _Republic_, especially V 472 A to VII 541 B. - -[V-13] _Republic_, 369 B. - -[V-14] Ibid., 370 B. - -[V-15] Ibid., 373. - -[V-16] _Laws_, 803. - -[V-17] _Statesman_, 308. - -[V-18] Ibid., 307. - -[V-19] Ibid., 297. - -[V-20] _Republic_, 398 E, 412. - -[V-21] _Laws_, 731, 732. - -[V-22] _Republic_, 412. - -[V-23] _Statesman_, 303. - -[V-24] _Republic_, 525; cf. _Laws_, 818. - -[V-25] Ibid., 537, 539, 540. - -[V-26] Ibid., 413. - -[V-27] Ibid., 416. - -[V-28] Ibid., 416, 417. - -[V-29] Ibid., 457 C, 464 C. - -[V-30] Ibid., 414, 415. - -[V-31] Ibid., 415. - -[V-32] Loc. cit. - -[V-33] Ibid., 460 C, 461 C. - -[V-34] _Statesman_, 310 - -[V-35] _Laws_, 773. - -[V-36] _Statesman_, 310. - -[V-37] _Republic_, 422 A; _Laws_, 744, 745. - -[V-38] _Republic_, 421. - -[V-39] Ibid., 550 D, E; _Laws_, 742, 791. - -[V-40] _Republic_, 550. - -[V-41] Ibid., 550 C. - -[V-42] Ibid., 556. - -[V-43] Loc. cit. - -[V-44] Ibid., 552 D. - -[V-45] Ibid., 552 E. - -[V-46] _Laws_, 744, 745. - -[V-47] Ibid., 729. - -[V-48] Loc. cit. - -[V-49] _Republic_, 377, 401. - -[V-50] _Laws_, 772. - -[V-51] _Statesman_, 294. - -[V-52] Ibid., 300. - -[V-53] In books, IX-XII. - -[V-54] _Laws_, 934. - -[V-55] Ibid., 862 ff. - -[V-56] Ibid., 936. - -[V-57] Ibid., 955. - -[V-58] _Republic_, 455, 456; _Laws_, 805. - -[V-59] _Republic_, 451. - -[V-60] Ibid., 475 A; _Laws_, 814. - -[V-61] _Laws_, 759. - -[V-62] Ibid., 929, 930. - -[V-63] _Republic_, 457 A; _Laws_, 795 ff, 813 ff, 830 ff. - -[V-64] Ibid., 410. - -[V-65] Ibid., 441. - -[V-66] Ibid., 498 B. - -[V-67] Ibid., 518. - -[V-68] Ibid., 536. - -[V-69] Ibid., 425; _Laws_, 643. - -[V-70] _Republic_, 537. - -[V-71] _Laws_, 729. - -[V-72] _Republic_, 435 ff. - -[V-73] _Laws_, 903. - -[V-74] _Republic_, 545–549. - -[V-75] Ibid., 550, 551. - -[V-76] Loc. cit. - -[V-77] Ibid., 555. - -[V-78] Ibid., 564. - -[V-79] Ibid., 339; _Laws_, 714. - - -CHAPTER VI - -[VI-1] _Ethics_, trans. by Welldon, II, 2. - -[VI-2] _Politics_, trans. by Jowett, I, 2. - -[VI-3] Loc. cit. - -[VI-4] Ibid., II, 3. - -[VI-5] Ibid., II, 5. - -[VI-6] Loc. cit. - -[VI-7] Ibid., II, 7; VII, 10. - -[VI-8] Ibid., II, 4. - -[VI-9] Ibid., I, 4. - -[VI-10] Ibid., III, 7. - -[VI-11] Ibid., III, 15. - -[VI-12] Ibid., V, 8; VII, 2. - -[VI-13] Ibid., II, 8. - -[VI-14] Ibid., V, 8. - -[VI-15] Ibid., IV, 11. - -[VI-16] Ibid., V, 7. - -[VI-17] Ibid., IV, 11. - -[VI-18] Ibid., II, 6. - -[VI-19] Loc. cit. - -[VI-20] Ibid., II, 9. - -[VI-21] Ibid., II, 12. - -[VI-22] Ibid., V, 1. - -[VI-23] Ibid., VII, 14. - -[VI-24] Loc. cit. - -[VI-25] Ibid., VII, 4. - -[VI-26] Ibid., VII, 11. - -[VI-27] Ibid., VII, 15. - -[VI-28] Ibid., VII, 16. - -[VI-29] Ibid., I, 12. - -[VI-30] Ibid., VII, 16. - -[VI-31] Ibid., VIII, 2. - -[VI-32] Ibid., VIII, 3. - -[VI-33] Ibid., VIII, 4. - -[VI-34] Ibid., VIII, 5. - - -CHAPTER VII - -[VII-1] Lucretius, _Dererum natura_, trans. by Muno, in Bohn’s -Libraries, V. 335 ff., 778 ff. - -[VII-2] _De officiis_, trans. by Edmonds, Bohn’s Libraries, I, XVII, -XIV; _De republica_, trans. by Younge, Bohn’s Libraries, I, XXV-XXVI, -XIV. - -[VII-3] _Dialogues_, VII, 9. - -[VII-4] _Thoughts_, trans. by Long, VII, 31. - -[VII-5] Ibid., VI, 7. - -[VII-6] Ibid., VIII, 59. - -[VII-7] Ibid., IX, 23. - -[VII-8] Ibid., VI, 42. - -[VII-9] Ibid., XII, 36. - -[VII-10] Seneca, _Dial._, IX, 4. - -[VII-11] Ibid., VII, 20. - -[VII-12] _On Anger._ - -[VII-13] Loc. cit. - -[VII-14] Epictetus, _Discourses_, Book I, Ch. XVIII. - -[VII-15] Matthew, V, 44. - -[VII-16] _Thoughts_, VII, 22. - -[VII-17] Romans, XII, 17. - -[VII-18] _Thoughts_, VII, 26; III, 7. - -[VII-19] Seneca, _On a Happy Life_. - -[VII-20] Loc. cit. - - -CHAPTER VIII - -[VIII-1] Luke 17:20, 21. - -[VIII-2] Luke 13:34. - -[VIII-3] Matt. 12:48; Mark 3:34. - -[VIII-4] Matt. 13:31, 32; Mark 4:30; Luke 13:18, 19. - -[VIII-5] Luke 6:36. - -[VIII-6] Matt. 5:23; Matt. 18:15; Luke 6:41, 42. - -[VIII-7] Matt. 5:44, 46; Luke 6:20, 35. - -[VIII-8] Matt. 28:20; 24:14. - -[VIII-9] John 12:43; Matt. 6:5. - -[VIII-10] Matt. 4:8. - -[VIII-11] Luke 9:48; Mark 10:14; Matt. 18:1. - -[VIII-12] Matt. 25:31–46. - -[VIII-13] Mark 9:41; Matt. 10:42. - -[VIII-14] Luke 6:30; 3:11. - -[VIII-15] Matt. 23:23–33. - -[VIII-17] John 2:13–17; Matt. 21:12, 13; Mark 11:15–17; Luke 19:45, 46. - -[VIII-18] Mark 11:18; Luke 19:47. - -[VIII-19] Matt. 15:4; 19:19. - -[VIII-20] Mark 10:7, 8; Matt. 19:5. - -[VIII-21] Mark 9:42. - -[VIII-22] Matt. 19:21. - -[VIII-23] John 12:8; Mark 14:7; Matt. 26:11. - -[VIII-24] Luke 12:16–21. - -[VIII-25] Luke 13:14; Matt. 12:2, 10–13. - -[VIII-26] Mark 2:27; 3:4. - -[VIII-27] Matt. 10:34–39. - -[VIII-28] Luke 12:49–53. - -[VIII-29] John 18:10; Matt. 26:50–56. - -[VIII-30] Matt. 5:39. - -[VIII-31] Luke 2:13, 14. - -[VIII-32] Acts 15:9; 10:28; Galatians, 3:28. - -[VIII-33] Romans 8:16; 32. - -[VIII-34] I. Corinthians, Ch. 13. - -[VIII-35] Galatians 5:13; Romans 12:10. - -[VIII-36] Galatians 6:2; 6:10; Acts 20:35. - -[VIII-37] Romans 8:35–39; 12:17; Ephesians 1:21; 2:4; 3:17, 18. - -[VIII-38] Romans 12:4–8; cf. I. Corinthians 12:12. - -[VIII-39] Romans 14:7. - -[VIII-40] Ephesians 5:22–23; Colossians 3:18, 19; I. Corinthians 11:9, -19; I Corinthians 11:9. - -[VIII-41] I. Timothy 6:7–10; 17, 18. - -[VIII-42] James 1:26, 27. - -[VIII-43] Revelation, Ch. 21. - - -CHAPTER IX - -[IX-1] B text, Passus VIII. The manuscripts of _Pier’s Ploughman_ -number over forty and fall into three sets: A, B, and C. - - -CHAPTER X - -[X-1] _The Utopia of Sir Thomas More_, Bell and Sons, London, edited by -George Simpson in Bohn’s Classical Libraries, 1910, p. 75. - -[X-2] Ibid., p. 104. - -[X-3] Ibid., p. 111. - -[X-4] Ibid., p. 153. - -[X-5] Ibid., pp. 84, 93. - -[X-6] Ibid., pp. 135, 84. - -[X-7] Ibid., p. 93. - -[X-8] Ibid., p. 97. - -[X-9] Ibid., p. 92. - -[X-10] Ibid., p. 88. - -[X-11] Ibid., p. 90. - -[X-12] Ibid., p. 96. - -[X-13] Ibid., p. 110, cf. Bacon, _The New Atlantis_ in Ideal -Commonwealths, Collier, 1901, p. 125. - -[X-14] Ibid., p. 131. - -[X-15] Ibid., p. 93. - -[X-16] Ibid., p. 115. - -[X-17] Ibid., p. 117, cf. Campanella, _The City of the Sun_, in Ideal -Commonwealths, Collier, 1901, p. 157. - -[X-18] Ibid., p. 174. - -[X-19] Ibid., p. 95. - -[X-20] Ibid., p. 101. - -[X-21] Ibid., p. 175. - -[X-22] Ibid., p. 174. - -[X-23] Ibid., pp. 153 ff. - -[X-24] Ibid., p. 154. - -[X-25] Ibid., p. 103. - -[X-26] Ibid., pp. 140, 141. - -[X-27] Ibid., p. 67. - -[X-28] Bacon, _The New Atlantis_ in Ideal Commonwealths, Collier, 1901, -pp. 135 ff. - -[X-29] Bellamy, _Looking Backward_, Grosset and Dunlap, 1898, p. 57. - -[X-30] Ibid., p. 88. - -[X-31] Ibid., p. 89. - -[X-32] Ibid., p. 67. - -[X-33] Ibid., p. 192. - -[X-34] Ibid., pp. 220 ff. - -[X-35] Ibid., pp. 287 ff. - -[X-36] H. G. Wells, _Anticipations_, _Mankind in the Making_, and _A -Modern Utopia_. See _A Modern Utopia_, Scribner, 1905, pp. 5, 11. - - -CHAPTER XI - -[XI-1] Machiavelli, _The Prince_, Routledge, London, n.d., p. 53. - -[XI-2] Ibid., pp. 104, 105. - -[XI-3] Ibid., p. 71. - -[XI-4] Ibid., p. 77. - -[XI-5] Hobbes, _Leviathan_, Putnam, 1904, Ch. XIII. - -[XI-6] Locke, _Two Treatises on Government_, Routledge, n.d., p. 18. - -[XI-7] Ibid., p. 193. - -[XI-8] Ibid., p. 199. - -[XI-9] Ibid., p. 315. - -[XI-10] Rousseau, _Contrat social_, Garnier, Paris, p. 240. - -[XI-11] Ibid., p. 246. - -[XI-12] Ibid., p. 249. - -[XI-13] John Winthrop in _Selections from Early American Writers, -1607–1800_, edit. by W. B. Cairns, Macmillan, 1910, p. 52. - -[XI-14] _A Treatise of Human Nature_, edit. by Selby-Bigge, Oxford, -1896, II:777, 114, 140, 150. - -[XI-15] Ibid., p. 534. - -[XI-16] Ibid., p. 546. - -[XI-17] Adam Smith, _The Wealth of Nations_, Putnam, 1904, II:114. - -[XI-18] Ibid., II:83. - -[XI-19] Ibid., II:143. - -[XI-20] Ibid., II:203. - -[XI-21] Ibid., I:80. - -[XI-22] Ibid., I:81. - -[XI-23] Ibid., II:203–207. - -[XI-24] Ibid., I:11. - -[XI-25] Kant, _Theory of Ethics_, trans. by Abbott, p. 9. - -[XI-26] Hegel, _Philosophy of Right_, trans. by Dyde, Part III, p. 150. - -[XI-27] W. G. Sumner, _What Social Classes Owe to Each Other_, Harper, -1920, p. 12. - -[XI-28] Ibid., p 25. - -[XI-29] Publications of the American Sociological Society, Vol. XV. - - -CHAPTER XII - -[XII-1] Adam Smith, _Wealth of Nations_, Putnam, 1901, I:81. - -[XII-2] Ibid., p. 147. - -[XII-3] _An Essay on the Principle of Population_, eighth edit., Reeves -and Turner, 1878, p. 1; cf. W. S. Thompson, _Population: A Study in -Malthusianism_, Columbia University, 1915, Ch. I. - -[XII-4] Ibid., p. 2. - -[XII-5] Ibid., p. 8. - -[XII-6] Ibid., p. 9. - -[XII-7] Ibid., p. 13. - -[XII-8] Ibid., p. 371. - -[XII-9] Ibid., p. 402. - -[XII-10] Ibid., p. 416. - -[XII-11] Ibid., p. 437. - -[XII-12] Ibid., p. 481. - -[XII-13] T. N. Carver, _Essays in Social Justice_, Harvard University -Press, 1915, Ch. XIV. - -[XII-14] Cf. W. S. Thompson, _Population: A Study in Malthusianism_, -Columbia University Studies, 1915. - - -CHAPTER XIII - -[XIII-1] Auguste Comte, _Positive Philosophy_, trans. by Martineau, -Vol. I, pp. x, xi. - -[XIII-2] Ibid., p. xi. - -[XIII-3] Ibid., p. xv. - -[XIII-4] Ibid., Vol. III, p. 13. - -[XIII-5] Ibid., Vol. I, p. 26. - -[XIII-6] Ibid., p. 27. - -[XIII-7] Ibid., p. 34. - -[XIII-8] Ibid., p. 35. - -[XIII-9] Ibid., p. 36. - -[XIII-10] Ibid., p. 41. - -[XIII-11] Ibid., pp. 27 ff. - -[XIII-12] Ibid., p. 149. - -[XIII-13] Ibid., p. 153, 154. - -[XIII-14] Ibid., Vol. II, p. 30. - -[XIII-15] Ibid., p. 219. - -[XIII-16] Ibid., p. 175. - -[XIII-17] Ibid., p. 176. - -[XIII-18] Ibid., p. 180. - -[XIII-19] Ibid., p. 193. - -[XIII-20] Ibid., p. 234. - -[XIII-21] Ibid., p. 292. - -[XIII-22] Ibid., p. 287. - -[XIII-23] Ibid., p. 286. - -[XIII-24] Ibid., p. 300. - -[XIII-25] Ibid., Vol. III, p. 320. - -[XIII-26] Comte, _Positive Polity_, London, 1871, I:1. - - -CHAPTER XIV - -[XIV-1] Proudhon, _What Is Property?_ Twentieth Century Press, 1908. - -[XIV-2] Rodbertus, _Overproduction and Crises_, Scribner, 1906 - -[XIV-3] Lassalle, _Science and the Workingman_, Kerr, 1903. - -[XIV-4] Marx and Engels, _Manifesto of the Communist Party_, Kerr, 1902. - -[XIV-5] Marx, _Capital_, trans. by Moore and Aveling, Kerr, 1909, I:673 -ff., 834 ff. - -[XIV-6] Kropotkin, _Mutual Aid; a Factor of Evolution_, Doubleday, -Page, 1902. - -[XIV-7] Henry George, _Progress and Poverty_, Doubleday, Page, 1916, p. -9. - -[XIV-8] Ibid. - -[XIV-9] Ibid., pp. 286, 287. - -[XIV-10] Ibid., p. 342. - -[XIV-11] Ibid., p. 339. - - -CHAPTER XV - -[XV-1] Jean Bodin, _The Six Bookes of A Commonwealth_, trans. by R. -Knoles, London. - -[XV-2] H. T. Buckle, _History of Civilisation in England_, Appleton, -1874, 2 vols., I:14. - -[XV-3] Ibid., p. 29. - -[XV-4] Ibid., p. 31. - -[XV-5] Ibid., p. 32. - -[XV-6] Ibid., p. 33. - -[XV-7] Ibid., p. 36. - -[XV-8] Ibid., pp. 44 ff. - -[XV-9] Ibid., p. 52. - -[XV-10] Ibid., p. 85. - -[XV-11] Ibid., p. 95. - -[XV-12] Ibid., p. 96. - -[XV-13] Ibid., p. 99. - -[XV-14] Ellen Semple, _Influences of Geographic Environment_, Holt, -1911, p. 635. - -[XV-15] See Ellsworth Huntington, _Civilization and Climate_, Yale -University Press, 1915. - -[XV-16] W. Z. Ripley, _Races in Europe_, Appleton, 1899, p. 571. - - -CHAPTER XVI - -[XVI-1] Charles Darwin, _The Descent of Man_, Appleton, 1904, pp. 229 -ff. - -[XVI-2] Herbert Spencer, _First Principles_, Appleton, 1900, Section -III-145. - -[XVI-3] Spencer, _Principles of Sociology_, Appleton, 1914, I:596, 597. - -[XVI-4] Ibid., p. 84. - -[XVI-5] Ibid., Part II, Ch. II. - -[XVI-6] Ibid., pp. 457 ff. - -[XVI-7] Ibid., Part II, Ch. VI-IX. - -[XVI-8] Ibid., p. 592. - -[XVI-9] John Fiske, _Destiny of Man_, Houghton Mifflin, 1904, p. 12. - -[XVI-10] John Fiske, _Outlines of Cosmic Philosophy_, Houghton Mifflin, -1874, Part II, pp. 340 ff. - -[XVI-11] Ibid., pp. 360 ff. - -[XVI-12] Ibid., pp. 303 ff. - -[XVI-13] Paul von Lilienfeld, _Gedanken über die Socialwissenschaft der -Zukunft_, II, pp. viii ff. - -[XVI-14] Lilienfeld, _Pathologie Sociale_, 1904. - -[XVI-15] J. S. Mackensie, _Outlines of Social Philosophy_, Macmillan, -1918, p. 14. - -[XVI-16] Ibid., p. 65. - -[XVI-17] Ibid., p. 243 ff. - - -CHAPTER XVII - -[XVII-1] Lester F. Ward, _Dynamic Sociology_, Appleton, 1911, Vol. I, -pp. XXV ff. - -[XVII-2] Ibid., p. 22. - -[XVII-3] Ibid., pp. 22, 23. - -[XVII-4] Ibid., pp. 56, 57. - -[XVII-5] Ibid., p. 60; Ward, _Pure Sociology_, Macmillan, 1914, p. 4. - -[XVII-6] Lester F. Ward, _Applied Sociology_, Ginn, 1906, pp. 5 ff. - -[XVII-7] _Dynamic Sociology_, Vol. I, p. 72. - -[XVII-8] Ibid., p. 143. - -[XVII-9] Ibid., p. 320. - -[XVII-10] Ibid., pp. 408, 409. - -[XVII-11] Ibid., p. 464. - -[XVII-12] Ibid., p. 452. - -[XVII-13] Ibid., p. 467. - -[XVII-14] Ibid., p. 474. - -[XVII-15] Ibid., p. 486. - -[XVII-16] Ibid., p. 497. - -[XVII-17] Ibid., p. 516. - -[XVII-18] Ibid., pp. 518 ff. - -[XVII-19] Ibid., p. 520. - -[XVII-20] Ibid., Vol. II, p. 341. - -[XVII-21] Ibid., Vol. I, p. 520. - -[XVII-22] Ibid., p. 522. - -[XVII-23] Ibid., p. 541. - -[XVII-24] Ibid., p. 583. - -[XVII-25] Ibid., p. 579. - -[XVII-26] Ibid., p. 594. - -[XVII-27] Ibid., pp. 606 ff. - -[XVII-28] Ibid., p. 615. - -[XVII-29] _Pure Sociology_, p. 403. - -[XVII-30] _Dynamic Sociology_, Vol. I, p. 641. - -[XVII-31] _Pure Sociology_, Ch. XV. - -[XVII-32] Ibid., p. 420. - -[XVII-33] Lester F. Ward, _Psychic Factors of Civilisation_, Ginn, -1906, Ch. XXXIV. - -[XVII-34] _Dynamic Sociology_, Vol. I, pp. 669, 670. - -[XVII-35] Ibid., pp. 473, 474. - -[XVII-36] _Pure Sociology_, p. 438. - -[XVII-37] Ibid., pp. 457 ff. - -[XVII-38] Ibid., p. 469. - -[XVII-39] Ibid., pp. 231 ff. - -[XVII-40] Ibid., p. 237. - -[XVII-41] Ibid., pp. 79 ff. - -[XVII-42] Lester F. Ward, “Eugenics, Euthenics, and Eudemics,” _Amer. -Jour. of Sociology_, 18; 737–54. - - -CHAPTER XVIII - -[XVIII-1] H. F. Osborn, _Men of the Old Stone Age_, Scribner, 1918, Ch. -I. - -[XVIII-2] W. G. Sumner, _Folkways_, Ginn, 1907, p. 43. - -[XVIII-3] Ibid., p. 13. - -[XVIII-4] Ibid., p. 266. - -[XVIII-5] Ibid., pp. 343, 362. - -[XVIII-6] Ibid., p. 378. - -[XVIII-7] W. I. Thomas, _Sex and Society_, p. 51. - -[XVIII-8] Ibid., p. 182. - -[XVIII-9] Ibid., p. 41. - -[XVIII-10] Ibid., p. 40. - -[XVIII-11] Ibid., p. 41. - -[XVIII-12] Ibid., p. 54. - -[XVIII-13] Ibid., p. 61. - -[XVIII-14] Ibid., p. 65. - -[XVIII-15] Ibid., Ch. II. - -[XVIII-16] Ibid., p. 76. - -[XVIII-17] Ibid., p. 201. - -[XVIII-18] Ibid., p. 418; cf. W. I. Thomas, _Sex and Society_, -University of Chicago Press, 1907, pp. 201–220. - -[XVIII-19] Ibid., p. 629. - -[XVIII-20] A. G. Kellor, _Societal Evolution_, Macmillan, 1915. - -[XVIII-21] Edward Westermarck, _The Origin and Development of the Moral -Ideas_, Macmillan, 1906, I:159. - -[XVIII-22] Ibid. - -[XVIII-23] Ibid., p. 160. - -[XVIII-24] Ibid., Vol. II. p. 740. - -[XVIII-25] Ibid., II:745. - -[XVIII-26] L. T. Hobhouse, _Morals in Evolution_, Holt, 1919, p. 1. - -[XVIII-27] Ibid., p. 2. - -[XVIII-28] Ibid. - -[XVIII-29] Ibid., p. 43; cf. Hobhouse, _Social Evolution and Political -Theory_, Lemcke, 1911, pp. 128 ff. - -[XVIII-30] Ibid., p. 60. - -[XVIII-31] Ibid., p. 64. - -[XVIII-32] _Social Evolution and Political Theory_, p. 148. - -[XVIII-33] _Morals in Evolution_, pp. 130, 71. - -[XVIII-34] William Wundt, _Elements of Folk Psychology_, trans. by -Schaub, Macmillan, 1916, p. 1. - -[XVIII-35] Ibid., p. 478. - -[XVIII-36] Ibid., p. 514. - -[XVIII-37] Ibid., p. 515. - -[XVIII-38] Ibid., p. 516. - -[XVIII-39] Franz Boas, _The Mind of Primitive Man_, Macmillan, 1911, p. -102. - -[XVIII-40] Hobhouse, _Social Evolution and Political Theory_, p. 39. - -[XVIII-41] W. I. Thomas, _Source Book for Social Origins_, University -of Chicago Press, 1909, p. 18. - -[XVIII-42] Ibid., p. 20. - -[XVIII-43] Ibid., p. 14. - -[XVIII-44] Thomas, _Sex and Society_, p. 51. - -[XVIII-45] Thomas and Znaniecki, _The Polish Peasant in Europe and -America_, University of Chicago Press, 1918, I:22. - - -CHAPTER XIX - -[XIX-1] Francis Galton, _Hereditary Genius_, Macmillan, 1914. - -[XIX-2] _Inquiries into the Human Faculty_, Dutton, 1908. - -[XIX-3] See C. W. Saleeby, _The Progress of Eugenics_, Funk and -Wagnalls, 1914, pp. 1 ff. - -[XIX-4] Karl Pearson, _The Grammar of Science_, Black, 1911, p. 1. - -[XIX-5] Ibid., p. 6. - -[XIX-6] See Saleeby, _The Progress of Eugenics_, Ch. II. - -[XIX-7] See C. B. Davenport, _Heredity in Relation to Eugenics_, Holt, -1911. - -[XIX-8] See Popenoe and Johnson, _Applied Eugenics_, Macmillan, 1918. - -[XIX-9] Ibid., p. 213. - -[XIX-10] Ibid., pp. 218, 231. - -[XIX-11] Ibid., Ch. XVI. - -[XIX-12] Ibid., p. 381. - -[XIX-13] Ibid., p. 380. - -[XIX-14] Saleeby, _The Progress of Eugenics_, p. 65. - -[XIX-15] Popenoe and Johnson, op. cit., p. 387. - -[XIX-16] Hobhouse, _Social Evolution and Political Theory_, Lemcke, -1911, p. 45. - -[XIX-17] Popenoe and Johnson, op. cit., p. 292. - - -CHAPTER XX - -[XX-1] Ludwig Gumplowicz, _Der Rassenkampf_, Innsbruck, 1883, p. 64. - -[XX-2] Gumplowicz, _Grundriss der Sociologie_, tr. by Moore, 1885, p. -134. - -[XX-3] Gumplowicz, _Sociologie und Politik_, p. 94. - -[XX-4] Friedrich Nietzsche, _Genealogy of Morals_, New York, 1897, p. -46. - -[XX-5] Nietzsche, _The Will to Power_, 1889, pp. 90, 269, 660 ff. - -[XX-6] S. N. Patten, _A Theory of Social Forces_, 1896, Ch. IV. - -[XX-7] T. N. Carver, _Essays in Social Justice_, Harvard University -Press, 1915, pp. 30, 34. - -[XX-8] Ibid., p. 46. - -[XX-9] Ibid., pp. 49, 50. - -[XX-10] Ibid., p. 56. - -[XX-11] Ibid., p. 77. - -[XX-12] Op. cit. - -[XX-13] T. N. Carver, _Principles of Political Economy_, Ginn, 1919, -pp. 37 ff. Also see _Essays in Social Justice_, p. 86. - -[XX-14] _Essays in Social Justice_, p. 86. - -[XX-15] Ibid., p. 108. - -[XX-16] _Principles of Political Economy_, p. 43. - -[XX-17] J. Novicow, _War and its Alleged Benefits_, trans. by Seltzer, -Holt, 1911. - -[XX-18] E. A. Ross, _Principles of Sociology_, Century, 1920, p. 167. - -[XX-19] Ibid., p. 183. - -[XX-20] Ibid., pp. 207, 206. - - -CHAPTER XXI - -[XXI-1] Cf. S. H. Swinny, “Giambatista Vico,” _Sociological Review_, -Jan. 1914, pp. 50–57. - -[XXI-2] Peter Kropotkin, _Mutual Aid; a Factor in Evolution_, -Doubleday, Page, 1902, p. 3. - -[XXI-3] Ibid., p. VII; cf. Kropotkin, _Fields, Factories and -Workshops_, Putnam, 1901, Ch. 1. - -[XXI-4] “_The State; Its Historic Role_,” London, 1898--reproduced in -_Man or the State_ by W. R. Browne, Huebsch, 1919, p. 21. - -[XXI-5] Gustav Ratzenhofer, _Die sociologische Erkenntniss_, Leipzig, -1898, Sect. 22; see A. W. Small. _General Sociology_, University of -Chicago Press, 1905, Ch. XIII. - -[XXI-6] _Soziologie_, Leipzig, 1907, pp. 13–17. - -[XXI-7] _Die sociologische Erkenntniss_, p. 233. - -[XXI-8] Albion W. Small, _General Sociology_, ibid., p. 196. - -[XXI-9] Ibid., pp. 433 ff. - -[XXI-10] Ibid., pp. 201 ff. - -[XXI-11] Ibid., p. 217. - -[XXI-12] Ibid., p. 325. - -[XXI-13] Ibid., pp. 389, 390. - -[XXI-14] _Between Eras, From Capitalism to Democracy_, Inter-Collegiate -Press, 1913, Ch. XXIII. - -[XXI-15] E. A. Ross, _Principles of Sociology_, Century, 1920, p. 121. - -[XXI-16] Ibid., p. 135. - -[XXI-17] _The Function of Socialization in Social Evolution_, Univ. of -Chicago Press, 1916. - -[XXI-18] Ross, op. cit., pp. 257 ff. - -[XXI-19] Ibid., p. 395. - -[XXI-20] Ibid., p. 405. - -[XXI-21] L. T. Hobhouse, _Social Evolution and Political Theory_, -Lemcke, 1911, p. 127. - -[XXI-22] C. H. Cooley, _Social Process_, Scribners, 1918, p. 38. - - -CHAPTER XXII - -[XXII-1] David Hume, _A Treatise of Human Nature_, edit. by -Selby-Bigge, Oxford, 1896, p. 363. - -[XXII-2] Ibid., p. 362. - -[XXII-3] Ibid., pp. 499, 500. - -[XXII-4] Ibid., p. 521. - -[XXII-5] Ibid., pp. 575 ff. - -[XXII-6] Ibid., p. 535. - -[XXII-7] Gabriel Tarde, _The Laws of Imitation_, tr. by Parsons, Holt, -1903, p. XVII. - -[XXII-8] Ibid., p. 59. - -[XXII-9] Ibid., p. 146. - -[XXII-10] Ibid., p. 74. - -[XXII-11] Ibid., p. 78. - -[XXII-12] Ibid., p. 87. - -[XXII-13] Ibid., p. 114. - -[XXII-14] Ibid., p. 39. - -[XXII-15] Ibid., p. 141 ff. - -[XXII-16] Ibid., p. 213; cf. Tarde, _Social Laws_, trans. by Warren, -Macmillan, 1907, p. 65. - -[XXII-17] _The Laws of Imitation_, p. 225. - -[XXII-18] Ibid., p. 111. - -[XXII-19] Ibid., p. 14. - -[XXII-20] Ibid., p. 288. - -[XXII-21] Ibid., pp. 341 ff. - -[XXII-22] Ibid., p. 369. - -[XXII-23] Ibid., p. 30. - -[XXII-24] _Social Laws_, p. 132. - -[XXII-25] _Laws of Imitation_, p. 169. - -[XXII-26] _Social Laws_, p. 195. - -[XXII-27] Ibid., p. 204. - -[XXII-28] Ibid., p. 171; cf. Tarde, _La logique sociale_, Paris, 1898, -Ch. IV. - -[XXII-29] _Laws of Imitation_, p. 87. - -[XXII-30] Ibid., p. 138. - -[XXII-31] Ibid., p. 344. - -[XXII-32] Ibid., - -[XXII-33] Ibid., p. 387. - -[XXII-34] E. A. Ross, _Social Psychology_, Macmillan, 1908, p. viii. - -[XXII-35] M. M. Davis, Jr., _Psychological Interpretations of Society_, -Longmans, Green, 1909. - -[XXII-36] Tarde, _L’opinion et la foule_, Paris, 1901, pp. 177 ff. Cf. -Sighele, _Psychologic des sectes_, Paris, 1898, pp. 45 ff. - -[XXII-37] F. H. Giddings, _Principles of Sociology_, Macmillan, 1896, -p. 17. - -[XXII-38] Ibid., pp. 71, 126 ff. - -[XXII-39] Ibid., pp. 101 ff. Cf. Giddings, _Descriptive and Historical -Sociology_, Macmillan, 1911, Ch. III. - -[XXII-40] _Principles of Sociology_, p. 109; _Descriptive and -Historical Sociology_, pp. 157 ff. - -[XXII-41] _Principles of Sociology_, p. 138. - -[XXII-42] Ibid., pp. 141 ff. - -[XXII-43] Ibid., pp. 147 ff. - -[XXII-44] _Descriptive and Historical Sociology_, p. 541. Cf. Giddings, -_Inductive Sociology_, Macmillan, 1914, Part III. - -[XXII-45] _American Journal of Sociology_, Vol. XXV, p. 387. - -[XXII-46] Ibid., p. 388. - -[XXII-47] J. M. Baldwin, _Social and Ethical Interpretations_, -Macmillan, 1906, p. 15. - -[XXII-48] Ibid., p. 18. - -[XXII-49] Ibid., pp. 529 ff. - - -CHAPTER XXIII - -[XXIII-1] C. H. Cooley, _Social Organization_, Scribner, 1909, p. 5. - -[XXIII-2] C. H. Cooley, _Human Nature and the Social Order_, Scribner, -1902, p. 3. - -[XXIII-3] Ibid., p. 5. - -[XXIII-4] Ibid., pp. 152 ff. - -[XXIII-5] _Social Organization_, ibid., p. 11. - -[XXIII-6] Ibid., p. 12. - -[XXIII-7] Ibid., p. 26. - -[XXIII-8] Ibid., p. 28. - -[XXIII-9] Ibid., p. 37. - -[XXIII-10] Ibid., p. 61. - -[XXIII-11] Ibid., p. 63. - -[XXIII-12] Ibid., p. 80. - -[XXIII-13] Ibid., p. 103. - -[XXIII-14] Ibid., p. 121. - -[XXIII-15] Cooley, _Social Process_, Scribner, 1918, pp. 68 ff. - -[XXIII-16] _Social Organization_, ibid., Chs. XVIII, XXV-XXVII. - -[XXIII-17] Ibid., p. 320; cf. _Social Process_, 297 ff. - -[XXIII-18] _Introduction to Social Psychology_, Luce, 1914, pp. 23 ff. - -[XXIII-19] Ibid., pp. 268, 322, 279. - -[XXIII-20] E. A. Ross, _Principles of Sociology_, Century, 1920, Chs. -XXXIV, XXXV. Cf. Ross, _Social Control_, Macmillan, 1910, Chs. VII, -VIII. - -[XXIII-21] _Social Control_, ibid., pp. 49 ff. - -[XXIII-22] Ibid., Chs. X ff. - -[XXIII-23] Ibid., pp. 257 ff. - -[XXIII-24] Ibid., pp. 411 ff. - -[XXIII-25] Ibid., Ch. XXXI. - -[XXIII-26] Ross, _Social Psychology_, Macmillan, 1908, Ch. II. - -[XXIII-27] Ibid., p. 70. Cf. McDougall, _Introduction to Social -Psychology_, ibid., Ch. IV. - -[XXIII-28] Ross, _Social Psychology_, Ch. XVIII. - -[XXIII-29] See Chapter XVIII of this book. - -[XXIII-30] Ross, _Principles of Sociology_, Ch. XLII. - -[XXIII-31] Ibid., Ch. XXXVI. - -[XXIII-32] Ibid., Ch. XXXVIII. - -[XXIII-33] Ibid., pp. 549 ff. - -[XXIII-34] Ibid., p. 564. - -[XXIII-35] Ibid., p. 590. - -[XXIII-36] Ibid., p. 626. - -[XXIII-37] Ibid. - -[XXIII-38] Ibid., p. 632. - -[XXIII-39] Ibid., p. 652. - -[XXIII-40] Ibid., p. 653. - -[XXIII-41] Ibid., p. 693. - -[XXIII-42] Graham Wallas, _The Great Society_, Macmillan, 1914, p. 11. - -[XXIII-43] Ibid., p. 276. - -[XXIII-44] Ibid., p. 319. - -[XXIII-45] Ibid., p. 368. - -[XXIII-46] C. A. Ellwood, _Sociology in its Psychological Aspects_, -Appleton, 1912, Ch. IX. - -[XXIII-47] Ibid., p. 100. - -[XXIII-48] Ibid., p. 117. - -[XXIII-49] G. H. Mead, “Social Consciousness and the Consciousness of -Meaning,” _Psychological Bulletin_, VII: 405. - -[XXIII-50] Ellwood, _Sociology in its Psychological Aspects_, p. 153. -Cf. _Introduction to Social Psychology_, p. 149. - -[XXIII-51] Ellwood, _Sociology in its Psychological Aspects_, p. 138. - -[XXIII-52] Ellwood, _Introduction to Social Psychology_, p. 149. - -[XXIII-53] Ibid., p. 147. - -[XXIII-54] Ibid., p. 151. - -[XXIII-55] Ibid., p. 170. - -[XXIII-56] Ellwood, _The Social Problem_, Macmillan, 1919, p. 2. - -[XXIII-57] Ibid., p. 4. - -[XXIII-58] E. C. Hayes, _Introduction to the Study of Sociology_, -Appleton, 1915, p. 586. - -[XXIII-59] Ibid. - -[XXIII-60] Ibid., pp. 586 ff. - -[XXIII-61] Ibid., pp. 664 ff. - -[XXIII-62] Ibid., p. 669. - -[XXIII-63] T. Veblen, _The Theory of the Leisure Class_, Macmillan, -1912, p. 31. - -[XXIII-64] Ibid., p. 169. - -[XXIII-65] Ibid., p. 68. - -[XXIII-66] Ibid., p. 38. - -[XXIII-67] Veblen, _The Instinct of Workmanship_, Macmillan, 1914, p. -349. - -[XXIII-68] _The Theory of the Leisure Class_, p. 15. - -[XXIII-69] Ibid., p. 17. - -[XXIII-70] Publications of the American Sociological Society, Vol. XII, -p. 2. - -[XXIII-71] Ibid., p. 27. - -[XXIII-72] Ibid., p. 59. - -[XXIII-73] Ibid., p. 68. - -[XXIII-74] Ibid., p. 3. - -[XXIII-75] Ibid., p. 6. - -[XXIII-76] Ibid., p. 10. - - -CHAPTER XXIV - -[XXIV-1] For example, see C. R. Henderson, _Modern Methods of Charity_, -Macmillan, 1904. - -[XXIV-2] See Webb, _The Prevention of Destitution_, Longmans, Green, -1912. - -[XXIV-3] See Devine, _Misery and its Causes_, Macmillan, 1913; also -Devine, _The Principles of Relief_, Macmillan, 1904. - -[XXIV-4] Also, see Amos G. Warner, _American Charities_, Crowell, 1919, -3rd. edit. - -[XXIV-5] Henry George, _Progress and Poverty_, Doubleday, Page, 1916. - -[XXIV-6] Lombroso, _Crime, Its Causes and Remedies_, Little, Brown, -1911. - -[XXIV-7] Wines and Lane, _Punishment and Reformation_, Crowell, 1919, -Ch. X. - -[XXIV-8] T. M. Osborne, _Society and Prisons_, Yale University Press, -1916. - -[XXIV-9] Burleigh and Bierstadt, _Punishment_, Holt, 1916. - -[XXIV-10] See G. B. Mangold, _Problems of Child Welfare_, Macmillan, -1914. - -[XXIV-11] A. W. Small, _Between Eras, From Capitalism to Democracy_, -Inter-Collegiate Press, 1913. - -[XXIV-12] See W. H. Beveridge, _Unemployment_, Longmans, Green, 1912. - -[XXIV-13] George Elliott Howard, _A History of Matrimonial -Institutions_, University of Chicago Press, 1904. - -[XXIV-14] Edward Westermarck, _History of Human Marriage_, Macmillan, -1902. - -[XXIV-15] A. W. Calhoun, _A Social History of the American Family_, -Clark, 1917–1919. - -[XXIV-16] Helen Bosanquet, _The Family_, Macmillan, 1915. - -[XXIV-17] Willystine Goodsell, _A History of the Family as a Social and -Educational Institution_, Macmillan, 1915. - -[XXIV-18] Booker T. Washington, _Up from Slavery_, Doubleday, Page, -1901. - -[XXIV-19] W. E. B. DuBois, _Darkwater_, Harcourt, Brace and Howe, 1920. - -[XXIV-20] Peter Roberts, _The Problem of Americanization_, Macmillan, -1920. - -[XXIV-21] J. K. Hart, _Community Organization_, Macmillan, 1920. - -[XXIV-22] M. C. Elmer, _Technique of Social Surveys_, World Co., -Lawrence, Kansas, 1917. - - -CHAPTER XXV - -[XXV-1] _Democracy and Education_, Macmillan, 1916, p. 6. - -[XXV-2] Ibid., p. 16. - -[XXV-3] Ibid., p. 19. - -[XXV-4] Ibid., pp. 26, 27. - -[XXV-5] Ibid., p. 41. - -[XXV-6] Cf. ibid., p. 416. - -[XXV-7] See M. V. O’Shea, _Social Development and Education_, Houghton -Mifflin, 1909; David Snedden, _Sociological Determination of Objectives -in Education_, Lippincott, 1921; W. R. Smith, _Educational Sociology_, -Macmillan, 1917; Irving King, _Social Aspects of Education_, Macmillan, -1912; also King, _Education for Social Efficiency_, Appleton, 1913; -F. R. Clow, _Principles of Sociology with Educational Applications_, -Macmillan, 1920; G. H. Betts, _Social Principles of Education_, -Scribner, 1913; S. T. Dutton, _Social Phases of Education_, Macmillan, -1907. - -[XXV-8] Smith, _Educational Sociology_, p. 669. - -[XXV-9] Snedden, _American Journal of Sociology_, 25:132 ff.; see also, -Snedden, _Sociological Determination of Objectives in Education_, -Lippincott, 1921, p. 15. - -[XXV-10] Snedden, _Sociological Determination of Objectives in -Education_, p. 94. - -[XXV-11] Ibid., pp. 97, 107. - -[XXV-12] Ibid., pp. 109, 267. - -[XXV-13] Ibid., p. 228. - - -CHAPTER XXVI - -[XXVI-1] Gladden, _Social Facts and Forces_, Putnam, 1897, p. 37. - -[XXVI-2] Ibid., p. 152. - -[XXVI-3] Ibid., p. 81. - -[XXVI-4] Ibid. - -[XXVI-5] Gladden, _Social Salvation_, Houghton Mifflin, 1902, p. 14. - -[XXVI-6] Ibid., p. 7. - -[XXVI-7] Ibid., p. 136; cf. Rauschenbusch, _A Theology for the Social -Gospel_, Macmillan, 1918, pp. 8, 91. - -[XXVI-8] Strong, _The New Era_, Baker and Taylor, 1893, p. 121. - -[XXVI-9] Ibid., p. 124. - -[XXVI-10] Ely, _Social Aspects of Christianity_, Crowell, 1889, p. 17. - -[XXVI-11] Ibid., p. 65. - -[XXVI-12] Ibid., p. 73. - -[XXVI-13] See Peabody, _Jesus Christ and the Social Question_, -Macmillan, 1900. - -[XXVI-14] See Mathews, _The Social Teachings of Jesus_, Macmillan, -1897; _The Church and the Changing Order_, Macmillan, 1907; _The Gospel -and the Modern Man_, Macmillan, 1910. - -[XXVI-15] See Rauschenbusch, _Christianity and the Social Crisis_, -Macmillan, 1913; _Christianizing the Social Order_, Macmillan, 1912; _A -Theology for the Social Gospel_, Macmillan, 1918. - -[XXVI-16] See Batten, _The Social Task of Christianity_, Revell, 1911. - -[XXVI-17] See Ward, _The New Social Order_, Macmillan, 1919. - -[XXVI-18] See H. A. Atkinson, _The Church and the People’s Play_, -Pilgrim Press, 1915. - -[XXVI-19] See John Ryan, _Distributive Justice_, Macmillan, 1910; and -_Social Reconstruction_, Macmillan, 1920. - -[XXVI-20] See Charles Stelzle, _The Workingman and Social Problems_, -Revell, 1903. - -[XXVI-21] See _Religion in Social Action_, Dodd, Mead, 1913. - -[XXVI-22] _Christianity and the Social Crisis_, supra, p. xiii. - -[XXVI-23] Ibid., p. 145. - -[XXVI-24] Ibid., p. 147. - -[XXVI-25] Ibid., p. 149. - -[XXVI-26] Ibid., pp. 201 ff. - -[XXVI-27] Ibid., p. 33. - -[XXVI-28] Ibid., p. 91. - -[XXVI-29] Ibid., p. 74. - -[XXVI-30] Ibid., p. 342. - -[XXVI-31] Ibid., p. 386. - -[XXVI-32] _Christianizing the Social Order_, p. 1. - -[XXVI-33] Ibid., p. 2. - -[XXVI-34] Ibid., p. 125. - -[XXVI-35] Ibid., p. 320. - -[XXVI-36] Ibid., pp. 113, 114. - -[XXVI-37] Ibid., pp. 121, 122. - -[XXVI-38] _A Theology for a Social Gospel_, pp. 4, 5, 48. - -[XXVI-39] Ibid., p. 182. - -[XXVI-40] “Social Reconstruction,” Nat’l Catholic War Council, -Washington, 1919, p. 22. - -[XXVI-41] Loc. cit. - -[XXVI-42] Ibid., p. 24. - -[XXVI-43] Ward, _The New Social Order_, p. 74. - -[XXVI-44] Ibid., p. 112. - -[XXVI-45] Ibid., p. 114. - -[XXVI-46] Ibid., p. 121. - -[XXVI-47] Ibid., p. 125. - -[XXVI-48] Loc. cit. - -[XXVI-49] Ibid. - -[XXVI-50] Ibid., p. 143. - -[XXVI-51] Ibid., p. 159. - -[XXVI-52] Ibid., p. 287. - -[XXVI-53] Ibid., p. 363. - -[XXVI-54] Ibid., p. 21. - -[XXVI-55] Ibid., p. 25. - -[XXVI-56] Coe, _Psychology of Religion_, University of Chicago Press, -1916, p. xiv. - -[XXVI-57] Coe, _A Social Theory of Religious Education_, Scribner, -1917, pp. 59, 58. - - -CHAPTER XXVII - -[XXVII-1] De Greef, _Introduction a la Sociologie_, Paris, 1911, T. I., -pp. 189, 202. - -[XXVII-2] _General Sociology_, pp. 718 ff. - -[XXVII-3] Ibid., p. 442. - - -CHAPTER XXVIII - -[XXVIII-1] Blackmar and Gillin’s _Outlines of Sociology_ is one of the -best textbooks in sociology. - - - - -INDEX - - - A - - Abstract thinking, 14. - - Achievement, 299. - - Acquisitiveness, 286. - - Adaptation, 377. - - Addams, Jane, 424, 429. - - Aeschylus, 76. - - African social proverbs, 23 ff. - - Aggregation, 383. - - Alcoholism, 333. - - Amaurote, island of, 160. - - American Sociological Society, 419. - - Americanization, 438. - - Amos, 59, 68, 71, 72. - - Amusements, 439. - - Anarchism, 240. - - Anthropology, 301. - - Anticipation, principle of, 404. - - Aquinas, Thomas, 150. - - Applied sociology, 423 ff. - - Arabian social proverbs, 31. - - Aristophanes, 78. - - Aristotle and social thought, 74, 101 ff., 203, 476. - - Association, laws of, 219, 338, 383. - - Associations, productive, 233. - - Assyrian social thought, 42 ff. - - Astronomy, 218. - - Augustine, Saint, 146. - - Aurelius, Marcus, 116. - - Australian social proverbs, 27. - - - B - - Babeuf, 229. - - Babylonian social thought, 29 ff. - - Bacon, Francis, 167, 174, 175 ff. - - Bagehot, 380. - - Bakunin, 239. - - Balance, principle of, 405. - - Baldwin, J. M., 386. - - Beccaria, 427. - - Behavior, pluralistic, 386. - - Bellamy, Edward, 169. - - Bentham, 194. - - Berkeley, George, 368. - - Biology, 219. - - Birth control, 207. - - Birth rate, 250, 330. - - Blackmar and Gillin, 503. - - Blackstone, 91. - - Blanc, 228. - - Boas, Franz, 321. - - Bodin, 246, 368. - - Bolshevism, 238, 403, 434, 469. - - Bosanquet, 436. - - Brinton, D. G., 353. - - British Labor Party, 469. - - Brockway, 428. - - Brotherhood of man, 122. - - Bücher, 482. - - Buckle, 246 ff. - - Buddhism, 42. - - Bulgarian social proverbs, 30. - - Burgess, E. W., 363. - - Burke, Edmund, 191. - - Business, theory of, 169. - - - C - - Caesar, Julius, 115. - - Calculus, 217. - - Calhoun, A. W., 436. - - Callicles, 78. - - Cameralism, 188 ff. - - Campanella, 168. - - Canons, social, 415 ff. - - Capital punishment, 94. - - Capitalism, 236, 433, 435, 451, 457, 451. - - Carlyle, 425. - - Carver, T. N., 207, 345. - - Caucasian, 235. - - Catholic War Council, 462. - - Censorship, 93. - - Chapin, F. S., 419. - - Chemistry, 218. - - Chinese social thought, 45 ff. - - Chinese social proverbs, 49 ff. - - Chivalry, 149. - - Christianity, social, 121 ff., 232, 423, 441. - - Church fathers, the, 146. - - Cicero, 114, 115. - - Cingalese social proverbs, 32. - - Cities of refuge, 69. - - Citizenship, 447, 491. - - City planning, 160. - - Civilization, 248, 287, 310, 385. - - Classes, 287, 311, 370, 381, 405, 457. - - Class conflict, 251, 457. - - Classification of the sciences, 216. - - Cleisthenes, 76. - - Climate, 248. - - Code of Hammurapi, 40. - - Coe, G. A., 472. - - Colbert, 187. - - Commercialization, 401. - - Commercialized religion, 129. - - Communication, 391, 409. - - Communism, 103, 111. - - Communist manifesto, 234. - - Comte, Auguste, 209 ff., 282, 485. - - Concrete thinking, 14. - - Conation, 297. - - Conflict of races, 305. - - Conflict theories, 338 ff., 383. - - Confucius, 45 ff. - - Conjugal love, 290. - - Consanguineal love, 291. - - Consciousness, 390. - - Consciousness of kind, 365, 381. - - Control, concept of, 323. - - Cooley, C. H., 324, 365, 389 ff., 445, 446. - - Co-operation, 170, 259 ff., 354. - - Crawford, Daniel, 25. - - Crime, 414, 425. - - Crises, 323, 342. - - Crusades, the, 148. - - Custom imitation, 376. - - Customs, control of, 22, 94. - - - D - - Danish social proverbs, 30, 31. - - Darwin, 258, 315. - - Davenport, C. B., 326. - - Deception, 286. - - Definition of social thought, 13. - - De Greef, 484. - - Delinquency, 26, 430. - - Deluge, account of, 42. - - Democracy, 69, 70, 99, 198, 375, 420, 467. - - Democratization of social thought, 11. - - Desire, 284. - - Determinism, 346. - - Deuteronomic Code, 64, 65. - - Devine, E. T., 425. - - Dewey, John, 444, 446. - - Dickens, 424. - - Discussion, 400. - - DuBois, W. E. B., 438. - - Duprat, G. L., 381. - - - E - - Earliest social thought, 20 ff. - - Early Christian social thought, 121 ff. - - Education, 73, 93 ff., 110, 163, 224, 299, 393, 415, 421. - - Educational sociology, 447, 449. - - Efficiency, 466. - - Egyptian social thought, 36 ff. - - Ellwood, C. A., 407 ff. - - Elmira reformatory, 428. - - Ely, R. T., 415, 455. - - Engels, 482. - - English social proverbs, 33 ff. - - Environment, 336, 444. - - Epaminondas, 78. - - Epicurus, 112. - - Epictetus, 119. - - Equality, 465. - - Equality of races, 303. - - Ethnocentrism, 307. - - Ethnology, 303. - - Esthetic forces, 293. - - Eugenics, 109, 325, 342. - - Euripides, 77. - - Evolution, 262, 301. - - - F - - Family, the, 131, 141, 163, 223, 403, 415, 430. - - Fashion imitation, 160, 376. - - Fear, 310. - - Federal Council of the Churches, 461. - - Feminism, 204, 309, 332, 436. - - Ferguson, 186. - - Fetishism, 213. - - Feudalism, 148. - - Fichte, 193. - - Filipino social proverbs, 27, 28. - - Fiske, John, 215, 268. - - Folk psychology, 319. - - Folk thinking, 21 ff. - - Folkways, 306. - - Food supply, 201, ff. - - Fourier, 227. - - Francis, Saint, 149, 424. - - Froebel, 443. - - Functional analogies, 272. - - - G - - Galton, 325. - - Genealogy, 335. - - Genius, 298. - - Geographic social thought, 246 ff. - - George, Henry, 61, 241, 425. - - Giddings, F. H., 381, 411, 446. - - Gladden, Washington, 451. - - God, kingdom of, 122 ff., 132, 454. - - Godwin, William, 198. - - Golden Rule, the, 124. - - Goodsell, W., 436. - - Government, 103 ff., 283. - - Gaunt, John, 480. - - Great Society, the, 406. - - Grecian social thought, 74 ff. - - Gregariousness, 219, 269. - - Grotius, 354. - - Group loyalty of Hebrews, 58. - - Groups, 381. - - Guardians, Plato’s, 83, 86 ff. - - Guild socialism, 403. - - Gumplowicz, 339. - - - H - - Habit, 323. - - Hammurapi, 40 ff. - - Harrington, 168. - - Hayes, E. C., 414. - - Hebrew social thought, 54 ff. - - Hegel, 193. - - Henderson, C. R., 423. - - Heredity, 298, 328, 336. - - Herodetus, 76. - - Hesiod, 75. - - High school sociology, 49. - - Hippocrates, 78. - - History of social movement, 13. - - Hobbes, 177, 368. - - Hobhouse, 316 ff., 322, 334, 364. - - Hosea, 65, 71. - - Housing problems, 437. - - Howard, George Elliott, 418, 436. - - Howard, John, 427. - - Humanitarianism, 225. - - Humboldt, 247. - - Hume, 165, 247, 368. - - Huntington, E., 255. - - - I - - Ibn Khaldun, 151. - - Ideals, 313, 344, 420. - - Illegitimacy, 424. - - Imitation, laws of, 272, 399, 409. - - Immigration, 437. - - Immorality, 66, 314. - - Individualism, 170, 173 ff., 389, 478. - - Individualization, 405. - - Individual responsibility, 448. - - Industry, 473. - - Industrial democracy, 362. - - Industrial thought, 16, 170. - - Industrial Workers of the World, 239. - - Innovation, 297. - - Instinct, 396. - - Insurance, social, 434. - - Institutions, social, 312, 394, 467. - - Intellectual forces, 294. - - Interest, 359, 486. - - Intemperance, 68. - - Intermarriage of races, 304. - - Internationalism, 71, 275, 283, 460. - - Invention, 373. - - Iron law of wages, 233. - - Isaiah, 60, 68, 72. - - - J - - Jahweh, 58, 70 ff. - - James, the apostle, 142. - - Japanese social proverbs, 27. - - Jeremiah, 63. - - Jesus, 121 ff., 454, 471, 476. - - Job, 71. - - John, the apostle, 143. - - Justice, 58, 73, 99 ff. - - Juvenile court, 431. - - Juvenile delinquency, 26. - - - K - - Kant, 192. - - Kellor, A. G., 315. - - Kelsey, Carl, 419. - - Kent, C. F., 72. - - Kingdom of God, 122 ff., 132. - - Kropotkin, 240, 355. - - - L - - Labor conditions, 163, 233, 248, 432. - - Labor strikes, 57. - - Laissez faire theories, 195, 196, 266, 277. - - Lamarck, 257. - - Land equalization, 102, 147, 242. - - Langland, William, 152. - - Language, 391, 409. - - Lao-tse, 48. - - Lassalle, 233. - - Law, 142, 159, 197, 319. - - Lazarus and Steinthal, 371. - - League of Nations, 469. - - Le Bon, 381. - - Legal science, 119. - - Leisure, 416. - - Le Play, 481. - - Lewes, George Henry, 212. - - Liebknecht, 236. - - Lilienfeld, von, 270. - - Lindsey, Ben B., 429. - - Locke, John, 79. - - Lombroso, 427. - - Love, 24, 73, 123 ff., 290, 366. - - Lucretius, 114. - - Luke, Saint, 124. - - Luxury, 162. - - Lycurgus, 75. - - - M - - Machiavelli, 173 ff. - - Mackenzie, J. S., 273. - - Maine, Henry, 195. - - Malthus, 200 ff. - - Malthusianism, 32, 199 ff., 230, 243. - - Mann, Horace, 144. - - Marcus Aurelius, 166. - - Manu, laws of, 42. - - Marriage, institutions of, 65, 202, 289, 330. - Plato’s conception of, 90. - Aristotle’s conception of, 109. - Jesus’ conception of, 131, 132. - - Marx, 234 ff. - - Martineau, Harriet, 212. - - Materialism, 222. - - Mathematics, 217. - - Maternal love, 291. - - McDougall, William, 395. - - Mead, G. H., 409. - - Meliorism, 293. - - Mencius, 49. - - Mendelian laws, 327. - - Mental defectiveness, 430. - - Mercantilism, 187 ff. - - Metaphysics, 215. - - Methodology, 487. - - Micah, 61, 72. - - Middle classes, the, 107, 465. - - Militarism, 215. - - Mill, James, 194. - - Mill, John Stuart, 194, 212. - - Miscegenation, 334. - - Monasteries, 150. - - Money, love of, 162. - - Money-making, 287. - - Monotheism, 213. - - Montesquieu, 184, 247. - - More, Thomas, 155 ff., 173, 367, 476. - - Morris, William, 168. - - Moses, 55. - - Moral restraint, 208, 430. - - Morality, 293, 342. - - Mores, 313. - - Morley, John, 212. - - Motives, 307. - - Mutation, 328. - - - N - - Natural selection, 259, 410. - - Newton, Isaac, 368. - - Nietzsche, 193, 341. - - Negro, 335, 438, 472. - - Novicow, 249. - - - O - - Old Testament social thought, 55 ff. - - Oligarchy, 98. - - Opposition, 373, 377. - - Orano, P., 381. - - Organic analogies, 365 ff., 478. - - Organization, 363, 386, 406. - - Osborne. T. M., 429. - - Owen, Robert, 230, 354. - - - P - - Pain economy, 344. - - Paine, T., 187. - - Parental negligence, 431. - - Patten. S. N., 343. - - Patriotism, Hebrew, 71. - - Paul, Saint, 138 ff. - - Peace, universal, 72. - - Penn, William, 428. - - Penology, 166. - - Pearson, Karl, 326. - - Pericles, 77. - - Personality, 336, 353, 392, 467. - - Persian social thought, 52 ff. - - Pestalozzi, 442. - - Petrarch, 173. - - Pharaoh, 57. - - Philosophical thought, 16. - - Physical education, 96, 110. - - Physics, 218. - - Physiocrats, 181. - - Pittsburg Survey, 483. - - Plato, 74 ff., 203, 367, 476. - - Pleasure economy, 344. - - Pluralistic behavior, 386. - - Polybius, 112. - - Polygamy, 38. - - Polytheism, 213. - - Poor-laws, 204. - - Popenoe, P., 326. - - Population theories, 199 ff., 250. - - Portuguese social proverbs, 31. - - Positivism, 214, 477. - - Pound, Roscoe, 197. - - Poverty, 59 ff., 91 ff., 107, 108, 133, 155, 190, 423, 425, 442. - - Practicalism, 12. - - Prevision, 222. - - Priestcraft, 288. - - Primitive people, 20 ff. - - Prisons, 428. - - Profitism, 402, 434. - - Progress, 281, 299. - - Proletariat, 237. - - Property, 102, 132, 229, 232, 234, 285. - - Proudhon, 229. - - Proverbs, Book of, 169. - - Proverbs, social, 23 ff. - - Psychology, 319. - - Public health, 109, 160, 438. - - Public opinion, 393. - - Punishment, 94, 166, 429. - - Pure sociology, 28. - - - Q - - Quetelet, 480. - - - R - - Race equality, 303, 321, 334, 340. - - Racial conflicts, 305, 438. - - Racial intermarriage, 303. - - Rationalism, 213. - - Rauschenbusch, 455 ff. - - Ratzel, 254. - - Ratzenhofer, 350, 357. - - Reform, social, 402. - - Religion, 97, 353. - - Religious education, 164, 472. - - Religious thought, 15. - - Renaissance, 173. - - Republic, Plato’s, 74. - - Reproductive forces, 289. - - Revolution, social, 108, 412. - - Ripley, 255. - - Rochdale pioneers, the, 355. - - Rodbertus, 232. - - Roman social thought, 114 ff. - - Roosevelt, 24. - - Ross, E. A., 62, 350, 363, 380, 395, 400, 403, 415. - - Rousseau, 182 ff. - - Russia, 238. - - - S - - Sabotage, 239. - - Saleeby, C. W., 326, 333. - - Salvation, social, 73. - - Schaeffle, 271 ff. - - Schmidkunz, H., 380. - - Scholasticism, 150 ff. - - Sciences, classification of, 216. - - Scientific management, 449. - - Selection, natural, 259, 328, 411. - - Self, 387, 389. - - Self interest, 340. - - Semple, E. C., 78, 254. - - Seneca, 116. - - Sentiments, 397. - - Service, 138. - - Sex, 296, 308, 332, 436. - - Sex immortality, 66. - - Sex inequality, 292. - - Sighele, 381. - - Simulation, 404. - - Sin, 130, 140. - - Single tax, 241. - - Slavery, 232, 464. - - Slums, 453. - - Small, A. W., 350, 359, 433, 486. - - Smith, Adam, 89, 199, 308, 370. - - Smith, W. R., 447. - - Snedden, D., 448. - - Sociability, 353. - - Social anthropology, 334. - - Social case work, 441. - - Social centers, 160. - - Social change, 409. - - Social Christianity, 121 ff., 232, 454, 472. - - Social control, 104, 398, 414, 419. - - Social delinquency, 26. - - Social democracy, 130, 233. - - Social dynamics, 200, 280, 296. - - Social evolution, 224, 284. - - Social improvement, 222. - - Social injustice, 73, 129. - - Social institutions, 311. - - Social insurance, 334. - - Social laws, 221. - - Social process, 357, 393, 395, 487. - - Social progress, 299. - - Social proverbs, 23 ff. - African, 24 ff. - Arabian, 31. - Australian, 27. - Bulgarian, 30. - Chinese, 49. - Cingalese, 32. - Danish, 30, 31. - English, 33 ff. - Filipino, 27, 28. - - Social psychology, 324, 380, 397. - - Social reconstruction, 402, 454. - - Social reform, 441, 454. - - Social responsibility, 68. - - Social revolution, 108. - - Social salvation, 73. - - Social service, 138, 463. - - Social service director, 473. - - Social statics, 200, 280. - - Social technology, 423, 425, 440. - - Social telesis, 108, 277, 298, 441. - - Social thought, - Japanese, 28. - Mexican, 32. - Portuguese, 31. - Assyrian, 42. - Babylonian, 29 ff. - Chinese, 45 ff. - Christian, 121 ff. - Confucian, 46 ff. - Definition of, 13. - Demands upon, 17. - Democratization of, 11. - Earliest, 20 ff. - Early Christian, 121 ff. - Egyptian, 36 ff. - Eugenic, 325 ff. - Grecian, 74 ff. - Hebrew, 54 ff. - Individualistic, 173 ff. - Nature of, 14. - Primitive, 20 ff. - Persian, 52 ff. - Roman, 114 ff. - Scope of, 18. - Stoic, 112, 115 ff. - Vedic, 42. - - Social values, 223. - - Social variations, 223. - - Socialization, 361, 363. - - Socialism, 206, 226 ff., 244, 403. - - Sociocracy, 299. - - Sociology, 209, 361. - Applied, 423 ff. - Educational, 447, 449. - - Sociological investigation, 475 ff. - - Socrates, 75, 79 ff. - - Soil fertility, 248. - - Solidarity, 468. - - Solon, 75. - - Sophists, 75. - - Sorel, 239. - - Sparta, 111. - - Spencer, Herbert, 195, 214, 258 ff., 339, 371. - - Spencer and Gillen, 27. - - Spinoza, 178, 354. - - Standards, 402. - - State, doctrine of, 193, 357. - - Statistics, 482. - - Stoicism, 112, 115 ff. - - Strong, Josiah, 451, 454. - - Suggestion, 399, 409. - - Sumner, W. G., 196, 306. - - Superman, 342. - - Success, 416. - - Sympathy, 185, 369. - - Syndicalism, 239. - - Syphogrants, 157. - - - T - - Tainted money, 452. - - Tarde, 350, 372 ff., 400. - - Teaching sociology, 489 ff. - - Telesis, social, 108, 277, 298, 441. - - Theocracy, 70. - - Theory, need of, 12. - - Thomas, W. I., 301, 322. - - Thrasymachus, 78. - - Timocracy, 98. - - Traditions, 384. - - Trotter, W., 397. - - Tuberculosis, 333, 439. - - - U - - Unemployment, 435. - - Universal peace, 72. - - Utilitarianism, 192. - - Utopia, More’s, 156 ff. - - - V - - Values, social, 311, 324. - - Vanity, 310. - - Veblen, 285, 415 ff. - - Vedic social thought, 44. - - Venereal disease, 333. - - Vice, 369. - - Vico, 351. - - Vocational education, 449. - - - W - - Wages fund theory, 232. - - Wallas, Graham, 406. - - War, 108, 164, 165, 283, 331, 347, 356, 358, 417, 420. - - Ward, H. F., 461, 463 ff., 478. - - Ward, Lester F., 196, 267, 277 ff., 371, 409, 479. - - Washington, B. T., 438. - - Wealth, 91, 133, 142, 161, 250, 416. - - Webbs, the, 425. - - Webster, Hutton, 419. - - Weismann, 329. - - Wells, H. G., 171. - - Westermarck, 316. - - Western civilization, 411, 436. - - Wisdom teachers, 67. - - Woman, 309, 432. - - Work, 285. - - Workmanship, 418. - - World empire, 320. - - World peace, 72. - - World war, 412. - - Worms, Renê, 273. - - Wundt, 319. - - - Z - - Zephaniah, 63. - - Zoroaster, 52. - - - - -Transcriber’s Notes - - -Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made consistent when a -predominant preference was found in the original book; otherwise they -were not changed. - -Simple typographical errors were corrected; unbalanced quotation -marks were remedied when the change was obvious, and otherwise left -unbalanced. - -Incorrect page references in the Table of Contents were corrected. - -The index was not checked for proper alphabetization or correct page -references. - -Page 78: “fifty century” probably is an error for “Fifth century”. - -Page 287: Quotation beginning “the spur of all” has no ending quotation -mark. - - -Footnote numbers in this eBook were made unique by prefixing the -original Arabic numbers with the Roman chapter numbers. - - -FOOTNOTE ERRATA - -There are many mismatches and omissions between the footnote anchors in -the text and the footnotes themselves. Some of them remain unresolved; -the Transcriber changed these: - - Page 94: “2” ➝ “53” - Page 99: “78” ➝ “76” - Page 137: added “30” - Page 166: “25” ➝ “26” - Page 223: “32” ➝ “23” - Page 402: “12” ➝ “32” - Page 403: “38” ➝ “37” - Page 450: “14” ➝ “13” - Page 460: first “37” ➝ “36” - Page 462: “50” ➝ “40” - Page 466: second “43” ➝ “44” - -These anchors appear to be either deliberate duplicates or -uncorrectable typographical or placement errors: - - Page 27: “5” refers to a non-existent Footnote - Page 70: “8” - Pages 175 and 177: duplicate “4” - Page 285: “23”; page 288 is missing “23” - Pages 459 and 460: “35” and “34” occur in reversed order - Page 460: “37” - -These anchors are missing and no likely positions for them could be -identified: - - Chapter IV: “7”, “9” - Chapter V: “11” - Chapter VIII: “5” - Chapter XI: “10” - Chapter XIII: “11” - Chapter XIV: “9” - Chapter XVI: “8”, “11” - Chapter XVII: “20”, “39” - Chapter XVIII: “20”, “26”, “35”, “44” - Chapter XIX: “8” - Chapter XXIII: “11” - Chapter XXVI: “38” - Chapter XXVII: “1” - -These apparent footnote errors were corrected: - - Page 498, Chapter XIII: second Footnote “14” ➝ “15” - Page 499, Chapter XVI: second Footnote “16” ➝ “17” - Page 503, Chapter XXVI: first Footnote “16” ➝ “15” - -This footnote error was uncorrectable: - - Page 501, Chapter XXII: Footnote 32 is missing a page reference. - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A HISTORY OF SOCIAL -THOUGHT *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following -the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use -of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for -copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very -easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation -of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project -Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away--you may -do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected -by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark -license, especially commercial redistribution. - -START: FULL LICENSE - -THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE -PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK - -To protect the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg"), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg-tm License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. - -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the -person or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph -1.E.8. - -1.B. "Project Gutenberg" is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. - -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation ("the -Foundation" or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg-tm mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg-tm -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg-tm name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg-tm License when -you share it without charge with others. - -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg-tm work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country other than the United States. - -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: - -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg-tm License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg-tm work (any work -on which the phrase "Project Gutenberg" appears, or with which the -phrase "Project Gutenberg" is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: - - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and - most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no - restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it - under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this - eBook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the - United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where - you are located before using this eBook. - -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase "Project -Gutenberg" associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg-tm -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg-tm electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg-tm License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. - -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg-tm -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg-tm. - -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg-tm License. - -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg-tm work in a format -other than "Plain Vanilla ASCII" or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg-tm website -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original "Plain -Vanilla ASCII" or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg-tm License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. - -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg-tm works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. - -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works -provided that: - -* You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg-tm works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, "Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation." - -* You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg-tm - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg-tm - works. - -* You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - -* You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm works. - -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of -the Project Gutenberg-tm trademark. Contact the Foundation as set -forth in Section 3 below. - -1.F. - -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg-tm collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain "Defects," such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. - -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the "Right -of Replacement or Refund" described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg-tm trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. - -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. - -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you 'AS-IS', WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. - -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. - -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg-tm -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg-tm work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg-tm work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. - -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg-tm - -Project Gutenberg-tm is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. - -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg-tm's -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg-tm collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg-tm and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at -www.gutenberg.org - -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation - -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation's EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state's laws. - -The Foundation's business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, -Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up -to date contact information can be found at the Foundation's website -and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact - -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg -Literary Archive Foundation - -Project Gutenberg-tm depends upon and cannot survive without -widespread public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. - -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular -state visit www.gutenberg.org/donate - -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. - -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. - -Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate - -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg-tm electronic works - -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg-tm concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. - -Project Gutenberg-tm eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. - -Most people start at our website which has the main PG search -facility: www.gutenberg.org - -This website includes information about Project Gutenberg-tm, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. diff --git a/old/68889-0.zip b/old/68889-0.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index cd169ca..0000000 --- a/old/68889-0.zip +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/68889-h.zip b/old/68889-h.zip Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index f4f392a..0000000 --- a/old/68889-h.zip +++ /dev/null diff --git a/old/68889-h/68889-h.htm b/old/68889-h/68889-h.htm deleted file mode 100644 index 200dfb0..0000000 --- a/old/68889-h/68889-h.htm +++ /dev/null @@ -1,20738 +0,0 @@ -<!DOCTYPE html> -<html xmlns="http://www.w3.org/1999/xhtml" xml:lang="en" lang="en"> -<head> - <meta charset="UTF-8" /> - <title> - A History of Social Thought, by Emory S. Bogardus—A Project Gutenberg eBook - </title> - <link rel="icon" href="images/cover.jpg" type="image/x-cover" /> - <style> /* <![CDATA[ */ - -body { - margin-left: 2.5em; - margin-right: 2.5em; -} -.x-ebookmaker body {margin: 0;} -.x-ebookmaker-drop {color: inherit;} - -h1, h2, h3 { - text-align: center; - clear: both; - margin-top: 2.5em; - margin-bottom: 1em; -} - -h1 {line-height: 1;} - -h2.chap {margin-bottom: 0;} -h2+p {margin-top: 1.5em;} -h2 .subhead {display: block; margin-top: 1em; margin-bottom: 1em;} -.x-ebookmaker h1, .x-ebookmaker .chapter, .x-ebookmaker .newpage {page-break-before: always;} -.x-ebookmaker h1.nobreak, .x-ebookmaker h2.nobreak, .x-ebookmaker .nobreak {page-break-before: avoid; padding-top: 0;} - -.transnote h2 { - margin-top: .5em; - margin-bottom: 1em; -} - -.subhead { - text-indent: 0; - text-align: center; - font-size: smaller; -} - -p { - text-indent: 1.75em; - margin-top: .51em; - margin-bottom: .24em; - text-align: justify; -} -.x-ebookmaker p { - margin-top: .5em; - margin-bottom: .25em; -} - -.caption p, .center p, p.center {text-align: center; text-indent: 0;} - -.p1 {margin-top: 1em;} -.p2 {margin-top: 2em;} -.p4 {margin-top: 4em;} -.vspace {line-height: 1.5;} - -.in0 {text-indent: 0;} - -.smaller {font-size: 85%;} -.larger {font-size: 125%;} -.xxlarge {font-size: 200%;} - -.center {text-align: center;} - -.smcap {font-variant: small-caps;} - -hr { - width: 33%; - margin: 4em auto 4em auto; - clear: both; -} -.x-ebookmaker hr { - margin-top: .1em; - margin-bottom: .1em; - visibility: hidden; - color: white; - width: .01em; - display: none; -} - -table { - margin-left: auto; - margin-right: auto; - max-width: 90%; - border-collapse: collapse; -} -.x-ebookmaker table {width: auto; max-width: 90%; margin: 1em auto 1em 10%;} - -.tdl { - text-align: left; - vertical-align: top; - padding-right: 1em; - padding-left: 1.5em; - text-indent: -1.5em; -} -.x-ebookmaker .tdl { - padding-left: 1em; - text-indent: -1em; - padding-right: 0; -} - -.tdc {text-align: center;} -.tdc.chap, #footnotes .tdc.chap { - font-size: 110%; - padding-top: 1.5em; - padding-bottom: .5em; -} - -.tdr { - text-align: right; - vertical-align: bottom; - padding-left: .3em; - white-space: nowrap; -} -.tdr.top{vertical-align: top; padding-left: 0; padding-right: .5em;} - -#footnotetable td {padding-bottom: .2em;} -#footnotetable .tdl {text-indent: 0; padding-left: 0; padding-right: 0;} -#footnotetable .tdr {padding-left: 0; padding-right: 1em; vertical-align: top;} - -.pagenum { - position: absolute; - right: .25em; - text-indent: 0; - text-align: right; - font-size: 70%; - font-weight: normal; - font-variant: normal; - font-style: normal; - letter-spacing: normal; - line-height: normal; - color: #acacac; - border: .0625em solid #acacac; - background: #ffffff; - padding: .0625em .125em; -} - -.footnotes {margin: 4em 0 2em 0;} - -.fnanchor { - vertical-align: 60%; - line-height: .7; - font-size: .7em; - text-decoration: none; - white-space: nowrap; -} -#footnotes .label:after {content: ".";} - -a.ref {text-decoration: none;} - -.index {margin-left: 1em;} -.x-ebookmaker .index {margin-left: 0;} -ul.index {padding-left: 0;} -li {list-style-type: none;} -li.indx, li.ifrst {list-style-type: none; padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -3em; padding-top: .2em;} -li.isub1 {padding-left: 3em; text-indent: -2em;} -li.ifrst {padding: 1em 0 .25em 6em;} - -.poetry-container { - margin: 1.5em auto; - text-align: center; - font-size: 98%; -} - -.poetry { - display: inline-block; - text-align: left; - margin-left: 0; -} - -.poetry .stanza {padding: 0.5em 0;} -.poetry .verse {text-indent: -3em; padding-left: 3em;} - -.poetry .indent0 {text-indent: -3em;} - -.x-ebookmaker .poetry-container {text-align: center;} -.x-ebookmaker .poetry {display: block; text-align: left; margin-left: 10%;} -.x-ebookmaker .poetry .stanza {page-break-inside: avoid;} - -.transnote { - background-color: #999999; - border: thin dotted; - font-family: sans-serif, serif; - margin-left: 5%; - margin-right: 5%; - margin-top: 4em; - margin-bottom: 2em; - padding: 1em; -} -.x-ebookmaker .transnote { - page-break-inside: avoid; - margin-left: 2%; - margin-right: 2%; - margin-top: 1em; - margin-bottom: 1em; - padding: .5em; -} - -.sigright { - margin-right: 2em; - text-align: right;} - -.wspace {word-spacing: .3em;} - - /* ]]> */ </style> -</head> - -<body> -<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of A history of social thought, by Emory Stephen Bogardus</p> -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: A history of social thought</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Emory Stephen Bogardus</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: August 31, 2022 [eBook #68889]</p> -<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p> - <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: Tim Lindell, Turgut Dincer, Charlie Howard, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)</p> -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A HISTORY OF SOCIAL THOUGHT ***</div> - -<div class="transnote"> -<p class="center larger">Transcriber’s Note</p> - -<p>Larger versions of most illustrations may be seen by right-clicking them -and selecting an option to view them separately, or by double-tapping and/or -stretching them.</p> -</div> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h1><span class="smcap">A History of Social Thought</span></h1> -</div> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="newpage p4 center wspace"> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="xxlarge vspace"> -A HISTORY OF<br /> -SOCIAL THOUGHT</p> - -<p class="p2 vspace">BY<br /> -<span class="larger">EMORY S. BOGARDUS, <span class="smcap">Ph.D.</span></span></p> - -<p class="p1 smaller"><i>Professor and Head of Department of Sociology and Social Work<br /> -University of Southern California</i></p> - -<p class="p1 vspace smaller"><i>Author of</i><br /> -INTRODUCTION TO SOCIOLOGY<br /> -ESSENTIALS OF SOCIAL PSYCHOLOGY<br /> -ESSENTIALS OF AMERICANIZATION</p> - -<p class="p2">1922<br /> -UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA PRESS<br /> -3474 UNIVERSITY AVENUE<br /> -LOS ANGELES -</p> -</div> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="newpage p2"> -Copyright 1922, University of Southern California Press</p> - -<p class="p2 vspace smaller">JESSE RAY MILLER<br /> -UNIVERSITY OF SOUTHERN CALIFORNIA PRESS<br /> -LOS ANGELES -</p> -</div> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p class="newpage p4 vspace"> -DEDICATED TO MY STUDENTS<br /> -WHO ARE TRANSFORMING THEIR SOCIAL THOUGHT<br /> -INTO HELPFUL LIVING -</p> -</div> -</div> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="CONTENTS">CONTENTS</h2> -</div> - -<table id="toc"> -<tr> - <td class="tdr top">1.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Nature of Social Thought</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_11">11</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr top">2.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Earliest Social Thought</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_20">20</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr top">3.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Social Thought of Ancient Civilizations</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_36">36</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr top">4.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Social Thought of the Hebrews</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_54">54</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr top">5.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Plato and Grecian Social Thought</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_74">74</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr top">6.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Aristotle and Grecian Social Thought</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_101">101</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr top">7.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Roman Social Thought</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_114">114</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr top">8.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Early Christian Social Thought</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_121">121</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr top">9.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Social Thought in the Middle Ages</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_145">145</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr top">10.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">More and Utopian Social Thought</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_154">154</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr top">11.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Individualistic Social Thought</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_173">173</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr top">12.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Malthus and Population Concepts</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_199">199</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr top">13.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Comte and Positive Social Thought</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_209">209</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr top">14.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Marx and Socialistic Social Thought</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_226">226</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr top">15.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Buckle and Geographic Social Thought</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_246">246</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr top">16.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Spencer and Organic Social Thought</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_257">257</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr top">17.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Sociology of Lester F. Ward</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_277">277</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr top">18.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Anthropologic Sociology</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_301">301</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr top">19.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Eugenic Sociology</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_325">325</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr top">20.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Conflict Theories in Sociology</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_338">338</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr top">21.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Co-operation Theories in Sociology</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_352">352</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr top">22.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Psycho-Sociologic Thought</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_367">367</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr top">23.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Psycho-Sociologic Thought</span> (<i>continued</i>)</td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_389">389</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr top">24.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Trend of Applied Sociology</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_423">423</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr top">25.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Rise of Educational Sociology</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_442">442</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr top">26.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Sociology of Modern Christianity</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_451">451</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr top">27.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Methods of Sociological Investigation</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_475">475</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr top">28.</td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">The Dissemination of Sociological Thought</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_489">489</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td> </td> - <td class="tdl"><span class="smcap">Index</span></td> - <td class="tdr"><a href="#toclink_504">504</a></td> -</tr> -</table> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="PREFACE">PREFACE</h2> -</div> - -<p>This book is written for the world of students. -In it any seriously-minded person should find a -fundamental background for understanding the -central theme of human progress, a substantial -basis for attacking the most important problems of -the day, and a call to renew his faith in the soundness -of human aspirations.</p> - -<p>Inasmuch as this treatise is written for students, -it is not intended to be the last word on the subject, -but simply a first word. The theme of each chapter -is in itself a subject for further investigation. -In fact, the student with an alert mind will find in -each chapter many subjects concerning which he -will want to learn more. If the discussions in this -book stimulate the student to make inquiries on his -own initiative, they will have accomplished more -than the author could have expected.</p> - -<p class="p1 sigright"> -<span class="smcap">Emory S. Bogardus.</span> -</p> - -<p class="p1 in0"> -<i>University of Southern California.<br /> -June 1, 1921.</i> -</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">11</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="A_HISTORY_OF_SOCIAL_THOUGHT"><span class="larger">A HISTORY OF SOCIAL THOUGHT</span></h2> -</div> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_11"><span class="smcap" id="Chapter_I">Chapter I</span><br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Nature of Social Thought</span></span></h2> - -<p>Man faces a world of social problems. As a result -he is perplexed beyond description; his thinking -often ends in confusion. Inasmuch as the average -citizen, for the first time in the world’s history, is -beginning to attack social problems, he is entitled -to all the aid that can be made available. Upon the -success of the average person in mastering the intricacies -of social thinking, the cause of democracy -depends.</p> - -<p>A large proportion of the analyses of social -questions has been academic. These discussions -have often terminated in quibbles or erudite generalizations. -Insofar as social theories have been -correct they have unfortunately been reserved for -the theorists alone. The people themselves have -not understood the nature of social thought; they -have not benefited; and hence, they have held social -thought in contempt. Sound social thought needs -to be democratized, that is, to be made available for -all people.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">12</span></p> - -<p>In thinking about social problems, the so-called -practical person has proceeded in his own way. He -has had personal experience—and that to him has -been sufficient. He has been motivated by a sense -of injustice, and stung into fervid thought by circumstances -which seemed to him unfair; he has -concocted a make-shift remedy, or impulsively accepted -a ready-made program. Perhaps he has -urged a single cause for all social ills and prescribed -a single remedy for all social diseases. -Usually, he has been very limited in his observations, -untrained in making proper inductions, and -hence, narrow and intolerant in his conclusions. -He has been entirely baffled, or else he has felt -cock-sure.</p> - -<p>The practicalist is often a poor theorist. He -may be even the most dangerous type of theorist. -He has scoffed at theory and then fallen into the -pit of incorrect theory. He has failed to see, for -example, that a good bridge does not project itself -across a chasm, but that a correct bridge-building -theory is essential. With social practicalists and -theorists calling each other names, instead of co-operating -and unselfishly giving the world of people -the benefit of their combined points of view, the -world has floundered and its social problems have -piled up, mountains high.</p> - -<p>Another difficulty in the pathway of sound social -thinking is found in an absence of proper backgrounds. -People are prone to offer solutions for<span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">13</span> -social questions without first equipping themselves -with a knowledge of foundational elements. Moreover, -they are often unwilling to acquaint themselves -with these necessary factors. It is only by -accident, however, that current social movements -can be understood unless the historical sequences -of social cause and effect are perceived. Nearly all -social problems are essentially the outcroppings of -tendencies which have had a long human history. -A current social maladjustment is generally indicative -of a long line of antecedent factors. A knowledge -of societary fundamentals is essential to sound -thinking about present-day evils. A history of -social thought furnishes a minimum social background -for the understanding of current social -processes and problems.</p> - -<p>Social thought, as distinguished from individual -thought, treats of the welfare of one’s associates -and of groups. It may be very simple, merely observational, -the result of daily experience, or it may -be a scientific study of social processes. Sociology -as an organized science has developed only during -the past few decades. Inasmuch as sociology has -simply begun its work of formulating the principles -of societary progress, a large proportion of the -thinking that has thus far been done in human history -about the welfare of <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">socii</i> or associates is -either individual or social, rather than sociological. -A history of social thought, therefore, includes the -larger social field as well as the more specific one<span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">14</span> -of recent development, namely, the sociological. -The time is hardly ripe for a history of distinctly -sociological thought.</p> - -<p>Social thought, as here used, is a synthesis of -the observations of individuals about the welfare -of other individuals, considered as individuals or as -groups. The focus of social thought is not the welfare -of the ego but of the alter, not of the self but -of others, not of the individual but of the class, -group, organization, or process. Social thought -draws from the thought-life of persons who have -done unselfish thinking and who have focalized -their attention upon the nature and principles of -associative activities. It tests group progress by -the degree in which human personalities secure -constructive, co-operative expression. It measures -the individual in his relationships to the social -whole, whether that unit be the family, school, -church, state, or the world society. It rates the individual -in terms of a functioning unit in group -life. It evaluates the group both in regard to the -quality of the personalities which it produces in its -membership, and to the loyalty which it manifests -as a unit of a larger group, even of human society -itself.</p> - -<p>Social thought is both concrete and abstract. -Concrete thinking rarely goes deep. It asks few -questions, raises few doubts, and perceives few -connections. Abstract thinking seeks causal explanations, -classifies concretenesses, penetrates relationships,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">15</span> -and proposes well-balanced procedures. -The distinction, however, is largely one of degree. -Concrete thinking is characteristic of every normal -person, but abstract perceptions are uncommon. -The ability to do abstract thinking, to get at the -deeper meanings of phenomena, to penetrate the -mysteries of life, is rare. Concrete thinking constitutes -the major sector of the thought-life of -every person, nearly all the time.</p> - -<p>Here and there, however, in human history we -find individuals who have been freed or who have -freed themselves from the daily struggle for a living, -from the race to make money, or from the -selfish enticements of life-long loafing, and have -joined the world of scholars, seeking to know the -truth, the truth which makes men and women -free—free to develop useful personalities in a vast, -changing complex of human living. When man, -having leisure to think abstractly, has set himself -to the task of thought research, his mind has ventured -along at least five pathways.</p> - -<p>(1) Man has given considerable attention to -his relation to the universe. Primitive man conceived -of a personal universe, peopled with spirits. -Throughout human history man has been a religious -being, trying to solve the problems of a -universe ruled by spirits and gods or by one supreme -God. This type of thought has produced -polytheisms, monotheisms, theocracies. It has formulated -theological creeds and led to bitter ecclesiastical<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">16</span> -controversies. It has created fears, hopes, -faiths, social ideals, and sacrificial standards.</p> - -<p>(2) Irrespective of religious needs, man has -endeavored to discover proper relations to his universe. -He has philosophized. He has tried to reduce -to terms of thought this baffling, intangible, -universal environment. He has searched for a -specific ground for explaining the universe. He -has sought unity in change and monism in multiplicity. -He has proclaimed that change itself is -Lord of the universe, or perhaps he has found -solace in a creative evolution. At any rate, he has -sought ultimate meanings in as unbiased an interpretation -of the universe as is humanly possible.</p> - -<p>(3) From the far-flung horizons of religious -and philosophic theory, man has turned his thought -in an opposite direction—he has directed his -thought upon itself. He has maneuvered his -thought processes introspectively. He has puzzled -over the structure and functions of his own mind. -These series of studies have led on the one hand -to treatises such as the <i>Critique of Pure Reason</i>, -and on the other hand to the current expressions -of behavioristic psychology or of psychoanalysis.</p> - -<p>(4) Man has sought to fathom the material -secrets of the earth. Since the Industrial Revolution -in England, inquiring minds have focussed -tremendous energies upon attempts to master the -physical elements. Rocks and strata of rocks have -been caused to yield a wealth of ores, and subterranean<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">17</span> -caverns have been made to pour forth reservoirs -of gas and oil. Modern transportation has -been made possible by the use of steam, gasoline, -electricity. Mechanical inventions have followed -one another in unanticipated fashion, paying awe-inspiring -tribute to the genius of man. Abstract -thinking has given man a marvelous degree of control -over the material side of life.</p> - -<p>(5) Recently, the problem of man’s adjustment -and responsibility to his fellowmen is being accorded -a worthy hearing at the bar of scientific -thought. For millenniums man has pondered hard -over his relations and obligations to his God and to -his universe, over the nature of his mind and spirit, -over ways and means of acquiring individual success -through a manipulation of the material resources -of the earth. Incomprehensible as it may -seem, it is true, however, that man has neglected -almost wholly, until recently, the very heart of all -successful living, namely, his relations and obligations -to his fellow men and to society. Social -thought, the center of all sound thinking, has been -ignored. Consequently, the world, beneath its load -of social ills, has slipped backward nearly as often -as it has advanced.</p> - -<p>In the present age, however, the world is making -unprecedented demands upon social thought, long -before social thought is adequately prepared for its -gigantic tasks. Religion is seeking re-vitalization -through socialized thinking. In its modern endeavor<span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">18</span> -to win the world, Christianity is making tremendous -demands upon applied sociology.</p> - -<p>After many vain searches among false theories -and impersonal ends, philosophy is seeking to find -itself in a social universe. Psychology, likewise, is -no longer individual, structural, and formal; it is -now trying to interpret itself in terms of human -behavior. Group processes are being searched for -the origins of stimuli that will explain individual -conduct.</p> - -<p>Economic thought, too, has reached a stage -where it is endeavoring to re-define its concepts in -the light of sociological knowledge. The material -resources of the earth as well as industrial and -business enterprises, in fact all economic values, are -being measured, and re-valued in terms of their -societary significance. The meaning of industrial -democracy is being sought in sociological terms.</p> - -<p>In the distinctively associative life enormous demands -are being made upon sociology. It is invited -to formulate the criteria by which the worth of an -educational system may be determined. Groups are -trying to provide for the use of the leisure time of -their members by methods that are socially valuable. -Many attempts are being made for restoring -to the family its fundamental prerogatives as a -social institution.</p> - -<p>The history of social thought rises out of the beginnings -of human life on earth and with jagged -edges extends along the full sweep of the changing<span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">19</span> -historical horizon. It finds expression through -some of the world’s best minds. Our quest will -bring us in contact with the most vital moments of -the world’s most valuable thinkers.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">20</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_20"><span class="smcap" id="Chapter_II">Chapter II</span><br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Earliest Social Thought</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>Primitive people were inquisitive. They thought -about what happened and they sought explanations. -Their attention was centered on the tangible -phenomena of life. Their imagination worked out -fantastic and superstitious interpretations. They -reasoned about the daily occurrences of life in concrete, -graphic, and personal terms.</p> - -<p>Primitive people everywhere, apparently, sensed -in a piecemeal and microscopic way the meaning -of social relationships. Archeological records disclose -crude and simple, but nevertheless genuine -social implications. Early mythologies recognize -the importance of social bonds. Out of the dim -dawn of tribal life there appeared a rough-hewn -sense of social property. The proverbs of primitive -people include implications, if not definite statements, -of social responsibility.</p> - -<p>Primitive people lived simple group lives. If the -paternal relationship was not always known or -recognized, the maternal relationship functioned -for at least a few years. The loose family ties harbored -a degree of social responsibility. Wherever -ancestor worship developed, the family group assumed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">21</span> -large proportions and manifested strong -social characteristics. The clan, or <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">gens</i>, betokened -social fealty.</p> - -<p>Communal property testified to communal thinking. -The existence of common hunting grounds -and tribal flocks was indicative of folk thought. -Group dances, feasts, building enterprises, celebrations -delineated the social spirit. Warfare produced -bursts of tribal loyalty. An examination of -the folkways reveals indistinct but incipient notions -of societal welfare. Such a treatise as Sumner’s -<i>Folkways</i> chronicles a vast amount of elemental -folk thinking.</p> - -<p>Folk thinking permeated primitive religions. The -earliest forms of religion presupposed societies of -spirits or gods. The conduct of the individual was -regulated by his ideas concerning the ways in which -he had pleased or offended the spirits or gods. An -infant was born into a society peopled with human -and spirit beings. The latter were often more -numerous than the former; they frequently were -more feared; and hence were more powerful. The -living people, the departed spirits, and the gods in a -hierarchal order constituted an effective society for -the exercise of many vigorous forms of social -control.</p> - -<p>If pestilence came, it was because the gods had -been offended by some human being. As a result -of the offense of one individual, the whole tribe -was considered to be liable to punishment. Consequently,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">22</span> -the tribe in turn would punish the offending -member and through the use of force and fear -would exert a tremendous power over the conduct -and thought of individuals.</p> - -<p>Primitive people were dominated by custom. -They were subject to the autocracy of the past. -They were hopelessly caught between ancestral -ascendance and current fears. They threaded their -way, mentally, through tantalizingly uncertain and -narrow apertures. They learned the meaning of -obedience, but obedience to a harsh and rigorous -past and a fickle and disconcerting future. Leadership -was drastic and capricious; followership was -frantic and tremulous.</p> - -<p>Some of the incipient social concepts of primitive -peoples have been preserved in the form of -proverbs, maxims, fables, and myths. Many of the -subtler social relationships of life were recognized -by early man. His limited thinking drifted into -simple formulae. His vocabulary was scanty; his -ideas were few. He spoke in conventional sayings. -“Primitive man spoke in proverbs.”</p> - -<p>Many folkthoughts, or primitive conceptions of -social obligations, have been preserved. The early -proverbs of man reveal the beginnings of social -thought. Equally valuable and similar materials -are found in the sayings of the tribes which today -are in a state of arrested development. A few illustrations -of embryonic social thought will be given -here.<a id="FNanchor_II-1" href="#Footnote_II-1" class="fnanchor">II-1</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">23</span></p> - -<p>The first examples will be selected from the folkthoughts -of the Africans of the Guinea Coast. The -proverb, Ashes fly back in the face of him who -throws them, recognizes that evil deeds return upon -the doer, or as moderns declare, Curses come home -to roost. In the saying, Cowries are men, primitive -man roughly but succinctly stated the theory -of the economic determination of human history. It -is cowries, or money, which molds human thought, -determines human evaluations and attitudes, gives -social power, and “makes the man.” An age-long -conception, indicative of a low sense of social -feeling, but possessing great force in society, is -revealed in the dictum, Full-belly child says to -hungry-belly child, “Keep good cheer.” Throughout -human history, the fortunate glutton has always -recommended patience and tranquility to the unfortunate, -hard-working brother. An eminent American -financier of the multi-millionaire class expressed -pity for telephone girls who undergo hard -labor, but declared that their harsh conditions were -what the good Lord had made for them. But how -far has this well-groomed citizen of our century -advanced beyond the “full-belly” social philosophy -of savage man?</p> - -<p>In the observation, A fool of Ika and an idiot -of Iluka meet together to make friends, the African -has noted that friends are persons of similar -types, of similar minds, of similar prejudices, and -that “birds of a feather flock together.” Whether<span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">24</span> -conscious or unconscious, association occurs among -persons of a kind, among fools of Ika and idiots -of Iluka.</p> - -<p>Romantic love, evidently, has always been fickle, -for the African has discovered that “quick loving -a woman means quick not loving a woman.” If -this naïve but shrewd reflection concerning lovemaking -were taken at its real worth at the present -time, it would be crystallized into a federal marriage -law requiring that a license to marry should -be obtained at least fifteen or thirty days before -the marriage could be celebrated.</p> - -<p>A rather keen sense of social injustice is expressed -in the monologue: “The ground-pig said: -‘I do not feel so angry with the man who killed me -as with the man who dashed me on the ground -afterward.’” Here the injustice of striking an individual -when he is down is depicted. Even primitive -man has a sense of sympathy for the defeated -and helpless.</p> - -<p>“Three elders cannot all fail to pronounce the -word <em>ekulu</em> (antelope): one may say <em>ekúlu</em>; another -<em>ekulú</em>; but the third will say, <em>ékulu</em> (which is correct).” -In other words, several heads are better -than one; or, in a multitude of counsellors there is -safety. It was this simple social precept which a -highly individualistic man like Roosevelt used frequently -to the advantage of himself and the nation. -When a perplexing problem would confront President -Roosevelt, he was wont to invite to the White<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">25</span> -House persons whose beliefs were contrary to his -own in order to secure their opinions. He acted -independently, but after taking counsel with several -“elders.”</p> - -<p>In <i>Thinking Black</i>, Daniel Crawford has presented -phases of the colored man’s philosophy.<a id="FNanchor_II-2" href="#Footnote_II-2" class="fnanchor">II-2</a> -While much is individual, more is social philosophy. -Custom imitation prevails. The social philosophy -of the African Negro is summarized in the rule: -Follow your leader. Social precedent, not principle, -is the guide to conduct. If you are a follower, follow -patiently; if you are a leader, lead drastically. -“If thou art an anvil, be patient ... but if thou -art a hammer, strike hard.”</p> - -<p>The African understands the social psychology -of language. He watches the eyes more carefully -than the voice. To him the human eye speaks all -languages under the sun. Mr. Crawford says that -the wary eye of the African “can easily fish news -out of the two deep liquid pools of your eye-balls.” -If your eye says one thing and your tongue another, -then the African “will plump for the verdict -of the eye.”</p> - -<p>The aphorism, There is no pocket in a shroud, -warns the individual against the possibility of taking -his material goods into the next world. To -share with other persons is rated a higher act than -to store from others. He is richest who shares -most. Among the Africans with whom Mr. Crawford -worked, the word for criminal was not applied<span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">26</span> -to the person who had stolen property or who had -taken life, but to the one who eats alone. “The -high crime and misdemeanor of the town is to dine -alone;” the criminal above other criminals is “Mr. -Eat-Alone.” He who refuses to share his food -with those who are less fortunate than himself is -an arch-devil. Such a vice is common among -beasts; it is beneath the dignity of man—according -to the African. When several primitives were -taken to London and shown the wealthy and the -poor sections of that city, they were dumbfounded. -They were utterly unable to understand how any -persons with the slightest spark of human nature -in them could endure to live to themselves in wealth -when in the same city there were the wretched and -prostrated multitudes of Whitechapel and the other -cheerless slums.</p> - -<p>“What baby lion ever trembled at his father’s -roaring?” A few mornings ago, I heard an angry -parent yelling at his son, but the disobedient child -kept on in his own way. I wondered how far this -father had advanced in parental influence and discipline -beyond the stage represented by the African -seer who drew his social images from a lion-frequented -environment. “If a tree has grown up -crooked, it is because no one straightened it when -young.” This statement postulates social responsibility -for juvenile delinquency and even for adult -crime. The underlying principle is the same as -that in the Hebraic injunction: Train up a child<span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">27</span> -in the way he should go; and when he is old, he -will not depart from it. The principle has received -current recognition in the doctrine of contributory -negligence of parents. The modern observation -full of socially dangerous implications, that parents -are blind to the weaknesses of their children, has -its African counterpart: The beetle is a beauty -in the eyes of its mother. A gleam of light is -thrown upon the current discussions concerning -social parasitism by the African’s assertion: The -parasite has no roots.</p> - -<p>The Australian Blackfellow who goes upon a -journey, sometimes takes a handful of mother earth -with him. In this way he testifies to his loyalty to -home, and provides against the rise of lonesomeness -which he will experience during tribal hunts. -His act crudely represents the essence of the concept -of patriotism. A sense of justice is common -to primitive Australians. Among the Whayook of -Australia a man who has wounded a fellow tribesman -is required to present himself to the injured -in order to receive a similar wound.<a id="FNanchor_II-3" href="#Footnote_II-3" class="fnanchor">II-3</a> Among the -Wumbais, a person who is absent when a relative -dies must not speak on his return to camp to anyone -until he has had spears thrown at him.<a id="FNanchor_II-4" href="#Footnote_II-4" class="fnanchor">II-4</a> Spencer -and Gillen report that the Australian primitive -regards any offense as wiped out by a suitable proffer -of atonement.<a id="FNanchor_II-5" href="#missing" class="fnanchor">II-5</a></p> - -<p>The Filipino declares: A piece of green wood -will burn if placed near the fire. In other words,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">28</span> -temptation is a subtle element that ultimately may -destroy even persons who are supposedly temptation-proof. -In the proverb, Boastfulness drives -away wisdom, the Filipino has pointed out that the -desire to make a strong impression upon associates -hinders intellectual progress. The chief danger of -luxury is stated in the saying: He who is raised -in ease, is usually destitute. The leading result of -being financially fortunate is summarized thus: -Easy earning means quick spending. The evils of -hypercriticism are bluntly phrased: The fault-finder -has the biggest faults. The law of social -compensation is stated as follows: You laugh today; -I laugh tomorrow. The organic nature of -society is implied in the truism: The pain of a -finger is the suffering of the whole body. The -need for independent thinking is urged in the declaration: -Whoever believes everything said, has no -mind of his own. On the other hand, the egocentric -mind receives solemn warning in the dictum: -He who despises counsel is on the way to -misfortune. The value of a social spirit is proclaimed -as follows: Kindness is a great capital; -and again: Good deeds are more precious than -gold or silver. A gentle hint of social importance -is given in the formula: Kindness is with kindness -to be paid, not with gold or silver. In these and -related proverbs the earliest social thought of the -Filipino mind is indicated.</p> - -<p>Let us now examine a few ancient Japanese<span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">29</span> -axioms. (1) The mouth of the mass melts gold. -This proverb refers to the fundamental force of -public opinion. (2) The world is like a looking-glass; -if you smile, others also smile. Here is depicted -the elemental character of unconscious imitation. -(3) What the ruler wants, the ruled also -wants. In other words, what the upper classes desire, -the lower classes long for; or, as Tarde has -said: “The superior are imitated by the inferior.” -(4) Three men get together and have knowledge -equivalent to that of Monju (a famous Buddhist -thinker). The African, Filipino, and English -equivalents of this adage have already been given. -All races, apparently, have early observed the -safety which comes from taking counsel. (5) The -net of Heaven is rough, but will never miss one -victim. Our equivalent, of Graeco-Latin origin, is: -The mills of the gods grind slowly, but exceedingly -small. Evil brings its own rewards sooner or later. -The law of retribution cannot be overcome, even -by social manipulations. (6) If one dog barks a -falsehood, ten thousand others spread it as a truth. -In these words, gossip is condemned, and the humanity-wide -tendency of hearsay evidence to gain -social force is pictured. (7) The tongue is but -three inches long, but it can kill a man six feet -high. Again, the vicious nature of gossip is shown. -Further, the severest punishment is not always -physical; it may come from the human tongue. -(8) A man takes a drink; then the drink takes the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">30</span> -man. In this dramatic description, the drinking of -intoxicating liquors is effectively indicted. (9) Applause -is the root of abuse. Even the Japanese -have recognized the force of opinion in influencing -the individual, and of favorable opinion in unduly -expanding the ego. A unique characteristic of -many Japanese proverbs is the fundamental and -deep-moving knowledge of social psychology which -they show. Judged by their proverbs, the Japanese -possess an unusual understanding of human nature.</p> - -<p>Bulgarian proverbs disclose social thought. The -“full-belly” philosophy of the African, or the pig-trough -philosophy that has been analyzed by T. -N. Carver, has its Bulgarian counterpart: The -satiated man cannot believe the hungry man. The -South Slavs are noted for their weddings which -often continue for three days. When these festivities -are over, the bride enters upon a more or less -monotonous round of bearing and rearing children. -These social conditions are aptly described:</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">Dum! Dum! for three days;</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Oh dear! Oh dear! for all days.</div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>Patience is enjoined in the Bulgarian adage: -Endure, O horse, until the time of green grass. -Hope that rises in the heart of man is paid homely -but genuine tribute in the rural Slavic proverb: -The hungry hen dreams of millet.</p> - -<p>The Danes have many sayings which emphasize -social dependence. The individual is instructed:<span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">31</span> -Act so in the valley that you need not fear those -that stand on the hill. The shrewd man is socially -dangerous, for: Cunning has little honor. Gossip -is shown as a swift messenger in the axiom: A -man’s character reaches town before his person. -The most serious result of cheating others is the -effect upon the cheater, or: He is most cheated -who cheats himself. The common character of sin -is recognized in the Danish proverb: He must be -pure who would blame another. Custom is a powerful -agency of control. The Danes command: -Follow the customs, or fly the country.</p> - -<p>The Portuguese have a social saying to the effect: -He buys very dear who begs. The unscientific nature -of love is indicated in the Portuguese declaration: -Love has no law. The frequent antithesis -between money lending and friend making is succinctly -phrased: Money lent, an enemy made.</p> - -<p>A few Arabian proverbs state social ideas. The -laws of human association and imitation can be -found in the following axiom: A wise man associating -with the vicious becomes an idiot; a dog -traveling with good men becomes a rational being. -The strength which comes from unity is forcibly -phrased: Three if they unite against a town will -ruin it. The transforming power of love is recognized: -Love can make any place agreeable. An -idealistic social standard is set for the individual in -the aphorism: It is more noble to pardon than to -punish. On the other hand, mercy may be misplaced:<span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">32</span> -Mercy to the criminal may be cruelty to -the people. The individual must beware of being -an ingrate; he must not permit his selfish desires -to crush out the spirit of gratitude: A tree that -affords thee shade, do not order it cut down. The -omnipresence of envy is understood: Envy assails -the noblest; the winds howl around the highest -peaks. The anti-social tendency of a vicious habit -is well described: A hand accustomed to take is -far from giving. Perhaps the Malthusian advocate -will find solace in the simple dictum: If the sailors -become too numerous, the boat will sink. He who -pleases everybody has done so at the expense of his -own character, or as the Arabs say: He deserves -no man’s good will of whom all men speak well.</p> - -<p>From Ceylon comes the philanthropic request: -When you eat, think of the poor. The Cingalese, -however, recognize the importance of maintaining -the scientific attitude in charity, for they have a -saying: He who gives alms must do it with discretion. -The blighting influence of wealth is stated -in the Cingalese axiom: A covetous man has two -sources of iniquity—how to amass money, and how -to use it.</p> - -<p>Among Mexican proverbs, social ideas are not -missing. The reader will catch the social significance -of the following: (1) A howling cat is not -a good hunter; (2) Everybody can climb up the -limbs of the fallen tree; (3) A rich widow cries -with one eye and rings the wedding bells with the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">33</span> -other; (4) The tongue slow, the eyes quick; (5) -From January to January the bankers have all the -money.</p> - -<p>The illustrations which have been given from -several racial sources will suffice to show the nature -of the earliest social thought of primitive peoples. -By way of comparison, a few social proverbs which -are common among English, Scotch, French, and -German speaking peoples, and which are of various -origins, will be given. It will be unnecessary to -comment upon the social thought which is stated or -implied in these proverbs.</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">That is not lost which a friend gets.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">The shortest road is where the company’s good.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">A man is known by the company he keeps.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Do unto others as you would have others do to you.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">A man who would have friends must show himself friendly.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">One bad example spoils many precepts.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Honesty is the best policy.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">One good turn deserves another.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Birds of a feather flock together.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">As the twig is bent, the tree is inclined.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">People who live in glass houses mustn’t throw stones.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Bare is the gift without the giver.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">What is not good for the swarm is not good for the bee.</div><span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">34</span> - <div class="verse indent0">He laughs best who laughs last.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">To make a happy couple, the husband must be deaf and the wife blind.</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Charity gives itself rich; covetousness hoards itself poor.</div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>The nature of the primitive social thought that -has been preserved through proverbs and sayings -justifies the following observations. (1) Primitive -social thought was exceedingly simple, crude, and -undeveloped. (2) It was uncorrelated and unsystematic. -(3) A classification of the total number -of known proverbs of any primitive people into individual -and social types shows that not more than -ten per cent are social. Primitive thinking was -done in terms of the welfare of the individual himself. -The social thought was commonly of individualistic -origin. A social idea was originally not -suggested for its own sake or disinterestedly, but -for the reason that its observance would enable individuals -to live together more harmoniously and -prosperously. (4) Social proverbs employ figures -of speech. Similes from nature are frequent; physical -analogies are not uncommon. Many of these -figures disclose a rural or bucolic mind. (5) Frequently, -the social proverbs of the various races -pertain to family and community relationships. -The sense of social responsibility does not penetrate -as a rule beyond the small group. The responsibility -of group to group is rarely expressed or implied.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">35</span> -The social vision does not extend to large -groups. (6) A comparative study of primitive social -sayings indicates countless similarities, and testifies -to the uniformity of human experiences and -social needs, irrespective of racial distinctions. -These resemblances do not imply collaboration, collusion, -or imitation. They mean that the needs of -primitive individuals in various and unrelated parts -of the world have everywhere led the human mind -out in search of socially satisfactory explanations. -Primitive thinking produced fundamental social -concepts, such as kinship, authority, dependence, -and tribal loyalty.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">36</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_36"><span class="smcap" id="Chapter_III">Chapter III</span><br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Social Thought of Ancient Civilizations</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>In this chapter the discussion of earliest social -thought will be presented from the standpoint of -the ancient civilizations of Egypt, Babylonia and -Assyria, India, China, and Persia. The evidences -of social thought are meagre and inchoate. Nevertheless, -there are data which cannot be ignored. -Inferential evidence and proverbial references constitute -the main portion of these data.</p> - -<p>(1) The ancient Egyptian social order was -bureaucratic and autocratic. The king was supreme. -With the rise of the Theban hierarchy, -the priestly class came to power and established a -theocratic régime. Then military leaders came -into prominence and overthrew the theocracy of -the priests.</p> - -<p>With the historical rise of Egypt, about 4000 -B. C., the emphasis upon law as the basis of the -social order stands out prominently. The books of -laws early acquired sacred significance. They were -reputed to be of divine and monarchical origins; -they provided courts of justice; and they prescribed -punishments for offenses.</p> - -<p>The social ideas are to be gleaned almost entirely<span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">37</span> -from proverbial sayings. Egyptian scholars refer -to collections of these moral precepts as being of -a practical rather than a systematic philosophical -nature. The most frequently mentioned of the -Egyptian books of proverbs are the Proverbs of -Ptah-hotep, and the Prescriptions of Ani.</p> - -<p>The social order was dominated as a rule by the -king, who was supposed to be divine. The king -and a relatively small number of nobles owned the -land. The large percentage of the people were -serfs and slaves. Throughout ancient Egyptian -history, the middle class must have been weak, and -small in numbers. When the lands passed under -the control of the temple authorities no change occurred -in the social conditions of the masses. The -priests shared the authority with their auxiliaries, -the soldiers. The unprivileged classes included the -farmers, boatmen, mechanics, trades-people, besides -the slaves.<a id="FNanchor_III-1" href="#Footnote_III-1" class="fnanchor">III-1</a></p> - -<p>Egyptian life was rural. Commerce was undeveloped. -Higher education was reserved for the -very few, although it appears that elementary education -was widespread. The priests often used -their educational advantages to prey upon and excite -the superstitions of the people, thereby -strengthening the social control which they enjoyed.</p> - -<p>An anomalous phase of the Egyptian mind was -that it shifted back and forth from a hedonistic -enjoyment of the moment to a serious contemplation -of the future life. Amusements were fostered;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">38</span> -the drinking of intoxicating liquors was extensive, -and music was promoted. The game of draughts -was perhaps the national pastime. The people -were not warriors. They employed mercenaries, -who ultimately became socially powerful.</p> - -<p>Polygamy was countenanced and practised, but -only of course among the wealthy. A relatively -high degree of freedom was granted the women -among the privileged classes. They appeared in -public with their husbands; they publicly engaged -in religious ceremonies; and they were given unusual -property rights. At one time it is reported -that Egyptian women could not only own property, -but could dispose of it as they wished, or could loan -money at interest to their husbands. At another -time the following injunction seems to have been -issued: “Thou shalt never forget thy mother, and -what she has done for thee, that she bore thee, and -nurtured thee in all ways.” Children were enjoined -to obey their parents, to be respectful to -their superiors, and to be reserved. Greatness was -identified with kindness. Justice and kindliness -were urged upon the leaders.<a id="FNanchor_III-2" href="#Footnote_III-2" class="fnanchor">III-2</a></p> - -<p>The belief in the future world claimed a lion’s -share of the attention of the Egyptian. As a result, -sculpture flourished. It was believed that if -the human figure was copied and the copy preserved, -the spirit and the body of the departed person -could be more easily re-united. Architecture -developed, but with the tombs or pyramids and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">39</span> -other monuments as the chief forms. Urban mural -divisions and fortified walls are still to be found -as evidences of Egyptian social institutions.</p> - -<p>It was taught that in the next world the individual -would be held accountable for his deeds in -this life. This belief acted as a powerful social -control; it involved specific social obligations. The -individual must deal openly with his fellowmen. -He must observe the rights of the weaker members -of society. For example, he must not make false -charges against a slave to the master of the slave. -He must show that he has respected the social -rights that were invested in property. From the -moral and social writings of the Egyptian scribes, -it is apparent that in religious matters, the individual -was moved to give thought to his duties as -a citizen and as a neighbor.</p> - -<p>(2) The ancient Babylonian and Assyrian social -order was similar in many ways to Egyptian -civilization. The Babylonian description of a great -deluge resembles the account of the Flood that is -given in the Old Testament, and indicates thought -about morals and social life. Both Babylon and -Assyria developed a religion which was expressed -in terms of the nation-group. The boundaries of -one, with Merodach at the head, and of the other -with Assur in supreme control, marked the national -group divisions. Merodach, it was believed, accompanied -the king in the wars and fought for the -nation. He was concerned entirely, according to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">40</span> -traditions, with the welfare of Babylonia as a population -group.</p> - -<p>The attitude in Babylonian society toward the -institution of slavery was distinctly different from -that in Rome, but similar to the Egyptian practices. -The slave was considered in a more social way than -by the Romans. He was frequently regarded as -one of the family; he could even become a free -member of society. “Slavery was no bar to his -promotion.” Moreover, slavery did not necessarily -imprint a social stigma upon the slave.</p> - -<p>The social rights of women were similar to the -Egyptian customs. The married woman of the -ruling classes possessed definite property rights. -She could use the property that she owned as she -saw fit; she could even bequeath it as she chose. -Her dowry gave her economic independence; it was -her absolute property, which she could bequeath by -will in any way that she desired.</p> - -<p>The earliest well-known Babylonian ruler was -Hammurapi (2124–2081). He is known best -through his famous book of laws, the Code of -Hammurapi. The Code bespeaks for the author -the desire to rule Babylonian society justly. There -are minute regulations of private business and of -labor conditions which give the Code some of the -characteristics of modern mercantilistic thought.</p> - -<p>The Code contains perhaps the earliest forms of -labor legislation that were enacted. Hammurapi -sought through legislation to determine wages for<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">41</span> -different classes of labor. The Code prescribed -severe punishment for anyone who sheltered a runaway -slave. In this and similar ways, property -rights were protected and human elements subordinated. -It was not until the Deuteronomic Code -was written that the rights of labor received legislative -recognition.</p> - -<p>Hammurapi stood for a paternalistic control of -society. His idea of justice was literally that of -an eye for an eye. “If a man has caused the loss -of a patrician’s eye, his eye shall one cause to be -lost.”<a id="FNanchor_III-3" href="#Footnote_III-3" class="fnanchor">III-3</a> Justice, moreover, was subject to the law -of social gradation. An offense against a man of -lower rank might be atoned by paying money. “If -a man has caused a poor man to lose his eye, he -shall pay one mina of silver.”<a id="FNanchor_III-4" href="#Footnote_III-4" class="fnanchor">III-4</a> Additional light is -thrown on the concept of justice by other passages -from the Code, especially by this one: “If a builder -has built a house for a man and has not made strong -his work, and the house he has built has fallen, -and he has caused the death of the owner of the -house, that builder shall be put to death.”<a id="FNanchor_III-5" href="#Footnote_III-5" class="fnanchor">III-5</a></p> - -<p>The intellectual progress and the inventions of -the Babylonians are indicative of social status. The -development along artistic lines, particularly in -architecture and sculpture, must have exerted an -indirect but important social influence. Significant -advances in surgery had been made preceding the -reign of Hammurapi. In medicine, however, the -demonic theory of the causes of disease enslaved<span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">42</span> -the people.</p> - -<p>The Assyrians, who lived to the north of the -Babylonians, were less social in type. They were -little concerned about the future life; their religion -was relatively undeveloped. The Assyrian artists -gave their attention chiefly to the king, the court, -and to war. They reproduced in artistic form the -king and the soldier, but ignored the life and customs -of the people.</p> - -<p>(3) When we turn to early East Indian records, -we find a higher development of social ideals -than among any peoples which have thus far been -considered. In the Vedic documents there is considerable -evidence of communal life and of a remarkable -degree of social spirit and brotherliness. -In the East Indian account of a Deluge—similar to -the Deluge that is described in Genesis—there is a -conception of punishment that falls upon the group -because of the sins of individuals. Sacrifice, among -the Vedic believers, had acquired a positive social -function. It was considered as a social act, in -which the worshipper and the god took part. The -food strengthened the god and the spiritual contact -strengthened the worshiper. Hence mutual sympathy -was generated.</p> - -<p>With the rise of Brahmanism, the caste system -developed. It divided society. It gave structure -to the concept that some people are naturally—and -artificially—superior to other people. In the laws -of Manu, several social concepts are broached. The<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">43</span> -nature of marriage and the duties of a householder -are explained. The duties of a woman are prescribed. -The nature of private and public law is -noteworthy, and the recognition of the obligation -of one caste to another in times of distress marks -the beginning of a reaction against the caste system. -It was considered possible for an individual -to fall from a caste to the one below, but not for -an individual to rise in caste. The moral standards -for individuals reached a level comparable to those -represented in certain of the teachings of Jesus. -For example, notice this instruction:</p> - -<p>Let him patiently bear hard words, let him not -insult anybody, nor become anybody’s enemy for -the sake of this perishable body. Against an angry -man let him not in return show anger; let him bless -when he is cursed.</p> - -<p>Buddhism inaugurated a set of social ideas which -involved the abolition of the caste system. In the -fourth of the “Four Noble Truths” the principles -which are formulated, are partly of social import. -Commendation is extended to right speech—speech -that is friendly, and sincere toward others. The requirements -include right conduct—conduct which -is peaceable and honorable toward other persons. -Stress is placed upon right means of securing livelihood—methods -which do not involve the injury or -the taking of life. There are types of modern business -enterprise that are extolled in our Christian -America which would fall under the ban of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">44</span> -“Noble Truths” in pagan India.</p> - -<p>Among the “ten commandments” of Buddha, -eight represent social ideas and obligations:</p> - -<p>(1) Not to kill any living being.</p> - -<p>(2) Not to take that which is not given (not to -steal).</p> - -<p>(3) To refrain from adultery.</p> - -<p>(4) To speak no untruth (not to lie to other -people).</p> - -<p>(5) To abstain from intoxicating liquors.</p> - -<p>(6) Not to slander.</p> - -<p>(7) Not to covet.</p> - -<p>(8) Not to be angry.</p> - -<p>Buddha taught that hatred is to be repaid by -love, that life is to be filled with kindness and compassion, -that the widest toleration is to be practised. -The teachings of Buddha engendered a delicate -social consciousness regarding the relation of the -individual to his fellows. The precepts were strong -enough to break down rigid class barriers. The -underlying conception was broadly human.</p> - -<p>Additional light is thrown on the social thought -of Buddha by the following sayings which are credited -to him:</p> - -<p>Pity and sympathy is the Buddha’s mind.</p> - -<p>Pity to his parents is the Supreme Law.</p> - -<p>Honesty is the Paradise of the Bodhisattva.</p> - -<p>O my Disciples, flee from fornication, know how -to be content with your own wife, and do not even -for a single moment lust after another woman.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">45</span></p> - -<p>A state without a ruler is like a body without a -head; it cannot exist very long.</p> - -<p>The king looks upon his subjects with a heart of -mercy, as if they were his children; and the people -regard the king as their father.</p> - -<p>If there is no Buddha in the world, be good to -your parents; for to be good to one’s parents is to -minister unto Buddha.</p> - -<p>Nursing a sick man is the great field where the -righteous tree of mind grows.</p> - -<p>Even a strong man cannot lift himself.</p> - -<p>Ten people have ten colors (opinions).</p> - -<p>The paint which is painted by ten fingers (men) -is accurate. (In the multitude of counsellors there -is safety.)</p> - -<p>The sayings of Buddha may be summed up in -the statement that, like many of the teachings of -Jesus, they accent the gentle virtues and the passive -traits of a people bearing a yoke against which they -are powerless to revolt, the virtues of obedience, -respect to those in authority, long-suffering, patience, -even resignation.</p> - -<p>(4) The social thought of early China can best -be gleaned from the writings of Confucius. This -scholar was not a reformer or a religious leader, -but primarily a conserver. He was interested in -civil and political affairs. His books reflect not his -own ideas, for his originality was not great, but -the concepts which had been worked out before his -time. In the <i>Li Ki</i>, or Record of Rites, there are<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">46</span> -many social and domestic precepts. In a way the -<i>Li Ki</i>, “the Chinamen’s manual of conduct,” is a -treatise on social as well as individual ethics. -Around the family group, Chinese social ideas revolved. -On the death of his mother, Confucius, -for example, went into seclusion for twenty-seven -months. On sacrificial occasions the living members -and the departed spirits of the household were -accustomed to gather in one filial communal group. -The welfare of the individual was completely subordinated -to the interests of the family group of -spirits.</p> - -<p>The Chinese worship, or honor, their ancestors. -The worship of the past has paralyzed new thought. -Custom imitation has ruled and tradition has been -reverenced.</p> - -<p>Marriage receives special attention, but the arrangements -are made by parents or “go-betweens.” -Socially, the sexes do not intermingle. The parents -exercise complete control over the children; -the mother bears a considerable portion of the burdens -of parental discipline. Filial piety is the cardinal -virtue. Although polygamy is discountenanced, -concubinage is permitted. The sexes dress -very much alike, except in headdress and footgear. -The style of wearing apparel is not only simple and -aesthetic, but it “minimizes the visible distinctions -of sex.”</p> - -<p>Confucius, or Kung-fu-tsze, believed in the efficacy -of setting good examples. Imitation would<span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">47</span> -then accomplish the desired results. By these methods, -Confucius expected that society would be improved. -Fundamental principles of a stable social -order, more than of social progress, were in the -mind of Confucius. He conceived of the universe -as a perfect order. Likewise, he thought of the -state as a perfect social order. Confucius urged -that the individual strive for perfection. According -to the Confucian doctrine of the Superior Man, -the individual should master his own passions and -desires, substituting an enjoyment of music, ceremony, -and of friendship, for the enjoyment that -comes from the exercise of the bodily passions. -He should seek salvation through the study of -nature and of things. Moral character and intelligence -if accompanied by bravery will produce the -highest type of personality.</p> - -<p>In Chinese social thought the family and state -were early recognized as the two leading institutions -in society. In the civil organization it is -worth while to note the <em>hien</em>, or city district. The -<em>hien</em> has been pronounced “the real unit of Chinese -corporate life”; and the <em>hien</em> magistrate, “the heart -and soul of all official life.” Since this magistrate -keeps closely in touch with the masses, he is called -by the people “the father and mother officer.” The -<em>hien</em> contains some of the germ ideas of democracy; -it emphasizes local self-government.</p> - -<p>The ancient laws were elaborate, giving an unusual -degree of power to the judges. Although<span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">48</span> -customs ruled, the judges often possessed a liberal -margin of freedom in determining the nature of -punishments. Contrary to Western procedure, the -Chinese consider an accused man as guilty until -proved otherwise. Excessive corporate punishment -is deplored.<a id="FNanchor_III-6" href="#Footnote_III-6" class="fnanchor">III-6</a> Confucius objected to the maintenance -of a government by the use of fear and of -coercive measures. He predicted that capital punishment -(even in a land ruled by custom) would be -abolished in a hundred years.</p> - -<p>The ideas of peace and harmonious social relationships -have long held sway in China. Militarism -has been scorned, and war held in contempt. It is -ironical that as China begins to function as a world -power in contact with Western and Christian nations, -she is compelled to find her chief defense in -an uncivilized and unChristian militarism.</p> - -<p>Sympathy is a fundamental concept among the -Chinese. Unfortunately, it has been instrumental -in producing a highly specialized and professionalized -class of beggars. Industry and patience are -characteristic social virtues. Lao-tse, the founder -of Taoism and a contemporary of Confucius, -taught the social precept: Recompense injury with -kindness. Confucius, who disagreed, taught that -kindness should be paid with kindness, and injury -with injury. This conception led Confucius -to formulate his golden rule of human conduct: -Do not do to others what you would not have others -do to you.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">49</span></p> - -<p>Obedience to authority has been for centuries a -cardinal social principle of the Chinese. It was -enunciated by Confucius, who spoke as a representative -of the ruling classes. In stressing obedience -to temporal authorities and in shunning the -gods, Confucius has been accused of fostering a -materialistic philosophy. This charge is partly offset -by his ethical teachings. Confucius was a humanitarian -rather than a materialist; he was a -utilitarian rather than an idealist. In these attitudes -he reflects not his own opinions so much as the -thought of the generations which preceded him.</p> - -<p>Mencius, who lived shortly after Confucius, was -an environmentalist in the sense that he believed -that external evil influences have corrupted man’s -original good nature. On the other hand, Mencius -urged progress through regeneration of the heart. -Mencius was a more thoroughgoing humanist than -Confucius, for he made the happiness of the people -the supreme goal for the individual. He condemned -war and warriors alike and declared that -generals are criminals. He asserted that it is -wrong to conquer a territory against the will of the -people of that territory.</p> - -<p>Additional sidelights upon early Chinese social -thought are afforded by the following social proverbs -of ancient Chinese origin:</p> - -<p>If a cat cries after eating the mouse, this is false -sympathy.</p> - -<p>Follow good, learn good; follow beggar, learn to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">50</span> -beg.</p> - -<p>Gentlemen use heart; lesser men use strength.</p> - -<p>New clothes but old friends are good.</p> - -<p>Within the four seas all are brothers.</p> - -<p>If two people were 1000 miles apart and be like-minded, -they will come together; if they sit opposite -one another and are not like-minded there will be -no mutual acquaintance.</p> - -<p>Speak language fitting to station of man you -meet.</p> - -<p>All under heaven is one home.</p> - -<p>Although a man is away from home, his heart is -there.</p> - -<p>The big fish eat the little ones, the little ones eat -the shrimps, and the shrimps are forced to eat mud -(applied to the classes of society who pay taxes).</p> - -<p>He who praises me on all occasions is a fool who -despises me or a knave who wishes to cheat me.</p> - -<p>Govern thyself, and you will be able to govern -the world.</p> - -<p>The hearts of the people are the only legitimate -foundations of an empire.</p> - -<p>By nature all men are alike; but by education, -widely different.</p> - -<p>For the sake of one good action, a hundred evil -ones should be forgotten.</p> - -<p>To forget one’s ancestors is to be a brook without -a source, a tree without a root.</p> - -<p>Rogues differ little; each began first as a disobedient -son.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">51</span></p> - -<p>Of all man’s actions, there is none greater than -filial piety.</p> - -<p>When they saw an old man, people walking or -driving gave him the road. Men who had white -hairs mingling with the black did not carry burdens -along the highways (care for the aged).</p> - -<p>When the man of high station is well instructed, -he loves men; when the man of low station is well -instructed, he is easily ruled.</p> - -<p>Three friendships are advantageous: friendship -with the upright, friendship with the sincere, and -friendship with the man of observation. Three are -injurious: friendship with a man of spurious airs, -friendship with the insinuatingly soft, and friendship -with the glib-tongued.</p> - -<p>Who taught you politeness? The impolite.</p> - -<p>To be a successful monarch, one must be a just -monarch.</p> - -<p>Of the different peoples which have thus far been -considered, the Chinese have furnished the most -elaborate degree of social thought. While the social -ideals of the Chinese are largely unsystematic, -they accent the family and the state as essential -social institutions. They also reveal even a significant -conception of world brotherliness. The -Chinese have probably created more social proverbs -than any other people, past or present. For the -stage of civilization that is represented by proverbs -and sayings, the social thought of the Chinese is -unsurpassed. In this regard the Chinese have but<span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">52</span> -one close competitor, the ancient Hebrews.</p> - -<p>(5) The Persians, who after their defeat by -Alexander the Great in 331 B. C. have been credited -with having turned over the torch of civilization -to the Greeks, made a contribution to social -thought similar to that of the other ancient peoples. -Under Cyrus the Great, Darius, and Xerxes a system -of state education was fostered which was designed -chiefly to train soldiers. It did not stress -social and intellectual development, although it existed -in a land that produced the Magi. The individuals -who were not in the army received slight -educational benefits.</p> - -<p>It is in the teachings of Zoroaster of the sixteenth -century B. C. that we first find the main -trend of Persian social thought. The Zend Avesta, -the document from which Zoroasterism and the -modern Parsee religion have evolved, emphasizes -the principle of kindliness in all important human -relationships. Sanitation, business honesty, and -chastity in family relationships are taught.</p> - -<p>The ancient Hebrews and the Greeks each made -such large contributions to social thought that separate -chapters will be devoted to these peoples. In -a summary of the social thought of the Egyptians, -Babylonians and Assyrians, East Indians, Chinese, -and Persians, it may be said that there is a rather -uniform emphasis upon the elemental virtues, particularly -upon kindliness. While the individual’s -salvation is given prominence, the individual is<span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">53</span> -urged to be socially considerate and to cultivate -sympathetic relationships with the gods and with -his fellow human beings.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">54</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_54"><span class="smcap" id="Chapter_IV">Chapter IV</span><br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Social Thought of the Hebrews</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>Ancient Egyptian, Babylonian and Assyrian, -East Indian, Chinese, and Persian records disclose -a set of elemental and yet more or less passive social -backgrounds against which the social ideals of -the Hebrew prophets shine forth like stars of the -first magnitude. The Pentateuch and the writings -of the Hebrew wise men are rich in gleams of a -social spirit, while the Hebrew prophets, notably, -Amos, Hosea, Isaiah, and Jeremiah, uttered flaming -indictments of social evils.</p> - -<p>The Hebrews stood head and shoulders above -their contemporaries in social thinking. They left -a series of historical documents, covering several -centuries and revealing a specific evolution in social -concepts. They expressed the fundamentals from -which Christian social thought developed, and from -which much of the ethical and social thinking -of Western civilization on its practical side has -evolved.</p> - -<p>The social thought of the Hebrews was born of -group suffering. Through the mists of the earliest -Hebrew traditions we discern that conflicts occurred -in the Euphrates Valley which sent Abraham<span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">55</span> -out on his perilous journey toward unknown -and hostile Canaan. The gaunt spectre, famine, -brought distress to the household of the domestic-loving -Abraham and drove him to Egypt where he -sojourned for a time. Abram, exalted father, or -Abraham, father of a multude, became the founder -in a sense of three world religions, for to him -Judaism, Christianity, and Mohammedanism trace -their origins.</p> - -<p>Throughout the years of migration, exile, and -suffering, Abraham maintained his religious faith -and belief. By means of his simple religion he was -able to interpret sanely the troubles and conflicts of -life. Out of suffering interpreted religiously, -Abraham developed a remarkably well-balanced and -social personality. From this beginning, Hebrew -social thought evolved. Ultimately, Israel created -social concepts which has won for her the distinction -of being “the leading social teacher of the -human race.”<a id="FNanchor_IV-1" href="#Footnote_IV-1" class="fnanchor">IV-1</a></p> - -<p>As a social entity the Hebrews were the result of -“a titanic social struggle;” they arose out of an industrial -crisis. The scene was laid in Egypt. The -descendants of Jacob were working long hours with -little pay, as slaves, and under harsh social conditions. -One of their number, more favored than the -rest by heredity and environment, saw a Hebrew -workman being beaten by an Egyptian “boss.” The -favored one, Moses, felt the surging passions of -social injustice rising within his breast—and he<span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">56</span> -slew the boss. Moses thereby became the founder -of the world’s labor movement. By an act of violence -in the impassioned days of youth, Moses became -“a social agitator”; by years of patient service -of his people in the name of Jehovoh, he became -one of the world’s greatest social seers.</p> - -<p>Rameses II was “an unprincipled captain of industry.” -He was haughty, hard-hearted, and without -social conscience. Moses was sympathetic, -socially sensitive, and keenly religious. Rameses II -was a leading representative of an ancient aristocracy; -Moses was the first great exponent of an incipient -democracy, and “the first man in history -with a well-developed social consciousness.”</p> - -<p>According to the Exodus record Moses, as the -murderer of an Egyptian boss, felt no qualms of -conscience, but he did fear the mighty Pharaoh. At -that time in history it was a minor matter to kill -a slave; but to have killed a boss was vastly different. -The slave represented weakness; the boss was -the official representative of political and financial -power. Consequently, Moses fled the country. In -Egypt he was helpless, and in danger of losing his -life. He fled to Midian.</p> - -<p>In Midian, Moses pondered over the economic -and social injustices to which his people were being -subjected. He communed with God, from whom he -received the motive power to correct a gigantic -social wrong. His vision of Jehovah gave him the -conviction that Jehovah is a God of justice and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">57</span> -mercy who understands social and industrial evils -and sympathizes with the socially defeated classes. -Moses reports this remarkable social message from -Jehovah:</p> - -<p>“I have surely seen the affliction of my people -that are in Egypt, and have heard their cry of -anguish because of their taskmasters, for I know -their sorrows, and I am come down to deliver them -out of the power of the Egyptians.”<a id="FNanchor_IV-2" href="#Footnote_IV-2" class="fnanchor">IV-2</a></p> - -<p>In other words, against the union of great wealth -and political power in the hands of an unjust man, -God revolted, and God said to Moses: “Rescue this -Israelitish people from the heels of autocracy.” -Moses conceived of Jehovah as a God who is “full -of sympathy for the afflicted and dependent and -ever eager to champion their cause against cruel -oppression.” Moses’ conception of Jehovah as a -socially spirited God is unique for that day in -human history. God is described as a lover of -justice and even a lover of mankind. When God -speaks, it is usually in terms of democracy. The -first social teachings of the Old Testament, considered -chronologically, are those against social and -industrial oppression.</p> - -<p>A momentous conflict ensued. Fired by the -promises and presence and power of Jehovah, -Moses journeyed back to Egypt. He proceeded to -organize the first labor strike known to mankind. -Thereupon, the angry Pharaoh commanded the -workers to make brick without straw. And when<span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">58</span> -the workers cried out against the impositions and -burdens, the agents of “the first great captains of -industry” taunted the workers and cried at them: -“Ye are idle, ye are idle.” But God and Moses won -against the hosts of autocracy and plutocracy. The -workers were freed.</p> - -<p>Out of these struggles the Hebrew nation took -form. Group loyalty, or patriotism, became a conscious -Hebrew concept. The idea of kinship was -supplemented by an appreciation of the meaning of -national life. Furthermore, a sense of social and -economic justice received a clear-cut and positive -human expression and divine approval. For the -first time the social problem was defined.</p> - -<p>The major social chord which the Hebrew -prophets kept vibrating was justice. Some of the -recurring interpretations of the needs of the hour -were: Let justice roll down like waters; Rulers -shall govern in justice; Hear, I pray you, ye heads -of Israel, is it not for you to know justice?</p> - -<p>The Hebrew word for the English “justice” is -<em>mishpat</em>. It is used in various senses, such as, -justice, order, law, right, legal right. Amos wanted -<em>mishpat</em> established in the land. Micah asserted -that Jehovah requires the individual to do <em>mishpat</em>, -and to love kindness, and to walk humbly with his -God. Isaiah urged the people to do well and to seek -<em>mishpat</em>; he pronounced woe upon those who turned -aside the needy from <em>mishpat</em>; he declared Jehovah -to be a God of <em>mishpat</em>. Jeremiah made plain that<span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">59</span> -Jehovah exercises mercy and <em>mishpat</em> among the -people.</p> - -<p>Amos protested vigorously against special class -privileges. He denounced the wealthy classes because -of their social arrogance and economic injustice. -In describing them, he points out a fundamental -principle of social procedure. By their repression -of those who are protesting, they “are -heaping up violence”; that is, autocratic repression -will never right injustice, but will foster ultimate -revolution. Amos charged the rulers and all persons -in positions of social power with the primary -obligation of seeing that the poor and the outcast -are protected from exploitation. What satire in a -day when rulers were noted for their exploitation -of the weak social classes!</p> - -<p>A special responsibility rests upon judges. Amos -severely arraigned all who turn judgment to wormwood -and cast righteousness to the ground. Anathemas -were heaped upon the takers of bribes, especially -if they sit in places of public authority and -wear the robes of law and patriotism. Hot denunciation -fell also upon the private doer of injustice; -upon the merchant who makes smaller the measure -and perverts the false balances; upon all who trample -in any way upon the needy, who trample on the -head of the poor, who sell the righteous for silver, -who turn aside the way of the humble.<a id="FNanchor_IV-3" href="#Footnote_IV-3" class="fnanchor">IV-3</a> The concept -of justice was vividly defined by Amos. Moreover, -the shepherd prophet of Tekoa had the courage<span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">60</span> -and ability to make the concept clear to all who -would listen to him. Amos spoke for justice on -the throne, on the judge’s bench, in the activities of -the wealthy, in the transactions of merchants, and -in the daily dealings of individuals with one another.</p> - -<p>The campaign against injustice is carried forward -by the first Isaiah, the statesman and orator. -In the Kingdom of Judah, Isaiah found the same -social evils that Amos had earlier preached against -in the Northern kingdom. The boldness of his -attack is startling:</p> - -<p>Thy princes are rebellious, and companions of -thieves: everyone loveth gifts, and followeth after -rewards: they judge not the fatherless, neither does -the cause of the widow come unto them.<a id="FNanchor_IV-4" href="#Footnote_IV-4" class="fnanchor">IV-4</a></p> - -<p>Then Isaiah enters upon perhaps the most open, -daring, and indignant challenge to doers of social -iniquity that is to be found anywhere:</p> - -<p>Ye have eaten of the vineyard; the spoil of the -poor is in your houses. What mean ye that ye beat -my people to pieces, and grind the faces of the -poor?<a id="FNanchor_IV-5" href="#Footnote_IV-5" class="fnanchor">IV-5</a></p> - -<p>After the manner of Amos, Isaiah protested vigorously -against the judges and officers of the law -who for a bribe vindicate the wicked and deprive -the innocent man of his innocence. He denounced -in no doubtful language the scribes who devote -themselves to writing oppression, who turn aside -the dependent from securing justice, who prevent<span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">61</span> -Jehovah’s followers from receiving honest treatment, -who prey upon widows and despoil orphans. -Special condemnation was heaped upon those who -set up iniquitous decrees.</p> - -<p>Isaiah was a forerunner in an indirect sense of -Henry George, for he vehemently rebuked land -monopolists. His new principle is contained in a -pronouncement of woes upon the persons who join -house to house and add field to field, until there is -no land left except for the monopolist who dwells -as a lord over all. Isaiah protested against social -injustice not only because of the harmful effects -upon the individual but also because of the destructive -and enervating national results.</p> - -<p>After the fashion of Amos and Isaiah, Micah -conceived of Jehovah as a just God. Micah depicts -the social injustice of his day in terms of the -persons who hate the good and love the evil, who -pluck off the skin of the weak, even the flesh from -the bones of Jehovah’s followers; “who also eat the -flesh of my people, and flay their skin from off -them; and they break their bones, and chop them -in pieces, as for the pot, and as flesh within the -caldron.”<a id="FNanchor_IV-6" href="#Footnote_IV-6" class="fnanchor">IV-6</a></p> - -<p>Micah unhesitatingly condemns the priests who -are giving oracles for a reward, and the prophets -who are divining for silver and who are trusting -in Jehovah to protect them. Micah was perhaps -the first person to describe the activities of the -criminaloid which have been so carefully analyzed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">62</span> -by Professor E. A. Ross. He grasped the concept -of the social sinner who keeps within the law. He -attacked wealthy landowners who crush the small -holders; he spared neither high officials, nor priests. -He presented his social concepts with precision and -effectiveness.</p> - -<p>The invectives against social injustice are carried -into the teachings of Jeremiah. They appear later -in the Deuteronomic Code. The Psalmists deprecated -injustice. The wisdom teachers uttered profound -warnings on the subject. The writer of Job -deplored injustice. Throughout the Old Testament -the almost countless references justify the conclusion -that justice is the leading social concept which -is presented by ancient Hebrew thought.</p> - -<p>The Old Testament parallels its denunciation of -unjust social relationships with diatribes against -luxury. The evil effects of great riches are again -and again described. Amos boldly pointed the -finger of scorn at the idle rich, at those who “lie -upon beds of ivory and stretch themselves upon -their couches.”</p> - -<p>The possession of vast wealth has usually been -considered by those persons who are immediately -concerned as an expression of divine favor. Amos -exposed the fallacies in this belief, commanded the -owners of wealth to assume social responsibility, -and instantly to cease their unholy practices of securing -gain.</p> - -<p>Isaiah united with Amos in treating the possession<span class="pagenum" id="Page_63">63</span> -of wealth not as a matter of favor or luck, -but as a social trust. With one stroke Jeremiah -tore off the gilded frame from about the life of -the self-indulgent, luxury-loving King Jehoiakim. -What powerful and autocratic monarch was ever -charged with indulging in luxury in such relentless -and uncompromising language as this?</p> - -<p>Woe unto him that buildeth his house by unrighteousness, -and his chambers by injustice....</p> - -<p>Shalt thou reign, because thou closest thyself -in cedar?...</p> - -<p>But thine eyes and thine heart are not but for thy -covetousness, and for to shed innocent blood, and -for oppression, and for violence, to do it.</p> - -<p>The ways of the dishonest rich are vividly described -by Jeremiah. They set snares and catch -people with lying. Their houses are full of evidences -of their crooked dealings. They maintain -themselves in luxury despite wanton expenditures -by violating the needs of the fatherless and the -needy.</p> - -<p>Zephaniah was no less direct in pointing out the -dangers in wealth. He declared that ill-gotten gains -shall themselves become a prey and that the houses -of the sinful rich shall become desolate. All their -silver and their gold shall not be able to deliver -them from their ultimate desolation.</p> - -<p>In a beautiful and effective style the Wisdom -writer in Proverbs unconsciously sums up the Old -Testament philosophy concerning wealth:</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_64">64</span></p> - -<p>Labor not to become rich; cease from thine own -wisdom. Wilt thou set thine eyes upon that which -is not? For riches certainly make themselves -wings; they fly away as an eagle toward heaven.</p> - -<p>The Old Testament with surprising uniformity -supports the cause of labor. The welfare of the -slave is frequently espoused. According to the -Deuteronomic Code a runaway slave who was -caught did not necessarily need to be returned to -his owner. In fact, a person who harbored such -a slave was expressly enjoined not to return him. -By this injunction the rights of property and vested -interests in slaves were ignored. Such an attitude -was in opposition to the Code of Hammurapi and -to the codes of vested interests throughout history. -Slavery, however, was a well-established institution -among the ancient Hebrews.<a id="FNanchor_IV-8" href="#Footnote_IV-8" class="fnanchor">IV-8</a></p> - -<p>Although the law book of Hammurapi fixed the -wages of laborers, the Old Testament law book restricted -the hours of labor. Not only is the master -to limit his labor to six days a week, but he is commanded -to see that his slaves, male and female, do -not work more than six days. Modern industry, -even twentieth century manufacturing enterprise -in the United States, has been persistently violating -the labor rules of the Hebrew law-givers. Employers -are commanded not to take advantage of poor -and needy hired servants. They shall not oppress -labor simply because they are powerful and labor -is weak. Even the poor immigrant laborer is not<span class="pagenum" id="Page_65">65</span> -to be exploited!</p> - -<p>The first legislation in behalf of immigrants is -found in Deuteronomy. Employers must respect -the needs of alien workers. The foreigner shall not -be oppressed. In the ordinary dealings between -citizens and foreigners, justice must not be perverted. -The Hebrew law makers even went so far -as to issue the command: Love ye therefore the -strangers, for ye were strangers in the land of -Egypt.</p> - -<p>The institution of marriage is early accented in -the Old Testament. In the second chapter of Genesis -divine approval is placed upon marriage. In -accordance with biological and social needs the institution -of marriage is made sacred. Although -the Hebrews are noted for their emphasis upon the -responsibility of children to parents, the husband is -ordered to forsake his father and his mother and -cleave unto his wife. A man’s obligation to his -helpmate exceeds even his obligations to his father -and mother.</p> - -<p>The concept of a long-suffering, patient husband -is extensively elaborated in the teachings of Hosea. -This prophet of the eighth century, B. C., demonstrated -the sanctity of the marriage relation by remaining -true to it even after his wife bore children -of whom he was not the father. It is remarkable -that Hosea should not have divorced his wife at -once when he learned of her unfaithfulness to the -marriage vow. Hosea taught, by example, that<span class="pagenum" id="Page_66">66</span> -divorce should be the last resort after all the means -of love have been used in trying to win back the -erring partner.</p> - -<p>The description of Hosea’s domestic difficulties, -whether allegorical or not, is an early protest -against the double standard of morals for man and -woman. The attitude of people in modern society -who blame and shun the fallen woman but permit -the guilty man to continue to enjoy the company of -respectable men and women is vigorously challenged -by Hosea.</p> - -<p>The last word against sex immorality was pronounced -by Hosea. His description of the effects -of widespread sex immorality is brief but incisive.</p> - -<p>Whoredom and wine and new wine take away -the heart.</p> - -<p>Their glory shall fly away like a bird, from the -birth, and from the womb, and from the conception.</p> - -<p>Their root is dried up, they shall bear no fruit.</p> - -<p>In the Deuteronomic laws we find the duties of -parents to children and of children to parents carefully -outlined. Parents, primarily, are made responsible -for moral and religious education in the -home; and children are under obligations to obey -their parents. This teaching is summed up in the -injunction:<a id="FNanchor_IV-10" href="#Footnote_IV-10" class="fnanchor">IV-10</a> Honor thy father and thy mother, -that thy days may be long upon the land which the -Lord thy God giveth thee; and in the imprecation: -Whoso curseth his father or his mother, his lamp<span class="pagenum" id="Page_67">67</span> -shall be put out in obscure darkness.<a id="FNanchor_IV-11" href="#Footnote_IV-11" class="fnanchor">IV-11</a></p> - -<p>The Wisdom writers dwell at considerable length -upon the proper relationships of husbands and -wives and of parents and children. They point the -finger of shame at the quarrelsome woman. They -warn against the woman whose chief asset is her -beauty. A virtuous wife is a crown to her husband, -but an immoral wife is as rottenness in his -bones.<a id="FNanchor_IV-12" href="#Footnote_IV-12" class="fnanchor">IV-12</a></p> - -<p>The Wisdom teachers do not minimize the importance -of parental discipline. On occasion parents -must act with force. Correction of children -is commanded. The situation is pictured in the following -language:<a id="FNanchor_IV-13" href="#Footnote_IV-13" class="fnanchor">IV-13</a></p> - -<p>The word and reproof give wisdom; but a child -left to himself bringeth his mother to shame.</p> - -<p>In other words, it is necessary that parents assume -a positive, definite attitude in regard to child -nurture. They must see that their children are -actually trained in the ways in which they should -go. Even the loving parent must sometimes show -his affection for his child by chastising the child. -Only by such a procedure do children grow up to -be a comfort to parents in their old age.</p> - -<p>On the other hand the child must assume his -share of responsibility. It is the part of wisdom -for children to receive willingly the instruction that -parents can give. The wise son loves parental advice. -He listens gladly to his father; he does not -despise his mother’s counsels.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_68">68</span></p> - -<p>It has already been intimated that the Old Testament -writers frequently stress the importance of -high standards of conduct for women. Amos rebuked -the wives of nobles and the wealthy who -fritter away their best impulses in idleness and -sinful living and who dissipate their deepest instincts -in debauchery. Amos and Isaiah agreed, apparently, -that a nation’s welfare depends on the -attitudes of its women. The wrath of God will fall -upon women who are haughty, who walk with heads -held high and with wanton glances, who go tripping -along, “making a tinkling with their feet.”</p> - -<p>The anti-social character of sin was pointed out -in Genesis. Cain was the first to raise naïvely and -blandly the question: Am I my brother’s keeper? -Sinful living narrows the soul, increases selfishness, -and vitiates a genuine social attitude. Sinning is -repudiating social responsibility. Amos advanced -the idea that selfish living was nothing less than disloyalty -to one’s country. To dissipate one’s energy -is to undermine one’s usefulness to his country.</p> - -<p>Intemperance was deplored. Isaiah has been -called the first temperance reformer of the world. -His impassioned and classic utterances are well represented -by the following lines:<a id="FNanchor_IV-14" href="#Footnote_IV-14" class="fnanchor">IV-14</a></p> - -<p>Woe unto them that rise up early in the morning -that they may follow strong drink; that continue -until night, till wine inflame them.</p> - -<p>Isaiah warned especially the priests and prophets -of the evils of intemperance. Wine will swallow<span class="pagenum" id="Page_69">69</span> -them up, it will put them out of the way, it will -cause them to err in wisdom and to stumble in judgment.</p> - -<p>In both Leviticus and Numbers the danger that -lurks in the wine cup is recognized. The special -servants of Jehovah are commanded to separate -themselves from wine and strong drink. In Proverbs -the Wisdom writer declares:<a id="FNanchor_IV-15" href="#Footnote_IV-15" class="fnanchor">IV-15</a> Wine is a -mocker, strong drink is raging and whoever is -deceived thereby is not wise. The same authority -admonishes rulers and judges not to drink wine -lest they forget the law and pervert the judgment -of the afflicted. On the other hand, a reversion to -a lower standard is made in Proverbs when the -legitimacy of giving strong drink to the poor and -miserable is recognized, so that they may forget -their poverty and misery.<a id="FNanchor_IV-16" href="#Footnote_IV-16" class="fnanchor">IV-16</a> The general teaching, -however, is that strong drink leads to social inefficiency -and the disintegration of human personalities.</p> - -<p>The cities of refuge represent a new social idea. -A person who has taken life without intention may -flee to and find protection in the cities of refuge. -The altar and the sanctuary are designated as places -to which persons may flee who are not wilful murderers.<a id="FNanchor_IV-17" href="#Footnote_IV-17" class="fnanchor">IV-17</a></p> - -<p>The social concept of democracy occupies an interesting -place in the Old Testament literature. In -the days of Abraham the kinship group prevailed. -Within this group there were many households,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_70">70</span> -ruled by patriarchs. Within the kinship groups -high standards of honor were maintained, but anti-social -attitudes toward outside and foreign groups -were encouraged. It was justifiable, for example, -to lie to foreign groups and even to kill the representatives -of such peoples.</p> - -<p>The concept of democracy developed <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">pari passu</i> -with the evolution of the idea of Jehovah. In the -minds of the Hebrews, Jehovah, or Jahweh, was -first a tribal god, then a national god; and finally, -a universal God, that is, a being who is interested -in the welfare of all peoples, and not simply in the -welfare of “the chosen people.”</p> - -<p>The Hebrew conception of the state contained -several democratic elements. The fundamental -purpose of the state was declared to be the welfare -not of an irresponsible monarch, but of the people -themselves. This idea stands out in marked contradiction -to the practices of the Canaanites, who -submitted themselves helplessly to capricious and -autocratic rulers.</p> - -<p>The Hebrews treated the state as a part of a theocracy. -But when Jehovah spoke, he usually arraigned -false wealth, arbitrary political power, -selfish ambition of kings, luxurious living, and special -privileges. Jehovah spoke for the oppressed, -the poor, the defeated, the laborer,<a id="FNanchor_IV-8a" href="#missing" class="fnanchor">IV-8</a> in short, for -humanity.</p> - -<p>Consequently, loyalty to the nation was positive -and persistent. Consider this statement from Psalm<span class="pagenum" id="Page_71">71</span> -137 of Hebrew patriotism on the part of exiled -Hebrews who longed for their native land:</p> - -<p>By the rivers of Babylon, there we sat down, yea, -we wept, when we remembered Zion.</p> - -<p>We hanged our harps upon the willows in the -midst thereof....</p> - -<p>If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand -forget her cunning.</p> - -<p>If I do not remember thee, let my tongue cleave -to the roof of my mouth; if I prefer not Jerusalem -above my chief joy.</p> - -<p>According to Hosea, Jehovah charged the citizens -of the land to deal with one another on the -basis of fidelity and true love, and to stamp out all -social evils, such as perjury, stealing, committing -adultery, and mob violence. The writer of the Book -of Job portrayed a good citizen as one who delivers -the poor, who helps those about to perish, who -causes the widow’s heart to sing for joy.<a id="FNanchor_IV-18" href="#Footnote_IV-18" class="fnanchor">IV-18</a> He is -eyes to the blind, feet to the lame, and a father to -the needy. He searches out the cause of social -evils. Moreover, he breaks the jaws of the unrighteous, -and plucks the prey from their mouths. -He defends the blameless. He does not put his -confidence in gold or rejoice at his enemies when -evils beset them or they are destroyed. It may be -truly said that fundamental ideas of democracy -were originated by the Hebrews.</p> - -<p>Amos raised the question of internationalism. -For the first time in history, the idea of a universal<span class="pagenum" id="Page_72">72</span> -God was postulated. Amos pronounced Jehovah -the God of other peoples besides the Israelites. -“Have not I brought up Israel out of the land of -Egypt?” said Jehovah, “and the Philistines from -Caphtor, and the Syrians from Kir?”<a id="FNanchor_IV-19" href="#Footnote_IV-19" class="fnanchor">IV-19</a> The day -would come, according to Isaiah and Micah, when -Jehovah would judge over many peoples and rebuke -strong nations. The conception of Jehovah as a -Being who transcends both time and space gave to -the Hebrew mind at its best a broader cast and a -more universal comprehension than the peoples of -contemporary tribes and nations possessed.</p> - -<p>The concept of universal peace was invented by -the Hebrews. Isaiah and Micah share the honor -of being the first persons to advocate world peace, -and to predict the day when all nations shall worship -a just God and thereby be enabled to beat their -swords into plowshares and their spears into pruning-hooks, -when nation shall not stand against nation, -and when the methods of warfare shall no -longer be taught. The spirit of hatred and of -blind, selfish antagonism shall pass away. No modern -writer has ever spoken the doom of militarism -so trenchantly as the Old Testament prophet, -Isaiah, who said, according to the translation by -Charles Foster Kent:<a id="FNanchor_IV-20" href="#Footnote_IV-20" class="fnanchor">IV-20</a></p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">“For every boot of the warrior with noisy tread,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">And every war-cloak drenched in the blood of the slain,</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Will be completely burned up as fuel for the flame.”</div> - </div> -</div> -</div> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_73">73</span></p> -<p>The Hebrews strongly emphasized laws as a social -dynamic. Love will make socialized individuals. -It will demonstrate to a person his responsibilities -as a member of society and his duties to his fellow -human beings. It will stifle hatred. It will even -return good for evil. It is the cardinal virtue and -an eternal principle of right living.</p> - -<p>The Old Testament teaches social salvation. Jehovah -is fundamentally interested in the improvement -of social and living conditions. He commanded -the socialization of all human relationships. -His teachings, as given by the prophets and Wisdom -writers, take cognizance of the influence of environment -upon character.</p> - -<p>Hebrew social thought deals largely with social -injustice. Social evils are vividly described and -evil-doers, chiefly kings and judges, are vigorously -and fearlessly arraigned. The family is made the -chief social institution, and love is crowned servant -of all. Education is centered in the home, and moral -discipline is made the keynote of education; hence -the Hebrews survived the Greeks and Romans. A -new and perfect social order, directed by a just Jehovah, -and motivated throughout all its individual -and social relationships by love, is prophesied.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_74">74</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_74"><span class="smcap" id="Chapter_V">Chapter V</span><br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Plato and Grecian Social Thought</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>In turning to a study of Grecian civilization we -find a development of social thought which on the -rational side excels in many particulars the social -thinking of the Hebrews, but which in its affective -elements falls far below the quality of Hebrew social -thought. We may expect to find, therefore, in -Grecian social thought important new contributions -which are complementary to the legacies from the -Hebrews, and which when taken in conjunction -with the early Christian forms of Hebrew social -thought constitute the main foundations of modern -social thought.</p> - -<p>The thought life of the Greeks reached the crescendo -in the idealism of Plato (427–347 B. C.) and -the opportunism of Aristotle (384–322 B. C.). In -an idea-world Plato depicted an ideal society. After -studying 158 constitutions, Aristotle formulated -rules of practical social procedure. Plato’s <i>Republic</i> -and Aristotle’s <i>Politics</i> are the two leading -source books of Grecian social thought.</p> - -<p>Plato and Aristotle were the first two thinkers -in history who left definitely organized analyses of -societary life. Although in point of time they stand<span class="pagenum" id="Page_75">75</span> -close together, in content of social reasoning they -are at many places antagonistic. However, their -high rank as thinkers need not blind anyone to the -fact that their social thought was in part an outgrowth -of theories held by predecessors. Antecedent -to Plato was Socrates and the Sophists; antecedent -to these scholars was a large number of -thinkers who, incidentally to their main intellectual -efforts, gave expression to isolated but significant -social ideas.</p> - -<p>As early as the ninth century, B. C., Lycurgus declared -that the state owned the child, and urged a -system of education which would prepare the child -for the state. Despite, however, of a similar emphasis -by many later Greek leaders, “Hellas” never -developed a genuine national unity. She experienced -a temporary national patriotism only when -attacked by the Persians and at the seasons when -the national games were at their height.</p> - -<p>It was Hesiod, the founder of Greek didactic -poetry, who about 700 B. C. described the Golden -Age and the subsequent ages of society. Hesiod -protested mildly against the social injustice in his -time.<a id="FNanchor_V-1" href="#Footnote_V-1" class="fnanchor">V-1</a> In the following century, Anaximander, the -philosopher, and Theognis, the elegiac poet,<a id="FNanchor_V-2" href="#Footnote_V-2" class="fnanchor">V-2</a> discussed -the value to society of providing that children -should be well born and well trained—the -fundamental concepts of current eugenics and euthenics.</p> - -<p>Solon, the Athenian lawgiver, about 590 B. C.,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_76">76</span> -began to put into legislative practice certain ideas of -social reform, thereby preventing revolution. At -that time it was customary to sell persons into -slavery who could not pay their debts—a procedure -which Solon ended. The cost of living was very -high, consequently Solon forbade the export of food -products and thereby reduced prices for the consumer. -He introduced a measure which today -would be considered revolutionary, namely, the -limiting of the amount of land which an individual -might hold. For the classification of people on the -basis of wealth, he substituted a classification on -the basis of income. He lessened the severity of the -laws of Draco, and in other ways increased the -freedom of the individual. Although Solon’s régime -was followed by a tyranny, Solon is credited with -initiating certain essential ideas of democracy.</p> - -<p>After the Tyrants, Athens under the leadership -of men like Cleisthenes became “a pure democracy.” -Cleisthenes democratized the Athenian Constitution. -For the four phylae he substituted ten phylae, -or units of government, thus securing a new and -better distribution of authority. He is credited with -introducing ostracism as a mode of punishment; he, -it is alleged, was the first individual to be ostracised -by his government.</p> - -<p>The fifth century precursors of Plato and Aristotle -were numerous. Aeschylus (525–456 B. C.), -the first of the famous Athenian tragic poets, described -in general terms the evolution of civilized<span class="pagenum" id="Page_77">77</span> -society.<a id="FNanchor_V-3" href="#Footnote_V-3" class="fnanchor">V-3</a> The artistic historian, Herodotus, developed -through his imagination a world point of view. -From an almost unlimited store of legendary and -ethnological materials, he elaborated a planetary -theme which had its beginning in the Trojan War -and its culmination in the conflict between Eastern -and Western civilizations. The basic social principle -in the writings of Herodotus is that downfall -awaits the insolent autocrats of earth. Herodotus -describes the customs and habits of the peoples<a id="FNanchor_V-4" href="#Footnote_V-4" class="fnanchor">V-4</a> -whom he visited on his numerous foreign travels in -such a detailed and elaborate fashion that he has -been styled the world’s first descriptive sociologist.</p> - -<p>Pericles (495?-429 B. C.), perhaps the greatest -statesman of Greece, furthered the cause of democracy. -His conception of democracy led him to make -the entire body of citizens eligible to office-holding. -Pericles initiated a social program which in certain -aspects was paternalistic. He instituted the -plan of granting allowances for performing public -duties. As a result, unselfish public service was -minimized and political morale was weakened. -Pericles was led into this error<a id="FNanchor_V-5" href="#Footnote_V-5" class="fnanchor">V-5</a> by the desire to -compete for public esteem with Cimon, who made -extensive gifts to the poor in the form of dinners -and clothes.</p> - -<p>In his tragedies, Euripides (480–406 B. C.), -aroused interest in the experiences, not of legendary -characters as many of his predecessors had done, -but of the ordinary members of Athenian society.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_78">78</span> -He was a spokesman for the emancipation of -woman;<a id="FNanchor_V-6" href="#Footnote_V-6" class="fnanchor">V-6</a> his writings reveal the social changes that -were occurring in the fifth century in Athens. -Likewise, the comedies of Aristophanes reflected -social changes, and, in addition, caricatured social -conditions.</p> - -<p>Hippocrates, the so-called father of medical science, -wrote several works which attracted the studious -attention of Plato. He gave as the first of two -chief causes of disease, the influence of climate, -seasons, weather on the individual.<a id="FNanchor_V-7" href="#Footnote_V-7" class="fnanchor">V-7</a> He might be -called the first anthropo-geographer. At any rate he -opened the field which has recently been so well -covered by Ellen C. Semple in her <i>Influences of -Geographic Environment</i>.</p> - -<p>By their disconcerting and sceptical teachings the -Sophists, who also lived in the fifty century, B. C., -stimulated the intellectual activities of Socrates. -The influence of the Sophist leaders, such as Protagoras, -Gorgas, Callicles, Thrasymachus, brought -forward the problem of training pupils to solve -civic questions rather than scientific or philosophical -questions. According to Plato, Callicles believed -that government was an instrument for exploiting -the masses. Thrasymachus argued that -so-called justice is that type of activity which favors -the interest of the strongest members of society, -and that might determines what is called right.<a id="FNanchor_V-8" href="#Footnote_V-8" class="fnanchor">V-8</a> -Epaminondas, the Theban statesman, personified in -his own career an unusually high interpretation of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_79">79</span> -the concept of patriotism, perhaps a more unselfish -expression of patriotism than is represented by any -other political spokesman of the Hellenic states.</p> - -<p>The argument of the Sophists that what is best -for the individual is best for society aroused the -antagonism of Socrates (469–399 B. C.), whose -ideas are reported by Plato and Xenophon. Socrates, -the son of an Athenian sculptor, asserted that -the qualities of justice, wisdom, temperance, and -courage, which make a person a good member of -society and which increase social welfare, are the -same qualities which make a person a good individual -and secure his individual advancement. -Socrates spent many years at the market places, on -the streets where people congregate and at the public -resorts in studying the actions of individuals and -in engaging them in conversation concerning their -moral life. As a result Socrates evolved a significant -social philosophy. The heart of this philosophy -is found in the statements that virtue is knowledge, -not in the sense of mere memorized facts but -of a thorough understanding. If a person understands -completely the good and evil phases of a -proposed act, he will choose the right. For example, -when one is completely convinced of the harmful -effects of poor teeth, he will employ the regular -services of a dentist to keep his teeth in good condition. -When he perceives the evil effects of dishonesty, -he will establish honest habits. The conclusion -might be drawn that social virtue rests upon<span class="pagenum" id="Page_80">80</span> -societary knowledge.</p> - -<p>Socrates was convinced that something was fundamentally -wrong with Athenian society. Everywhere -he saw that ignorance led to vice. Only in -the mechanical and professional activities did he -discover correct action, but this was preceded by -correct knowledge.<a id="FNanchor_V-9" href="#Footnote_V-9" class="fnanchor">V-9</a></p> - -<p>A good carpenter is an individual who thoroughly -understands carpentry; a good man is an individual -who truly knows the value of good actions. Similarly, -it might be said that a good urban resident -is an individual who deeply appreciates what it -means to have a city of mutually developing people.</p> - -<p>Socrates wished to make all men intelligent. His -teachings raised the deep-seated social question: -How can social organization be made highly advantageous -to the individual, and the individual made -so aware of these advantages that he will always -act socially?<a id="FNanchor_V-10" href="#Footnote_V-10" class="fnanchor">V-10</a> Inasmuch as Socrates left no writings, -it is impossible to explain with certainty his -teachings. Fortunately, he left a permanent impress -of his personality on the lives of his associates, -and particularly, upon his able and brilliant -pupil, Plato.</p> - -<p>In the fundamental dictum that virtue is knowledge, -Socrates is theoretically correct, but practically -he ignores the overpowering influence that -oftentimes is exerted by the instincts and established -habits. He underestimates the power that is -represented by a deeply ingrained instinct or a habit<span class="pagenum" id="Page_81">81</span> -which has existed for several years. Instincts and -nearly all habits are firmly established neurologically, -whereas knowledge is often new to the individual -and merely a veneer on the surface of the -individual’s life. The acquisition of knowledge is -no guarantee that instincts centuries old will be -promptly overcome or re-directed.</p> - -<p>Furthermore, with a young child the instinctive -tendencies begin to assert themselves and to give -direction to the growth of the character of the child, -long before his mentality has unfolded and developed -to the point where he is capable of genuinely -understanding the real meaning of many forms of -activity, and where many phases of knowledge are -entirely beyond his ability to comprehend.</p> - -<p>Little is known concerning Plato’s early life and -training. The most influential factors were the -life and teachings of Socrates. The strong Socratic -personality left its indelible impress upon the -thought-life of Plato. As a young man, Plato -became greatly interested in Athenian social and -civic life. When he was perhaps twenty-three years -of age, the self-styled “Fair and Good” rulers came -into control of Athens. The failure of these men, -whom history calls the Thirty Tyrants, to govern -wisely, produced an attitude of thorough disgust in -the mind of Plato. Further, the legalized murder -of Socrates by the restored democracy in 399 B. C. -aroused the bitter antagonism of Plato to the existing -forms of government. In the years which followed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_82">82</span> -the death of Socrates, popular rule produced -loose and licentious social conditions. As a consequence, -Plato turned to the realms of the thought -world in order to find a perfect society. As a result -of his contact with every-day life and government, -Plato evolved in his mind an ideal republic.</p> - -<p>The Socratic principle that virtue is knowledge -was accepted by Plato. In Plato’s thinking this -proposition led to the generalization that education -is the most important thing in the world. Upon -this doctrine more than any other, Plato’s twentieth -century influence thrives.</p> - -<p>What shall be the nature of a world-molding -education? Theoretically, Plato gives his answer -in his epistemology. Ideas are the ruling forces in -life. Over against the uncertain fluctuating sense -world, Plato set up a realm of eternal, changeless -ideas. An individual man is simply an ephemeral -expression of Man. Plato created a concept of unchangeable -reality which he found in Ideas. These, -alone, are the permanent, worth-while elements -which man must seek to know and understand.</p> - -<p>Because of his aristocratic attitudes and of his -early disgust with the experiments in democracy in -his day, Plato turned away in his social philosophy -from the direct study of the people, such as had -engaged the attention of Socrates, to a search for -a just society in the world of ideas. This line of -thinking found expression chiefly in the <i>Republic</i>, -written during Plato’s mature manhood. A discussion<span class="pagenum" id="Page_83">83</span> -of these idealistic concepts is found in the -<i>Laws</i> and the <i>Politicus</i>, the latter being written -in Plato’s old age and representing a partial reaction -from the idealism of the <i>Republic</i>. Because of -its consideration of nearly every aspect of social -life from a specific viewpoint, the <i>Republic</i> may be -called the first treatise in social philosophy. While -it falls below the social writings of the Hebrews in -its dynamic and practical phases, it excels them in -its unity, its profundity, and its philosophic quality.</p> - -<p>Inasmuch as Plato had turned away from an inviting -though strenuous public career to a private -life of scholarly thought, his perfect society assumed -characteristics that were far from mundane. -Because Plato lived in a day of small political -groups and in a country of limited size, he limited -his ideal society—to a group represented by 5040 -heads of families. Consequently it is impossible -to apply Plato’s social ideas with accuracy to a -modern metropolitan center of 5,000,000 people, or -to a nation-state of 100,000,000 people. Several -phases of Plato’s thought, however, were given a -practical turn in the <i>Laws</i>. In revealing Plato’s -social philosophy, the <i>Politicus</i>, or <i>Statesman</i> ranks -third.<a id="FNanchor_V-12" href="#Footnote_V-12" class="fnanchor">V-12</a></p> - -<p>In Plato’s ideal society there is a hierarchy of -rank, which includes three classes of people: the -rulers, or true guardians; the soldiers, or auxiliaries; -and the artisans, or the industrial and agricultural -workers. In introducing the ideal state<span class="pagenum" id="Page_84">84</span> -Plato uses mature individuals.<a id="FNanchor_V-13" href="#Footnote_V-13" class="fnanchor">V-13</a> Out of the needs -and through the activities of fully-developed persons, -Plato builds an ideal commonwealth.</p> - -<p>No individual is self-sufficing. Each has his -peculiar bias, or ability. By uniting, all will profit. -There are not only specialized classes, but there is -specialization within the occupational groups. An -essential rule for the building of a just society is -that each individual shall find his place in the social -order and shall fulfil his special function. Plato -recognized the need for correlating the diversities -of nature and the different types of occupation.<a id="FNanchor_V-14" href="#Footnote_V-14" class="fnanchor">V-14</a></p> - -<p>The common people are engaged in the foundational -occupations as skilled artisans. The advantages -of a special education are not open to -them. They receive the common education, including -gymnastic and music training. But, in -accordance with the aristocratic strain in Plato’s -social philosophy, it is useless to try to give a higher -education to that large proportion of the population -who are mentally incapable of profiting by higher -education. The logic is good but the major premise -is faulty in this pedagogical rule.</p> - -<p>The second class, the soldiers, will maintain order -at home, repel invaders, and conduct territorial -wars. The growth of population will create a demand -for more territory. Other states likewise will -need more territory, and war will become inevitable.<a id="FNanchor_V-15" href="#Footnote_V-15" class="fnanchor">V-15</a> -Plato frankly admits the territorial basis of -wars. From this factor he sees no escape, although<span class="pagenum" id="Page_85">85</span> -he declares peace to be better than war.<a id="FNanchor_V-16" href="#Footnote_V-16" class="fnanchor">V-16</a> -In his <i>Tamias</i> and <i>Critias</i> he pictured a peace-state, -“Atlantis.”</p> - -<p>The soldier’s occupation is an art which requires -years of training. The chief physical trait of a true -soldier is courage. The social psychological significance -of a military régime is that soldiers are -continually inciting their country to go to war. -Such a régime raises up enemies against itself, -many and mighty, and results either in ruining the -specific people or in enslaving the foes of these -people.<a id="FNanchor_V-17" href="#Footnote_V-17" class="fnanchor">V-17</a> On the other hand, the non-soldier classes, -since they prefer to lead a peaceful life and seek to -conduct their affairs quietly, unduly endeavor to -avoid war. By degrees they become unwarlike; -their children develop a like attitude. Eventually, -they find themselves at the mercy of their enemies -and are enslaved.<a id="FNanchor_V-18" href="#Footnote_V-18" class="fnanchor">V-18</a></p> - -<p>Among the members of the state there will be a -few especially able individuals, destined by birth -and reinforced by training to be rulers and true -guardians of the welfare of all.<a id="FNanchor_V-19" href="#Footnote_V-19" class="fnanchor">V-19</a> They are lovers -of wisdom and philosophy. Flabbiness of character, -drunkenness, selfishness are unbecoming to -them.<a id="FNanchor_V-20" href="#Footnote_V-20" class="fnanchor">V-20</a> Selfish living is condemned.<a id="FNanchor_V-21" href="#Footnote_V-21" class="fnanchor">V-21</a> The guardians -are characterized, according to Plato, by the -greatest eagerness to do what is for the good of -their country. They show utter repugnance to anything -that is contrary to the best interests of the -state.<a id="FNanchor_V-22" href="#Footnote_V-22" class="fnanchor">V-22</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_86">86</span></p> - -<p>The guardians, however, rule aristocratically.<a id="FNanchor_V-23" href="#Footnote_V-23" class="fnanchor">V-23</a> -They do not inquire of the citizens the kind of laws -which they want passed, for the same reason that a -physician does not ask the patient the kind of medicine -which he wants. In the <i>Republic</i>, the <i>Laws</i>, and -the other dialogues where the nature of rulers and -philosophers is discussed, Plato’s “best men” show -an indifference to earthly or material things and -uniformly seek righteousness, even social righteousness.</p> - -<p>The candidates for guardianship receive first the -elements of education. At twenty years of age they -must pass a general education in order that they -may go on with a special course, including arithmetic, -geometry, and astronomy.<a id="FNanchor_V-24" href="#Footnote_V-24" class="fnanchor">V-24</a> At thirty they -are subjected to a further examination, after which -the successful individuals devote five years to the -study of philosophy. At thirty-five they enter practical -life, hold minor offices, balance their theoretical -training by practical studies, and submit to diverse -temptations.<a id="FNanchor_V-25" href="#Footnote_V-25" class="fnanchor">V-25</a> They undergo a civil service examination -which extends over a period of years. At -the close they are subjected to a final series of three-fold -tests. The first test is that of logic; they must -argue successfully that it pays an individual, especially -a guardian, to serve society. The second -test is that of fear; they are faced with dangers, -for example, the dangers to life, which beset those -who undertake to rule without favoritism and without -compromising their principles when confronted<span class="pagenum" id="Page_87">87</span> -with the ambitions and desires of powerful selfish -interests. The third test is that of pleasure; they -are submitted to all the pleasures which thrill the -heart of man. In other words, they must show -proof that the highest interest of the state is to -be the ruling interest of their lives.<a id="FNanchor_V-26" href="#Footnote_V-26" class="fnanchor">V-26</a> Neither pain -nor threats must affect their loyalty. The temptations -which come from pleasures and enchantments -must not disturb their self-control or weaken their -qualities of guardianship. From these requirements -it will be seen that Plato provided for a long period -of intensive and extensive training for the rulers. -His idea varied widely from the ancient theory of -the divine right of kings and from the current practice -of distributing political spoils to friends.</p> - -<p>Plato saw that the rulers when once selected and -installed in office would be tempted to become avaricious -at the expense of the state. Instead of becoming -and remaining allied to all the citizens, they -will be prone to become tyrannical.<a id="FNanchor_V-27" href="#Footnote_V-27" class="fnanchor">V-27</a> Plato perceived -that it would be difficult, after good rulers -had been selected, to keep them on the plane of good -rulership. In order to preserve their virtue as guardians -and to remove the powerful temptation to -wink at exploitation that is carried on by the economically -powerful, Plato indicated certain protective -devices. The guardians shall be permitted -no private property beyond a few incidentals. They -shall not live in private houses, but shall dwell and -eat together. They shall receive a fixed salary,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_88">88</span> -sufficient to meet necessary expenses but no more. -They shall not be allowed to touch gold and silver -or to wear gold and silver ornaments. They shall -be taught that they are made of divine gold and -silver, and therefore shall have no need of the -earthly dross. They shall not be subject to pollution -from any earthly contacts. If the guardians -should acquire lands or moneys or homes of their -own, they would be unable to give their undivided -attention to the state, and they would become not -guardians of the welfare of the citizens, but tyrants, -plotting and being plotted against.<a id="FNanchor_V-28" href="#Footnote_V-28" class="fnanchor">V-28</a> In his zealous -care that the rulers might not be distracted from -guarding with undivided attention the interests of -the state, Plato advocated community of wives and -children for the rulers.<a id="FNanchor_V-29" href="#Footnote_V-29" class="fnanchor">V-29</a></p> - -<p>The question arose: Will the people be content -to accept the division of the population into hierarchal -classes? In reply, Plato suggested that the -power of public opinion be utilized, and that all the -inhabitants of the state be taught that they are -brothers, that is, children of their common Mother -Earth. This instruction will serve to keep the -masses in a humble attitude. Further, they are to -be told that different metals have been used by -Mother Earth in making different individuals. -Those persons in whose make-up gold has been mingled -have the power of command and may become -rulers. Others who are made of silver may become -auxiliaries, or soldiers; while the masses, being<span class="pagenum" id="Page_89">89</span> -made of brass and iron, are destined to become -artisans.<a id="FNanchor_V-30" href="#Footnote_V-30" class="fnanchor">V-30</a></p> - -<p>The objection is raised that people will not believe -this “audacious fiction.” The truth of the -objection is admitted, and a solution of the problem -is offered. Teach the children the gold, silver, brass -and iron fiction; and they will believe it. When they -grow to maturity, they will tell their children, who -in turn will teach it. Posterity, thus, will accept -it.<a id="FNanchor_V-31" href="#Footnote_V-31" class="fnanchor">V-31</a> In this way Plato founded his social philosophy -upon education. Plato made clear that any kind -of social or economic theory can be foisted upon -a whole people through the utilization of the educational -processes. A few selfish exploiters, by controlling -the educational system, can ruin a nation -in a generation.</p> - -<p>The guardians are instructed to examine the children -in order to discover of what metals they are -made. Plato admitted a democracy of talent in -the sense that talent is likely to appear in the children -of brass and iron parents, while gold parents -may beget brass and iron children. If a gold child -is found among the children of the artisans, he is -to be encouraged and trained to become a guardian. -If a brass and iron child is found among the children -of the gold parents, he must descend the social -scale and be trained for husbandry or artisanship.<a id="FNanchor_V-32" href="#Footnote_V-32" class="fnanchor">V-32</a> -Plato foresaw the fact, now scientifically established, -that geniuses are born indiscriminately -among all classes of society from the highest to the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_90">90</span> -lowest. They are just as likely to be born in the -hovel or overcrowded tenement as in the spacious -and luxuriant palace. Consequently, society should -seek out potential genius and give it opportunities -commensurate with its possibilities and not allow -its dynamic and divine spark to be snuffed out in -a heavy-laden tenement atmosphere.</p> - -<p>Furthermore, according to Plato, the guardians -are to seek out the imperfect children and put them -out of the way as easily as possible and without -attracting public attention.<a id="FNanchor_V-33" href="#Footnote_V-33" class="fnanchor">V-33</a> If the capable must -devote their energies to the care of imperfect children, -they would presumably be wasting their -ability and would be prevented from devoting -themselves to upbuilding the state. This doctrine -neglects the consideration of the harsh, unsympathetic -attitude which it would engender. Although -rigorously eugenic, the doctrine is undemocratic, -unchivalric, and unChristian. It is thoroughly -aristocratic.</p> - -<p>The guardians are to supervise marriage. Plato -especially deplores the fact that almost all persons -choose their life-partners in marriage without -proper regard to the kind of children that will be -procreated.<a id="FNanchor_V-34" href="#Footnote_V-34" class="fnanchor">V-34</a> The marriage relationship should -not be primarily an individual affair, but should -be governed by the thought of the children that are -not yet born and by due regard to the welfare of -the state and society.<a id="FNanchor_V-35" href="#Footnote_V-35" class="fnanchor">V-35</a> The true purpose of marriage -is not found in wealth or power or rank, but<span class="pagenum" id="Page_91">91</span> -in the procreation of healthy minded children. Marriage -is sacred in the highest degree because it is -socially necessary. Plato deplores class marriages, -that is, marriage within temperamentally similar -groups. Persons of gentle nature seek persons of -gentle nature; the courageous seek the courageous. -It would be better if the gentle would seek the -courageous in marriage, and vice versa.<a id="FNanchor_V-36" href="#Footnote_V-36" class="fnanchor">V-36</a> Marriage -is sacred, and hence should be subjected to -strict eugenic safeguards.</p> - -<p>The guardians shall prevent the extremes of poverty -and riches. With far-sighted social wisdom -Plato points out that poverty is the parent of meanness -and viciousness, and that wealth leads to luxury -and indolence.<a id="FNanchor_V-37" href="#Footnote_V-37" class="fnanchor">V-37</a> Both result in discontent and -both cause the deterioration of the arts. The poor -man cannot properly equip or train himself, or enter -into his work painstakingly; the rich man will grow -careless and no longer act diligently when he comes -into the possession of unlimited wealth.<a id="FNanchor_V-38" href="#Footnote_V-38" class="fnanchor">V-38</a></p> - -<p>In the acquisition of wealth the laws of imitation -function powerfully. One person accumulates -property; others are immediately stimulated to do -likewise. In consequence, all the citizens may become -lovers of money.<a id="FNanchor_V-39" href="#Footnote_V-39" class="fnanchor">V-39</a> But a money-loving public -would be disastrous to the state.</p> - -<p>The larger the amount of wealth that an individual -accumulates, the more he will want to accumulate. -The momentum of the desire for money-getting -is socially destructive. The more the individual<span class="pagenum" id="Page_92">92</span> -is hypnotised by the wealth-getting delusion, -the less attention does he give to the maintenance -of virtue. When the desire for virtue is in competition -with the desire for riches, the former decreases -as the latter increases.<a id="FNanchor_V-40" href="#Footnote_V-40" class="fnanchor">V-40</a></p> - -<p>When the state becomes established on a property -basis, the rich exercise power and the poor are -deprived of it.<a id="FNanchor_V-41" href="#Footnote_V-41" class="fnanchor">V-41</a> In ordinary times the rich are as -indifferent to the welfare of the poor as to the development -of virtue, but in times of group crises -they will not despise the poor. In the days of prosperity -and peace the poor man is given the hindmost -position, but when war comes, “the wiry, sunburnt -poor man” is placed in battle at the side of -the wealthy man<a id="FNanchor_V-42" href="#Footnote_V-42" class="fnanchor">V-42</a>—and social democracy obtains. -But in battle the poor man fights longer and better -than the rich man “who has never spoilt his complexion -and has plenty of superfluous flesh.” In -the words of the poor man Plato draws the astounding -conclusion that many persons are rich because -no one has had the courage to despoil them.<a id="FNanchor_V-43" href="#Footnote_V-43" class="fnanchor">V-43</a> At -this point Plato has given a striking explanation of -the rise of socialism, syndicalism, and economic -radicalism.</p> - -<p>When you see paupers, according to Plato, you -may safely conclude that somewhere there are also -present thieves, robbers of temples, and malefactors.<a id="FNanchor_V-44" href="#Footnote_V-44" class="fnanchor">V-44</a> -The causes of pauperism are given as (1) -a lack of proper education, (2) ill-training, and (3) -unjust social laws and an unjust constitution of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_93">93</span> -state.<a id="FNanchor_V-45" href="#Footnote_V-45" class="fnanchor">V-45</a></p> - -<p>Plato suggested two instruments for preventing -extreme wealth and poverty—legislation and education. -Each individual is to be guaranteed a minimum -amount of property. He may acquire as much -as four times this amount, but above the maximum -a one hundred per cent excess tax operates.<a id="FNanchor_V-46" href="#Footnote_V-46" class="fnanchor">V-46</a> Plato -planned a form of communism, not primarily to secure -the material well-being of the state, but to -safeguard the rulers against falling before selfish -temptations. Plato also wanted to protect the state -from splitting asunder because of the distractions -that arise from labor-capital controversies. By -educational means the children are to be trained to -be satisfied with the necessaries of life<a id="FNanchor_V-47" href="#Footnote_V-47" class="fnanchor">V-47</a>—at least -some children are to be so trained. Parents should -bequeath to their children not riches but the spirit -of reverence.<a id="FNanchor_V-48" href="#Footnote_V-48" class="fnanchor">V-48</a></p> - -<p>The guardians shall be censors. They shall establish -a censorship over the arts in order to protect -the children from seeing indecent sights and hearing -vulgar sounds. The works of fiction shall be -censored in order to prevent the children from reading -and adopting bad ideas. The creative artists -shall be prevented from exhibiting forms of vice -and intemperance, in order that the future guardians -may not grow up in an atmosphere contaminated -by images of moral deformity, and in order -that all children may develop in an environment -of fair sights and should and may receive unhindered<span class="pagenum" id="Page_94">94</span> -and unhampered the good in everything.<a id="FNanchor_V-49" href="#Footnote_V-49" class="fnanchor">V-49</a></p> - -<p>The guardians shall protect the <em>mores</em>. When -Plato described a perfect state, any change in the -established customs would mean retrogression.<a id="FNanchor_V-50" href="#Footnote_V-50" class="fnanchor">V-50</a> -Hence, the rulers should jealously guard the customs, -allowing no insidious innovations. Further, -if any change is permitted to take place in small -things, there may be no stopping the spirit of -change.</p> - -<p>Plato rested his argument for an ideal society -upon the education of wise leaders. Their judgment -is better even than government by law. Law -is too rigid and inflexible. In view of the changeable -character of human conditions, which Plato -recognized, no final or absolute laws can be laid -down.<a id="FNanchor_V-51" href="#Footnote_V-51" class="fnanchor">V-51</a> The chief advantage of laws, however, is -not that they make men honest but that they make -men act uniformly, and hence in a socially reliable -way. Laws are to be respected because they represent -the ripe fruits of long experience.<a id="FNanchor_V-52" href="#Footnote_V-52" class="fnanchor">V-52</a></p> - -<p>Considerable attention is given to penology in the -<i>Laws</i>.<a id="FNanchor_V-53" href="#Footnote_V-53" class="fnanchor">V-53</a> In view of the sanctity of custom and of -the necessity of law, obedience is a highly important -social virtue. In theory Plato is modern and scientific, -for he advocated punishment, not as a vindictive -but as a preventive and reformatory measure.<a id="FNanchor_V-54" href="#Footnote_V-54" class="fnanchor">V-54</a> -Reformation is the true aim of punishment.<a id="FNanchor_V-55" href="#Footnote_V-55" class="fnanchor">V-55</a> In -practice Plato is rigid and harsh. For example, -beggars are simply to be sent out of the city and -out of the country.<a id="FNanchor_V-56" href="#Footnote_V-56" class="fnanchor">V-56</a> The death penalty is utilized<span class="pagenum" id="Page_95">95</span> -freely.<a id="FNanchor_V-57" href="#Footnote_V-57" class="fnanchor">V-57</a></p> - -<p>Plato opened all occupations to women as well as -men, even the highest, that of ruling.<a id="FNanchor_V-58" href="#Footnote_V-58" class="fnanchor">V-58</a> The only -difference between the sexes that needs to be recognized -occupationally is that men are stronger physically -than women.<a id="FNanchor_V-59" href="#Footnote_V-59" class="fnanchor">V-59</a> Women, like men, vary in -occupational temperament. One individual is fitted -for one kind of vocation; another, for some other -type of work.</p> - -<p>Although the fundamental importance of bearing -children is appreciated, Plato observed that it is -unnecessary that a woman devote her whole life -to the rearing of children. All women should have -opportunities for the development of their personalities. -Those women who have special talent -for public service should enter thereupon. Although -a social conservative Plato admits an innovation -in the ideal republic—universal woman -suffrage.</p> - -<p>Since women have the same duties as men, they -receive the same opportunities for training. -Women must share in the toils of war and the defense -of their country.<a id="FNanchor_V-60" href="#Footnote_V-60" class="fnanchor">V-60</a> Women are priestesses;<a id="FNanchor_V-61" href="#Footnote_V-61" class="fnanchor">V-61</a> -they serve on committees for the regulation of marriage, -and for deciding divorce cases.<a id="FNanchor_V-62" href="#Footnote_V-62" class="fnanchor">V-62</a></p> - -<p>Although Plato was averse to change, he advocated -a dynamic type of education. This educational -system, however, is to be definitely controlled -by the guardians. It is also paternalistic. Common -education shall be of two kinds: gymnastic, for the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_96">96</span> -body; music, for the soul.<a id="FNanchor_V-63" href="#Footnote_V-63" class="fnanchor">V-63</a> Gymnastic training will -produce a temper of hardness, and music will lead -to gentleness. The extreme of the one is ferocity -and brutality; the extreme of the other is softness -and effeminacy.<a id="FNanchor_V-64" href="#Footnote_V-64" class="fnanchor">V-64</a> When taken together, they produce -a well-ordered personality. The one sustains -and makes bold the reason, the second moderates -and civilizes the mildness of passion.<a id="FNanchor_V-65" href="#Footnote_V-65" class="fnanchor">V-65</a> Gymnastic -exercises provide for the care and training of the -body through childhood and youth so that in maturity -the body may best serve the soul.<a id="FNanchor_V-66" href="#Footnote_V-66" class="fnanchor">V-66</a> Music, -including literature, trains through the influence of -its qualities of harmony and rhythm. For example, -through exercises in harmony the child develops -a harmonious temperament.</p> - -<p>Education is not a process of acquisition, but of -the development of the powers within the individual.<a id="FNanchor_V-67" href="#Footnote_V-67" class="fnanchor">V-67</a> -It is a life-long process; it begins with -birth and continues until death. It, however, slows -up as the individual grows old. An aged person -cannot learn much, no more than he can run much.<a id="FNanchor_V-68" href="#Footnote_V-68" class="fnanchor">V-68</a> -Education in the early years of life is the most important. -As a child is educated, so will his future -be determined.<a id="FNanchor_V-69" href="#Footnote_V-69" class="fnanchor">V-69</a> A child should be taught early to -respect his parents. Great care should be given to -the first years of life. From three to six years of -age the children in Plato’s republic come under the -supervision of chosen matrons and nurses.</p> - -<p>Education shall be universal, but not compulsory, -that is, all shall be taught, but not compelled to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_97">97</span> -learn. Education shall be made attractive, almost -a form of government.<a id="FNanchor_V-70" href="#Footnote_V-70" class="fnanchor">V-70</a> The laws of imitation -shall be utilized. The tutor shall carry out his -teachings in practice.<a id="FNanchor_V-71" href="#Footnote_V-71" class="fnanchor">V-71</a></p> - -<p>A well-trained individual is a replica of a just -society. Plato draws a parallelism, which is inaccurate, -between the three classes in society and -three traits of the individual. The rulers, soldiers, -and artisans are compared respectively to the reason, -the spirit, and the passions of the individual. -The passions must be subordinated to the spirit, -and both must be controlled by reason. The result -will be a just individual.<a id="FNanchor_V-72" href="#Footnote_V-72" class="fnanchor">V-72</a> In society a similar -hierarchal relation shall hold between the rulers, -soldiers, and artisans. The fundamental aim in -education shall be to secure a change in the attitudes -of people. Such changes are more important -than modification in external matters. Thus, according -to Plato, the divine foundations of a state -are laid in education.</p> - -<p>Religion plays a basic rôle in the ideal Republic. -Plato held that belief in God superseded in importance -the doctrine that might is right. Impiety undermines -the strength of the social kingdom. God -created the individual for the whole, but not the -whole for the individual. The worship of God is -necessary for the individual in order to prevent him -from reverting to selfishness and from making his -humanitarian beliefs purely egoistic phenomena.</p> - -<p>Inasmuch as Plato outlined at the start a perfect<span class="pagenum" id="Page_98">98</span> -republic, any change would likely constitute a deterioration. -But even an ideal state is not immune -to the entry of destructive ideas. The wise men, -the rulers, are not proof against the temptations -of absolute power. To remove the stirrings of -self-interest in the minds of the guardians, Plato -planned a communistic order. He overlooked, however, -the weaknesses of communism, but these were -pointed out at a later time by Aristotle.</p> - -<p>In spite of excellent safeguards the wisdom of -the best rulers will occasionally fail them. Sooner -or later they will err. In examining the youth they -will allow warrior youth to be trained for the guardian -class. With their spirit of contention and of -ambition for honor these adventitious guardians -will start the perfect state upon the downward -road.<a id="FNanchor_V-74" href="#Footnote_V-74" class="fnanchor">V-74</a> When the rulers seek personal power and -honor, the ideal republic will be superseded by a -timocracy.</p> - -<p>In a timocracy the ruler with the most private -wealth will possess the greatest personal power and -receive the highest honor. Moreover, other persons -will be stimulated, thereby, to acquire wealth and -power. In the meantime the masses will lose nearly -everything. The result is an oligarchy in which -the wealthy are honored and made rulers.<a id="FNanchor_V-75" href="#Footnote_V-75" class="fnanchor">V-75</a> The -poor are treated with dishonor and deprived of -position.</p> - -<p>In such an oligarchic state there is a fundamental -division; there are two states instead of one. In<span class="pagenum" id="Page_99">99</span> -spirit, the rich and the poor comprise separate -states. They live in the same territory but are conspiring -against one another.<a id="FNanchor_V-76" href="#Footnote_V-76" class="fnanchor">V-76</a> Social stability is destroyed -by the conflicts between the extremes of -countless riches and utter poverty. The propertyless -hate and conspire against the propertied.<a id="FNanchor_V-77" href="#Footnote_V-77" class="fnanchor">V-77</a> -Civil war ensues. Because the wealthy have fallen -into carelessness and extravagance, and because the -poor possess superior numbers, the poor are the -victors. A democracy—the rule of the Demos—comes -into being. Everyone rules.</p> - -<p>But the populace is not fitted to rule. They are -without experience. Since the drones are numerous -among the common people, the drones manage -almost everything in a democracy.<a id="FNanchor_V-78" href="#Footnote_V-78" class="fnanchor">V-78</a> Excess of liberty -among people untrained for liberty leads to -anarchy. Individuals will set themselves up as the -special friends of the common people. These self-appointed -friends of the people will prove to be -self-seeking tyrants; the democracy will be transformed -into a tyranny—the lowest state of all in -Plato’s five-fold devolution.</p> - -<p>With distrust of the masses and with a paternalistic -government, Plato coupled a belief that the -individual must participate in the life of society. -Social justice does not consist in doing good to one’s -friends and ill to one’s enemies, or in catering to -the interests of the most powerful. The theory that -might is right is repudiated.<a id="FNanchor_V-79" href="#Footnote_V-79" class="fnanchor">V-79</a> A just society is one -in which every person has found his place of greatest<span class="pagenum" id="Page_100">100</span> -usefulness to the state and fulfils his entire obligations -in that place. On the whole Plato exhibited -an impassioned faith in the moral and social order.</p> - -<p>Plato believed that Ideas are real and that they -are the tools with which the world is made over. -He perceived perfect Forms, even a perfect social -Form. Through intellectual control, Plato planned -a new social order.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_101">101</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_101"><span class="smcap" id="Chapter_VI">Chapter VI</span><br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Aristotle and Grecian Social Thought</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>Aristotle (384–322 B. C.), the distinguished pupil -of Plato, did not make, like his master, a unified -contribution to social thought. He sacrificed unity -for the examination of parts. Aristotle was an -opportunist, a pragmatist, and a practical student -of conditions and constitutions. Unlike Plato, Aristotle -did not look for Ideas separate from but in -things.</p> - -<p>Aristotle studied 158 constitutions inductively -and comparatively. His primary attention was -given to what is, rather than to what ought to be. -His eyes were directed first of all to the parts, and -then to the whole. In this examination he found -that the parts are related, and further, that they -hold a developmental relation. Instead of Plato’s -perfection, we shall now consider Aristotle’s process -of becoming. Although unsystematic, the social -ideas of Aristotle reveal the concepts of process and -progress.</p> - -<p>In Aristotle’s <i>Ethics</i> the discussion of virtue is -socially valuable. Virtue is a mean. Virtue is an -impulse which is expressed neither in excess or in -deficiency. It is an impulse expressed temperately<span class="pagenum" id="Page_102">102</span> -until it becomes a habit. Excess and deficiency -are equally fatal. The coward is he who avoids -and fears anything; the foolhardy is he who rushes -into danger anywhere.<a id="FNanchor_VI-1" href="#Footnote_VI-1" class="fnanchor">VI-1</a> Liberality is the mean between -prodigality and avarice; civility is the mean -between obsequiousness and insolence. Virtue itself -is the mean between self-indulgence and asceticism. -In virtue, lies happiness, man’s <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">summum bonum</i>.</p> - -<p>Aristotle’s <i>Politics</i> affords a searching analysis -of many phases of societary life. The family and -the state are by nature prior to the individual, since -the whole must exist before any individual part.<a id="FNanchor_VI-2" href="#Footnote_VI-2" class="fnanchor">VI-2</a> -When isolated, the individual is not self-sufficient. -Thus, the state is founded on the social needs of -the individual. By virtue of these social needs, -man possesses the gregarious, or social, instinct. -By nature, man is a political animal,<a id="FNanchor_VI-3" href="#Footnote_VI-3" class="fnanchor">VI-3</a> that is, he is -a being who by nature or necessity lives in association -with his kind. Man can attain his highest good -only as a member of society.</p> - -<p>Property is accorded by Aristotle a fundamental -social position. Physical necessities can best be -provided through the efforts of individuals. Communal -ownership of property on a large scale will -fail. In referring to Plato’s communism, Aristotle -declared: “For that which is common to the greatest -number has the least care bestowed upon it.”<a id="FNanchor_VI-4" href="#Footnote_VI-4" class="fnanchor">VI-4</a> -Further, when one feels a thing to be his own, how -much greater is his pleasure in it.<a id="FNanchor_VI-5" href="#Footnote_VI-5" class="fnanchor">VI-5</a> Then, if one has -private property, he may have the great pleasure<span class="pagenum" id="Page_103">103</span> -which comes from making gifts to others. Moreover, -communism will lead to an unusual amount -of quarrelling; those who work faithfully will feel -aggrieved when they see that those who work dilettantishly -receive and consume a full portion.<a id="FNanchor_VI-6" href="#Footnote_VI-6" class="fnanchor">VI-6</a></p> - -<p>Aristotle deprecated land equalization. Equalization -of the desire for land is urged. Instead of -dividing land equally or of establishing communism -in land, Aristotle advocated that the higher classes -be trained not to desire more land. He also stated -that speculators and land schemers should be prevented -from getting more land.<a id="FNanchor_VI-7" href="#Footnote_VI-7" class="fnanchor">VI-7</a></p> - -<p>The communism in wives and children that Plato -suggested, Aristotle denounced as impracticable and -foolish. Such a procedure will weaken friendship -and destroy love. Moreover, it will break up the -unity of the state.<a id="FNanchor_VI-8" href="#Footnote_VI-8" class="fnanchor">VI-8</a></p> - -<p>Aristotle held the prevalent disdainful attitude -toward manual labor, and theoretically justified -slavery. A slave is a person who by nature is a -slave, a person who by nature expresses himself -through bodily action. He is unable to guide himself -by means of reason.<a id="FNanchor_VI-9" href="#Footnote_VI-9" class="fnanchor">VI-9</a></p> - -<p>The subject of social control and government received -extended treatment from Aristotle. After -considering a great variety of forms of government, -he avoided a dogmatic choice of any particular -form. He arrived at what is the modern, scientific -conclusion, namely, that no one form of government -is to be worshipped to the exclusion of all<span class="pagenum" id="Page_104">104</span> -other types. A successful, or virtuous, government -depends on the attitude of the people. Human nature -must be changed. All people must become -socially virtuous before a perfected government -can be established.</p> - -<p>Theoretically, Aristotle believed that the best -government would come through the absolute rulership -of one man, provided that there is available a -man pre-eminently wise and virtuous. But practically, -Aristotle held that in choosing a form of -government which will succeed, it is necessary to -consider the actual social conditions, the state of -development of the people, and the attitude of the -ruler or rulers. It does not matter whether one -person, or a few persons, or a large number of persons -perform the function of ruler so long as the -best interests of the state are kept uppermost. If -the interests of the entire group are the guiding -principles, then royalty, aristocracy, or constitutionalism -is commendable. The one, the few, or the -many are good rulers, providing they are dominated -by the common interests. In these declarations -Aristotle overlooked the fact that participation in -government by the governed is essential. He also -neglected the fact that a “best” ruler would be subject -to very many temptations as a result of personifying -in himself all the forms of political, economic, -and social power that exist within the state. After -a period of time he would probably yield to some -interests which are inimical to the welfare of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_105">105</span> -whole.<a id="FNanchor_VI-10" href="#Footnote_VI-10" class="fnanchor">VI-10</a></p> - -<p>When private interests control the government, -the resultant forms of government are either -tyranny, oligarchy, or democracy. According to -Aristotle the chief difference between oligarchy and -democracy is that an oligarchy is the rule of the -rich and a democracy is the rule of the poor. Evidently, -he believed that the poor are as selfish as the -rich and that the poor are incapable of being -trained to the levels of virtuous citizenship.</p> - -<p>Although Aristotle is aristocratic in his political -science and advocated frequently the rule of the -best few, he endorsed a constitutional republic. -Such a form of government will succeed where -there are many wise and virtuous individuals. He -admitted that in large numbers there is a stability -of judgment and that common sense bulks large. -Under constitutional government, the extremes will -cancel one another, and the virtuous mean will rule. -Large numbers of persons are less likely to be corrupted -than a few persons or even the one best person.<a id="FNanchor_VI-11" href="#Footnote_VI-11" class="fnanchor">VI-11</a></p> - -<p>There are two fundamentals in a good government: -first, actual obedience of the laws by the -citizens; second, the social goodness of the laws. -Aristotle’s formula for an ideal society is this: -virtuous people and good laws, both judged by the -common welfare. And practically, the form of -political organization—a monarchy, an aristocracy, -or a constitutional republic—depends upon the place<span class="pagenum" id="Page_106">106</span> -of the members of the social order on the incline of -socialization.</p> - -<p>If a constitutional republic is established, then -rotation in office should be practiced. The tenure -of office should be restricted to six months.<a id="FNanchor_VI-12" href="#Footnote_VI-12" class="fnanchor">VI-12</a> An -office should rarely be held more than once by the -same person.</p> - -<p>On the other hand, the laws should be changed -slowly.<a id="FNanchor_VI-13" href="#Footnote_VI-13" class="fnanchor">VI-13</a> Law has no power to make people obey -in spirit, except through force of habit. The state -must guard itself against small changes in laws. -Any apparently slight neglect or disregard of law -is insidious; transgression creeps in unperceived.<a id="FNanchor_VI-14" href="#Footnote_VI-14" class="fnanchor">VI-14</a> -At first, small transgressions may not be observed; -then, they may gain such momentum that they will -ruin the state. Hence, there should be at all times -strict observance of laws.</p> - -<p>The major chord in Aristotle’s ideal society is the -social mean. The existence of two classes only, the -very rich and the very poor, will bring disaster to -the state. The very wealthy consider themselves -above legalistic or social authority; the very poor -are too degraded to understand the necessity for -and the reason for authority.<a id="FNanchor_VI-15" href="#Footnote_VI-15" class="fnanchor">VI-15</a> In fact, all who -possess, not simply an unusual degree of wealth, but -great beauty, great strength or a “noble” birth feel -that they should be accorded special privileges. -Further, not only those who are very poor, but also -the persons who are very weak, or very disgraced -find it difficult to follow the dictates of law or of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_107">107</span> -social reason. With the privileged characters who -possess a superabundance of advantages, the arrogant -attitude developed when they were yet children. -At home, they received special considerations; -they did not learn obedience within the small -family group. In consequence, how could they be -expected to be obedient citizens within the larger -nation-group? The rich are likely to become insolent -and avaricious; they will rule despotically.<a id="FNanchor_VI-16" href="#Footnote_VI-16" class="fnanchor">VI-16</a> -Not everyone can bear either prosperity or adversity. -An increase in prosperity in any part of society -should be carefully noted, and that part of -society should be placed under surveillance. No one -should receive extraordinary power, either from -friends or through money. Even the pre-eminent -are not above egotism.</p> - -<p>A society is safest when the middle class is in -control.<a id="FNanchor_VI-17" href="#Footnote_VI-17" class="fnanchor">VI-17</a> The states will likely be well administered -in which the middle class is numerous. Persons of -about equal condition do not plot against others; -neither are they plotted against. A middle class -prevents both the arrogant wealthy and the impetuous -proletariat from dominating the state. “Inequality -is the source of all revolutions.”</p> - -<p>Poverty is a cause of revolution and crime.<a id="FNanchor_VI-18" href="#Footnote_VI-18" class="fnanchor">VI-18</a> In -time of war, it is important that the poor be well -fed else they will cause disturbances. Aristotle -might have added that in time of peace the poor -should be able to feed themselves well else they will -in due season cause revolution.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_108">108</span></p> - -<p>But poverty is not the only cause of crime. -Riches often lead to crime. Wealth causes the commitment -of greater crimes than does poverty. The -greatest offenses are not occasioned by necessity but -by excess.<a id="FNanchor_VI-19" href="#Footnote_VI-19" class="fnanchor">VI-19</a> In order to gratify some passion or -desire, crime is often committed. Of the passions -ambition and avarice are the chief causes of crime.<a id="FNanchor_VI-20" href="#Footnote_VI-20" class="fnanchor">VI-20</a> -Intoxication produces crime.<a id="FNanchor_VI-21" href="#Footnote_VI-21" class="fnanchor">VI-21</a></p> - -<p>The causes of social revolution are manifold. -The desire for equality and the desire for inequality -are common factors.<a id="FNanchor_VI-22" href="#Footnote_VI-22" class="fnanchor">VI-22</a> Inferiors revolt in order that -they may attain a state of equality with other persons. -Equals revolt in order that they may gain -superior levels of honor and status. Aristotle cited -a long list of additional factors in social revolution: -insolence, fear, political graft, a disproportionate -increase of wealth in some part of the state, -neglect of trifles in the observance of laws, dissimilarity -in elements such as racial. The fundamental -cause, however, of social revolution is love of gain -and honor.</p> - -<p>Aristotle was not a militarist, for he believed that -war in itself is not a social good. No people should -be trained to conquer and obtain dominion over -neighboring states.<a id="FNanchor_VI-23" href="#Footnote_VI-23" class="fnanchor">VI-23</a> Military states are safe only -when they are at war. After they declare peace the -weight of their military burdens brings about their -downfall.<a id="FNanchor_VI-24" href="#Footnote_VI-24" class="fnanchor">VI-24</a></p> - -<p>The principle of social telesis, which has been -recently developed by Lester F. Ward, was foreseen<span class="pagenum" id="Page_109">109</span> -by Aristotle. A society of individuals, like the individual -himself, has a work to do.<a id="FNanchor_VI-25" href="#Footnote_VI-25" class="fnanchor">VI-25</a> It should -adapt itself to its task.</p> - -<p>Aristotle was a public health advocate. The location -for an ideal city should be carefully chosen. It -should be selected, first of all, with reference to the -health of the citizens. This point is of greater importance -than that of locating a city wisely for the -purpose of public administration or war.<a id="FNanchor_VI-26" href="#Footnote_VI-26" class="fnanchor">VI-26</a> The importance -of a pure water supply is given almost a -modern emphasis.</p> - -<p>The question of eugenics received the attention -of Aristotle. In order that children may be as -physically sound as possible, legislators should give -special attention to the institution of marriage. -Youthful marriages are condemned because the -children that are born to such unions will be wanting -in respect for their parents.<a id="FNanchor_VI-27" href="#Footnote_VI-27" class="fnanchor">VI-27</a> Late marriages -will be unsatisfactory because there will be too great -difference between the ages of the parents and their -children. The marriage of a man and a woman -whose ages are widely disproportionate will lead -to misunderstandings and quarrels. According to -the rigorous, unsympathetic dictum of Aristotle, no -deformed child shall be permitted to live.<a id="FNanchor_VI-28" href="#Footnote_VI-28" class="fnanchor">VI-28</a> Even -the advocates of modern birth control may turn for -encouragement to Aristotle.</p> - -<p>In the marriage relation there is inequality. The -man is by nature better fitted to command than the -woman.<a id="FNanchor_VI-29" href="#Footnote_VI-29" class="fnanchor">VI-29</a> The chief characteristic of a good wife<span class="pagenum" id="Page_110">110</span> -is obedience to her husband—a doctrine which is -patriarchal. Unfaithfulness of either sex in marriage -is disgraceful.<a id="FNanchor_VI-30" href="#Footnote_VI-30" class="fnanchor">VI-30</a></p> - -<p>Aristotle, like Plato, considers education the leading -social force. There is a fundamental educational -problem: Shall youth be trained primarily -(1) to do useful work, (2) to be virtuous, or (3) to -gain higher knowledge?<a id="FNanchor_VI-31" href="#Footnote_VI-31" class="fnanchor">VI-31</a> No final answer is given. -Aristotle’s conception of education, however, is -paternalistic.</p> - -<p>Utilitarian education possesses a danger line. -To be seeking always after the useful prevents one -from developing a free and exalted soul.<a id="FNanchor_VI-32" href="#Footnote_VI-32" class="fnanchor">VI-32</a> Utilitarian -education should cease when it cramps the -body or spirit and makes either less fit for the practice -of virtue.</p> - -<p>Gymnastic education should never be professionalized -or allowed to hinder the individual’s higher -education.<a id="FNanchor_VI-33" href="#Footnote_VI-33" class="fnanchor">VI-33</a> The excessive training which leads to -Olympic victories is anti-social, because the constitution -of the given individual is exhausted. Music -is valuable inasmuch as it has the power of forming -character.<a id="FNanchor_VI-34" href="#Footnote_VI-34" class="fnanchor">VI-34</a> The persons who are engaged -in seriously-minded occupations need amusements -which will give relaxation.</p> - -<p>In summary of Aristotle’s social thought it may -be said that the Stagirite introduced the comparative -method of studying human institutions. He -demonstrated the relative value of institutions, -showing that those which are best for one age of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_111">111</span> -society will be worthless for a later period. In -order to meet changing social needs and conditions, -institutions must change. There is a fundamental -evolution in social changes.</p> - -<p>A communistic social organization, according to -Aristotle, is psycho-sociologically untenable. The -importance of the middle classes is socially inestimable. -Laws should be respected in small particulars. -The attitude of the members of society -toward their social organizations is more important -than the type of organization itself. Human conduct -in the mass is to a degree predictable.</p> - -<p>After the time of Aristotle, Hellenic life degenerated. -Political corruption, military intrigue, and -intellectual scepticism vitiated the Hellenic morality -that was founded on custom. The ideal, held by -Plato and Aristotle, of man as an integral part of -a constructive social order was supplanted by a -philosophy of pure individualism.</p> - -<p>In Athens, Epicurus (341–270 B. C.) became the -leader of the popular hedonistic philosophy with its -emphasis upon pleasure. Self-sacrifice and noble -conduct in the social sense are foreign to Epicureanism. -Friends should be sought, not for the -sake of cultivating their friendship, but for the -pleasure to the seeker. If you treat other persons -unjustly, they will retaliate; therefore, treat others -justly.</p> - -<p>Stoicism which was founded in Athens by Zeno -reached its culmination among the Romans and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_112">112</span> -hence will be discussed in the following chapter. -Polybius (203–121 B. C.), known as the last Hellenic -social philosopher, developed a theory of social -evolution, based on the belief that people associate -because of the selfish benefits that accrue, and on -the fact that group approval and disapproval play a -leading part in the development of human attitudes.</p> - -<p>Grecian social thought is noteworthy because of -its intellectual foundations. It ignored many affective -elements, and for that reason it became one-sided -and unbalanced. It was rational rather than -affective or supernatural. It was designed to -meet the needs of this life. It moved away from -authority and towards opportunism.</p> - -<p>Economically, Hellenic social thought assumed -or justified human slavery. It postulated a democracy, -but a democracy builded on the backs of thousands -of slaves. In practice at the height of the -Athenian democracy there were only about 25,000 -free Athenians as against 300,000 slaves. Women -were not enfranchised. The governments put -slaves into the armies, and ultimately attempted to -throw out a commercial net over the other Mediterranean -states. As a result they lost the spirit of -democracy. The whole system and concept of -democracy was undermined by the debilitating influences -of an industrial autocracy. The social -thought of the Greek was limited in its actual application -largely to the privileged few, who aristocratically -ignored the needs of the helpless many.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_113">113</span></p> - -<p>Grecian social thought at the height of the -Athenian democracy did achieve, however, for its -day and epoch, a unique degree of expression -among the free citizens. For example, in the -matter of athletics and recreation, the Athenians -worked together in furnishing themselves organized -group activities. Their athletic contests were -of a free community nature, untrammelled by commercialized -motives. In furnishing recreation for -themselves, they co-operated, they acted as community -units. Moreover, in these community activities -they generated in themselves the spirit of a -genuine democratic consciousness.</p> - -<p>The fundamentals of Grecian social thought were -preserved by the Romans, without being augmented -by them. Together with the Hebrew and early -Christian social thought, Grecian social thought -laid the foundations for the rise of modern social -science, and even of sociology.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_114">114</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_114"><span class="smcap" id="Chapter_VII">Chapter VII</span><br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Roman Social Thought</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>Roman social thought is an outgrowth of Hellenic -philosophic movements. It is represented in -part by the codification of important phases of -societary control—the product of the legalistic -genius of the Romans. Stoicism, moreover, greatly -affected and conditioned the meager social thinking -of the Roman scholars.</p> - -<p>Lucretius (99–55 B. C.) was the chief Roman -exponent of Epicureanism. In his story of social -evolution he began with the various phases of the -biological struggle for existence, and proceeded to -depict in a remarkably significant fashion the -origins of social practices and customs.<a id="FNanchor_VII-1" href="#Footnote_VII-1" class="fnanchor">VII-1</a> Although -his data are of questionable value, his descriptions -of social origins often run strangely parallel to -modern findings.</p> - -<p>The ideal commonwealth of Cicero (106–43 B. C.) -is founded on the belief that Rome has the -possibility of becoming an ideal state.<a id="FNanchor_VII-2" href="#Footnote_VII-2" class="fnanchor">VII-2</a> The best -ideas in this connection were selected by Cicero -from the Aristotelian, Epicurean, and Stoic philosophies. -Cicero was apparently an exponent of -honest statesmanship and finally gave his life for<span class="pagenum" id="Page_115">115</span> -civic efficiency. He argued that a child should not -be punished by either a parent or a teacher in a fit -of anger. Corporal punishment should be considered -only when other methods fail to discipline.</p> - -<p>The descriptive studies of Julius Caesar (100–44 B. C.) -are noteworthy. The <i>Commentaries</i> present -social studies of contemporary conditions; they possess -modern value. In a large number of instances -the accuracy of Caesar’s social notes has been -verified.</p> - -<p>The teachings of the Roman Stoics may be traced -back to the Socratic formula: Virtue is knowledge. -Virtue is knowledge which grows out of practical -human conduct. Unlike Aristotle, the Stoics believed -that sympathy is a disease. It is pathological -and hence must be overcome. In helping other people -the wise individual does not allow the emotion -of pity to appear.</p> - -<p>Contrary to the theory of the Epicureans, the -Stoics taught that pleasure is a tiresome and sickly -goal. Seneca (4 B. C.-65 A. D.), a leading Roman -Stoic, declared: “I am seeking to find what is good -for a man, not for his belly.”<a id="FNanchor_VII-3" href="#Footnote_VII-3" class="fnanchor">VII-3</a> Virtue, according to -Stoic philosophy, consists in living a free and undisturbed -life. A line was drawn between the virtuous -and non-virtuous, between a few virtuous and -a multitude of fools. This doctrine tends to engender -in the few virtuous a contemptuous regard -for the pig-trough philosophy of the many.</p> - -<p>This tendency, however, was offset by the Stoic<span class="pagenum" id="Page_116">116</span> -belief that all persons originally possess the same -nature and that all are children of the same universal -Spirit. Social differences, hence, are external -and superficial. Beneath the surface of human -nature there is a cosmopolitanism which constitutes -a passive brotherhood of man. Brotherly love -should rule, according to the Stoics, but it should -rule temperately, and not in such a way as to disturb -the individual’s self control. Brotherly love should -be not a passionate but an intellectual element.</p> - -<p>In his treatise on Benefits, Seneca makes benevolence -the most social of all virtues; and ingratitude -the most venal of all crimes. Marcus Aurelius -(121–180 A. D.) gave the social injunction: Love -mankind.<a id="FNanchor_VII-4" href="#Footnote_VII-4" class="fnanchor">VII-4</a> Living should consist in passing from -one social act to another.<a id="FNanchor_VII-5" href="#Footnote_VII-5" class="fnanchor">VII-5</a> This is a social world; -men exist for the sake of one another.<a id="FNanchor_VII-6" href="#Footnote_VII-6" class="fnanchor">VII-6</a></p> - -<p>The Stoic Emperor declared that God is social -and that individuals are part of God’s universe. -Each individual is a component part of the social -system, and hence every act of the individual is an -integral phase of social life.<a id="FNanchor_VII-7" href="#Footnote_VII-7" class="fnanchor">VII-7</a> Inasmuch as the Intelligence -of the universe is social, human society -functions as a phase of the cosmic co-ordination. -We are all co-laborers and co-operators. Even the -persons who find fault and who hinder what happens, -are performing useful co-operative functions.<a id="FNanchor_VII-8" href="#Footnote_VII-8" class="fnanchor">VII-8</a> -That which is harmful to the swarm is likewise -harmful to the individual. Man is a citizen of the -world.<a id="FNanchor_VII-9" href="#Footnote_VII-9" class="fnanchor">VII-9</a> The services of a good citizen are never<span class="pagenum" id="Page_117">117</span> -lost. The good citizen does good chiefly by the -example he sets.<a id="FNanchor_VII-10" href="#Footnote_VII-10" class="fnanchor">VII-10</a></p> - -<p>But the cosmopolitanism of the Stoics never -extended beyond a passive interest in the world of -affairs. It meant that the individual should be -agreeable with other persons, that he should be -tolerant of the weaknesses of others, and that he -should be aware constantly that others are watching -him and likely to copy the example he sets.<a id="FNanchor_VII-11" href="#Footnote_VII-11" class="fnanchor">VII-11</a> -Stoicism requires the suppression of anger and the -exercising of clemency toward all human beings. -While Stoicism does not extend so far in its profession -as Christianity’s doctrine of brotherhood -of man, it represents a broader viewpoint of life -than any code of conduct which previously had -developed in the non-Christian world.</p> - -<p>The purpose of punishment, according to Seneca, -is two-fold: either to reform the evil-doer; or to -prevent the operation of his evil influence and to -stop him from setting harmful examples.<a id="FNanchor_VII-12" href="#Footnote_VII-12" class="fnanchor">VII-12</a> The -social medicine must be determined, quantitatively -and qualitatively, by the nature of the offender and -the offense. Above all things else, he who administers -punishment must not act in anger. Justice -cannot be angry.<a id="FNanchor_VII-13" href="#Footnote_VII-13" class="fnanchor">VII-13</a> Lynch procedure is entirely contrary -to the teachings of Stoicism.</p> - -<p>First of all, thieves and robbers should be instructed -in the error of their ways. Obtain their -point of view and administer punishment accordingly. -Pity them. The individual who understands<span class="pagenum" id="Page_118">118</span> -why criminals commit offenses is prevented from -becoming angry with them.<a id="FNanchor_VII-14" href="#Footnote_VII-14" class="fnanchor">VII-14</a> Aurelius, like Jesus,<a id="FNanchor_VII-15" href="#Footnote_VII-15" class="fnanchor">VII-15</a> -gave the injunction: Love even those who do -wrong. Aurelius, like Paul,<a id="FNanchor_VII-16" href="#Footnote_VII-16" class="fnanchor">VII-16</a> urged an attitude of -charity toward wrong-doers.<a id="FNanchor_VII-17" href="#Footnote_VII-17" class="fnanchor">VII-17</a></p> - -<p>The Stoics condemned luxurious living and -fashion racing. True riches consists not in augmenting -one’s fortune, but in abating the desires -for securing material wealth.<a id="FNanchor_VII-18" href="#Footnote_VII-18" class="fnanchor">VII-18</a> The words of Emperor -Aurelius regarding ostentatious living do not -seem out of place when applied to the modern display -of wealth. Seneca asserted that he would -despise wealth as much when he has it as when he -does not possess it.</p> - -<p>Stoicism urged the Aristotelian social mean regarding -property. Much property is a burden and -a cause of worry and fear. It excites envy in -others. The best society is that which is characterized -by neither poverty nor plenty. The poor -should not condemn riches, and the wealthy err in -extolling the benefits of poverty—each is speaking -of a situation which is objective to him and outside -his sphere. Since it is objective to him, he is not -qualified to speak concerning it. The individual is -a great man who is not corrupted by his wealth; but -he is a greater man who is honestly poor in the -midst of plenty.<a id="FNanchor_VII-19" href="#Footnote_VII-19" class="fnanchor">VII-19</a> Riches constitute a power to do -evil, hence mediocrity of fortune with a gentleness -of mind represents the best status.<a id="FNanchor_VII-20" href="#Footnote_VII-20" class="fnanchor">VII-20</a></p> - -<p>Stoicism enunciated excellent social ideals, which<span class="pagenum" id="Page_119">119</span> -were, however, passively intellectual. They were -not affectively dynamic. Despite their implications, -they begat social inertia. The teachings of the -Stoics removed rather than instilled a sense of public -responsibility. The doctrines are available to -the few rather than to the masses, although a -Roman slave, Epictetus, as an exception, rose to a -full interpretation of Stoic principles. The social -ideals and concepts of the Stoics did not possess -enough power to regenerate a degenerate society. -They had sufficient strength, however, to maintain -themselves in a voluptuous and pleasure-seeking -world. They performed the exceedingly useful -function of preparing the way for the invasion of -the Roman Empire by the new and active Christian -propaganda. The teachings of the Stoics made -easier the conquest of Rome by Christianity. They -softened a little an otherwise hard-hearted world.</p> - -<p>As a class the Romans were men of action. -They were soldiers and administrators. The name -of Rome is still synonymous with power. On the -whole it must be said that the Romans made little -contribution to societary thought.</p> - -<p>The constructive work of the Romans was legal -and administrative. They built up a special social -science—legal science. The legal genius of the -Romans emphasized the rights of contract, of private -property, of interest. Although this attention -to the development of individualistic institutions -was fatal to the rise of new social attitudes and to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_120">120</span> -an increase in the sense of social responsibility, it -nevertheless was instrumental in constructing a -stable framework for the evolution of the social -process.</p> - -<p>The Romans preserved a portion of Hellenic culture. -The teachings of Plato and Aristotle were -saved to modern civilization. Credit is due the -Romans for receiving, keeping, working over, and -handing on a part of the best Hellenic civilization.</p> - -<p>Roman thought accentuated military principles of -authority, even to the point of autocracy. It tended -to crush the unprivileged populace. It tried to keep -the masses contented by generous state aid. It -denied to personality its complete individual and -social expressions. In building an individualistic -framework which would provide an orderly <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">milieu</i> -for the rise of the institution of private property, -it ignored the needs of the uneducated and poverty-enslaved -masses for a full measure of liberty.</p> - -<p>Rome developed the concept of organized power. -The organizing ability of the Romans was marvelous, -an organizing power that lives today in and -through the Catholic Church.</p> - -<p>The greatest gift of Rome was its Stoic concepts. -Although these originated in Hellas, they attained -their maturity in Rome. They opened the way for -the reception of the Christian social concepts of -love, service, brotherhood of man.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_121">121</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_121"><span class="smcap" id="Chapter_VIII">Chapter VIII</span><br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Early Christian Social Thought</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>Christian social thought is the direct outgrowth -of Hebrew social concepts. Amos and Hosea and -Isaiah paved the way for the social teachings of -Jesus. The social commandments of the Old Testament -were the progenitors of the modified social -injunctions of the New Testament. Job, the social -citizen, was not an unworthy precursor of Jesus, -the lover of humanity. Out of the love and tender -care for children which thrived in Hebrew homes -there arose the concept of the brotherhood of man -and the Fatherhood of God—the two cardinal principles -of Christianity.</p> - -<p>Jesus gave expression to no system of social -thought, but uttered social principles and concepts -which, when put together, constituted the basis of -a new social order. He dealt with personalities -rather than with institutions. He looked to the individual -rather than to the mass. He emphasized -functions rather than structures. He proclaimed -the need for socio-religious personalities. If he -could get these, he was sure of the ultimate societal -results. He foresaw a perfect society—the Kingdom -of God.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_122">122</span></p> - -<p>Unlike Plato and Aristotle, Jesus was a continual -student of everyday life. Like Socrates, Jesus was -fond of people. He was a student of individual -and social affairs. He mixed with all types of -human beings. Like Socrates, he wrote practically -nothing. Unlike Socrates, Jesus had a dynamic element -in his nature which forbade him to remain -content to argue with people (after the Socratic -manner), but which drove him to help and to heal. -He went about doing good. The Gospel records -are replete with instance after instance of his work -in healing the sick of their infirmities. He was not, -however, a physician but a teacher and a savior -from sin and evil.</p> - -<p>Behind all the teachings of Jesus, there is the -concept of a perfect human order. This Kingdom -begins in the hearts of individuals.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-1" href="#Footnote_VIII-1" class="fnanchor">VIII-1</a> It is a spirit -or an attitude of mind which leads the individual -toward co-operative living. The Kingdom may -come on earth as well as in heaven. Consider the -picture of a harmonious community life which -Jesus gave when lamenting over Jerusalem: “How -often would I have gathered thy children together, -as a hen doth gather her brood together under her -wings, and ye would not!”<a id="FNanchor_VIII-2" href="#Footnote_VIII-2" class="fnanchor">VIII-2</a></p> - -<p>Jesus extended the concept of brotherhood. -Whoever shall do the will of God is a brother to -me.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-3" href="#Footnote_VIII-3" class="fnanchor">VIII-3</a> The world, under God, is one family. The -Kingdom, therefore, is to include all human beings, -who worship God in spirit and in truth and who at<span class="pagenum" id="Page_123">123</span> -the same time love their fellowmen in justice and -co-operative living.</p> - -<p>The ideal society is organic. It grows from good -examples. Live so that other persons, seeing the -helpfulness of your life, may live likewise. The -Kingdom grows like a grain of mustard seed, which -finally becomes a tree in whose branches the birds -find homes.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-4" href="#Footnote_VIII-4" class="fnanchor">VIII-4</a> Love grows, and like leaven, permeates -and transforms the whole mass,—the result -is the perfect Kingdom.</p> - -<p>God is the spiritual leader of the new society, to -whom Jesus prayed in the social term, Our Father. -God is the personification of love. God loved the -sinful world so much that he gave his only son to -the task of saving not simply the Jews or modern -Europeans, but the whole world from all sins. The -Star which guided the Magi was God’s service Star, -announcing that he had given his only son in the -war against sin.</p> - -<p>Love is the new note that is to re-form the world. -Love is the scientific principle from which all other -true sociological concepts are derived. Love received -the most perfect human expression in the -personality and life of Jesus, who came not for self -glory but to save people from hate and sin; who -sought not the sheep to oppress and slay them for -his own gratification, but to direct them, when lost, -back to safe living; who sought not to weigh down -the burdened with unjust taxes and harsh living -conditions, but to relieve and give rest to the heavy-laden:<span class="pagenum" id="Page_124">124</span> -who cared less for the upper Four Hundred -than for the lower Four Hundred Million.</p> - -<p>The principle of love compels the members of the -Kingdom to show mercy. God is full of mercy, -therefore, let his followers show mercy. Love forgives. -The Christian citizen is instructed to become -reconciled with his brother citizen before -worshipping at the altar of God.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-6" href="#Footnote_VIII-6" class="fnanchor">VIII-6</a> If the individual -would be forgiven of his sins, he must acquire the -habit of forgiving other persons. He must be careful -not to judge harshly, lest other persons judge -him harshly. He should forgive others seventy -times seven times, that is, without stint or measure.</p> - -<p>St. Luke, the physician, recites the story of a -loving father. The prodigal son impetuously demanded -his share of the inheritance, and going into -a far country, wasted his substance in riotous living. -But upon showing true remorse for these -exceedingly grave offenses, his father received him -back with a loving, forgiving heart, a feast, the -best robes, and music and dancing. One of the -malefactors who was crucified with Christ, showed -a penitent heart at the last moment and received -forgiveness from the loving, dying Christ. Since -no one is without sin, no one has a right to be unforgiving. -Even the woman taken in adultery came -within the law of forgiving love.</p> - -<p>The societary principle of love is the major chord -of Christianity. It is Christianity’s unscientific but -greatest gift to sociology. It has become the fundamental<span class="pagenum" id="Page_125">125</span> -concept of sociology. To the Old Testament -type of love which urged the individual to -love his neighbor and to love the alien and stranger, -Jesus repeatedly insisted upon a love that is still -greater, namely, a love which will include enemies. -Love your enemies.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-7" href="#Footnote_VIII-7" class="fnanchor">VIII-7</a> Jesus himself exemplified this -form of love. He made no idle interpretation of an -impossible love, but demonstrated and lived a love -which forgave his enemies, even those who mockingly, -shamelessly nailed him to a cross. So great -is the drawing power of this almost superhuman -love which Jesus expressed in deeds that he himself -predicted that if he were lifted up he would draw -all people unto him.</p> - -<p>Love fills people with compassion. The Gospels -are replete with references to the fact that wherever -Jesus saw sickness, poverty, sin, he was moved with -compassion. The illustrations range from the -blind men by the wayside to the bread-hungry multitudes, -from the unclean leper in Galilee to murderous -Jerusalem.</p> - -<p>Love is cosmopolitan. All peoples are entitled to -know the meaning of Christian love.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-8" href="#Footnote_VIII-8" class="fnanchor">VIII-8</a> Both Jew -and Gentile shall feel its warming glow. The -Samaritan lives it. Loving neighborliness includes -more than priestly and Levitical acts; it involves -Samaritan kindness. The love in the heart of Jesus -reached first to a few close friends, then to sinners -and outcasts, then to the Samaritans and the Gentiles, -and finally to the whole world. It led ultimately<span class="pagenum" id="Page_126">126</span> -to that most unselfish of all human enterprises—the -missionary movement.</p> - -<p>Love leads to humility and self-sacrifice. Alms-giving -is done in private, not for social plaudits. -The individual prays, not to be seen of men and -thereby to be accounted good.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-9" href="#Footnote_VIII-9" class="fnanchor">VIII-9</a> He who seeks to -save his life shall lose it; whoever loses his life for -the sake of the Kingdom shall save it. He who -stores up for himself the wealth of the world shall -lose himself. Salutations in the market places and -chief seats in the synagogues in themselves are unworthy. -The poor in spirit are blessed.</p> - -<p>Love shuns positions of worldly power, lest they -be secured at the loss of one’s soul.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-10" href="#Footnote_VIII-10" class="fnanchor">VIII-10</a> The best -positions in life are not to be seized; they are obtained -through the exercise of love; they are bestowed -in recognition of merit and worth. He who -exalts himself will be abased; the humble will be -exalted.</p> - -<p>Love creates true greatness. The members of -the society of perfect love are characterized by the -sincerity, purity, humility of little children.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-11" href="#Footnote_VIII-11" class="fnanchor">VIII-11</a> He -who serves most is greatest. The Kingdom of God -is an aristocracy, not of Might but of Service. The -Son of God came to serve, not to be served. For -the sake of those outside the Kingdom, Jesus sanctified -himself, sacrificing even his life in that cause.</p> - -<p>Love makes the Golden Rule the best sociological -proposition in Hebrew and Jewish literature. -“Whatsoever ye would that men should do to you,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_127">127</span> -do ye even so to them.” In reply to a lawyer of the -Pharisees, Jesus enunciated a two-fold commandment, -the first part of which invoked complete love -to God; and the second part, to man. The love of -the individual for his fellow man as shown in both -attitude and deeds is the test of the love of the -individual for God. Love means service. Love -does not connote lip-service; neither does it mean -divided service. No one can serve two masters, -God and mammon.</p> - -<p>Christian love implies definite and continued public -service. Social service is the test of entrance to -the Kingdom, and of the sincerity of the individual’s -religious profession.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-12" href="#Footnote_VIII-12" class="fnanchor">VIII-12</a> On the judgment -day those on the right hand will be blessed and -given life eternal, and to them the king of the judgment -will say:</p> - -<div class="poetry-container"> -<div class="poetry"> - <div class="stanza"> - <div class="verse indent0">I was an hungered, and ye gave me meat;</div> - <div class="verse indent0">I was thirsty, and ye gave me drink;</div> - <div class="verse indent0">I was a stranger, and ye took me in;</div> - <div class="verse indent0">Naked and ye clothed me;</div> - <div class="verse indent0">I was in prison, and ye came unto me.</div> - </div> -</div> -</div> - -<p>Then the righteous, with surprise, will inquire -of the Lord of the judgment: When did we see -you hungry and feed you; or thirsty, and give you -drink? When did we see you a stranger and take -you in? Then the Lord of the judgment will answer -them that when they had served the weak and -poor and the heavy-laden on earth, they had been -serving him and thereby had proved their loyalty to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_128">128</span> -God and earned the rewards of everlasting life. -And those who fail to measure up to the social -service test, whether professing Christians or not, -will be turned away.</p> - -<p>The importance and nature of religio-social service -is indicated by Jesus when he symbolizes the -giving of a cup of cold water in his name as a test -for receiving eternal life.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-13" href="#Footnote_VIII-13" class="fnanchor">VIII-13</a> He who has two coats -should give one to him who has none. The sharing -of food with those who have no food is commanded. -Give liberally; give all thou hast.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-14" href="#Footnote_VIII-14" class="fnanchor">VIII-14</a> It is -blessed to give under all circumstances. Material -riches are insignificant in value when compared -with spiritual wealth. To give the things of this -world is to receive the greater things of the spirit. -He is richest who gives most, both of material and -spiritual goods. As an expression of his love for -God, Jesus lived a life of social and human service.</p> - -<p>Whenever Jesus mentioned the ten commandments—all -three synoptic writers agree on this -point—he omitted the four commandments of individual -import and repeated only the social rules, -or principles:</p> - -<p> -(1) Thou shalt do no murder,<br /> -(2) Thou shalt not commit adultery,<br /> -(3) Thou shalt not steal,<br /> -(4) Thou shalt not bear false witness,<br /> -(5) Honor thy father and mother,<br /> -(6) Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself. -</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_129">129</span></p> - -<p>After the fashion of the major social prophets, -Jesus cried out vehemently against social injustice. -He denounced the persons who devour widows’ -houses, or who lay unnecessary economic burdens -upon their fellowmen.</p> - -<p>Anti-social religion, above all things else, angered -Jesus. He wanted no followers who were practicing -social or political injustice. Cursed are those -persons who appear righteous, who make long -prayers, or who go about in long robes, but who -inwardly are hypocrites, are full of dead men’s -bones, of uncleanness, of extortion and excess.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-15" href="#Footnote_VIII-15" class="fnanchor">VIII-15</a> -The shedding of innocent blood is condemned. The -paying of money in order to expiate sin will avail -nothing. Such money is tainted; it is blood money.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-16" href="#missing" class="fnanchor">VIII-16</a></p> - -<p>Anti-social and commercialized religion so angered -Jesus that, contrary to his customary attitudes -toward sinners, he committed violence on one -occasion against offenders. He overthrew the -tables of the money changers in the temple, and, -making a scourge of small cords, he drove out the -money changers. In so doing, he declared that the -worship of God should not be commercialized.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-17" href="#Footnote_VIII-17" class="fnanchor">VIII-17</a> He -would not have the house of worship turned into a -cultured den of thieves.</p> - -<p>So furious were the scribes and the chief priests -because of the attack of Jesus upon anti-social -religious practices that they planned how they -might kill him.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-18" href="#Footnote_VIII-18" class="fnanchor">VIII-18</a> It appears that as a direct result -of the antagonism of Jesus to the anti-social practices<span class="pagenum" id="Page_130">130</span> -of the religious, or temple, authorities and of -the other religious leaders the conspiracy against -Jesus finally brought about his death. Jesus went -about stirring up the common people in a democratic -movement against the autocratic, hypocritical, -anti-social religious leaders among the Jews. -He met his death while championing the needs of -the masses who were being exploited in the name -of religion.</p> - -<p>Jesus was the highest type of social democrat. -The perfected social order which he foresaw is a -democracy, ruled by the principles of love and -service in the name of God. Furthermore, no one -shall be compelled to come into the Kingdom. The -good tidings shall be presented to all individuals, -but the liberty of the individual shall not be violated. -The principle of voluntary assent, not compulsion -or conscription, rules in recruiting for the -Kingdom. Moreover, within the Kingdom, compulsion -is unknown. Love sufficeth.</p> - -<p>Jesus hated sin. To him, sin was anything which -overcomes love and which causes the individual or -society to disintegrate. Sin is that which defeats -or hinders the coming of the Kingdom of Love. -Sin breaks up or holds back the social process. Sin, -like love, is organic. Sin grows. An evil tree -brings forth evil fruit; grapes and figs are not -gathered from thorns or thistle-bearing plants.</p> - -<p>Jesus forgave sinners; even social sinners. By -means of his imagination, he put himself in the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_131">131</span> -place of the sinner and sought to understand the -causes of the sinning. As his mind filled with an -understanding of sin, his heart overflowed with pity -and forgiveness for the sinner. He sought primarily -to reclaim; he thought secondarily of punishment. -Even in the case of the adulterous woman, -he sought to save what was left of the broken spirit -rather than to punish. His cardinal penological -principle was reformation.</p> - -<p>It is significant that the social institution which -Jesus supported above all others, even above the -church and the state, was the family. Jesus spoke -frequently for the family. He commanded that -children should unwaveringly act loyally toward -parents; he used not only the clear-cut terms of the -writer of Exodus but added a curse of death upon -those who abuse their parents.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-19" href="#Footnote_VIII-19" class="fnanchor">VIII-19</a></p> - -<p>An even stronger command was given by Jesus -concerning loyalty to the marriage relation. A -man’s genuine loyalty to his parents, undiminished -in intensity, must be subordinated to faithfulness -to his wife.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-20" href="#Footnote_VIII-20" class="fnanchor">VIII-20</a> This social theory is opposite in character -to that of Confucius concerning attitudes -toward parents and wives. The conception which -Jesus urged leads to social progress, while the -teaching of Confucius leads to social stagnation.</p> - -<p>A man and woman who have been spiritually -joined together in wedlock are one flesh, above and -beyond separation by civil authorities. Jesus uttered -the stern and awe-inspiring sanction: What<span class="pagenum" id="Page_132">132</span> -therefore God hath joined together, let not man put -asunder. The family as an institution is accorded -a sacredly fundamental place in the social order.</p> - -<p>Jesus recognized woman as equal with man spiritually. -His attitude toward his mother and the -other women of his day was one of respect, chivalry, -and gentleness. He laid the foundations of a -social process in which women function on terms -of equality with men.</p> - -<p>Honor to parents and honor to wife must be supplanted -by honor to children. Jesus worshiped -little children. In them he saw the innocence and -purity of God. When he wished to describe the -attributes of the Kingdom, he selected a little child -and held him up as typifying the simple, natural -spirit of perfect living. Although without children -himself, Jesus loved little children, choosing them -for special honors, and declaring that of such is -the Kingdom of God. It is not God’s will that one -of these little ones should perish; it is the stupidity -of man and the lack of social conscience that causes -a high mortality rate of little children. He who -harms the trustful child shall be cursed. It were -better for such a miscreant that a millstone were -tied about his neck and that he were thrown into -the sea.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-21" href="#Footnote_VIII-21" class="fnanchor">VIII-21</a></p> - -<p>In regard to the influence of private property -Jesus was fearful. His zeal for and whole-hearted -loyalty to spiritual values made him suspicious of -vested interests. He repeatedly warned in vigorous<span class="pagenum" id="Page_133">133</span> -language against the lure of gold and the baneful -influences of material wealth upon the attitudes and -acts of the individual. He himself showed no interest -in owning property. He lived without a -home of his own and without private means. If -he had possessed these, his life-work probably -would have failed. He urged his disciples to remain -free from the desire for money; he even commanded -them to rely for the means of material -subsistence upon the people with whom they labored. -Jesus believed that private property hindered -the realization of the principle of brotherhood -of man. He made a sharp distinction between the -interests of God and mammon. He believed that -these two sets of interests are diametrically opposed -to each other. To the extent that the individual -relies upon property, he separates himself -from God and the things of the Spirit. The disciples -were instructed to scorn, not only the earning -of wealth, but if they possessed earthly goods, -they were to sell these and give the proceeds to the -poor.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-22" href="#Footnote_VIII-22" class="fnanchor">VIII-22</a> The disciple of the spiritual life must -divorce himself from the love of monetary gain.</p> - -<p>Toward the poor, Jesus was sympathetic. The -Gospel shall be preached chiefly to the poor, not -because the poor, <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">per se</i>, need it more than the rich -and not because the poor should be specially favored, -but because they recognize their needs. -They are in a receptive attitude whereas the attitude -of the rich has been calloused by their wealth.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_134">134</span> -The response to the Gospel is not likely to be whole-hearted -by persons who possess an extensive interest -in riches.</p> - -<p>Jesus taught a spiritual socialism. He thought -in terms of spiritual love for all persons, not of -material well-being for the proletariat. But he -seemed to prefer the company of the poor. Blessed -are the poor, was his attitude; for they are in a -frame of mind which makes them fit subjects for -the perfect Kingdom. The possession of property -gives the individual a feeling of self-exaltation; -poverty gives rise to humility—a cardinal virtue of -the Kingdom.</p> - -<p>Jesus did not attack poverty with preventive -measures. Poverty will continue to exist.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-23" href="#Footnote_VIII-23" class="fnanchor">VIII-23</a> Perhaps -it is well that it should continue, for a nation -of economically satisfied people might not be religiously -minded. It is harder for a camel to go -through a needle’s eye than for a rich man to get -into the swing of an untrammeled social process. -Woe unto the rich, because they are self-centered, -materially inclined, and pleasure-loving. The man -who pulled down his barns in order to build larger -barns, saying to himself, “Take thine ease, eat, -drink, and be merry,” is scathingly condemned by -Jesus.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-24" href="#Footnote_VIII-24" class="fnanchor">VIII-24</a> He is ostracized from the ideal society. -In the story of Lazarus and the rich man, the -former is carried to Abraham’s bosom, but the latter, -in torments, begs for a cup of water and the -company of Lazarus. He wanted Lazarus sent to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_135">135</span> -him; he longed for the company of him whom he -once ignored. The attention of Jesus was continually -centered on the dangers of wealth, but rarely -on the need of preventing poverty.</p> - -<p>Zaccheus, a rich man, was called as a disciple of -Jesus. But before the discipleship began, the superintendent -not only had to come down from the -mulberry tree and declare his allegiance to God, -but he had to become socially converted as well. -He promised to give one-half of his wealth to the -poor and to restore falsely acquired possessions -fourfold.</p> - -<p>Then there was the rich young man who came -to Jesus, asking how he might obtain admittance -to the Kingdom, declaring that he observed the -commandments. One more thing, however, was -required of him, namely, that he sell all his possessions -and give the returns to the poor. Only by -so giving might he have treasure in the social -Kingdom.</p> - -<p>The teaching of Jesus concerning the Sabbath -throws light on the exceedingly human element in -his thought. The Sabbath is a special day for doing -good deeds.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-25" href="#Footnote_VIII-25" class="fnanchor">VIII-25</a> The Sabbath is to be treated not primarily -from the standpoint of religious rites but -from the viewpoint of human welfare. Works of -necessity, and deeds of mercy and kindness to man -and beast are proper to the Sabbath.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-26" href="#Footnote_VIII-26" class="fnanchor">VIII-26</a> Man was -not made for the Sabbath, but the day of rest and -good deeds was designed for the benefit of man.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_136">136</span></p> - -<p>The attitude of Jesus toward the problem of -peace versus war has aroused considerable controversy. -There are certain of his sayings which seem -to contradict each other. But an analysis of all his -teachings demonstrates that his emphasis was on -peace. The exceptions to the rule will be stated -first.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-27" href="#Footnote_VIII-27" class="fnanchor">VIII-27</a> On one occasion he said: I came not to -send peace, but a sword. The context shows that -Jesus was speaking in an individual and not a -national way. He had in mind the conflicts which -arise between the individuals who are converted to -the ideals of the Kingdom and those who are not. -Jesus explained that those who love him must do -so even at the expense of forsaking father and -mother.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-28" href="#Footnote_VIII-28" class="fnanchor">VIII-28</a> Loyalty to the Kingdom may mean that -the son will oppose the practices of his father in -business, the daughter will object to the time wasted -in the unChristian practices of her mother, the -parents will protest the sowing of “wild oats” by -son or daughter.</p> - -<p>In the temple, on one occasion, Jesus displayed -anger and used violence. He was dealing, however, -with a group of criminals, cultured criminals, -who apparently would respond to no treatment except -violence. They would not cease their nefarious -practices except through compulsion.</p> - -<p>On the other hand, the illustrations are many -where Jesus used love in order to change the ways -of people. He never used force in his own behalf, -even to save his life. He rebuked Simon Peter for<span class="pagenum" id="Page_137">137</span> -drawing his sword and cutting off the right ear of -the servant of the high priest who in company with -others were seeking Jesus in order to bind him and -kill him.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-29" href="#Footnote_VIII-29" class="fnanchor">VIII-29</a> At another time Jesus specifically enjoined: -Resist not evil; and instructed his followers -when smitten upon the right cheek to turn -the left also. Those who take the sword shall perish -by the sword; the nation that builds itself up -by the sword shall be destroyed by it.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-30" href="#Footnote_VIII-30" class="fnanchor">VIII-30</a></p> - -<p>The birth of Jesus was accompanied by glad tidings -and song, proclaiming peace on earth and good -will toward men.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-31" href="#Footnote_VIII-31" class="fnanchor">VIII-31</a> Blessed are the peacemakers. -In the perfect society, good will by all to all will be -shown, perfect love will reign, and permanent peace -will prevail.</p> - -<p>Jesus may or may not have expressed himself on -several important issues of his day. The incomplete -records do not indicate his attitude upon many -vital social problems. It appears that Jesus usually -spoke in remedial rather than preventive social -terms. However, beneath this remedial terminology -there are fundamental social principles, -which, if put into common practice, would solve all -social problems. Jesus proposed to build an ideal -society by re-making and regenerating individuals. -He dared to promulgate the radical program of re-making -human nature itself. He commanded that -all selfish impulses and instincts be completely subordinated -to the altruistic and socializing desires.</p> - -<p>Jesus insisted throughout his life-work upon the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_138">138</span> -principle that material factors must be subjected to -spiritual values. In order to make this principle -clear he often took particular pains to treat material -goods with the utmost insignificance. He -perceived that individuals are made slaves by the -worship of wealth, either on the part of themselves, -of the privileged classes, or of society itself. He -inaugurated a program of spiritualization which -would free the world from the slavery which may -come from economic forces.</p> - -<p>Although a religious teacher above all things else, -Jesus insisted upon the necessity of the existence -of something more than saving faith alone. He -required a social attitude of mind, a heart of social -love, and a spirit of service. Give freely to others. -Serve others. By giving himself for others, the -individual will function in the Kingdom of perfect -love, and win other individuals to that Kingdom.</p> - -<p>Jesus required that love be substituted for hate. -Unkind deeds must be supplanted by kind deeds. -According to this principle, employers and employees -must learn to love one another; and business -must be put upon the basis of love and service. -Government must be a series of mutual services. -Religion must harbor no selfishness. In all human -relationships, Jesus reiterated the principle: Love, -love, love. This is the spiritualizing and socializing -principle by which Jesus proposed to make over the -social process.</p> - -<p>Paul, the apostle to the Gentiles, by virtue of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_139">139</span> -unique experiences and many travels, possessed a -cosmopolitan attitude of mind. He gave a practical -application of the teaching of Jesus concerning -the brotherhood of man. He urged the equal -treatment of Jews and Gentiles, bond and free.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-32" href="#Footnote_VIII-32" class="fnanchor">VIII-32</a> -He preached the essential unity of mankind. God -is no respecter of persons; his Kingdom is a spiritual -democracy. We are all—Jew and Gentile—children -of the same Father, who gave his son in -service for all.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-33" href="#Footnote_VIII-33" class="fnanchor">VIII-33</a> To the call to come over into -Macedonia for the purpose of rendering aid, Paul -responded immediately and favorably. By so doing -he believed that he was carrying out the true implications -of the love of God.</p> - -<p>The greatest tribute that has ever been paid to -love as a social force was given by Paul.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-34" href="#Footnote_VIII-34" class="fnanchor">VIII-34</a> Although -possessing the highest educational qualifications -and being able to speak with the greatest eloquence, -any individual leads a practically useless -life unless that life is motivated by love. Giving -one’s possessions to the poor and sacrificing one’s -body counts little if one does these things in any -other spirit than that of love. Love protects the -individual from envying his neighbors, from becoming -proud and haughty and boastful. Love is -the greatest principle of life.</p> - -<p>The members of the Kingdom of God should -love one another under all circumstances.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-35" href="#Footnote_VIII-35" class="fnanchor">VIII-35</a> They -should bear one another’s burdens.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-36" href="#Footnote_VIII-36" class="fnanchor">VIII-36</a> They should -do good to all men, even to those who persecute.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_140">140</span> -Above all, they should not recompense any man -with evil for evil, or fail to feed their enemies if -the latter hunger. Love is the law of God. Perfect -love is more powerful than principalities and powers -and even death.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-37" href="#Footnote_VIII-37" class="fnanchor">VIII-37</a> Love conquers all evil. Love -is more powerful than might. A practical, cosmopolitan -brotherhood of man is one of the fundamental -concepts of Paul’s teachings.</p> - -<p>Paul taught the organic unity of mankind. In -the perfect Christian order each individual has a -specific function to perform which is a part of the -whole process. Paul compares this situation to the -human body in which there are many organs, each -performing its individual but correlated function.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-38" href="#Footnote_VIII-38" class="fnanchor">VIII-38</a> -No one liveth to himself, no one dieth to himself.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-39" href="#Footnote_VIII-39" class="fnanchor">VIII-39</a> -Every individual, even in dying, influences the social -equilibrium and affects group progress. All -individuals in the perfect Kingdom are co-laborers -and co-operators. Whatever weakens one individual -weakens society; whatever strengthens the -individual strengthens society, providing that -strength is used societarily.</p> - -<p>Another fundamental element in the social -thought of Paul was his concept of sin. Sin is socially -and individually destructive. The wages of -sin—a generic term—is death. Paul made a long -list of social sins, namely: covetousness, maliciousness, -drunkenness, wantonness, dishonesty, fraud, -stealing, fornication, murder. In nearly all his letters, -Paul warned his followers against the evils<span class="pagenum" id="Page_141">141</span> -which beset mankind. He urged people to beware -of the appearance of doing evil. Paul’s rule of -conduct was the Aristotelian mean: Be temperate -in all things.</p> - -<p>On the other hand, Paul cited long lists of virtues. -Love is continually urged. Temperance, -meekness, gentleness, honesty, purity, and justice -are repeatedly stressed. Paul’s description of a -good man and bishop is the delineation of the character -of a social citizen, who is temperate, a good -husband, who is not mercenary nor covetous, and -who ruleth well his household, with good reputation -and character.</p> - -<p>In all Paul’s thought, righteous living was uppermost. -Cheerful giving was commended. The -strong should bear the infirmities of the weak, not -only for the sake of the weak, but in order that the -strong may not become self-centered.</p> - -<p>Paul taught a gospel of peace. He deprecated -strife between individuals. He trusted in the operation -of the law of love. Love will bring order out -of confusion, and peace out of discord. The social -Kingdom of God, motivated by love, moves orderly, -harmoniously, and constructively.</p> - -<p>Paul firmly supported the family as an essential -institution of society. He admonished children to -obey their parents, to honor their fathers and -mothers. He commanded wives to obey their husbands, -and husbands to love their wives even as -Christ loved the church and as men love themselves.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-40" href="#Footnote_VIII-40" class="fnanchor">VIII-40</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_142">142</span> -He commanded men to remain true in the -marriage relation, and to keep the single standard -of morals inviolate.</p> - -<p>The dangers of wealth were frequently pointed -out by Paul. We brought no riches into this life: -we can not take any riches out. Riches continually -subject us to temptations, snares, and lusts. The -love of money is the root of all evil.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-41" href="#Footnote_VIII-41" class="fnanchor">VIII-41</a> The greatest -wealth which any person can acquire is the wealth -of good deeds done to other persons.</p> - -<p>The thought of Paul concerning law is exceedingly -modern. Law is not for the righteous; law -is for the lawless and disobedient. The honest and -righteous and just are above the law in the sense -that a well-mated husband and wife are above the -law of divorce. If there were none other than -happily-mated husbands and wives, there would be -no need of divorce laws. In a similar way, if perfect -love prevailed among all people, law could be -entirely discarded. The teachings of Paul run the -gamut of brotherly love. Paul thought in terms of -concepts such as these: being well-grounded in love; -abounding in love; let brotherly love continue; -the love of Christ constraineth. Paul carried a -message of love to all men, and established the -church as a home for all who would accept Christ’s -message of love.</p> - -<p>The apostle James spoke in no uncertain terms of -the democracy of God, the need of helping the weak, -the dangers of riches, the evils of strife, and the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_143">143</span> -social commandments. James made social service -a fundamental test of religion.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-42" href="#Footnote_VIII-42" class="fnanchor">VIII-42</a></p> - -<p>Peter attacked the same social sins that Jesus -and Paul had flayed, argued in behalf of the justice -of God, and proclaimed with new vigor the law of -love.</p> - -<p>John is the chief exponent of the principle of -love. God is love. The reign of God is a reign of -love; the Kingdom of God is a Kingdom of perfect -love. In the Book of Revelation, John describes -two cities; one wicked; and the other, perfect. The -first is elegantly clothed in purple and gold, bedecked -with precious stones. But her heart is rotten. -Lust and vice have ruined her. Her dominating -sins are sex immorality and luxury. The -perfect city is the new Jerusalem, a community of -happy people, motivated in all things by love. -Nothing that defileth is permitted in the New -Jerusalem, nor anything that worketh abomination, -or maketh a lie.<a id="FNanchor_VIII-43" href="#Footnote_VIII-43" class="fnanchor">VIII-43</a></p> - -<p>The fundamentals of early Christian social -thought may now be summarized. The New Testament -authorities offered no system of sociology; -they did not submit a scientific program for the -social reorganization of the world, but made, however, -substantial contributions.</p> - -<p>(1) Early Christian social thought represented -a system of changing the attitudes of individuals. -By making over individuals the world can be improved. -The individual is exalted. The individual<span class="pagenum" id="Page_144">144</span> -must be re-educated. The right sort of men will -produce the right sort of social structure and the -proper type of social process and society. Christianity -indicated socialized principles of conduct -which the disciples of Christianity must accept.</p> - -<p>(2) The Fatherhood of God is made a cardinal -principle of the Kingdom. When all persons recognize -the Fatherhood of God, they will have a strong -tie binding them together and impelling them to -regenerated living.</p> - -<p>(3) The universal brotherhood of man is a -natural corollary of the principle of the Fatherhood -of God. When everyone recognizes the underlying -brotherhood of all individuals, the prejudices of -race which now so bitterly divide mankind will begin -to dissolve.</p> - -<p>(4) Marriage is a divine right, and husbands -and wives shall work together in behalf of their -children. The family is the chief social institution -which the New Testament writers supported.</p> - -<p>(5) Little children set examples of simple faith -and trust. They call for sacrifice and transform -parents into altruistic beings.</p> - -<p>(6) Early Christian thought was missionary. -It was not self-centered. It said: Go. It drove out -its adherents unto all forms of unselfish living. It -required that its followers help the sick, preach the -gospel, travel into foreign lands. It was an activity -religion. It defined in living terms the dynamic and -driving principle of love.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_145">145</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_145"><span class="smcap" id="Chapter_IX">Chapter IX</span><br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Social Thought in the Middle Ages</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>The social thought of the Middle Ages was in -part a reflection of the unsettled social conditions, -and in part an outgrowth of the thought and life -of the five centuries which intervened between the -beginning of the Christian Era and the Fall of -Rome. During these centuries the Church Fathers -moved away from the pristine Christian teachings. -While they accepted the underlying social nature of -mankind and believed that government and social -organization were necessary in order to curb evil -tendencies, their teachings treated government as a -divine institution and transformed rulers into -super-powerful beings with divine rights. The -autocratic rather than the democratic element in -government received support.</p> - -<p>The strong Roman bias for organization and -administration was builded into the church—the -result was the powerful Church of Rome with its -hierarchal structure. After the Fall of Rome, the -Roman proclivity for centralization of government -lived on and produced within the Church a center -of power that has been the marvel of church -history.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_146">146</span></p> - -<p>The Church Fathers directed the attention of the -people to the next world and to preparation therefor. -Sacramental and sacrificial methods of salvation -were elaborated. The importance of improving -social conditions was ignored. In fact, the injustices -in the current social order were considered -as disciplinary measures for the soul in its preparation -for the next world. The improvement of living -conditions was considered to be wasted effort, -if not indicative of heretical tendencies of mind.</p> - -<p>By the third century, loyalty to creed had become -a dominant note in Christianity. The poor constituted -a decreasing influence in church life; wealth -was exerting unChristian influences. The aristocratic -elements in church organization began to -transform the poor into a special class within the -church. Poverty was not viewed preventively. By -the time of the Fall of Rome the poor had become -objects upon which to bestow alms as a means of -expiating sin.</p> - -<p>The greatest of the Latin Fathers was Saint -Augustine (354–450). Among other works, he -wrote a large set of twenty-two volumes under the -title of <i>The City of God</i>. In this gigantic undertaking -social thought was submerged beneath theological -discussions. A part of the argument is devoted -to an explanation of the Fall of Rome. The -leading causal elements are described as economic -factors, such as the rise of luxury; and religious -unbelief, such as the worship of pagan gods. Augustine<span class="pagenum" id="Page_147">147</span> -describes two cities, one of this world, materialistic -and debasing; and one of the next world—the -City of God, which through the will of God -will finally triumph.</p> - -<p>During the first half of the Middle Ages the -dominant tendencies are Roman and Christian. -The Roman power of organization gains increasing -strength in its new form—the Church. The Christian -influences were expressed in high ideals, new -duties, and asceticism. The church acted as a -soothing and quieting force in the centuries of unrest. -It built elaborate monasteries and gathered -together under its protecting wing large numbers -of people, chiefly the poor. Under the supervision -of the church, these religious believers lived in communal -and sympathetic fashion. Along with these -developments the church also manifested grave -abuses. At the expense sometimes of the ignorant -and the poor the church grew powerful.</p> - -<p>Out of the period of social disorder which characterized -the early Middle Ages there developed -educational movements, such as that which Charlemagne -sponsored, and the system of Feudalism, -which gave to the Middle Ages its most distinctive -set of characteristics. Feudalism made land the -central institution of society. The ownership of -land gave power; land constituted social and political -power. Land was parcelled out upon the receipt -of oaths of homage and fealty. Under this -land system there were three classes of people: the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_148">148</span> -nobles, the clergy, and the peasants. The nobles -were the rulers and exercised military prerogatives. -The clergy were either the privileged subjects of -the nobles, or else through the institution which -they represented they acquired land power. The -peasants often despised the nobles, although they -worked for and supported them.</p> - -<p>As an outgrowth of feudal industry various -forms of guilds or industrial organizations flourished -from the tenth to the fifteenth centuries. -Sometimes the masters and workmen jointly belonged -to guilds, as in the case of the merchant -guilds. Sometimes the guilds became local monopolies. -Always they possessed the aim of improving -the conditions of the membership.</p> - -<p>The religious wars, or Crusades, of the eleventh -to the thirteenth centuries inaugurated many -changes. They gave the restless nobility major -themes of attention and even removed many nobles -through death in battle from the European arena. -They created intellectual unrest. They enlarged -the horizons of many individuals and gave rise to -skepticism. They led to the Reformation.</p> - -<p>Social thought in the Middle Ages received a -considerable stimulus from Teutonic sources. The -barbarous Teutons contributed ideas of freedom. -They increased the emphasis upon the individual. -They were rough, bold exponents of “personal liberty,” -and disregarded mere churchly procedure, -social traditions, and some of the finer ideals of life<span class="pagenum" id="Page_149">149</span> -and character. On the other hand, chivalry and -knighthood were perhaps of Teutonic origin.</p> - -<p>The church utilized chivalry. It became the -duty of the knight to defend the church and that -which belonged to the church. Chivalry became a -form of social discipline which ruled in the latter -part of the Middle Ages. It softened manners and -became the sponsor for virtue. It remained, however, -a modified military structure with military -traditions.</p> - -<p>The rise of scholasticism took place in opposition -to monasticism. In the ninth century the leading -thinkers had not advanced beyond the conception -of a natural social state, characterized by -chaotic conditions, and organized by political machinery. -By the twelfth century only the faintest -glimmerings of a doctrine of popular sovereignty -had begun to appear. The thought of the day was -largely theological.</p> - -<p>The church through its systems of monasteries -had maintained centers where religious and intellectual -traditions had been preserved. These centers -were undoubtedly important factors in conserving -much that was valuable in an age when ruthless -disregard for civilized values prevailed.</p> - -<p>Because of the abuses which sprang up in connection -with the monasteries, certain positive reactions -against the monasteries arose. St. Francis of -Assisi (1181–1226) turned from the monastery to -actual life. He inaugurated a method for the regeneration<span class="pagenum" id="Page_150">150</span> -of society. He and his followers lived -and spent themselves among the actual poor, subjecting -themselves to the economic conditions of -the poor. They helped the poor, not by giving alms -as an expiation for sin and to secure self-salvation, -but by the first-hand giving of their lives. St. -Francis ignored the regular ecclesiastical conception -of charity and gave it all the reality of a new and -genuine social force. By renouncing the possession -of property and living as the poor live, he obtained -what he could secure in no other way—the poor -man’s point of view. In this way, also, he secured -an entrance into the poor man’s mind and heart -that could not be had so well by any other method. -By renouncing wealth and accepting literal poverty -he reached the core of the problem of poverty. St. -Francis was motivated by a desire to live a life of -love. He spent not wealth but his life for the poor.</p> - -<p>Scholasticism developed as a reaction against -churchly asceticism. According to scholasticism -the individual should look to reason rather than to -church dogma for religious and spiritual guidance. -Scholasticism repudiated church traditions as a -guide for individual action; it turned to Aristotelian -logic for its technique. Thomas Aquinas -(1226–1274), the best known of the scholastic -philosophers, pushed forward the Aristotelian -premises as follows: Man is a social being: he -unites with other individuals in a social organization -in order to gain his own purposes. The individual<span class="pagenum" id="Page_151">151</span> -looks to able rulers for wise political guidance; -he accords the requisite power to these rulers. -Aquinas thus recognized a tacit social compact, or -contract, foreshadowing Rousseau.</p> - -<p>In religion, scholasticism reduced religious mysticism -to rational forms. It based religion on -learning rather than on authority; it pursued the -methods of reasoning rather than of contemplation.</p> - -<p>Scholasticism furthered the advancement of -learning; it aided and developed the life of the -universities. It encouraged the growth of independent -thinking, although its decline set in about -the fourteenth century, before it had had a fair -opportunity to inaugurate a movement which would -lead to an inductive or a positivistic philosophy, or -sociology.</p> - -<p>Various other thought elements appeared in the -closing centuries of the Middle Ages. As early as -the ninth century a maritime code, a military code, -and a rural code were formulated in the Byzantine -Empire in order to meet new social needs. Until -the fall of Constantinople the Byzantine influence -was a deterrent against the forces from the East. -Byzantium preserved and gave a new impetus to -Grecian literature, art, architecture, and law.</p> - -<p>In Arabia the celebrated historian and philosopher -Ibn Khaldun (1332–1406), made a detailed -and surprisingly accurate description of the social -life of the Arab tribes. With the evolution of the -life of the individual, he compared the development<span class="pagenum" id="Page_152">152</span> -of the successive stages in social life. This distinguished -historian urged that history should consider -not simply rulers, dynasties, and wars, but also -racial factors, climatic forces, the laws of association, -and the stages of associative life. He wished -to make history scientific, even a social science. He -formulated an evolutionary doctrine of social progress. -He evolved a spiral theory of social evolution, -beginning with the crudest primitive life and -ending with the most civilized urban life.</p> - -<p>In the latter part of the fourteenth century, England’s -great popular poet, William Langland, wrote -an allegorical poem entitled, <i>Piers Ploughman</i>. -In this work the oppressed laboring and peasant -classes cry aloud their longings for improved conditions. -They are personified in Piers the Ploughman, -who as a dignified laborer, plays for the -first time the leading rôle in serious thought. He -is the leader of a field of all types of people who -are laboring together and longing for a better social -order. Along with the agricultural laborers we -see weavers and tailors, friars and minstrels, merchants -and knights. Labor of every sort is dignified. -All living laborers who work with their hands -and minds, truly earning, living in love and according -to the laws of social order and progress, will -become the pure and perfected leaders of truth.</p> - -<p>Langland depicted well the living and working -conditions of the English laboring classes. Productive -toil, he argued, will receive its crown of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_153">153</span> -glory. But he did not indicate practical solutions. -Langland was sure, however, that the service of -labor to society is sacred. He pronounced patient -poverty to be the prince of all virtues. He personified -Jesus in the form of a working man. Langland’s -fourteenth century social message was that -the individual should renounce wealth, join the -honest laboring poor, and follow Christ’s example -of living a life of labor and love.<a id="FNanchor_IX-1" href="#Footnote_IX-1" class="fnanchor">IX-1</a></p> - -<p>Social thought in the Middle Ages is fragmentary. -While several centuries are included in -the period, new social ideas are very few. The centuries -of unrest and transition, the paucity of great -leaders, the intellectual stagnation, and the prevalent -illiteracy of the masses produced situations in -which little social thinking of importance was stimulated. -New thought of any type was almost negligible -except as an isolated individual stood forth, -such as Augustine, Charlemagne, Ibn Khaldun, -Aquinas. A portion of the social thinking of the -preceding age, however, was preserved, constituting -a foundation for the renaissance of social thought -that was coming.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_154">154</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_154"><span class="smcap" id="Chapter_X">Chapter X</span><br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">More and Utopian Social Thought</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>Shortly after the close of Middle Ages with its -modicum of social thinking, the idealism of Plato -appeared in a new form, namely, in descriptive -utopias. Of these, the chief and subtlest was the -work of England’s sane, shrewd, tolerant student -of society, Sir Thomas More (1478–1535). More’s -<i>Utopia</i> deserves a degree of attention which is not -customarily accorded it.</p> - -<p>More mediated Plato to modern social philosophy; -he moved in the field of Platonic ideas and -ideals. He was also indebted to Plutarch’s account -of Spartan life. At the dawn of the Renaissance -he presented the concept of a perfect commonwealth.</p> - -<p>If one would understand the social thought of -More, a contemporary of Columbus, he must put -himself under the spell of fifteenth and sixteenth -century conditions in England. He must remind -himself of Henry VII and Henry VIII, two autocratic -rulers whom it was difficult for any individually-minded -person to please. The living conditions -of the peasants were almost intolerable. Unemployment -was common. Punishments were severe<span class="pagenum" id="Page_155">155</span> -and brutalizing. Even thieves were subject -to capital punishment. If an individual stole a loaf -of bread, he might as well kill the person who saw -him steal the bread. In fact, by so doing, he might -be better off—the only witness to his theft would -thus be unable to testify against him.</p> - -<p>Sir Thomas More could not have openly criticised -the unjust social conditions of his day, and -long escaped death. It was necessary for him to -put his radical ideas into the mouth of a fictitious -traveler, Raphael Hythloday, and thereby disown -them. At is was, More became a martyr to his -religious faith and to the cause of social freedom.</p> - -<p>More wrote the <i>Utopia</i> in two parts. Part one -was written as an explanation, or introduction, to -part two. In part one a conversation involving -three persons is reported. A conservative Dutch -citizen of Antwerp converses with Raphael Hythloday, -an experienced traveler, and with More. -Hythloday, however, is the chief speaker. He is -well versed in Latin and especially in Greek culture. -Moreover, he has traveled extensively, even with -Amerigo Vespucci, the Florentine navigator. In -this way he is given prestige in the mind of the -reader. It is not impossible in part one of <i>Utopia</i> -to recognize a distinct resemblance to the dialogue -form of Plato.</p> - -<p>Part one describes certain factors in the political -situation in England. The untoward phases of -poverty and the vicious forms of punishment that<span class="pagenum" id="Page_156">156</span> -prevailed are painted in gloomy colors. The reader -is glad to turn from this unpleasant social picture -to the description in part two of <i>Utopia</i>, where the -people are living under well-ordered conditions.</p> - -<p>The ideal commonwealth is located on the mystical -island of Amaurote, where Raphael Hythloday -lived for five years. On this island the economic -and social life is communistic, somewhat -after the manner of Plato’s <i>Republic</i>. It is a fundamental -communism which More postulates. Complete -communism of goods exists on Amaurote.<a id="FNanchor_X-1" href="#Footnote_X-1" class="fnanchor">X-1</a> -All possess equal portions of wealth. The Utopian -communistic state implies a radical change in human -nature. More justifies communism on the -grounds that it roots out that serious social evil, -covetousness.<a id="FNanchor_X-2" href="#Footnote_X-2" class="fnanchor">X-2</a> Likewise, the incentive for stealing -and plundering is removed. If there is a scarcity -of economic commodities in any part of Utopia, the -surplus in any other part is immediately drawn -upon to meet the need. Thus the whole land conducts -itself as if it were one family or household.<a id="FNanchor_X-3" href="#Footnote_X-3" class="fnanchor">X-3</a> -The guiding principle in regard to economic goods -is that of human needs.</p> - -<p>In Utopia everyone finds his greatest pleasure -in giving to others. The strongest league of peoples -or of nations is not that which is united chiefly -by covenants or treaties, but one which is knit together -by love and a benevolent attitude.<a id="FNanchor_X-4" href="#Footnote_X-4" class="fnanchor">X-4</a> The -strongest league in the world is that which is based -on the fellowship of kindred natures—a genuine<span class="pagenum" id="Page_157">157</span> -Christian brotherhood of nations.</p> - -<p>In Utopia, agriculture is the most highly respected -occupation. Agriculture is a science in -which all Utopian men and women are expert. In -the harvest days the urban people, both men and -women (farmerettes) go out into the country and -help gather in the crops.<a id="FNanchor_X-5" href="#Footnote_X-5" class="fnanchor">X-5</a> Urban and rural co-operation -at harvest time solves the farmer’s employment -problems to the pleasure, good feeling, -and advantage of all concerned. The food question -is considered of paramount national importance. -The agriculturist is equipped with the best -tools and follows intensive methods.<a id="FNanchor_X-6" href="#Footnote_X-6" class="fnanchor">X-6</a></p> - -<p>In addition to agricultural science, every citizen -of Utopia learns at least one trade or craft.<a id="FNanchor_X-7" href="#Footnote_X-7" class="fnanchor">X-7</a> Even -every woman learns a skilled trade. The advantages -of learning a trade by every citizen are obvious—they -include a great increase in the potential -industrial resources of a people. The question -may be raised here, if it would not be a worth-while -asset for every citizen in our modern days to learn -a trade. Such an accomplishment would give a -sense of economic independence to every individual; -it would afford to everyone the point of view -of the skilled workman; it would add a gigantic -potential force to production.</p> - -<p>In Utopia, there is one leader, or syphogrant, to -every thirty families. Although there are other -officers, including a prince for each city and a king -for the island, the syphogrants are in reality the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_158">158</span> -leading officials. It is noteworthy that no public -matters are to be decided until they have been considered -and debated for at least three days. By -this scientific procedure the necessity of rescinding -hasty legislative action is reduced to a minimum.</p> - -<p>An important duty of the syphogrants is to -regulate employment. Not only is everyone in -Utopia to have a trade, but all are to work. There -are no idle poor or idle rich. All rich men, commonly -called “gentlemen,” all women, priests, -monks, and friars (except a few) engage in productive -labor. Even the syphogrants, or officials, -work spontaneously. All useless occupations are -prohibited. In countries where the dollar rules, -there are many vain occupations which serve only -to augment riotous superfluities.<a id="FNanchor_X-8" href="#Footnote_X-8" class="fnanchor">X-8</a> Thus, since all -persons work and since only needed occupations -are permitted in Utopia, the working day is shortened -to six hours.</p> - -<p>In the case of a season of unemployment, the -simple device is adopted of shortening temporarily -the labor day. By cutting down the hours of labor -to four a day during an unemployment period, -work is provided for all. When an individual, it -may be added, visits his friends, he works the same -as if he were at home. He sets himself to the task -in which his friends are engaged. No one in -Utopia is encumbered with visitors who sit about -doing nothing and at the same time hinder their -hosts from productive activities.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_159">159</span></p> - -<p>The syphogrants prevent idleness; they also prevent -overwork. They permit no one to work at a -task like a laboring and toiling beast; they allow -no one to become a slave to his labor.</p> - -<p>Laws in Utopia are few in number. Inasmuch -as all the people are well instructed and socially -minded, many laws are needless.<a id="FNanchor_X-9" href="#Footnote_X-9" class="fnanchor">X-9</a> Each citizen is -above the law in the same way that an honest person -is above the law against stealing. In the case -of those disputes which must necessarily arise, the -plaintiff and defendant go before the judge and -plead for themselves. Utopia is noted for its -scarcity of laws and the absence of attorneys. No -crafty and subtle interpretation of laws by attorneys -is permitted. Every man is his own attorney -and simply states the facts in the given dispute; the -judge knows the law and decides the case.</p> - -<p>The organization of the cities is interesting. In -the middle of each quarter of each city there is a -market place for the exchange of all manner of -goods. Public <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">abattoirs</i> are in operation. Splendidly -appointed hospitals are located outside the -cities in a quiet environment. Contagious wards -are provided. So excellent is the care which is afforded -the patients in the public hospitals that any -person who falls sick prefers to go to a hospital -than to be cared for by the kindly ministrations of -relatives at home. It may be noted that every city -is provided with a hall of fame.</p> - -<p>Every urban community is a garden city; every<span class="pagenum" id="Page_160">160</span> -house has a garden plot. Furthermore, the people -take much pride in their gardens; they compete with -one another, endeavoring to excel in the fruitage -and in the beauty of the gardens.<a id="FNanchor_X-10" href="#Footnote_X-10" class="fnanchor">X-10</a></p> - -<p>City planning rules in Utopia.<a id="FNanchor_X-11" href="#Footnote_X-11" class="fnanchor">X-11</a> Overcrowding -is not permitted; whenever a city exceeds the norm, -a new city is established. New urban communities -are established by public action.</p> - -<p>Social centers are common on the island of -Amaurote. In the winter when the people cannot -work in their gardens after the supper hour, they -gather in their community halls, where they engage -in music, wholesome conversation, and games. -Dice-play and similar foolish and pernicious games -are unknown.<a id="FNanchor_X-12" href="#Footnote_X-12" class="fnanchor">X-12</a> Wine taverns, alehouses, “stewes,” -lurking corners, and places of wicked counsels are -prohibited.<a id="FNanchor_X-13" href="#Footnote_X-13" class="fnanchor">X-13</a></p> - -<p>Good health is a virtue in Amaurote; great pleasure -is derived from possessing a well-ordered state -of public health. Health is considered a sovereign -pleasure in itself.<a id="FNanchor_X-14" href="#Footnote_X-14" class="fnanchor">X-14</a> Preventive measures are substituted -for remedial medicines.</p> - -<p>Fashions are regulated rigidly. Fashion imitation -is prevented. The garments for men are all -of one mode; and for women, of another mode.<a id="FNanchor_X-15" href="#Footnote_X-15" class="fnanchor">X-15</a> -The married are distinguished from the unmarried -by the style of wearing apparel. Thus, there are -simply four sets of styles in Amaurote. Coats of -uniform colors—the natural color of wool—are -worn. It is argued that coats of many colors are<span class="pagenum" id="Page_161">161</span> -no warmer and hence no more practical than coats -of the one natural color; they are more expensive -and hence more wasteful.</p> - -<p>In Utopia, gold and silver are held in reproach. -They are not considered to be as useful as iron. -Consequently, the Utopians load down their slaves -with gold and silver ornaments and pearls.<a id="FNanchor_X-16" href="#Footnote_X-16" class="fnanchor">X-16</a> In -this connection the description of the visit of a -group of ambassadors to Amaurote is amusing. -The ambassadors from an adjoining country were -dressed in gorgeous apparel like the very gods. -They came to Amaurote wearing chains of gold -and displaying peacock feathers. The citizens of -Amaurote, coming out to meet the guests, rushed -past the ambassadors and saluted the plainly -dressed slaves of the ambassadors. They mistook -the ambassadors for fools and knaves. Even the -little children of Amaurote, when they saw the jewelry -of the ambassadors, looked at their mothers -and said: “See, how great a lubber doth wear -pearls and precious stones, as if he were still a little -child.”<a id="FNanchor_X-17" href="#Footnote_X-17" class="fnanchor">X-17</a> After being in Amaurote a short time, -the ambassadors perceived how foolish it was to -set emphasis on the doubtful glistenings of trifling -stones. They recognized that it is foolish to consider -oneself nobler than other selves because one -can wear clothes that are spun from finer wool than -the clothes of other persons. After all, whether the -wool is coarse or fine, it may have come from the -self-same sheep.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_162">162</span></p> - -<p>An individual does not become a god by wearing -precious stones. The more the individual burdens -himself with heavy stones and gorgeous apparel, -the more insignificant he is.</p> - -<p>Although in Utopia no man is wealthy, yet in a -sense, all men are wealthy. All live joyfully, without -worrying, and without fearing that they or -their children will fall into poverty. Amaurote is -a gigantic household, wherein the more able take -a personal interest in the less able and in the unfortunate. -No one lives in idleness and no one -lives by virtue of any form of unnecessary economic -enterprise. Rich men are not permitted by either -private fraud or common law to snatch away from -the poor man some portion, great or small, of his -daily earnings. There are no idle rich, conniving -how they may keep their unearned wealth or how -they may grind down the poor in order to get more -wealth. Since the love of money is unknown in -Amaurote, other passions are also absent. Since -the people do not love money, they have lost the -desire to perpetrate the money crimes, such as -fraud, theft, murder, treason. Likewise, pride -which measures its satisfaction, not in terms of its -own merits, <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">per se</i>, but by comparison with the poverty -of human beings, is destroyed. The Utopians -have conquered materialism. They are not subject -to the death grapples which are caused by the love -of money. Luxuries have been suppressed and the -leisure class has been eliminated. Social extremes<span class="pagenum" id="Page_163">163</span> -are unknown.</p> - -<p>People are honored, not for their wealth but for -their serviceableness to the community.<a id="FNanchor_X-18" href="#Footnote_X-18" class="fnanchor">X-18</a> In the -halls of fame, to which allusion has already been -made, benefactors of the commonwealth are rewarded -by having images of themselves set up in -perpetual memory of their good deeds to their -fellows.</p> - -<p>The family is the fundamental social unit, but it -is of the patriarchal type. Pure monogamic love is -idealized. Especial care is taken that neither of the -parties of a marriage vow possesses any hidden -vices. Adultery is the chief justification for breaking -the marriage bond. A single standard of -morals for both husband and wife is set. Love -may be won by beauty, but it can be kept and preserved -only by virtue and obedience.</p> - -<p>Because of freedom from long hours of monotonous -labor, nearly every one in Utopia is able to -maintain his intellectual interests and to experience -intellectual growth throughout life. It is the solemn -custom to have daily lectures early every morning -and it is the habit of multitudes of people of all -types to attend.<a id="FNanchor_X-19" href="#Footnote_X-19" class="fnanchor">X-19</a> All of the time that it is possible -to spare from the necessary occupations is devoted -to the development and garnishing of the mind.<a id="FNanchor_X-20" href="#Footnote_X-20" class="fnanchor">X-20</a> -Nearly all the citizens devote their extra-occupational -hours throughout their lives to the arts and -sciences. The chief felicity of life is said to be -found in learning. In training the mind, the Utopians<span class="pagenum" id="Page_164">164</span> -never weary. As a matter of course, a common -school education is provided for every individual. -Classes for adults and adult education are -made the outstanding features of the public school -system in Amaurote. One must learn to live and -must go on learning throughout life. Hence, the -provisions of public education should be adequate -for the adult as well as for the adolescent.</p> - -<p>Religious education and practice are considered -essential. More’s tolerant attitude in an age of -brutal intolerance is shown by the fact that the Utopians -are permitted whatever religion they prefer. -Superstitious beliefs are taboo. More makes a -subtle thrust when he observes that the priests of -Amaurote are possessed of great holiness and hence -are few in number.<a id="FNanchor_X-21" href="#Footnote_X-21" class="fnanchor">X-21</a> It is no esoteric or monastic -religion which More endorses. Future happiness -may be secured best by busy labors and social efforts -in this life.<a id="FNanchor_X-22" href="#Footnote_X-22" class="fnanchor">X-22</a> Public service, including the care of -the sick, is religiously emphasized.</p> - -<p>War is beastly. Contrary to the attitudes of the -people in all other countries, the people of Amaurote -count nothing so inglorious as the glory that is -obtained in fighting and killing.<a id="FNanchor_X-23" href="#Footnote_X-23" class="fnanchor">X-23</a> No imagination -is necessary in order to understand the courage -which More displayed in making a vigorous attack -in the sixteenth century upon war.</p> - -<p>Under limited conditions, however, war is justifiable. -More gives three worthy reasons for declaring -war: (1) the defense of one’s own country;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_165">165</span> -(2) the defense of the country of one’s friendly -neighbors; and (3) delivering oppressed peoples -anywhere from the yoke and bondage of tyranny.<a id="FNanchor_X-24" href="#Footnote_X-24" class="fnanchor">X-24</a> -From the twentieth century point of view, these -justifications of war are sound.</p> - -<p>These reasons are all “defense” factors,—which -is remarkable in view of the fact that they were -enunciated in an age when “offensive” wars were -common. The only reason for assuming the -offensive in matters of war is the social one of taking -land away from people who deliberately withhold -land from cultivation and fail to produce -food for the nourishment of mankind.<a id="FNanchor_X-25" href="#Footnote_X-25" class="fnanchor">X-25</a> By this -plan, More severely indicts the holders of large -landed estates which are held chiefly for the selfish -gratification of the owners.</p> - -<p>Hired or mercenary soldiers are employed in -war. The people of Amaurote employ hideous, -savage fighters from the wild woods and the high -mountains to do their fighting for them. The -larger the number of these impetuous barbarians -who are killed in battle, the better off is the world.</p> - -<p>More opposed conscription. Ordinarily, no one -is forced to fight, because under such circumstances -he will not fight well. In the case, however, of defending -Amaurote, the cowards are distributed -among the bold-hearted. In warfare, the people of -Amaurote do not allow their warriors to lay waste -or destroy the land of their enemies. Neither foraging -nor the burning of food supplies is permitted.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_166">166</span> -No one who is unarmed is to be hurt.</p> - -<p>More’s penological ideas are modern. He points -out the folly of making theft a capital offense the -same as murder. The temptation will be to steal, -or rob, and to kill also, whereas under a more reasonable -law the temptation in many cases would be -to steal only. A law which makes theft a capital -offense is harsher than even the harsh Mosaic law -of an eye for an eye, a life for a life, because the -former justifies the government in taking the life -of an individual who is guilty of stealing money. -In Utopia the thief is compelled to restore the stolen -goods to the person from whom he stole, and not to -the king, as in many lands in More’s time. The -thief is put at common labor, not thrown into a city -or county jail and left in idleness. Compulsory -labor is the common method of punishment.<a id="FNanchor_X-26" href="#Footnote_X-26" class="fnanchor">X-26</a></p> - -<p>The fundamental penological principle which -More developed was that crime should be prevented -by taking away the occasion of offense.<a id="FNanchor_X-27" href="#Footnote_X-27" class="fnanchor">X-27</a> He condemned -the prevailing method in England of allowing -wickedness to increase, and then of punishing -the sinners after they had been permitted to grow -up in an environment of sin. He objected to taking -men from the trades for war service and then -later irresponsibly discharging them, leaving many -of them industrially stranded, unemployed, and subject -to the temptation of stealing. More’s dictum -was: Show people how to live; do not let them steal -and then take their lives away. Life in Utopia is<span class="pagenum" id="Page_167">167</span> -more or less equally divided between five factors: -industry, study, music, travel, and domesticity.</p> - -<p>In the <i>Utopia</i>, Sir Thomas More made a direct -criticism of conditions in England; he showed himself -an able student of social problems; and his -ideas are noted for their “modernness.” Altogether, -the <i>Utopia</i> has made a remarkable impression, -not simply upon social idealists but also upon -practical thinkers. As a literary invention for -shrewdly suggesting criticisms of vicious but entrenched -social wrongs it has been followed by imitations, -but remains unparalleled in quality.</p> - -<p>In the <i>New Atlantis</i>, Sir Francis Bacon (1561–1628), -wrote an unfinished description of a utopian -island where there is a high degree of social welfare -and where “social salvation by scientific education” -obtains. An Order or Society of “Solomon’s -House” is established which sends out every -twelve years merchants of light (intellectual) who -travel for the following period of twelve years, -gathering facts in all branches of science and art.<a id="FNanchor_X-28" href="#Footnote_X-28" class="fnanchor">X-28</a> -Upon being relieved by the next group of traveler -scholars, they return home and contribute their -knowledge to the acquired store, which in the meantime -has been added unto by many trained experimenters -and research scholars. Airplanes, horseless -wagons, and submarines are not unknown in -the <i>New Atlantis</i>. Superstition is banished. Social -knowledge will lead to a nation of socialized persons,—this -is the Baconian implication.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_168">168</span></p> - -<p>Tommaso Campanella (1568–1639), a monk, a -philosopher, and an Italian contemporary of Francis -Bacon, urged that human nature should be studied -rather than books. Because of so-called heretical -ideas, he was imprisoned for twenty-seven -years. Shortly after his release he fled to Paris, -where he died. In prison he wrote <i>The City of the -Sun</i>, a crude but significant psychological analysis -of society. It is a social order based on the balanced -relations of the three principles of Power, Intelligence, -and Love. These forces are equally expressed -in the social process and produce a perfect -society.</p> - -<p><i>Oceana</i>, “a Midsummer Night’s Dream of politics,” -is the title of a romance which was written by -James Harrington (1611–1677). His social order -rests on economic factors, chiefly landed estates. -However, the author advocates the election of -rulers by ballot every three years and the choosing -of the rulers from the intellectually élite.</p> - -<p>In this chapter it is impossible to note all the -“utopias” that have been written. The utopian and -communistic systems of socialists, such as Fourier, -Saint Simon, and Owen will be referred to in <a href="#Chapter_XIV">Chapter -XIV</a>. There are other important utopian contributions, -such as those by William Morris and -Edward Bellamy. In <i>News from Nowhere</i>, William -Morris (1834–1896), an English artist and -socialist, describes his native England as a perfected -society under a régime of socialism. Because<span class="pagenum" id="Page_169">169</span> -of its American setting, Bellamy’s <i>Looking Backward</i> -will be presented in some detail in the following -paragraphs.</p> - -<p>In recent decades the utopian postulates of Edward -Bellamy (1850–1898), in <i>Looking Backward</i> -and <i>Equality</i> have had a wide reading. The author -was the first American to command attention in the -field of utopian thought. Bellamy presents a plan -of industrial organization on a national scale with -individuals sharing equally in the products of labor, -or in public income, in the same way that “men -share equally in the free gifts of nature.” Bellamy -protests against an economic order whose chief evil -is summed up in the following question: How can -men be free who must ask the right to labor and -to live from their fellows, and seek their bread from -the hand of others?</p> - -<p>Society is likened to a gigantic coach to which -the masses of humanity are harnessed, toiling along -a very hilly and sandy road. The best seats are on -top of the coach. The occupants of the elegant seats -are constantly in fear of falling from their cushions -of ease, splendor, and power,—and hence their interest -in the toilers.</p> - -<p>In <i>Looking Backward</i> the entire social process -is made an expression of service. Service is a matter -of course, not of compulsion. No business is so -fundamentally the public’s business as the industry -and trade on which the livelihood of the public depends.<a id="FNanchor_X-29" href="#Footnote_X-29" class="fnanchor">X-29</a> -Therefore, to intrust industry and commerce<span class="pagenum" id="Page_170">170</span> -to private persons to be managed for private -profit is a folly “similar to that of surrendering the -functions of political government to kings and -nobles for their personal glorification.”</p> - -<p>Buying and selling are pronounced anti-social. -They are an education in self-seeking at the expense -of others.<a id="FNanchor_X-30" href="#Footnote_X-30" class="fnanchor">X-30</a> Citizens who are so trained are unable -to rise above a very low grade of civilization.<a id="FNanchor_X-31" href="#Footnote_X-31" class="fnanchor">X-31</a> -They are sensible chiefly to such motives as fear -of want and love of luxury. For buying and selling, -credit books are substituted which are good at -any public warehouse. In place of higher wages, -the chief motives to activity are honor, men’s gratitude, -the inspiration of duty, patriotism, the satisfaction -of doing one’s work well—in other words, -the same motives that now influence, for example, -the members of the teaching profession.</p> - -<p>The arduousness of the trades are equalized, so -that all shall be equally attractive, by making the -hours of labor in different trades to differ inversely -according to arduousness.<a id="FNanchor_X-32" href="#Footnote_X-32" class="fnanchor">X-32</a> Everyone works as a -common laborer for three years and then chooses -an occupation—agriculture, mechanics, the professions, -art. The working life is twenty-four years -long, from the ages of twenty-one to forty-five, -after which all may devote themselves to self-improvement -and enjoyment, but subject to emergency -calls along industrial and other social service lines.</p> - -<p>Bellamy challenges an individualism which incapacitates -people for co-operation. He builds his<span class="pagenum" id="Page_171">171</span> -society upon solidarity of race and brotherhood of -man. He does not fear corruption in a society -“where there is neither poverty to be bribed nor -wealth to bribe.”<a id="FNanchor_X-33" href="#Footnote_X-33" class="fnanchor">X-33</a></p> - -<p>All cases of criminal atavism are treated in hospitals. -There are no jails. Under capitalism nineteen-twentieths -of misdemeanors are due to economic -inequality. The remainder are the outcropping -of ancestral traits. In Bellamy’s ideal society -there are no private property disputes and no lawyers.</p> - -<p>The educational system in <i>Looking Backward</i> -does not educate some individuals highly and leave -others untrained.<a id="FNanchor_X-34" href="#Footnote_X-34" class="fnanchor">X-34</a> It gives everyone “the completest -education that the nation can give,” in order -that individuals may enjoy themselves, in order that -they may enjoy one another, and in order that the -unborn may be guaranteed an intelligent and refined -parentage.</p> - -<p>Bellamy holds that human nature in its essential -quality is good, not bad, and that men are naturally -generous, not selfish; pitiful, not cruel; godlike in -aspirations, moved by divine impulses of goodness, -images of God and not the travesties upon Him -which they have seemed.<a id="FNanchor_X-35" href="#Footnote_X-35" class="fnanchor">X-35</a> It is our economic order -which has fostered shameless self-assertion, mutual -depreciation, a stunning clamor of conflicting -boasts, and a stupendous system of brazen beggary.</p> - -<p>In three utopias, H. G. Wells portrays societary -conditions that are kinetic rather than static and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_172">172</span> -world-wide rather than local in scope.<a id="FNanchor_X-36" href="#Footnote_X-36" class="fnanchor">X-36</a> While the -author provides a changed economic system, socialistic -in nature, he urges that changed social attitudes -are also needed.</p> - -<p>In the utopian social thought that has been presented -in this chapter and in similar works which -are not mentioned here there is generally displayed -(1) a common weakness of impracticability under -current circumstances, (2) an over-emphasis upon -simply changing the economic order, and (3) static -rather than dynamic principles. The strength of -utopian social thought is found (1) in its drastic -criticism of current social evils, (2) in its relative -harmlessness at the given time, (3) in the force of -its indirect suggestion, (4) in the widespread hearing -which it secures, and (5) in its social idealism.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_173">173</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_173"><span class="smcap" id="Chapter_XI">Chapter XI</span><br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Individualistic Social Thought</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>At the dawn of the Renaissance, tradition and -dogmatism were ruling mankind. Here and there, -however, individuals were perceiving the nature of -the bondage. Occasionally a cry for individual freedom -was uttered. Petrarch dared to say that the -world was made for man’s enjoyment. The early -Teutons crudely developed the idea of personal liberty. -In France a movement arose which culminated -in the doctrines of natural rights and “Back -to Nature.” The stress upon individualism in -England became so deeply ingrained that it exists -today as a powerful form of traditionalism. The -United States was founded, in part, upon a doctrine -of natural rights.</p> - -<p>Absolutely unlike Sir Thomas More in many -ways, Niccolo Machiavelli (1469–1527), an Italian -contemporary, broke with tradition and received -the sobriquet, the Galileo of social science. Unfortunately, -many people think of the Italian writer -in terms of the adjective which bears his name, -Machiavellism, or political intrigue. While he deserves -this reputation, he also should be considered -in another light. He cut loose from the customary<span class="pagenum" id="Page_174">174</span> -ways of thinking of his time and asserted that it is -not necessary to take all things on fiat or alleged -divine decree. Although this may be dangerous -doctrine, it serves a useful and constructive purpose -when people are ruled by political and ecclesiastical -autocrats. Machiavelli was no idealist in the accepted -sense of the term, but a man who mixed with -people, traveled extensively, and studied actual conditions. -He declared that people should be considered -as they are, and not according to false -teachings about them.</p> - -<p>A century before the time of Sir Francis Bacon, -the inaugurator of the so-called inductive or scientific -method of study, Machiavelli was observing -human conditions and upon the basis of these observations -was drawing conclusions. He believed -that it does not pay to be guided in one’s conduct -by abstract ethics or impracticable ideals—and said -so, in an age when imprisonment, exile, or death -awaited anyone who opposed the autocratic authorities. -From abstract ethics, Machiavelli swung to -the extreme of concrete expediency. He lived and -thought in the exigencies of the moment. He is -an example of one who reacts so strongly against -the stress and strain of the hour that he cannot get -the larger vision that is necessary for balanced -thinking on fundamental issues.</p> - -<p>Machiavelli wrote on the subject of leadership -and government. He advocated either an autocratic -or democratic form of government—according<span class="pagenum" id="Page_175">175</span> -to the conditions of the time and place. In the -<i>Prince</i> he described with noteworthy accuracy the -traits and methods of a leader whose constituents -must be treated with absolute authority. In the -<i>Discourses</i> he dealt with a democratic-republican -type of leadership and control.</p> - -<p>The succesful prince, or leader, in the selfish -sense, makes himself both beloved and feared by -his people.<a id="FNanchor_XI-1" href="#Footnote_XI-1" class="fnanchor">XI-1</a> On occasion he uses force and even -fraud. Sometimes he must either exterminate or -be exterminated. He must repeal or suppress old -laws and make new ones to fit the social situation. -He seeks to be considered merciful rather than -cruel. He exercises universal pity in order to prevent -social disorders from occurring and producing -rapine and murder.<a id="FNanchor_XI-2" href="#Footnote_XI-2" class="fnanchor">XI-2</a> He does not allow his -mercy to be taken advantage of by ungrateful and -hypocritical persons. He is strong-minded; he is -either a sincere friend or a generous foe. He is -paternalistic, urging that his subjects be well-fed -and have a good livelihood,<a id="FNanchor_XI-3" href="#Footnote_XI-3" class="fnanchor">XI-3</a> thus gaining and maintaining -the affection of the people. In international -affairs he acts with a strong hand, fortifying well -his city or nation, and providing good laws for internal -growth.<a id="FNanchor_XI-4" href="#Footnote_XI-4" class="fnanchor">XI-4</a> He errs grossly, however, in his -fundamental philosophy that any plan or action that -is for the welfare of the state, or nation, considered -as a supreme unit of authority in itself, is morally -sound.</p> - -<p>Sir Francis Bacon, whose contribution to utopian<span class="pagenum" id="Page_176">176</span> -social thought has been indicated in the foregoing -chapter, placed all social and sociological thinkers -under deep obligations by his emphasis upon inductive -reasoning. He helped to free the individual -from control by dogma and superstition. He provided -the individual with a technique for securing -a new sense of individual freedom. In freeing himself -the individual discards his irrational pre-judgments, -whether socially inherited or individually -developed. He protects himself from anthropomorphic -judgments, i. e., from judgments which -he makes because he looks upon life and the universe -through human eyes. These pre-judgments -are common to all mankind—they are “the idols of -the tribe.” On the other hand, the individual avoids -purely personal preferences, which he is likely to -hold because of his own peculiar experiences, and -which thus place him outside the pale of common -experience—these are “the idols of the cave.”</p> - -<p>Then there are “the idols of the forum,” which -cause the individual to give undue dependence to -words and language. “The idols of the theater” -are traditional systems of thought. Bacon’s dictum -has been stated as follows: Get as little of yourself -and of other selves as possible in the way of -the thing which you wish to see.</p> - -<p>Having eliminated human predispositions, the individual -is ready to gather facts, arrange them in -groups, draw conclusions from them, and act according -to the resultant laws. Knowledge gives<span class="pagenum" id="Page_177">177</span> -power.<a id="FNanchor_XI-4a" href="#missing" class="fnanchor">XI-4</a> Social knowledge gives power to improve -human conditions and makes possible wise social -control. Thus, Bacon opened the road to individual -freedom.</p> - -<p>Too much individual freedom, however, destroys -government and the social order. If each individual -is a law unto himself, anarchy reigns and progress -is prevented. Consequently, the question arises: -How can individually free persons unite in a society -without giving up their freedom? The answer to -this question took the form of a controversy on the -subject of the social contract, i. e., the contract or -agreement of individuals, as units, to form and -maintain societies. This controversy arose in the -seventeenth century and was waged vigorously in -the eighteenth century.</p> - -<p>Thomas Hobbes (1588–1678), the distinguished -social philosopher of England, introduced his analysis -of society with the idea that man was originally -self-centered, egoistic, and pleasure-loving. He was -an independent center. His interest in other people -was based on their ability to cater to his own good. -He and they desired the same things in life. His -hand was thus raised, in competition, against every -other man. This state of continual conflict became -mutually destructive and unbearable.<a id="FNanchor_XI-5" href="#Footnote_XI-5" class="fnanchor">XI-5</a> In consequence, -each individual agreed to give over some -of his precious, inalienable rights to a central authority -or sovereign, whose decrees should constitute -law and serve as the guide for conduct. The<span class="pagenum" id="Page_178">178</span> -war of each against all, with the concomitant state -of fear, was thus supplanted by a mutual contract, -conferring sovereignty by popular agreement upon -the ruler. In this way Hobbes met the dilemma of -supporting an absolute form of government in -which he believed and of denying the divine right -of kings which he abhorred. Hobbes performed a -useful service in intellectually destroying the idea -of the divine right of kings, but urged after all an -undemocratic political absolutism. Hobbes conferred -humanly derived but irrevocable authority -upon the king. He, however, traced sovereignty -back to the people rather than to a divine right.</p> - -<p>In getting away from the conditions “of Warre -of every one against every one” in the natural state -where “every man has a Right to everything,” -Hobbes swung to an undemocratic extreme. His -Puritanic training gave an undue severity to his -social thought. The Puritans, however, believed in -the complete eradication of the savage human tendencies -and also in the ultimate elimination of -kings. Hobbes did not analyze deeply the instinctive -bases of human nature. He built his <i>Leviathan</i> -out of natural human qualities and tied its units -together by means of a strong, central will—this -was his perfect society.</p> - -<p>Baruch Spinoza (1632–1677), the Portuguese -Jewish philosopher of Holland, improved the social -contract idea. He believed that man was originally -of an anti-social and a tooth-and-fang nature, possessing<span class="pagenum" id="Page_179">179</span> -only incipient social impulses. Hence, man -is not naturally bad, but naturally anti-social. Social -organization was effected for purposes of individual -gain and glory; it was promulgated and -furthered by individuals in order that they might -escape the miseries of unregulated conflict. Agreements -were made whereby sovereignty was embodied -in a ruler, but if the ruler abused the sovereignty -entrusted to him, it reverted immediately to -the people. This democratic conception was vastly -superior to the idea of Hobbes, that sovereignty is -delegated by the people to the king as an irresponsible -monarch.</p> - -<p>John Locke (1632–1704) strengthened the social -contract theory, elaborating the idea that sovereignty -reverts to the people whenever the king becomes -a tyrant. He held that the natural state of -individuals is a condition of perfect freedom to -order their actions, not asking leave of any man.<a id="FNanchor_XI-6" href="#Footnote_XI-6" class="fnanchor">XI-6</a> -This state of liberty is not a state of license to individuals -to destroy themselves or their neighbors.<a id="FNanchor_XI-7" href="#Footnote_XI-7" class="fnanchor">XI-7</a> -The state of liberty has the law of nature to govern -it. Since all are equal, no one ought to harm another -in his liberty or possessions.</p> - -<p>Locke affirmed that men are in a state of nature -until by their own consent they join in a political -society.<a id="FNanchor_XI-8" href="#Footnote_XI-8" class="fnanchor">XI-8</a> In order to meet their needs effectively, -they join in societies. One of these important needs -is the preservation of property. Locke defended -private property on the ground that it is a normal<span class="pagenum" id="Page_180">180</span> -expression of individuality and necessary to individuality.</p> - -<p>Right and wrong are not determined by the ruler -or the state; they existed before society developed. -Here the Puritanism of Locke enters. He stressed -moral values. He made the natural rights of individuals -supreme; individuals may even overturn the -government and still keep within their rights.</p> - -<p>Locke’s justification of revolution is his most -startling doctrine. Imagine the heart-throb of the -common people who heard Locke’s contention that -the end of government is the good of mankind, -that people should not submit to tyranny, that whoever -uses his force without right and law puts himself -in a state of war with those against whom he -uses it, and that in such a state the people have a -right to resist and defend themselves.<a id="FNanchor_XI-9" href="#Footnote_XI-9" class="fnanchor">XI-9</a> Further, -the people have a right to act as the supreme social -force and to put legislation into new forms and -into the hands of new executives. By these bold -declarations Locke created a new public opinion, -and aroused new moral power in the minds and -hearts of the common people.</p> - -<p>By the middle of the eighteenth century the concept -of individual freedom became crystallized in -the doctrines of the natural rights of the individual, -the contractual societary relationships between independent -individuals, and the <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">laissez faire</i> principle -in governmental science. The physiocrats, -who took up the ideas of natural liberty and economic<span class="pagenum" id="Page_181">181</span> -freedom, exercised a tremendous influence in -France during the three decades following 1750. -Their leaders were Quesnay, de Gournay, Condorcet, -and Turgot. They believed that there was -a natural law ruling human lives, just as there is a -natural law ruling the physical world. They chafed -under social restraints. Under the natural law, -every individual has natural rights, chief of which -is the right to the free exercise of all his faculties -so long as he does not infringe on the similar right -of other individuals. Unlike John Locke and other -English thinkers who accepted the idea of individual -liberty, the physiocrats argued that this -natural liberty could not be abridged by a social -contract.</p> - -<p>According to the physiocrats the chief function -of governmental control is to preserve the natural -liberty of individuals. Industry and commerce -must not be governmentally regulated, for by such -regulation the rights of some men, chiefly employers, -will be infringed upon. Employees, on the -other hand, who are being treated unjustly will -freely quit a harsh employer and obtain employment -with considerate masters. Thus, an unjust -employer will be unable to secure workers and be -forced to discontinue his unjust practices—without -government regulation. Likewise, a dishonest merchant -will lose his customers and be forced to -become honest or to close his shop—and again without -government regulation. The physiocrats became<span class="pagenum" id="Page_182">182</span> -known by their famous phrase, <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">laissez faire, -laissez passer</i>.</p> - -<p>Jean Jacques Rousseau (1712–1778), an able but -baffling character, is the best known champion of -the social contract idea. Although he advocated -the family as a social institution and praised fatherhood, -he reports that he carried his own children -to a foundling asylum. He deprecated the disintegrating -elements in civilization and urged a return -to nature’s simple ways. In his chief works, -the <i>Contrat social</i> and <i>Emile</i>, he attacked civilization -vigorously. He asserted that civilization had -almost destroyed the natural rights of man. His -dictum was: Trust nature.</p> - -<p>According to Rousseau the early life of mankind -was nearly ideal in its simplicity and pleasantness. -War and conflict were relatively unknown. In his -later writings, Rousseau modified his belief and -asserted that primitive confusion made necessary -some kind of social organization. On the other -hand, it became the belief of Rousseau that civilization -generates social evils and results sooner or -later in social deterioration. Corruption in society -has become notorious. Social inequality is rampant -and unbearable. “Man is born free, and is everywhere -in chains.” People have become so engrossed -in the artificialities of social life and so bewildered -by its complexities that happiness has been lost.</p> - -<p>Leave the individual free to carry out his own -plans, untrammelled by complex social rules, restrictions,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_183">183</span> -and duties. There is no social sanction -at all; there is no authority except nature, which -is necessity. In <i>Emile</i>, Rousseau takes his two -leading characters to an island, where they live -alone—happily! Liberty not authority reigns. But -Emile, who has declared for liberty as opposed to -authority, insists in his discussions of domestic relationships -that “woman is made to please man.” -The “unselfish, unsocial life” of Emile and Sophie -turns out to be more than purely individualistic—it -is anarchic and sensual. Emile fails to demonstrate -the merit of Rousseau’s own theories, such -as “Man is good naturally but by institutions he is -made bad,” and “Everything is good as it comes -from the hands of the Author of Nature; everything -degenerates in the hands of man.”</p> - -<p>Slavery is wrong, according to Rousseau.<a id="FNanchor_XI-11" href="#Footnote_XI-11" class="fnanchor">XI-11</a> It is -a contract or agreement, at the expense of the slave -and for the profit of the slaveholder, in which the -slaveholder asserts: I’ll observe the agreement and -you will observe it—as long as it pleases me.</p> - -<p>Strength does not make right. Strength and -moral force are not necessarily the same. Strength -may often be ironically accepted in appearance and -established in principle. By a social contract man -loses his natural liberty and gains civil and moral -liberty.<a id="FNanchor_XI-12" href="#Footnote_XI-12" class="fnanchor">XI-12</a> In this connection Rousseau was simply -the spokesman of a point of view which found frequent -expression in the seventeenth and eighteenth -centuries. For example, in 1635, John Winthrop,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_184">184</span> -the first governor of the Massachusetts colony, -made a clear-cut distinction between natural liberties, -and civil and moral liberties. Natural liberty -is liberty to do what one lists, to do evil as well as -good. Civil, or moral, liberty is liberty under the -covenant between God and man, under the political -covenants between men and men, and under the -moral law. It is a liberty to do only that which is -good, just, and honest.<a id="FNanchor_XI-13" href="#Footnote_XI-13" class="fnanchor">XI-13</a></p> - -<p>It was Rousseau who contended that life, liberty, -and the pursuit of happiness are man’s inalienable -rights. It was this doctrine which profoundly influenced -Thomas Jefferson, as evidenced in the -Declaration of Independence. Sovereignty rests not -in a ruler or monarch but in the community of -people—this was perhaps Rousseau’s main contribution -to social thought.</p> - -<p>Before Rousseau, however, wrote the <i>Contrat -social</i>, the social contract theory had been overthrown. -The writings of Montesquieu (1689–1755) -offer an elaborate analysis of social and political -processes. These analyses are similar, in some -ways, to Aristotle’s analyses of 158 constitutions. -Montesquieu discussed the doctrine of natural -rights, but did not believe that the natural state of -mankind was one of conflict, in which social organization -was forced as a means of meeting the -needs of individual protection. He asserted that -there was a natural, innate tendency in man toward -association. In the support of this belief, Montesquieu<span class="pagenum" id="Page_185">185</span> -drew facts from the lives of the individual -members of the primitive tribes which were extant -in his day. The influence of Montesquieu was -clearly inimical to the social contract doctrine.</p> - -<p>In the <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Esprit des lois</i>, Montesquieu dissected the -laws of many nations and tried to show the relations -between these laws and social and political -conditions. The general implication is that laws -are a natural outgrowth of life conditions rather -than of formal contractual agreements. Hence, -society is a natural evolution rather than a contract.</p> - -<p>Perhaps the chief antagonist in the eighteenth -century of the social contract theory was David -Hume (1711–1776), the father of social psychology. -According to Hume, the origin of society was not -in a contract arrived at by intellectual processes; -it was instinctive. Man is a social animal. At the -basis of this sociability lies the sex instinct, which -resulted in the establishment of the family. The -sex instinct is strongly supported by the sentiment -of sympathy, which also is innate, and which may -develop into intelligent co-operation. Man is not -entirely self-centered; he takes pleasure in other -people’s pleasures and suffers when others are in -pain, or the victims of disease, or are dying.</p> - -<p>Sympathy, like the sex instinct, is a genuinely -fundamental element in human nature and in -society. However, the combination of sympathy -and the sex instinct is not strong enough to support -the family in either its simple or complex<span class="pagenum" id="Page_186">186</span> -stages from the attacks upon it that are made by -inherent human selfishness. Hence, social and political -organizations are necessary to hold the selfish -impulses and interests of mankind in check. Intellectual -control of society thus becomes necessary -and consciously recognized. Environment alone -does not cause people in a given community to act -alike. It is imitation, primarily, which operates to -bring about group conformity.<a id="FNanchor_XI-14" href="#Footnote_XI-14" class="fnanchor">XI-14</a></p> - -<p>Man in a large measure is governed by interest. -It is impossible for men to consult their interests -“in so effective a manner as by a universal and inflexible -observance of the rules of justice, by which -alone they can preserve society, and keep themselves -from falling into that wretched and savage -condition, which is commonly represented as the -state of nature.”<a id="FNanchor_XI-15" href="#Footnote_XI-15" class="fnanchor">XI-15</a></p> - -<p>According to the contract theory, people expect -protection and security. If they meet with tyranny -and oppression, they are freed from their promises -and return to that state of liberty which proceeded -the institution of government. But Hume maintained -that if people entered into no contract and -made no promises, government would still be necessary -in all civilized societies. The obligation of submission -to government is not derived from any -promise of the subjects.<a id="FNanchor_XI-16" href="#Footnote_XI-16" class="fnanchor">XI-16</a></p> - -<p>Adam Ferguson (1723–1816) wrote an <i>Essay on -the History of Civil Society</i> and <i>The History of the -Progress and Termination of the Roman Republic</i>.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_187">187</span> -He argued that social institutions and social convenience -lead to inherent sociability, and pointed out -that competition and conflict are vital to social -development. Thomas Paine (1737–1809) asserted -that man is inherently social and that social organization -is a natural development.</p> - -<p>The natural rights theory and the resultant individualism -not only repudiated their false derivative, -the social contract concept, but also wrestled -with considerable success with the socio-economic -concept of mercantilism. Mercantilism was a system -of regulating industrial enterprise by governments -in order to build up strong nation-states. -Mercantilism reached its strictest form in France -in the writings of Colbert (1619–1683). It prevailed -in Europe during the sixteenth and seventeenth -centuries, and the first four decades of the -eighteenth century. It was a system which grew -out of feudalism and the city-state type of society. -It operated to bring together towns and cities into -national unities. Under feudalism, the town had -regulated industry for its own advancement and -against the welfare, perchance, of neighboring -towns. Mercantilism served to unite towns and to -create in townspeople a national loyalty.</p> - -<p>Under mercantilism, the nation entered upon the -task of regulating industry and finance so as to -build a strong state. A favorable balance of trade -was sought in order to add to the bullion within -the state. High tariffs were enacted, which sometimes<span class="pagenum" id="Page_188">188</span> -defeated the intended purposes. A dense population -was favored as a means of securing cheap -labor, and hence of furthering manufacture, which -in turn would develop foreign trade and bring in -the coveted bullion—the heralded strength of a -nation.</p> - -<p>In the eighteenth century, mercantilism in France -and England met defeat in the contest with the -<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">laissez faire</i> theory, with which the names of the -physiocrats and of Adam Smith are inseparably -connected. It often fathered too stringent regulations. -Instead of supporting national ends, mercantilistic -measures frequently furthered private -interests. Mercantilism, however, played a strong -part in building up the concepts of national unity -and loyalty.</p> - -<p>In the German states and Austria, cameralism -represented the ideas for which mercantilism stood -in England, France, and elsewhere in Western and -Southern Europe. Among the leading cameralists -were Seckendorf, Horing, Justi, and Sonnenfels. -Cameralism obtained a far deeper hold upon the -German states than mercantilism did, for example, -in England. The <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">laissez faire</i> philosophy was never -able to make a deep inroad upon cameralism. In -fact, the <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">laissez faire</i> philosophy did not receive -serious consideration in the German states before -1800, and did not strike deep. National self-sufficiency, -paternalistic control, minute regulation -of internal affairs, rearing of large families, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_189">189</span> -subordination of the welfare of the state—these -are the concepts which ruled in Germany.</p> - -<p>Adam Smith (1723–1790), primarily an economist -and often referred to as the father of political -economy, exerted a profound influence upon social -thought. He coupled a modified natural rights -theory with a doctrine of sympathy; he spoke for -the natural rights of the individual, of the poorer -classes in society, and of the smaller nations. He -vigorously attacked mercantilism with its system of -minute regulation of individuals. He objected to -promoting unduly the interests of one class of men -in a country, for by so doing, the interests of all -other classes in that country and of all persons in -all other countries are harmed.<a id="FNanchor_XI-17" href="#Footnote_XI-17" class="fnanchor">XI-17</a> He pointed out -the fallacy of building a nation of shopkeepers, for -in so doing the government of such a nation will -be unduly influenced and controlled by the interests -of shopkeepers. The interests of other classes will -be more or less ignored. Adam Smith protested -against Great Britain’s methods of regulating the -American colonies. To prohibit the American -colonies from making all they could of every part -of their own produce or from employing their stock -and industry in the way that they judged most advantageous -to themselves, was “a manifest violation -of the most sacred rights of mankind.”<a id="FNanchor_XI-18" href="#Footnote_XI-18" class="fnanchor">XI-18</a></p> - -<p>Mercantilism made use of monopoly of one kind -or another, and hence is objectionable, according to -Smith. Mercantilism is regulation, and regulation<span class="pagenum" id="Page_190">190</span> -is often carried on for the benefit of the rich and -powerful, thus neglecting and oppressing the poor.<a id="FNanchor_XI-19" href="#Footnote_XI-19" class="fnanchor">XI-19</a> -Smith failed to note, however, that the <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">laissez faire</i> -policy likewise favored the rich and powerful and -neglected the poor. Mercantilism, according to -Smith, considers production and not consumption -as the end of industry and commerce, and thus -favors one class at the expense of other classes.</p> - -<p>“Wherever there is great property,” said Smith, -“there is great inequality.” For every very rich -man there must be at least 500 poor men, and the -affluence of the few supposes the indigence of the -many.<a id="FNanchor_XI-20" href="#Footnote_XI-20" class="fnanchor">XI-20</a> But no society can be flourishing and -happy wherein the greater part of the members are -poor and miserable.<a id="FNanchor_XI-21" href="#Footnote_XI-21" class="fnanchor">XI-21</a> The laboring men should -have “such a share of the produce of their own -labor as to be themselves tolerably well fed, clothed, -and lodged.” Poverty does not prevent the procreation -of children, but is on the other hand extremely -unfavorable to the rearing of children.<a id="FNanchor_XI-22" href="#Footnote_XI-22" class="fnanchor">XI-22</a></p> - -<p>Smith pointed out four causes of social inequality:<a id="FNanchor_XI-23" href="#Footnote_XI-23" class="fnanchor">XI-23</a> -(1) Superiority in personal qualifications, -such as strength, beauty, agility of body; or wisdom, -virtue, prudence, justice, fortitude, moderation -of mind. (2) Superiority of age and experience. -(3) Superiority of fortune. Riches give -social authority; riches possess power to buy. -(4) Superiority of birth, based on family prestige.</p> - -<p>Smith extolled the merits of division of labor -in industry with the resultant increase in the quantity<span class="pagenum" id="Page_191">191</span> -of work. There are three sets of causal circumstances:<a id="FNanchor_XI-24" href="#Footnote_XI-24" class="fnanchor">XI-24</a> -(1) the increase of dexterity; (2) the -saving of time in passing from one kind of work -to another; and (3) the invention of a large number -of machines. Smith, however, deplored the -deadening effect upon the individual of repeating -over and over a simple process, hundreds or thousands -of times daily. In summary, Adam Smith -(1) applied the concept of natural rights to industrial -conditions; (2) developed Hume’s concept of -sympathy into a theory of mutual aid between individuals, -classes, and nations; and (3) supported -the necessity of division of labor.</p> - -<p>The natural rights and social contract theories -affected in one way or another the thinking not -only of the men who have already been considered -in this chapter, but also of many other individuals. -Blackstone (1723–1780) held that man’s weakness -in isolation led to association. The primary group -was the patriarchal family. Blackstone was not an -advocate of social regulation. His exposition of -English law in the <i>Commentaries</i> stood for law -itself, and became the bulwark at once of the doctrines -of individual rights and property rights in -both England and the American colonies. In the -United States, its influence remained dominant for -more than a century after the founding of the -republic.</p> - -<p>Although Edmund Burke (1729–1797) believed -in a corporate unity of society, he became in his<span class="pagenum" id="Page_192">192</span> -century the chief spokesman of humanity for humanity’s -sake. He pleaded for justice for and conciliation -with the American colonies; he spoke for -the benighted Hindus who were being plundered by -English stockholders; and he championed the rights -of slaves. He failed, on the other hand, to appreciate -the struggles of the French people which culminated -in the French Revolution.</p> - -<p>Immanuel Kant (1724–1817) declared man in a -natural state is both social and unsocial and referred -to the “unsocial sociableness” of man. “Man -cannot get on with fellows and he cannot do without -them.” Man has an inclination to associate -with others and also a great propensity to isolate -himself from others. He wishes to direct things -according to his own ideas and thus courts resistance -and conflict. It is this conflict, however, which -leads to individual advancement.</p> - -<p>Kant laid great stress upon a good will.<a id="FNanchor_XI-25" href="#Footnote_XI-25" class="fnanchor">XI-25</a> The -individual may have intelligence and sagacity, -power and wealth, but he may still be a pernicious -and hurtful member of society. He is not even -worthy to be happy unless he possesses a good will. -A man’s will is good not because of the end he -seeks nor because of the results of his activities -but because he inherently wills the good. It is this -“good will” of Kant which is in conflict with the -utilitarianism of Bentham and Mill, and also with -modern behavioristic psychology and objective sociology. -To Kant, morality is subjective. Social<span class="pagenum" id="Page_193">193</span> -laws may regulate and control man’s conduct but -they cannot control his motives.</p> - -<p>Johann Fichte (1762–1814) joined with Kant in -the interpretation of a good will. He held that -property is essential to the development of freedom. -However, he pushed the social contract idea to an -extreme and developed a doctrine of an idealistic -state socialism, including the superiority of Germany -among the nations of the world.</p> - -<p>Hegel (1770–1831) supported cameralism by developing -the State idea, with the implication that -Germany would become the supreme State in the -world. Hegel even asserted that man has his existence -and his ethical status “only in being a member -of the State.”<a id="FNanchor_XI-26" href="#Footnote_XI-26" class="fnanchor">XI-26</a> Morality is not a matter of striving -independently to realize one’s inner self, but of -living in accord with the traditions of one’s State.</p> - -<p>Perhaps the individual rights theory never manifested -a greater aberration than in the mind of -Friedrich Nietzsche (1844–1900). Power is supreme. -The individual or the nation with the -greatest power has the greatest right to live. -Against this idea or the expressions of this idea, -the weaker individuals tend to combine and to extol -their weaknesses as virtues, even building a religion -out of these glorified weaknesses, for example, -Christianity. Nietzsche’s doctrine of the superman -and the superstate will be discussed in <a href="#Chapter_XXI">Chapter -XXI</a>.</p> - -<p>Closely related to the discussions concerning<span class="pagenum" id="Page_194">194</span> -natural rights and the social contract is the doctrine -of utilitarianism, a modified form of individualism -with certain objective standards. Jeremy -Bentham (1748–1832) made utilitarianism well-known, -and particularly the standard: The greatest -good of the greatest number. In accordance -with a formal idea of social change, Bentham urged -that social improvements be made by legislation. -He demanded objective standards as opposed to -Kant’s emphasis on the inner motive. Where Kant -accented the “how” of conduct, Bentham insisted -on the “what” of conduct. He pointed out the -need for improved forms of government, apparently -ignoring or at least greatly underestimating -the fact that real progress comes chiefly through -modifying organic processes. However, Bentham -may be rated a virile social reformer, for he -strongly advocated such measures as the secret ballot, -woman suffrage, trained statesmancraft. He -made social welfare a main goal.</p> - -<p>The doctrine of utilitarianism was carried forward -by James Mill (1773–1836) and was brought -to its highest fruition by the son, John Stuart Mill -(1806–1873). The elder Mill contended that utility -is morality. Like Bentham the elder Mill urged -many social reforms.</p> - -<p>John Stuart Mill adopted a modified form of the -natural rights theory. He asserted that the individual -should have all the rights that he can exercise -without infringing upon the equal rights of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_195">195</span> -other individuals. Mill recognized a gradation in -the pleasures which satisfy individuals. He declared -that it is better to be a man dissatisfied than -a pig satisfied; he objected to the prevailing classification -of people on the basis of poverty and wealth, -and urged the substitution of standards of personal -worth, honor, and true leadership as bases for social -classification.</p> - -<p>Sir Henry Maine (1832–1888) invented the -phrase: From status to contract. He applied this -phrase to a program of social welfare. There are -many illustrations, he pointed out, in business and -industrial life, and even in political and fraternal -activities where people make social contracts. The -marriage contract also has many of the characteristics -of a genuine social contract. Maine pushed the -social contract idea to its furthest practical point; -but deprecated the possibility that the masses might -come into power. His individualism deprived him -of a faith in the possible social development of the -uneducated.</p> - -<p>Herbert Spencer, whose ideas will be discussed -more extensively in a subsequent chapter, became -one of the chief exponents of the doctrine of <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">laissez -faire</i> in governmental matters. He brought a vast -reading knowledge and able arguments to the support -of individualistic doctrines. He added very -little that was new to individualistic and <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">laissez -faire</i> theories although he was at one time perhaps -their leading exponent. One of his chief contributions<span class="pagenum" id="Page_196">196</span> -to social thought was indirect and unintentional, -namely, the way in which his writings challenged -the attention of an American paleontologist, -Lester F. Ward, and led him to point out the -psychical nature and hence telic possibilities of -civilization. In consequence of this challenge Spencer -fell, and Ward rose to the rank of dean of -American sociologists. An entire chapter will be -devoted to the sociology of Lester F. Ward.</p> - -<p>William G. Sumner (1840–1910) was the last -noted champion of a governmental <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">laissez faire</i> -doctrine. He held that the State owes nothing to -anybody except peace, order, and the guarantee of -rights. It is not true that the poor ought to care -for each other, and that the churches ought to collect -capital and spend it for the poor; it is not true -that if you get wealth you should support others; -and that if you do not get wealth others ought to -support you. In a society based on contract there -is no place for sentiment in public or common -affairs.<a id="FNanchor_XI-28" href="#Footnote_XI-28" class="fnanchor">XI-28</a> Every individual will develop the self-reliance -of a free person, if he is not taught that -others will care for him in case he fails to care -for himself. Sumner spoke vigorously as well as -harshly in support of liberty, contract, and private -property. Although he took an extreme and untenable -position his ideas will bear careful, unbiased -study, for they contain a large amount of common -sense. His ethnological work will be indicated at -some length in another chapter.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_197">197</span></p> - -<p>A noteworthy statement which has come from a -current American school of legal thinkers concerning -individualistic social thought, is found in the -writings of Professor Roscoe Pound of Harvard -Law School. In “A Theory of Social Interests” he -has summed up the new point of view.<a id="FNanchor_XI-29" href="#Footnote_XI-29" class="fnanchor">XI-29</a> In the last -century all interests were thought of in terms of -individual interests, all were reduced to their purely -individual elements and considered as rights.</p> - -<p>In this century, Dean Pound indicates that law, -for example, aims primarily to conserve some general -social interest. It conserves the social interest -in the general security, that is, in public health and -in peace. It conserves the social interest in institutions,—domestic, -religious, political. It conserves -the social interest in natural resources, preventing -the waste of oil and gas and protecting water -rights. It conserves the social interest in general -progress, in economic, political, cultural progress, -although its main contribution in other fields, such -as promoting the esthetic interests, are yet to be -made. It conserves the social interests in individual -life and in seeing that people live humanly and that -the will of the individual is not trodden upon. -Legal processes have thus become types of social -engineering.</p> - -<p>The doctrine of natural rights reached its largest -degree of acceptance in England, France, and the -United States. It was not only reflected in the -thought of Thomas Jefferson but in the fundamental<span class="pagenum" id="Page_198">198</span> -principles upon which the United States -was established. It suffered an aberration in the -form of the social contract theory which in its extreme -forms was later repudiated. Its greatest -weakness was the exaggerated form which it assumed, -especially in England and the United States. -In the latter country it became greatly magnified -through contact with the spirit of discovery, invention, -and pioneering which prevailed for over a -century. Consequently, it dominated the thought -life of the United States throughout the nineteenth -century. It permitted captains of industry to exploit -the helpless masses, and encouraged politicians -to pursue selfish practices until governments became -honeycombed with graft. It nearly capsized -the good Ship of State—Democracy.</p> - -<p>Theories of natural rights have been supplanted -by considerations of natural needs, both individual -and social. Human needs are now considered the -only imperatives, but even they are relative and -changing.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_199">199</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_199"><span class="smcap" id="Chapter_XII">Chapter XII</span><br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Malthus and Population Concepts</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>A unique and distinctive trend in social thought -with important sociological implications developed -in the closing years of the eighteenth century, -namely, Malthusian thought regarding population. -Malthusianism, however, was preceded by the ideas -of William Godwin and Adam Smith. In 1775, -Adam Smith had stated that “every species of -animals naturally multiplies in proportion to the -means of their subsistence, and no species can ever -multiply beyond it.”<a id="FNanchor_XII-1" href="#Footnote_XII-1" class="fnanchor">XII-1</a> Scanty subsistence, however, -destroys a large percentage of offspring. Inasmuch -as men, like all other animals, multiply naturally -in proportion to the means of their subsistence, food -is always, more or less, in demand; and food, or -the cost of living, regulates population.<a id="FNanchor_XII-2" href="#Footnote_XII-2" class="fnanchor">XII-2</a> City people -must depend upon the country for their subsistence, -whereas seaport towns can command food -resources from all parts of the earth.</p> - -<p>The population ideas of William Godwin (1756–1836) -were the immediate stimuli which set Malthus -at work. In 1793, Godwin’s <i>Enquiry Concerning -Justice</i> was published. Godwin elaborated several -radical social ideas of the French Physiocratic<span class="pagenum" id="Page_200">200</span> -philosophers. He declared that human misery is -caused by coercive institutions. Government, he -asserted, is an evil and should be abolished. He -urged also the abolition of strict marriage relations, -although he personally acquiesced in the custom and -in his last days he commended marriage. He -thought that no social group should be larger than -a parish, and that there should be an equal distribution -of property. Godwin thus carried the doctrine -of natural rights to the verge of anarchy and -licentiousness. His ideas furnished a basis for the -nineteenth century experiments in communism. -But what is more important, Godwin’s ideas regarding -the reconstruction of society stimulated Thomas -Malthus, who developed what is commonly known -as the Malthusian doctrine of population.</p> - -<p>In 1798, under an assumed name, Thomas Robert -Malthus (1766–1834) offered to the world the -first carefully collected and elaborated body of -data, dealing with what he called <em>the</em> social problem, -namely: What is the underlying cause of -human unhappiness? This study may be counted, -in a sense, the beginning of modern sociological -study. Early in life Malthus showed an interest -in social questions. Godwin’s ideas had centered -Malthus’ attention on population. Malthus’ well-known -treatise entitled, <i>An Essay on the Principle -of Population as it Affects the Future Improvement -of Society</i>, undertook two important tasks: -(1) To investigate the causes that have impeded<span class="pagenum" id="Page_201">201</span> -the progress of mankind toward happiness, and -(2) to examine probabilities of a total or partial -removal of these causes.<a id="FNanchor_XII-3" href="#Footnote_XII-3" class="fnanchor">XII-3</a></p> - -<p>Among both plants and animals there is a constant -tendency to reproduce numerically beyond the -subsistence level. Wherever there is liberty, this -power of increase blindly asserts itself. Afterwards, -a lack of nourishment and of room represses -the superabundant numbers.<a id="FNanchor_XII-4" href="#Footnote_XII-4" class="fnanchor">XII-4</a> It appears, therefore, -that the ultimate check to population is lack -of food, due to the fact that population increases -faster than food supply. Nature, in other words, -sets a harsher law over the increase of subsistence -than she does over the birth rate. Man fails to -take cognizance of this law and brings untold -misery upon himself. The lower economic classes -are the chief victims, and the giants of poverty and -pauperism rule over whole sections of human population. -Malthus considers the question of population -the fundamental social problem.</p> - -<p>Since population outruns food supply, dire human -consequences naturally follow. Food supply, as a -check upon population, operates harshly; it is but -representative of an entire series of rigorous -natural, or positive, checks upon population. In -this list there are unwholesome occupations; -forms of severe labor; extreme poverty; damp and -wretched housing conditions; diseases, epidemics, -plagues, poor nursing; intestine commotion, martial -law, civil war; wars of all forms; excesses of all<span class="pagenum" id="Page_202">202</span> -kinds.<a id="FNanchor_XII-5" href="#Footnote_XII-5" class="fnanchor">XII-5</a> These positive checks upon population are -the results of two main causes, namely, vice and -misery. As a result of the operation of these factors, -population is being continually cut down and -kept near the mere subsistence plane.</p> - -<p>Malthus pointed out another check upon population, -the preventive. The fear of falling into -poverty causes many young people to postpone -marriage until they can safely marry—economically. -This check so far as voluntary is peculiar -to man and, to the extent that it is not followed -by irregular sex gratification, is prudential. The -actual pressure of population upon food supply, or -the fear of this impingement, prevents people from -marrying earlier than they do and from reproducing -their kind faster than they would do otherwise. -This pressure, or the fear of it, cuts down -the marriage rate in times of economic depression. -But let prosperity come and the marriage rate leaps -upward, especially among the poorer classes.</p> - -<p>The positive and preventive checks upon population -hold a definite relation to each other. “In -every country where the whole of the procreative -power cannot be called into action, the preventive -and the positive checks must vary inversely as each -other.”<a id="FNanchor_XII-6" href="#Footnote_XII-6" class="fnanchor">XII-6</a> That is to say, when positive checks, such -as famine and war, slay large numbers of people, -moral restraint is diminished and the population -numbers rapidly increase. When the preventive -check expresses itself strongly, the population is<span class="pagenum" id="Page_203">203</span> -kept down numerically, and positive checks, such as -famine or even war, are defeated.</p> - -<p>Malthus attempted to establish three propositions:</p> - -<p>(1) The limitation of population by the restriction -of the means of subsistence.</p> - -<p>(2) The invariable increase of population whenever -the means of subsistence increase, unless prevented -by powerful checks.</p> - -<p>(3) The factors which keep population on a level -with the means of subsistence are all resolvable into -three: moral restraint, vice, and misery.<a id="FNanchor_XII-7" href="#Footnote_XII-7" class="fnanchor">XII-7</a></p> - -<p>No one can gainsay the importance or the seriousness -of the problem of population. Plato wrestled -with it, and urged that procreation when it goes -on too fast or too slow should be regulated by the -state—through a proper distribution of marks of -ignominy or of honor. The number of marriages -should be determined by the magistrates.</p> - -<p>Aristotle suggested that the ages of marriage for -both sexes should be regulated; he even advocated -the regulation of the number of children for each -marriage. Additional children should be aborted.</p> - -<p>Malthus, however, was wiser than either Plato -or Aristotle, for he observed that the cause which -has the most lasting effect in improving the condition -of the poorer classes is the conduct and prudence -of the individuals themselves.<a id="FNanchor_XII-8" href="#Footnote_XII-8" class="fnanchor">XII-8</a> Malthus asserted -that it is in the power of each individual to -avoid all the evil consequences to himself and society<span class="pagenum" id="Page_204">204</span> -which result from the principle of population, -“by the practice of a virtue clearly dictated to him -by the light of nature and expressly enjoined in -revealed religion.”<a id="FNanchor_XII-9" href="#Footnote_XII-9" class="fnanchor">XII-9</a></p> - -<p>Malthus demonstrated clearly the weakness of -liberal poor-laws. Give more food to the poor, and -they will produce more children, and suffer more -misery. Poor-laws increase the numbers of children -of the poor, and hence increase the amount of -misery. Both private benevolence and poor-laws -increase the number of marriages and of children.<a id="FNanchor_XII-10" href="#Footnote_XII-10" class="fnanchor">XII-10</a></p> - -<p>Education is the solution which Malthus demanded.<a id="FNanchor_XII-11" href="#Footnote_XII-11" class="fnanchor">XII-11</a> -Educate the poor to postpone marriage, -to keep the birth rate down, and to practice economic -thrift. To a great extent education will -secure the operation of the prudential check upon -population. The science of moral and political -philosophy should not be confined within such narrow -limits that it is unable to overcome in practical -ways the obstacles to human happiness which arise -from the law of population.<a id="FNanchor_XII-12" href="#Footnote_XII-12" class="fnanchor">XII-12</a></p> - -<p>There are factors in the population situation -which did not exist at the time of Malthus, or which -he did not see. Today there are additional preventive -checks upon population, for example, the rise -of democracy in the family whereby the wife and -mother no longer is dominated by the husband and -father, but has a voice of her own regarding domestic -matters, such as the number of children. Closely -related to this tendency is the feminist movement,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_205">205</span> -or woman’s rights movement, whereby women are -demanding that they not be confined to the sphere -of bearing and rearing children. Increasing intelligence -and foresight has served as a powerful preventive -check upon population. The current emphasis -upon luxury is inimical to the birth rate. A -higher economic status almost uniformly cuts down -the birth rate. Within the last score of years the -new science of eugenics has attracted widespread -attention. Eugenics stresses quality of population. -It would effect a decrease in the numbers of children -born among the lower classes, among the -poorer stocks, and prevent procreation among the -mentally deficient. It would increase the birth rate -among the cultured and the high grade stocks.</p> - -<p>Malthus appreciated the dependence of urban -population upon rural districts, but he could not -foresee the degree to which cities would grow in the -nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The relative -decrease of agricultural labor and the proportional -increase in non-agricultural labor has thrown a -burden upon the food supply which even Malthus -could not forecast.</p> - -<p>On the other hand, Malthus did not realize the -extent to which new countries such as the United -States, Canada, Australia, Argentina would contribute -to the world’s means of subsistence. He -could not predict the way in which invention would -be applied in solving agricultural problems, and -how today one man with improved machinery and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_206">206</span> -intensive methods can produce a hundred ears of -corn where one was produced a century ago. -Nevertheless, the “new country” argument against -Malthus’ principle of population is ultimately fallacious, -for new countries soon become old, the supply -of new countries becomes exhausted, and there -is even a limit to soil productiveness. The very -pressure of population against means of subsistence -is, however, a cause of inventiveness, so that unanticipated -increases in food supply may occur at -any time.</p> - -<p>Socialism has criticized Malthus severely. Socialism -holds that at a given time the food supply -is sufficient to meet human needs but that it is -poorly or unjustly distributed. With just distribution -of the returns from industry, food supply -would not impinge strongly on population. But -socialism might greatly endanger the prudential -check on population, and hence result in an increased -birth rate; which in turn would more than -balance any release from human misery that a -just distribution of the returns from industry would -effect.</p> - -<p>Another point which Malthus did not observe is -that the increase in technical skill which comes with -vocational education is overcome by the tendency of -the world’s population to overtake the world’s food -productiveness. With increase in population, the -price of land rises, the rent for land increases, the -cost of living mounts upward, and the purchasing<span class="pagenum" id="Page_207">207</span> -power of the dollar, or its equivalent, declines.</p> - -<p>Some of the followers of Malthus have advocated -birth control as an artificial means of regulating -population. Birth control prevents by physical -means the birth of children. It is a useful weapon -against sexually brutal husbands. It does not provide -for self control or moral control of the sexual -impulses. It encourages rather than controls gratification -of the sexual desires. By it a gain is made -in protecting helpless women and in cutting down -the birth rate among the lower moral classes, -whether wealthy or poor, but the gain is more than -lost by the opportunity which birth control gives to -the irregular gratification of sexual impulses and -by the resultant weakening of moral fibre.</p> - -<p>Thomas N. Carver, whose work will be referred -to again in subsequent chapters, has developed an -interesting population theory which is partly Malthusian.<a id="FNanchor_XII-13" href="#Footnote_XII-13" class="fnanchor">XII-13</a> -The increase in population from both -immigration sources and the birth rate should be -cut down, thereby decreasing the percentage of unskilled -labor. Further, persons should be trained -out of the unskilled group into the skilled group and -then into the <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">entrepreneur</i> class. Thus, by greatly -decreasing the number of unskilled laborers and by -increasing the number of entrepreneurs, wages -will advance and profits will be increasingly subdivided. -The poor will become well-to-do, and -poverty as it is now known will tend to disappear. -This theory underestimates the importance of psychological<span class="pagenum" id="Page_208">208</span> -motives and of social attitudes under a -system where a marked degree of competition is -encouraged.</p> - -<p>In conclusion, it may be stated that the principle -of population as given by Malthus is fundamental -to an understanding of the problems of social -progress.<a id="FNanchor_XII-14" href="#Footnote_XII-14" class="fnanchor">XII-14</a> There is a positive relation between -population and means of subsistence. Positive and -preventive checks upon population are continually -at work. Moral restraint and self control, based -on scientifically devised human laws, create a better -moral fibre than birth control. The quality of personality -is far more important than mere numbers -of population. The struggle for quality in personality -must be supplemented by justice in industrial -and social processes before the population problem -can be solved.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_209">209</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_209"><span class="smcap" id="Chapter_XIII">Chapter XIII</span><br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Comte and Positive Social Thought</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>An organized foundation for the field of social -thought was not laid until near the close of the -first half of the nineteenth century. At that time -Auguste Comte (1798–1857) gave at least an organized -groundwork, if not a synthetic introduction -to sociology. He was the first to stake out the -territory of social thought, to show the relation of -social thought to other fields of knowledge, and to -separate social statics from social dynamics. He -was the first important social philosopher, and his -<i>Positive Philosophy</i> the first treatise roughly to -outline the field of sociology.</p> - -<p>Auguste Comte invented the term, sociology, by -which he meant the science of human association. -While he did not contribute much to the science -itself, he laid important foundation stones. He reacted -against all forms of loose thinking about man, -rejected metaphysical and theological speculations, -and insisted upon the observation and classification -of social phenomena. He repudiated attempts to -discover causes of social uniformities, and coined -the name, positivism, for the philosophical system -upon which he founded sociology. The bases of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_210">210</span> -positivism may be found in the ideas of Bacon, -Galileo, and Descartes. As each of these three men -broke with tradition and sought observed facts -in their respective fields, so Comte was likewise -prompted to do in the field of social thought.</p> - -<p>Auguste Comte was born at Montpelier, France, -the son of humble and law-abiding Catholic parents. -At the age of nine he displayed unusual mental -ability, a strong character, and a tendency to defy -authority. He is described as brilliant and recalcitrant. -He possessed a wonderful memory and a -remarkable avidity for reading. In school he won -many prizes, and took a position of leadership -among his fellow students, who called him “the -philosopher.” At the age of sixteen he was devoting -his energies and abilities to the study of -mathematics.</p> - -<p>As a youth Comte demanded the resignation of -one of his instructors, criticized Napoleon, and disregarded -both ecclesiastical and parental authority. -He especially enjoyed to point out the stupidity of -his superiors and to oppose tyranny.</p> - -<p>At the age of nineteen Comte made the acquaintance -of Saint Simon, the well-known socialist. The -friendship lasted for only a few years, but long -enough to exert a deep influence upon the youthful -mathematician. Saint Simon (1760–1825) had indicated -the need for a scientific classification of the -sciences with political science at the head of the list, -and had developed a new fraternalism under the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_211">211</span> -name of <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Le nouveau Christianisme</i>. This system -was optimistic and humanitarian, but dreamy. -Comte was dissatisfied with it, and undertook to -work out a better scheme of social analysis and -organization.</p> - -<p>In 1822, Comte’s first important work was -published. It contained an introduction by Saint -Simon, and was entitled <i>A Prospectus of the Scientific -Works Required for the Reorganization of -Society</i>. It represented an important beginning -of the task on which Comte was to spend his life. -Upon the problem Comte read and worked assiduously, -save as he was interrupted by an unhappy -married life and by mental aberrations, due to -overwork. He gave courses of public lectures, but -insisted upon working gratuituously. He would -not accept royalties from the sale of his books, -despite the fact that he lived continually on the -verge of starvation. His friends, however, made -him gifts and established a subsidy. He insisted -upon the rule that all his literary productions -should be given to the public gratuitously.<a id="FNanchor_XIII-1" href="#Footnote_XIII-1" class="fnanchor">XIII-1</a></p> - -<p>His method of composition has been commented -upon by his biographers. As a result of his unusual -memory and the high degree of mental concentration -to which he attained, he was able to plan chapters -and volumes in their smallest details, and then -from memory to put them into written form. This -method enabled him to secure “an extraordinary -unity of conception and organic symmetry of plan.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_212">212</span></p> - -<p>Comte manifested an unusual regard for the -truth. This attitude required him to modify and -qualify statements of fundamental principles at -great length. As a result his works are often -tedious reading. He preferred, however, to write -meticulously and thus to safeguard truth, rather -than speak in epigrams and sacrifice truth.</p> - -<p>Comte’s two leading works are: the <i>Positive -Philosophy</i> and the <i>Positive Polity</i>. The first appeared -in six volumes during the years from 1830 -to 1842. The second work, in four volumes, was -published in the years from 1851 to 1854. It is not -the equal of the <i>Positive Philosophy</i>, which was -translated into English in 1853 by Harriet Martineau.</p> - -<p>John Stuart Mill has referred to Comte as among -the first of European thinkers; and, by his institution -of a new social science, in some respects the -first.<a id="FNanchor_XIII-2" href="#Footnote_XIII-2" class="fnanchor">XIII-2</a> George Henry Lewes called Comte the -greatest of modern thinkers. John Morley, the -English statesman and author, says of Comte: -“Neither Franklin, nor any man that has ever lived, -could surpass him in the heroic tenacity with which, -in the face of a thousand obstacles, he pursued his -own ideal of a vocation.” Harriet Martineau summarizes -his methods as follows: “There can be -no question but that his whole career was one of -the most intense concentration of mind, gigantic -industry, rigid economy, and singular punctuality -and exactness in all his habits.”<a id="FNanchor_XIII-3" href="#Footnote_XIII-3" class="fnanchor">XIII-3</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_213">213</span></p> - -<p>In laying the foundations for a new social science, -Comte began with an analysis of types of -thinking. (1) Primitive and untrained persons -everywhere think in supernatural terms. They suppose -that all physical phenomena are caused by the -immediate action of capricious supernatural beings. -The primitive man believes in all kinds of fetishes -in which spirits or supernatural beings live. Fetishism -admitted of no priesthood, because its gods -are individual, each residing in fixed objects.<a id="FNanchor_XIII-4" href="#Footnote_XIII-4" class="fnanchor">XIII-4</a></p> - -<p>As the mind of primitive man became better organized, -fetishism became cumbersome. Too many -fetishes produced mental confusion. A coalescence -of gods resulted and polytheism arose. The polytheistic -gods represented different phases of life. -This state in human thought is well illustrated by -the Homeric gods.</p> - -<p>But a large number of capricious divinities are -mentally unsatisfactory. They create mental contradictions. -Consequently, the gods are arranged -in a hierarchy. Finally, the idea of one God, or of -monotheism, developed. The belief arose that -every phenomenon is produced by the immediate -action of the one God. As man’s vision widened -and his observations increased in scope and depth, -the concept of a monotheistic universe became -clarified. Monotheism is the climax of the theological -stage of thinking.</p> - -<p>But rationalism argues that God does not stand -directly behind every phenomenon. Pure reason<span class="pagenum" id="Page_214">214</span> -insists that God is a First Cause or an Abstract -Being. Pure reason speaks in terms of inalienable -rights: metaphysical explanations, however, are unsatisfactory -to the mind.</p> - -<p>Hence, Comte developed his concept of positivism, -which is a purely intellectual way of looking -at the world. Comte held that the mind should concentrate -on the observation and classification of -phenomena. He believed that both theological and -metaphysical speculations, as he used the terms, -were as likely to be fiction as truth, and that there -is no way of determining which is the case. Thus -it will be more profitable if the individual should -direct his thoughts to the lines of thinking which -are most truly prolific, namely, to observation and -classification of data.</p> - -<p>Comte even took the position that it is futile to -try to determine causes. We can observe uniformities, -or laws, but it is mere speculation to assign -causes to these uniformities. Positivism deified -observation and classification of data. Its weaknesses -should not hinder the student, however, -from seeing the importance of its emphasis upon -the scientific procedure of observing and classifying -data in an age when dogmatism and speculation -were rife.</p> - -<p>The three stages of thought which Comte described -are not three levels of thought, as Comte -contended, but, as Herbert Spencer indicated, they -may represent the same plane of thinking. Each<span class="pagenum" id="Page_215">215</span> -requires about the same degree of thinking ability. -Moreover, as John Fiske argued, the three methods -of approach to problems are often pursued simultaneously -by a given person. Some phenomena are -explained theologically; others, metaphysically; and -others, positively.</p> - -<p>A second main contribution which Comte made -to social thought is that each of the three modes -of thinking determines and corresponds to a type -of social organization. Speaking from the standpoint -of his own religious contacts, he declared -that theological thinking leads to a military and -monarchial social organization, with God at the -head of the hierarchy as King of kings and a -mighty warrior, and with human beings arranged -in a military organization. Divine sanction rules. -As expressed through the human leaders, this divine -sanction must not be questioned. Dogmatism -must be meekly endured, or else its threatened punishments -will be turned loose upon helpless offenders. -Divine rights rule.</p> - -<p>Metaphysical thinking produces a government -dominated by doctrines of abstract rights. Natural -rights are substituted for divine rights. A -priesthood is furthered. Social organization becomes -legalistic, formal, structural, without adequate -content.</p> - -<p>Positive thinking produces practical results in -the form of industrial enterprises, and ushers in an -industrial age. It inquires into the nature and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_216">216</span> -utilization of natural forces. It transforms the -material resources of the earth, and produces material -inventions.</p> - -<p>Comte failed to postulate a fourth mode of thinking, -namely, socialized thinking, or a system of -thought which would emphasize not simply the use -of natural forces, but the use of natural forces for -social ends, for the purpose of building constructive, -just, and harmonious societies, and of developing -personalities who will evaluate life in terms of -the welfare of other personalities. Comte, however, -should be credited with opening the way for -the rise of socialized thinking.</p> - -<p>A third phase of Comte’s system was his classification -of the sciences, with sociology as the latest -and greatest of the group. The Greek thinkers, -it will be recalled, undertook to classify all knowledge -under three headings: physics, ethics, and -politics. Bacon made the divisions correlative to -the so-called mental faculties of memory, imagination, -and reason, namely: history, poetry, and -science.</p> - -<p>Comte chose as his principle of classifying -knowledge, the order of increasing dependence. He -arranged the sciences so that each category may -be grounded on the principal laws of the preceding -category, and serve as a basis for the next ensuing -category.<a id="FNanchor_XIII-5" href="#Footnote_XIII-5" class="fnanchor">XIII-5</a> The order, hence, is one of increasing -complexity and decreasing generality. The most -simple phenomena must be the most general—general<span class="pagenum" id="Page_217">217</span> -in the sense of being everywhere present.<a id="FNanchor_XIII-6" href="#Footnote_XIII-6" class="fnanchor">XIII-6</a></p> - -<p>Comte began with mathematics, the tool of the -mind. Accurate thinking is always done in terms -of mathematics. With mathematics as its chief -tool, the mind of man can go anywhere in its thinking. -Mathematics is the most powerful instrument -which the mind may use in the investigation -of natural laws.<a id="FNanchor_XIII-7" href="#Footnote_XIII-7" class="fnanchor">XIII-7</a></p> - -<p>Mathematics is not a constituent member of the -group of sciences. It is the basis of them all. It -holds the first place in the hierarchy of the sciences, -and is the best point of departure in all education, -whether general or special.<a id="FNanchor_XIII-8" href="#Footnote_XIII-8" class="fnanchor">XIII-8</a> It is the oldest and -most perfect of all the sciences.<a id="FNanchor_XIII-9" href="#Footnote_XIII-9" class="fnanchor">XIII-9</a></p> - -<p>Mathematics is the science which measures precisely -the relations between objects and ideas. It -is <em>the</em> science.<a id="FNanchor_XIII-10" href="#Footnote_XIII-10" class="fnanchor">XIII-10</a> The Greeks had no other. Its definition -is the definition of all science. Its function -is that of ascertaining relationships, a process -which is basic to scientific thinking in all fields. -Education that is based on any other method is -faulty, inexact, and unreliable. It is only through -mathematics that we can understand science.</p> - -<p>The highest form of mathematics is calculus. -There is no scientific inquiry in which calculus is -not used. Even the physician in prescribing for the -cure of a disease, must provide for the mixing together -of different quantities of different medicines, -so that, when taken at determined intervals of time, -they will possess the right qualities for bringing<span class="pagenum" id="Page_218">218</span> -the human body back to its normal state. Calculus -is the branch of science which has the highest intellectual -dignity. In it the proportion of reasoning -to observation is greater than elsewhere.</p> - -<p>With mathematics as the tool, the classification -of knowledge may proceed. All natural phenomena -fall into two grand divisions: inorganic and organic. -The inorganic are more general and should -be considered first. Inorganic phenomena are of -two classes: astronomical and terrestrial. Astronomical -phenomena are the most general of all. -The stars and planets appear under the least varied -aspects.<a id="FNanchor_XIII-12" href="#Footnote_XIII-12" class="fnanchor">XIII-12</a> Astronomy is the science by which the -movements of the heavenly bodies, including the -earth, are measured. How can we thoroughly understand -any terrestrial phenomena without considering -the nature of the earth and its relation to -the other units of the solar system?<a id="FNanchor_XIII-13" href="#Footnote_XIII-13" class="fnanchor">XIII-13</a></p> - -<p>Terrestrial physics includes two fields: physics -proper and chemistry. Material bodies may be regarded -in either their physical or chemical aspects. -Physics is more general than chemistry; it deals -with masses rather than elements. Chemical phenomena -depend upon the laws of physics, without -being influenced by them in turn. Chemical action -is conditioned by the laws of weight, heat, electricity. -The study of inorganic phenomena thus -falls under three scientific heads: astronomy, physics, -and chemistry.</p> - -<p>Organic phenomena include two types: individual<span class="pagenum" id="Page_219">219</span> -and group. The first refers to the function and -structure of all individual forms in the plant and -animal worlds. It is general physiology, or, in -modern terms, biology. It involves the study of -all life and the general laws pertaining to the individual -units of life.</p> - -<p>Biology rests on chemistry, because it is in chemistry -that all reliable knowledge about nutrition or -secretion is found. Biology is indebted to physics -for knowledge concerning the weight of, temperature -of, and related facts about living organisms. -Biological laws are partially determined by -astronomical factors. If the earth were to rotate -faster than it does, the course of physiological phenomena -would be accelerated, and the length of life -would be shortened.<a id="FNanchor_XIII-14" href="#Footnote_XIII-14" class="fnanchor">XIII-14</a> If the orbit of the earth -were to become as eccentric as that of a comet, -changes of a fatal nature would occur to all -life on the earth. If there were no inclination of -the earth’s axis, the seasons would be unknown, -and the geographical distribution of living species -would be vastly different from the present situation. -All accurate work in biological studies is -mathematical in character. Thus biology, the science -of organic phenomena, is dependent on all the -preceding divisions on the scale of knowledge.</p> - -<p>The study of gregarious or associative life is a -special field. Comte called this science social -physics, and for it invented the specific term, sociology. -It rests in turn upon biological, chemical,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_220">220</span> -physical, astronomical knowledge and uses mathematics -as its tool. Comte virtually defines six sciences: -mathematics, astronomy, physics, chemistry, -biology, and sociology. He treats of transcendental -biology, which is the basis of modern psychology. -Comte urged that no science could be effectually -studied without competent knowledge concerning -the sciences on which it depends. It is necessary -not only to have a general knowledge of all the -sciences but that they should be studied in order—this -is Comte’s dictum to the student of sociology. -Comte insisted that one general science could not -develop beyond a given point until the preceding -science has passed a given stage.</p> - -<p>Each of the six general sciences has passed -through the three stages of thought. Mathematics, -which has advanced furthest into the positive stage, -is still connected with superstition, such as that -which hovers round the number 13. The other -general sciences are less further along. Sociology, -the latest science to develop, Comte hoped by his -works to push over into the positive stage.</p> - -<p>Comte divided sociology, or social physics, into -social statics and social dynamics. Social statics -is the study of the laws of action and reaction of -the different parts of the social order, aside for -the time being from the general social movements -which are modifying them.<a id="FNanchor_XIII-15" href="#Footnote_XIII-15" class="fnanchor">XIII-15</a> Social dynamics considers -the laws of progress. Social statics inquires -into the laws of co-existence of social phenomena;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_221">221</span> -social dynamics examines the laws of social succession. -Sociology is the study of social organization -and of social progress.</p> - -<p>Society is in a state of anarchy. Individuals -with the best of purposes are continually weakening -the efforts of each other. Powerful persons -are crushing the weak. The defeated are conniving -against the strong. Why all this social anarchy? -To Comte the answer is clear. Behind moral and -social anarchy there is intellectual anarchy. People -do not have a knowledge of the fundamental -laws of social order and social progress.</p> - -<p>Moreover, people fail to appreciate the necessity -of knowledge of social laws. They are insensible -to the value of sound social theory. They want -nothing but the “practical,” unmindful of the fact -that the “practical” is as likely to be based on incorrect -social theory as upon sound social conceptions.</p> - -<p>The necessity of fundamental concepts concerning -society underlies social organization. In the -absence of these general ideas, there is “no other -daily resource for the maintenance of even a rough -and precarious social order than an appeal, more -or less immediate, to personal interests.”<a id="FNanchor_XIII-16" href="#Footnote_XIII-16" class="fnanchor">XIII-16</a> In the -absence of a moral authority, the material order -requires the use of either terror or corruption; the -latter is less inconvenient and more in accordance -with the nature of modern society.<a id="FNanchor_XIII-17" href="#Footnote_XIII-17" class="fnanchor">XIII-17</a> Moreover, -politicians and other public men work against the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_222">222</span> -elaboration of the social theory which is necessary -for the salvation of society. They sneer at the -development of social science. Many of those who -occupy the chief political stations regard with antipathy -the true reorganization of society. Social -principles are not even sought. On the other hand, -social charlatanism attracts by the magnificence of -its promises and dazzles by its transient successes. -Comte deplored attempts to re-make society -through institutionalism, regardless of social theory. -He stressed the fundamental importance of -social principles as the only means of guaranteeing -a correct institutional procedure. As a practical -principle of social adjustment, Comte endorsed the -Catholic ideal: In necessary things, unity; in doubtful -things, liberty; in all things, charity.</p> - -<p>Comte protested vigorously against materialism. -He pointed out that for three centuries the best -minds had been devoted to material science and had -neglected societary problems.<a id="FNanchor_XIII-18" href="#Footnote_XIII-18" class="fnanchor">XIII-18</a> Material institutions -should be modified and made to harmonize -with the underlying laws of social evolution. A -moral reorganization of society must precede and -direct the material and political reorganization.<a id="FNanchor_XIII-19" href="#Footnote_XIII-19" class="fnanchor">XIII-19</a></p> - -<p>Social improvement is a result of mental development. -This development favors the preponderance -of the noblest human tendencies. Prevision and -science when applied to society will bring out the -best phases of human nature, and thus result in -social improvement. Although the lower instincts<span class="pagenum" id="Page_223">223</span> -will continue to manifest themselves in modified -action, their less sustained exercise will debilitate -them by degrees.<a id="FNanchor_XIII-20" href="#Footnote_XIII-20" class="fnanchor">XIII-20</a></p> - -<p>The three chief causes of social variation result -from, first, race; second, climate; and third, political -action in its whole scientific content. The first -and second factors cannot be changed greatly, but -the political influences are wide open to modification -by social prevision. In this connection sociology -finds its manifestation.</p> - -<p>With the development of society, intellectual activity -and gregariousness slowly overcome the preponderance -of the affective over the intellectual -phases of life. But even in the best natures the personally -affective elements are more powerful than -the social affections. Real intellectual development, -however, will strengthen man’s empire over his -passions, refine his gregariousness, and release his -energies for social activities.</p> - -<p>Comte makes the family the social unit. Man -cannot live in isolation, but the family can survive -by itself.<a id="FNanchor_XIII-21" href="#Footnote_XIII-21" class="fnanchor">XIII-21</a> The striking characteristic of domestic -organization is its establishment of the elementary -idea of social perpetuity, by directly and irresistibly -connecting the future with the past.<a id="FNanchor_XIII-22" href="#Footnote_XIII-22" class="fnanchor">XIII-22</a> Family life -will always be the school of social life, both for -obedience and for command.<a id="FNanchor_XIII-23" href="#Footnote_XIII-23" class="fnanchor">XIII-23</a> Comte failed to -escape the logic of the patriarchal family life. He -did credit women, however, with being superior to -men in the spontaneous expansion of sympathy and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_224">224</span> -sociality, although inferior in understanding and -reason.</p> - -<p>The direction of social evolution is toward further -development of the noblest dispositions and the -most generous feelings, and away from the expression -of the animal appetites and the material desires.<a id="FNanchor_XIII-24" href="#Footnote_XIII-24" class="fnanchor">XIII-24</a> -The trend is from the satisfaction of the -selfish impulses to the habitual exercise of the social -impulses. Happiness depends on the presence of -new stimuli in one’s form of activity. A life of -labor that is full of constructive stimuli is after all -the fittest to develop personality.</p> - -<p>Comte was the friend of popular education.<a id="FNanchor_XIII-25" href="#Footnote_XIII-25" class="fnanchor">XIII-25</a> He -based his contention on the invariable homogeneity -of the human mind. The minds of people of all -races are potentially similar. All members of the -race are capable of development to a common plane.</p> - -<p>In his <i>Positive Polity</i>, Comte made important -changes in his thinking. This work was the product -of his later years, and shows the effects of -deprivation and struggle. It is inferior in quality -to his earlier treatise on <i>Positive Philosophy</i>. It is -a question, therefore, how far his later ideas should -be permitted to supersede his thinking when he was -in his prime. In his later thought-life he receded -from his emphasis upon the intellectual nature and -stressed the importance of the affections. He made -affection the central point of life and developed the -concept of love. We tire of thinking and even of -acting, he asserted, but we never tire of loving.<a id="FNanchor_XIII-26" href="#Footnote_XIII-26" class="fnanchor">XIII-26</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_225">225</span></p> - -<p>The Comtean ideal became a disinterested love of -mankind. Comte developed a religion of humanity. -His contact with Christianity gave him the belief -that it is chiefly ecclesiastical. He did not see in -Christianity a social keynote. Hence, he attempted -to create a purely social religion. He made mankind -an end in itself; he failed to see that human -society is probably an outcropping of universal -purpose.</p> - -<p>If we judge Comte by his own time and age, we -shall see the importance of his contributions to -social thought, which were as follows: 1. There -is need for accurate thinking about society. Mathematics -is the best tool for obtaining social accuracy. -2. Comte developed positivism with its emphasis -upon observation and classification of social data. -3. Knowledge has scientific divisions, according -to the principles of increasing dependence and decreasing -generality. This scale begins with mathematics -and astronomy, includes physics, chemistry, -biology, in order, and ends with the social sciences, -particularly sociology. 4. Sociology deals with -the static and dynamic phases of human association. -5. Comte developed a humanitarian philosophy. -6. Comte insisted on an intellectual understanding -of social processes as the only true basis for overcoming -social anarchy and for solving the problems -of society.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_226">226</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_226"><span class="smcap" id="Chapter_XIV">Chapter XIV</span><br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Marx and Socialistic Social Thought</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>Socialism proper had its beginning in the second -and third decades of the nineteenth century. It developed -primarily in continental Europe and in -England. Although Plato’s communism and More’s -utopianism were forerunners of socialism, the social -unrest in Europe in the early years of the nineteenth -century was the direct causal factor. Socialism -also represented a reaction against the prevailing -<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">laissez faire</i> thought regarding the evils of -society and the suffering of the poorer classes.</p> - -<p>Socialism began with the concepts and experiments -of Saint Simon and Fourier in France, of -Robert Owen in England, and of Rodbertus, Lassalle, -Marx, and Engels in Germany. In France -the movement was carried forward by Proudhon -and Blanc; and in England by the Christian socialists, -chiefly Maurice and Kingsley. In Germany, -Marx maintained the position of leadership for -many decades, and finally became the best known -exponent of socialist thought in the world.</p> - -<p>In his <i>New Christianity</i>, Saint Simon, who was -referred to in the preceding chapter, made a unique -contribution to social thought. His thinking was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_227">227</span> -not deep, or systematic, but characterized by ingenuity. -Saint Simon advocated a society in which -only useful things are produced. In this industrial -order, men of science will be in control. Saint -Simon was greatly interested in the welfare of the -poorest classes. His <i>New Christianity</i> was essentially -a plea that the whole world devote itself to -the improvment of the living conditions of the very -poor. The influence which Saint Simon had upon -Comte has already been mentioned.</p> - -<p>Another important socialistic ideal was developed -by Fourier (1772–1837), who worked out a social -system in which the <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">phalange</i> is the chief instrument -in securing a perfect society. The phalange -is composed of from twenty-four to thirty-two -groups of people. Each group comprises from -seven to nine individuals. The unifying bond is -natural attraction, or free elective love and sympathy. -The members of each phalange live communistically -in a large commodious structure called -a <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">phalanstère</i>. The phalanges were to unite in one -large world federation, with headquarters at Constantinople.</p> - -<p>The people work according to their interests, frequently -changing occupations. The products of -labor are subdivided; a minimum goes equally to -all, irrespective of any conditioning factors; of the -remainder five-twelfths goes to labor, three-twelfths -to special ability, and four-twelfths to -capital. Difficult common labor is paid the most,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_228">228</span> -on the assumption that he who does pleasant labor -receives pay in mental ways. Every individual -should have an opportunity to become a capitalist; -and every woman should be enabled to become independent -economically. These utopian plans of -Fourier called for a sudden and complete transformation -of human nature. They underestimated -the force of human selfishness.</p> - -<p>Socialistic thought was carried into politics by -Louis Blanc (1811–1882). He declared that no -genuine reformation of society could take place -until political machinery was organized democratically. -The democratic state would endow national -workshops. These workshops would be operated -by industrial associations composed of workingmen, -who would elect their own officers, regulate their -own industries, and provide for the distribution of -the returns from industry. Once started by the -state these industrial associations will expand and -increase in number until the whole nation, and then -the world, will be organized in this way.</p> - -<p>Blanc participated in the French Revolution of -1848 and became a member of the provisional government. -His national workshop idea failed in -practice. His enemies were partly responsible for -this defeat, because the essentials of productive -work and guarantees of character which Blanc -urged were disregarded. The fact, however, that -these two essentials were considered necessary for -the successful development of national workshops<span class="pagenum" id="Page_229">229</span> -indicates that the system, under average conditions, -might not be a success.</p> - -<p>Nearly all the early socialists were evolutionists -rather than revolutionists. They did not advocate -class struggle theories. They developed bourgeois -rather than proletariat ideas. An outstanding exception -to these statements is found in the radical -attitude of Babeuf (1760–1797), who was essentially -a forerunner of Marxian socialism and also -of the anarchistic philosophy of Proudhon and -Bakunin. Babeuf vigorously proclaimed the sovereignty -of the proletariat, and advocated the abolition -of inheritance laws and of private property. -He urged that the property of corporations be confiscated, -and that a communistic state be established.</p> - -<p>The well-known principles of justice, liberty, and -equality were utilized by Proudhon (1809–1865), a -philosophic anarchist. He would have the same -wages paid to an unskilled workman as to a successful -business or professional man. He predicted -that equalization of opportunity would bring about -an equalization of ability.</p> - -<p>Proudhon attacked property rights. He declared -that property is theft. In itself property is lifeless, -but it nevertheless demands rent, interest, or profits, -or all three. It protects itself behind law, and -in order to guarantee its alleged rights, it calls out -the militia, evicts families, and takes bread from -the mouths of little children. It robs labor of its<span class="pagenum" id="Page_230">230</span> -just returns.<a id="FNanchor_XIV-1" href="#Footnote_XIV-1" class="fnanchor">XIV-1</a></p> - -<p>By unsatisfactory reasoning Proudhon urged the -free development of individuals in society, whereby -each individual would learn to govern himself so -well in society that government would no longer -be needed. This theory is Proudhon’s concept of -anarchy. In this doctrine Proudhon neglects to -provide an adequate dynamic or to foresee the ultimate -complexity of human relations.</p> - -<p>In England, Robert Owen (1771–1858) became -a founder of socialism. As a factory manager, -Owen developed social ideas. Living in an age of -long hours, woman and child labor of the worst -forms, and deplorable housing conditions, Owen -deserves the credit of inaugurating a twentieth century -program of welfare work. It was Owen’s -theory that the workingman is so subject to his -environment that even his character is determined -for him. Owen attempted in theory and practice -to prevent the impingement of the economic environment -upon the workers. He believed in self-governing -organizations of labor. He inaugurated -the co-operative movement as a means of securing -industrial justice and of giving the workingman a -chance at the free development of his personality.</p> - -<p>Owen objected to Malthus’ doctrine of population -on the ground that it failed to consider the -marvelous increase in the means of subsistence -which might come from the application of inventive -genius to the sources of the food supply. He also<span class="pagenum" id="Page_231">231</span> -protested against the Malthusian argument for the -restriction of population, because this argument did -not give due weight to the unjust distribution of -wealth and to the enslaving social organization to -which labor is subject.</p> - -<p>Owen’s experiments, particularly at New Harmony, -Indiana, demonstrated that a communistic -organization of society in itself cannot save society. -The strength of Owen’s social thought lay in its -accentuation of the need for providing labor with -opportunities of industrial initiative and co-operation.</p> - -<p>During the middle of the nineteenth century in -England, the Christian socialists flourished. The -founders of this movement were Frederick Maurice -and Charles Kingsley. These men were clergymen -who became greatly interested in the welfare -of the working classes. They made clear the evils -of the prevailing economic order, the formality of -the Manchester school of economics, and proposed -to apply the principles of Christianity to the economic -system of the day. They opposed economic -competition. For this method they urged the substitution -of the ethical and spiritual principles of -co-operation and love in industrial relationships—for -both employer and employee in all their dealings -with each other. Their socialism is essentially a -vigorous application of Christian love to every-day -relationships.</p> - -<p>The influence of Christian socialism strengthened<span class="pagenum" id="Page_232">232</span> -the experiment of the Rochdale weavers who in -1844 had organized a consumers’ co-operative society. -The concept of consumers’ co-operation received -its original impetus from the thought and -practice of Robert Owen, achieved a measurable -degree of concreteness under the efforts of the -Rochdale weavers, and through Maurice and Kingsley -won the assistance of Christianity.</p> - -<p>In Germany, Rodbertus, Lassalle, Marx and -Engels molded the thinking of socialists about the -nature of human society. Rodbertus (1805–1875), -the son of a university professor, was a quiet, deep -thinker about social processes. According to his -analysis of social development, three stages may be -pointed out. The first was marked by slavery, or -by private property in human beings. The second -state is an indirect form of the first, namely, one -of private property in land and capital. Through -this type of ownership the economically fortunate -or shrewd are able to exercise widespread power -over the unfortunate and the uneducated. In the -third state, toward which society is trending, the -concept of service will rule, and private property -as a dominant concept will be compelled to take a -thoroughly subordinate place in human activities. -The ultimate goal, according to Rodbertus, is a -world communist society, with land and capital as -national property, and with labor rewarded according -to its productiveness.<a id="FNanchor_XIV-2" href="#Footnote_XIV-2" class="fnanchor">XIV-2</a></p> - -<p>Rodbertus denied the validity of the wages fund<span class="pagenum" id="Page_233">233</span> -theory and argued that wages are not paid by capital; -it is that part of the productive earnings of -labor which labor receives. His fundamental thesis -is that labor is the source and measure of all value. -He advocated an evolutionary procedure whereby -the state should pass legislation that would guarantee -just returns to labor. This form of state -socialism is to be gradually developed, until a scientific -socialism is reached with its emphasis upon a -government of labor, for labor, and by labor.</p> - -<p>The founder of Social Democracy in Germany, -Ferdinand Lassalle (1825–1864), wrote two significant -treatises, the <i xml:lang="de" lang="de">Bastiat-Schulze</i> and the -<i>Working Men’s Programme</i>. Lassalle believed -that natural conditions are productive of misery -and vice, and that it is the chief business of the -state to extricate men from this thraldom. The -state should provide means for lifting the laboring -man to a level of industrial freedom.</p> - -<p>Lassalle objected to the theory known as the iron -law of wages. He protested against the smallness -of the share of his earnings which the laborer -really receives. He advocated the establishment of -productive associations wherein labor might perform -the double function of workman and capitalist. -In order that these productive associations -might be started, the state should advance funds. -After the productive associations have secured momentum -they will continue by virtue of their own -strength. Ultimately, industry will be conducted<span class="pagenum" id="Page_234">234</span> -exclusively through productive associations; both -industrial and social democracy will finally rule in -political life. Lassalle became the founder of the -Social Democratic party in Germany. Lassalle -boldly denounced the reactionary classes that were -in political power in his time and led the workers -in a movement to overthrow the existing social -order.<a id="FNanchor_XIV-3" href="#Footnote_XIV-3" class="fnanchor">XIV-3</a></p> - -<p>The name of Karl Marx (1818–1883) is supreme -on the list of socialists. Marx was born in Germany -of Jewish parents, and educated at the universities -of Bonn and Berlin. He became a journalist, -but the paper which he edited was considered -too liberal and was suppressed. Marx went to -Paris in 1842, where he continued editorial work. -At this time he was influenced by French socialism -and its leader, Proudhon. In 1845, he was expelled -from Paris at the request of the Prussian government. -He went to Brussels. In the meantime a -deep friendship with Friedrich Engels (1820–1895) -had been established.</p> - -<p>In 1847, Marx and Engels issued the Communist -Manifesto.<a id="FNanchor_XIV-4" href="#Footnote_XIV-4" class="fnanchor">XIV-4</a> This radical document was circulated -widely and became extensively accepted by social -revolutionists. Its doctrines were:</p> - -<p>1. Abolition of property in lands; rents to be -used for public purposes.</p> - -<p>2. Abolition of all rights of inheritance.</p> - -<p>3. Progressive income tax.</p> - -<p>4. Nationalization of the means of transportation<span class="pagenum" id="Page_235">235</span> -and commerce.</p> - -<p>5. Extension of productive enterprises by the -state.</p> - -<p>6. Compulsory labor.</p> - -<p>7. Free education; no child labor.</p> - -<p>8. Elimination of the distrust between town -and country.</p> - -<p>Marx returned to Germany and established the -<i xml:lang="de" lang="de">Neue Rheinische Zeitung</i> in Cologne in 1848. Engels -served as editor. Because of revolutionary -activity, Marx was forced to leave Germany in -1849. He went to Paris and then to London, where -he became a newspaper correspondent and where -he lived until his death in 1883.</p> - -<p>In 1859, the <i xml:lang="de" lang="de">Kritik der politischen Oekonomie</i> -was published. It contains the essential principles -of Marx’s system of thought. In 1864, Marx -found the opportunity for which he had long been -seeking, namely, to organize the workers of the -world into one large association. On September -28, in St. Martin’s Hall, Marx in the presence of a -vast concourse of people, he initiated the “International -Workingmen’s Association.” The fundamental -idea was to organize the societies of workingmen -which have a common purpose, namely, the -emancipation of the working classes, into a world -or international union for co-operative purposes. -The International proposes that governments shall -put the interests of the working classes to the forefront -of national concern, and subordinate the present<span class="pagenum" id="Page_236">236</span> -attention they give to war, diplomacy, and national -jealousies.</p> - -<p>In 1869, Marx, aided by Karl Liebknecht (1826–1900), -Engels and others, organized in Germany -the Social Democratic Labor Party. The movement -which Lassalle had started became united with -the Marxian movement, and in 1875 the German -Social Democracy presented a united front to capitalism. -Marx, Engels, Liebknecht, and Bebel are -its best-known leaders. Bismarck was forced to -acknowledge its power, and condescended to inaugurate -a system of social insurance in order to appease -its rank and file.</p> - -<p>In 1867, 1885, and 1895, the three volumes of -<i xml:lang="de" lang="de">Das Kapital</i> appeared, in chronological order.<a id="FNanchor_XIV-5" href="#Footnote_XIV-5" class="fnanchor">XIV-5</a> By -this work, <i>Capital</i>, Marx is known throughout the -world. The style is laborious; the analyses are -minute and in places difficult to follow. The method -is historical. Marx analyzes social evolution. He -traces the rise of capitalism from its humble beginnings -to its autocratic fruition. In this development -the instruments of capital showed a tendency -to congregate in a decreasing number of -hands. By this token it will be seen that the number -of the propertyless ever increases. Likewise, -their influence decreases. In this way, the proletariat -is developed, a product of capitalism.</p> - -<p>A definite class, the capitalist, acquires increasing -industrial, political, and social power. The proletariat -suffer increasing misery. They own nothing<span class="pagenum" id="Page_237">237</span> -except their ability to labor. They are forced to -throw this human quality on the commercial market -and sell it to the highest bidder. But capitalism -increases the number of the proletariat. This -tendency, together with the increase in population, -creates a superabundance of labor. Laborers are -forced to compete in the labor market. The laborers -who will sell their labor for the least wages will -be employed. Capitalism thus forces wages to a -mere subsistence level, with the result that the misery -and suffering of the proletariat are greatly augmented. -In this way the laborer is crushed by the -operation of the iron law of wages.</p> - -<p>By the operation of the iron law, the capitalist -is enabled to appropriate to himself an increasing -amount of the earnings of labor. This appropriated -amount is called the surplus value. Marx -developed at length the concept of surplus value. -Capitalism exploits the laborer by taking possession -of as large a proportion of the earnings of labor -as it can obtain—through its might and its shrewdness.</p> - -<p>The growth of capitalism, also, causes a class -consciousness to develop among the members of the -proletariat. This class consciousness is increasing. -It produces labor organizations; these organizations -are acquiring vast power. The struggles between -them and the capitalistic classes go on. The -two groups have little in common. By force of -numbers the proletariat are bound finally to win,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_238">238</span> -and to overthrow the capitalistic classes which are -now in power. They will seize the means of production -and manage them for the good of all.</p> - -<p>Marx did not outline an utopia. He described the -historical evolution of society as he saw it, and he -participated in plans for the organization of all -laborers for their common good. Inasmuch as -Marx advocated compulsory labor, the laboring -class under Marxian socialism would include all -people. Marx advocated an equal distribution of -wealth, not in the sense of the popular misconception -of that term, but in the sense that the earnings -from the industry shall be distributed to the workers -in proportion to their achievements.</p> - -<p>In Russia, Marxian socialism in 1918 came into -power. The Bolsheviki represent the radical wing -of the Marxian followers. They established essentially -a dictatorship of the proletariat, substituting -it for the dictatorship of capitalists which existed -under the reign of the czars. Bolshevism substitutes -occupation for geographic area as a basis of -representative government. This program is deficient -and sociologically untenable, because occupational -groups do not encompass all phases of human -personality. A government based on occupational -group needs is representative of only a portion of -the elements of human life. When seventy-five -per cent of the people are illiterate, as has been the -case in Russia, no form of government whether -democratic or not can be other than a dictatorship.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_239">239</span></p> - -<p>Revolutionary socialism coincides, in part, with -syndicalism, a movement which developed in France -and England. Syndicalism is a radical form of -trade unionism. It declares that workingmen cannot -hope for genuine betterment through politics. -They must organize and inaugurate a general -strike. This universal strike will paralyze the present -régime and render it helpless. As a result the -workers will come into power. In the meantime, -the workers must keep up a running warfare with -capitalists and the government which supports capitalism. -Sabotage is a common concept among -syndicalists. It implies a program of destroying -machinery, hindering the production of economic -goods, and creating inefficiency in capitalistic industry. -In both England and the United States, -syndicalism has appeared. In the United States, -the Industrial Workers of the World, or I. W. W., -confess to doctrines similar to those which have -been espoused in Europe under the name of syndicalism. -The philosophic exponent of syndicalism -has been George Sorel.</p> - -<p>Revolutionary socialism has been paralleled in -certain ways by anarchism. These teachings first -acquired force through the writings of Proudhon. -Another leading anarchist was the Russian nobleman -and military officer, Michael Bakunin (1814–1876). -Although of aristocratic birth, Bakunin -became furious when he observed the human misery -among the masses which Russian autocracy was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_240">240</span> -producing. He became an agitator. He was confined -in dungeons and exiled to Siberia. He escaped -from Siberia, and by way of California went -to England and then to Switzerland. His chief -work is <i>God and the State</i>. Vital, vigorous, magnetic, -fearless—these are the adjectives which describe -the personality of Bakunin.</p> - -<p>Bakunin scorned rank, birth, and fortune. He -attacked external authority of all kinds. He denied -the validity of concepts such as “God” and the -“state”; they are parts of systems which enslave -the free will of man. Classes must be abolished -and the masses of individuals freed from all enslaving -institutions, such as marriage, the church, -the state.</p> - -<p>In a related way Prince Kropotkin (1842–1921) -developed anarchistic principles. Peter A. Kropotkin -was of aristocratic Russian birth and a person -of mild, courteous manners. His father was a -serf owner; the son could not bear to see the sufferings -which the serfs underwent. He threw away -the privileges of rank and became a defender of -the oppressed. He attempted to correlate the theories -of anarchism with those of mutual aid, and -fought socialism with the concept of centralized -control on the ground that it would destroy individual -liberty.<a id="FNanchor_XIV-6" href="#Footnote_XIV-6" class="fnanchor">XIV-6</a> In <a href="#Chapter_XXII">Chapter XXII</a>, Kropotkin’s -theory of mutual aid will be analyzed.</p> - -<p>Anarchism and socialism make similar attacks -upon the evils of capitalism. Both are determined<span class="pagenum" id="Page_241">241</span> -to overthrow capitalism. Both believe in revolt. -They part ways when they advocate a constructive -program for the new order which shall follow the -violent overthrow of capitalism. Unlike socialism, -anarchism holds that all government is an evil and -that industry can go on without organization. It -advocates a free communism.</p> - -<p>One of the essentials in the Communist Manifesto -was the appropriation of rents for public purposes. -Starting from a viewpoint distinctly different -from that of Karl Marx, Henry George (1839–1897) -became the founder of single tax propaganda. -In early manhood Henry George came to -San Francisco and established a struggling newspaper. -At once he found himself practically overwhelmed -by the brutal competition of the metropolitan -press and telegraphic news service. George -was crushed by monopoly. It was this defeat which -gave him a new idea—an idea that was to command -the attention of the world.</p> - -<p>As George walked the streets of New York City -he puzzled over the existence of indescribable destitution -and suffering in the shadow of the princely -rich with their ostentatious luxuries.<a id="FNanchor_XIV-7" href="#Footnote_XIV-7" class="fnanchor">XIV-7</a> Why in a -land blessed with generous natural resources should -there be such poverty? Although discovery has -followed discovery and invention has followed invention, -neither has lessened the toil of those who -most need respite. With material progress poverty -takes on a larger aspect. Material progress may<span class="pagenum" id="Page_242">242</span> -be likened to an immense wedge which is being -forced, not underneath society, but through society. -“Those who are above the point of separation are -elevated, but those who are below are crushed -down.”<a id="FNanchor_XIV-8" href="#Footnote_XIV-8" class="fnanchor">XIV-8</a> George set himself the task of finding out -why poverty is associated with progress.</p> - -<p>This cause George found in the land situation. -As land increases in value, poverty increases. The -price of land is an index of the disparity in the economic -conditions of the people at the extremes of -the social scale. Land is more valuable in New -York City than in San Francisco, and there is more -squalor and misery in New York City than in San -Francisco. Land is more valuable in London than -in New York City, and likewise there is more -squalor and destitution in London than in New -York City.</p> - -<p>When increasing numbers of people live in a limited -area under a system of private property in land, -rents are raised and land values go up. The cost -of living mounts, wages are kept to a minimum, -overcongestion of population ensues; and again, -rents and land values are increased.</p> - -<p>Upon what does title to land rest? Where did -it originate? In force. But has the first comer -at a banquet the right to turn back all the chairs, -and claim that none of the other guests shall partake -of the food that has been provided? Does the -first passenger who enters a railroad car thereby -possess the right to keep out all other persons, or<span class="pagenum" id="Page_243">243</span> -admit them only upon payment to him of sums of -money? “We arrive and we depart, guests at a -banquet continually spread, spectators and participants -in an entertainment where there is room for -all who come.”<a id="FNanchor_XIV-10" href="#Footnote_XIV-10" class="fnanchor">XIV-10</a> These illustrations are pertinent -to the unjust elements in the present economic -order.</p> - -<p>As a result of private property in land, the owner -possesses power over the tenant, a power which is -tantamount to a system of slavery. There is nothing -strange, therefore, in the poverty phenomena -of the world. The Creator has not placed in the -world the taint of injustice. The fact that amid our -highest civilization men faint and die with want, is -not because of the niggardliness of nature or the -injustice of the Creator, but is due to the injustice -of man.<a id="FNanchor_XIV-11" href="#Footnote_XIV-11" class="fnanchor">XIV-11</a> Since the owner of land receives wealth -without labor to an increasing degree, so there is -an increasing robbery of earnings of those who -labor.</p> - -<p>George attacked Malthusianism, and pointed out -the deficiencies in the proposed remedies for poverty, -such as greater economy in government, diffusion -of knowledge, and improved habits of industry. -He then proceeded to give his own and well -known solution, namely, making land common property -through a system of taxation of land values -alone. Since land, not labor, is the source of all -wealth, it is just and necessary to make land common -property.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_244">244</span></p> - -<p>The weakness of Henry George’s argument lies -in his single panacea for securing justice. He over-emphasized -the importance of one line of procedure. -He neglects other important factors, such as a -selfish human nature. He rendered, however, a -splendid service in showing the weaknesses in the -system of private property in land. In this connection -he has been unequaled in his contribution -to social thought.</p> - -<p>In this discussion of the contributions of socialism -to social thought, many types or expressions of -socialism have not been presented. The educational -propaganda of the Fabian socialists in England -should be mentioned as being very effective. Although -small in number this group of intellectuals, -the best known being Sidney and Beatrice Webb, -have exerted a constructive and practical influence -upon social thought.</p> - -<p>Socialism has assumed various phases. (1) -It originated in utopianism and in a loose, broad -type of communism. (2) It then took the form -of associationism, urging the organization of -groups of associated individuals, such as phalanges. -As utopianism was in part the expression of a poetic -imagination, so associationism represented a bourgeois -philosophy. (3) In the next place socialism -assumed political aspirations, and advocated a governmental -program whereby the existing governments -shall gradually extend their power until they -exercise control over rent-producing land and interest-producing<span class="pagenum" id="Page_245">245</span> -capital. (4) State socialism, however, -was supplanted in many minds by ideas of -more radical procedure. Marxian socialism holds -that a class conflict is inevitable and that the -workers must overthrow the capitalists, together -with the governments which they control. (5) To -the other radical extreme is philosophic anarchism, -with its emphasis upon the abolition of all existing -governments and the establishment of individual -autonomy.</p> - -<p>Socialism has made several contributions to -social thought. (1) It has called the attention of -civilized mankind, and particularly of the economically -wealthy classes, to the needs of the weaker -classes. It has introduced humanitarian concepts -into the minds of the socially unthinking educated -classes. (2) It has jolted many economic autocrats -from their thrones of power. It has thrown -the spot light of publicity upon the selfish and -wicked ostentation of the hereditary leisure -classes. (3) It has held social theory to a more -practical course and to developing more immediate -social solutions than it otherwise would have -achieved. (4) It has developed a power equal to -that held by individualism. It has helped to demonstrate -the dualistic nature of social evolution, that -is, that there are two poles to human life rather -than one.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_246">246</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_246"><span class="smcap" id="Chapter_XV">Chapter XV</span><br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Buckle and Geographic Social Thought</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>It has long been observed that climate, fertility -of soil, rainfall, and similar factors have had a powerful -influence upon human nature and upon the -development of civilization. The chief founders of -this line of thought were Buckle and Ratzel. In -recent years Semple and Huntington have become -well-known authorities. Many other thinkers have -contributed to the present knowledge concerning -the interactions between geographic factors and -human development.</p> - -<p>One of the first writers to elaborate a climatic -theory of social evolution was Bodin (1530–1596). -Hot climates, he observed, further the rise of all -kinds of superstitious beliefs. Cold climates produce -brute will-power. Temperate climates constitute -an essential basis for the development of reason. -In the ideal commonwealth which Bodin described, -all three types of climate are represented.<a id="FNanchor_XV-1" href="#Footnote_XV-1" class="fnanchor">XV-1</a> -The northern zone furnishes the fighters and the -workers. The southern zone produces poets, -priests, and artists. The temperate zone is the parent -of legislative, judicial, and scholarly leaders.</p> - -<p>In the <i>Spirit of Laws</i> to which reference was<span class="pagenum" id="Page_247">247</span> -made in <a href="#Chapter_XI">Chapter XI</a>, Montesquieu accentuated the -importance of environmental influences on social -processes. He attempted to show the effects of climate -upon social institutions. Montesquieu did important -pioneer work in what is now known as the -field of anthropo-geography.</p> - -<p>By way of contrast, the attitude of Hume, whose -contributions to social psychology have already -been noted, stands out sharply. According to -Hume, physical causes have no particular effect on -the human mind. No geographic factors influence -either the temperament, disposition, or ability of -people. Hume was led to this extreme position by -his staunch faith in the subjective and psychological -factors of human nature.</p> - -<p>The distinguished German scientist, Alexander -von Humboldt (1769–1859), travelled extensively -throughout the world, observing the physical geography -of many lands in conjunction with the meteorological -conditions of each. At the same time -von Humboldt was a careful observer of the customs, -manners, and standards of the various peoples -with whom he came in contact. In these -travels and studies, von Humboldt was careful to -note relationships between soils and civilizations. -His contributions to social thought were of this -descriptive nature, based on first-hand observations -in many parts of the world.</p> - -<p>The writings of Henry Thomas Buckle (1821–1862) -contain an extensive and detailed explanation<span class="pagenum" id="Page_248">248</span> -of the ways in which geographic and natural factors -modify human life. Buckle starts with a decidedly -dualistic universe—a dualism which is disjunctive. -The dualism consists of nature and mind, each subject -more or less to its own laws. Rejecting both -the doctrine of free will and of predestination, -Buckle concludes that the actions of men are determined -solely by their antecedents and that they have -a character of uniformity.<a id="FNanchor_XV-2" href="#Footnote_XV-2" class="fnanchor">XV-2</a> Man modifies nature, -and nature modifies man, but in the past in many -parts of the world the thoughts and desires of men -are more influenced by physical phenomena than -they influence such phenomena. Because of this -dominant activity of the physical forces, these -should be studied as a basis for understanding the -history of man.</p> - -<p>The physical factors which have powerfully influenced -men are four: climate, food, soil, and the -general aspects of nature. By the fourth, Buckle -refers to those appearances which are presented -chiefly through the medium of sight and which produce -their chief results by exciting the imagination -and suggesting superstitions. The three first-mentioned -factors do not operate on the mind directly.<a id="FNanchor_XV-3" href="#Footnote_XV-3" class="fnanchor">XV-3</a></p> - -<p>The first effect of climate, food, and soil upon -man that may be noted is that they lead man to accumulate -wealth. These accumulations permit that -degree of leisure from “making a living” which enables -some members of society to acquire knowledge. -Upon these acquisitions of knowledge, particularly<span class="pagenum" id="Page_249">249</span> -of socialized knowledge, civilization depends. -This progress in the early stages of civilization -rests on two circumstances: “First, on the -energy and regularity with which labor is conducted, -and second, on the returns made to that -labor by the bounty of nature.”<a id="FNanchor_XV-4" href="#Footnote_XV-4" class="fnanchor">XV-4</a> Both these causes -are the results of physical antecedents. The returns -which are made to labor are regulated by the fertility -of the soil. Moreover, Buckle asserted, the -energy and regularity with which labor is conducted -will be entirely dependent on the influence of climate.<a id="FNanchor_XV-5" href="#Footnote_XV-5" class="fnanchor">XV-5</a> -When heat is intense, men will be indisposed -and partly unfitted for active industry. Climate -also affects the regularity of the habits of -laborers. In very cold climates, the weather interferes -with regular habits and produces desultoriness. -In southern countries regular labor is likewise -prevented—this time by the heat. Thus, in -the early stages of civilization the fundamental law -may be stated: the soil regulates the returns made -to any given amount of labor; the climate regulates -the energy and constancy of labor itself.<a id="FNanchor_XV-6" href="#Footnote_XV-6" class="fnanchor">XV-6</a></p> - -<p>Of the two primary causes of primitive societary -growth, the fertility of the soil is more important -than the climatic influences. It is only where soil -fertility exists that civilization can arise at all.<a id="FNanchor_XV-7" href="#Footnote_XV-7" class="fnanchor">XV-7</a> -But in Europe, climate has been more effective than -soil fertility. In Europe a climate has existed which -has stimulated human activities.</p> - -<p>Since the mental powers of man are unlimited<span class="pagenum" id="Page_250">250</span> -they are more important, once they get started, than -the powers of nature, which are limited and stationary. -Man has endless capacity, through his dynamic -mental tendencies to develop the physical resources -of the earth.</p> - -<p>The birth rate depends on food supply. In hot -countries, where less food per capita is required -than in cold countries, and where an abundance of -food exists, the birth rate is very high. In cold -countries highly carbonized food is necessary, but -this food is largely animal in origin and great risk -is involved in procuring it. Hence the people of -cold countries become adventuresome.<a id="FNanchor_XV-8" href="#Footnote_XV-8" class="fnanchor">XV-8</a></p> - -<p>By the study of physical laws it is possible to determine -what the national food of a country will -be. In India, for example, the physical conditions -are decidedly favorable to the growth of rice, which -is the most nutritive of all cereals, and which, consequently, -is a causal factor in a high birth rate.</p> - -<p>But where there is a cheap national food, the increase -in population becomes very great. As a result, -there are multitudes of people who are able -to keep just above the subsistence level. A few -individuals who understand the operation of these -physical laws are able to manipulate the multitudes -in such a way as to make themselves immensely -wealthy. Since wealth, after intellect, is the most -permanent source of power, a great inequality of -wealth has been accompanied by a corresponding -inequality of social and political power.<a id="FNanchor_XV-9" href="#Footnote_XV-9" class="fnanchor">XV-9</a> It produces<span class="pagenum" id="Page_251">251</span> -classes and even castes. Poverty provokes -contempt. Class conflict results. The poor are -ground low, murmur, and are again subjected to -ignominy. Under such conditions democracy has -a hard struggle. When physical conditions favor -one class, that class will constitute itself the government -and bitterly oppose the extension of government -to all other classes. In Europe there was no -cheap national food, no blind multiplication of -population, and hence no such disparity between -classes as in India. In Europe it has been easier -for democratic movements to spread.</p> - -<p>Early civilization developed in the Euphrates -valley, the Nile valley, and in the exceedingly fertile -regions of Peru, Central America, and Mexico. -Modern civilization is found largely in fertile river -valleys, such as the Thames, Seine, Rhine, Po, Danube, -Hudson, Mississippi. But in the Amazon valley, -the fertility of soil has not invited the growth -of a large population. The trade winds have -brought in a superabundance of moisture, producing -torrential rains, and a luxuriance of plant life -and a complexity of virile animal life which thus far -have defied the skill of man to overcome.</p> - -<p>The fourth physical factor which Buckle presents -is the general aspects of nature. Of these the first -class excites the imagination and the second stimulates -the rational operations of the intellect.<a id="FNanchor_XV-10" href="#Footnote_XV-10" class="fnanchor">XV-10</a> In -regard to natural phenomena it may be said that -whatever inspires feelings of terror, of the vague<span class="pagenum" id="Page_252">252</span> -and uncontrollable, and of great wonder tends to -inflame the imagination and to cause it to dominate -the intellectual processes. Where nature is continually -exhibiting its power, man feels his inferiority. -He assumes a helpless attitude. He ceases to inquire -or to think. His imagination, rather than his -reason, reigns. On the other hand, where nature -works smoothly and quietly, man begins to assert -his individuality. He even essays to dominate nature -and other men. His cognition develops and -his volition expresses itself vigorously.</p> - -<p>All early civilizations were located in the tropics -or sub-tropics. In these regions nature is dangerous -to man. Earthquakes, tempests, hurricanes, -pestilences prevail. Consequently, the imagination -of man takes exaggerated forms. The judgment is -overbalanced; thought is paralyzed. The mind is -continually thrown into a frantic state. These reactions -throw human life into feeling molds, into -poetic rather than scientific forms. Religious feelings -are promoted. The leading religions of the -world originated in the sub-tropical and tropical -regions of the earth.</p> - -<p>East Indian literature and thought illustrate the -effect of nature upon the feelings and the imagination. -The works of the East Indians on grammar, -law, history, medicine, even on mathematics, geography, -and metaphysics are nearly all poems.<a id="FNanchor_XV-11" href="#Footnote_XV-11" class="fnanchor">XV-11</a> -Prose writing is despised. The Sanscrit language -boasts of more numerous and more complicated<span class="pagenum" id="Page_253">253</span> -metres than can any European tongue. The East -Indian literature is even calculated to set the reason -of man at defiance.<a id="FNanchor_XV-12" href="#Footnote_XV-12" class="fnanchor">XV-12</a></p> - -<p>The imagination, for example, in India has produced -an exaggerated respect for the past; it is -this situation which has led poets to describe a -Golden Age in the remote past. In the literature -of India there is recorded the statement that in -ancient times the average length of life of common -men was 80,000 years. There are instances of poets -who lived to be half a million years old.</p> - -<p>In Greece, on the other hand, nature is more -quiet and the mind of man functioned in a reasoning -way. In the North Temperate zone science -developed. “The climate was more healthy; earthquakes -were less frequent; hurricanes were less -disastrous; wild beasts and noxious animals less -abundant.”<a id="FNanchor_XV-13" href="#Footnote_XV-13" class="fnanchor">XV-13</a> Buckle, in other words, insists that -everywhere the hand of nature is upon the mind of -man.</p> - -<p>The work of Buckle, the chief exponent of the -influence of physical nature upon mental man, accentuates -important phases of the growth of civilization. -Buckle over-emphasized his anthropo-geographic -observations. However, they constitute a -part of the whole picture of human progress, and -when seen in the light of modern mental growth -and control of environment they shrink into proper -proportions.</p> - -<p>The field which Buckle opened has been developed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_254">254</span> -extensively by Friedrich Ratzel (1844–1904). -This German scholar, traveler, and geographer is -generally credited with putting anthropo-geography -on a scientific basis. Miss Ellen Semple attempted -to translate his work on <i>Anthropo-Geographie</i> into -English, but found the German constructions so -difficult to handle accurately that it was necessary -for her to put Ratzel’s observations into her own -words. She also points out in Buckle a lack of -system and an undue tendency to follow one generalization -after another. Her own <i>Influences of -Geographic Environment</i> has now become a standard -work on the ways in which physical nature -affects mankind.</p> - -<p>Miss Semple, following but improving upon Ratzel, -has shown in turn the influences of geographical -location, area, and boundaries upon people. She -indicates the various ways in which oceans, rivers, -and coast lines have molded human minds; she distinguishes -between mountain, steppe, and desert -effects upon mankind. She describes man as a -product of the earth’s surface. She stresses unduly -the physical influences; she considers nature the -dominating force. Even where civilized man has -developed inventive powers and spiritual prowess, -nature is given the credit.<a id="FNanchor_XV-14" href="#Footnote_XV-14" class="fnanchor">XV-14</a> Nevertheless, Miss -Semple has marshalled facts in powerful array and -increased their force by literary skill. No student -or teacher can afford to neglect Miss Semple’s extensive -survey of the interactions between physical<span class="pagenum" id="Page_255">255</span> -nature and human progress.</p> - -<p>Among the many other writers upon the relation -of geographic factors to civilization the investigations -of Ellsworth Huntington are significant.<a id="FNanchor_XV-15" href="#Footnote_XV-15" class="fnanchor">XV-15</a> -He has described the climatic conditions that are -most favorable to mental stimulation and growth, -and then has classified all districts of the earth according -to the degree in which they stimulate or -arrest mental advance.</p> - -<p>In this same connection William Z. Ripley has -investigated the relation of climate to races.<a id="FNanchor_XV-16" href="#Footnote_XV-16" class="fnanchor">XV-16</a> After -analyzing races and distinguishing between them -and the geographic influences upon pigmentation, -head, form, stature, and other traits, mainly structural, -he classifies climatic elements in order of importance, -as follows: humidity, heat, and monotony. -A high humidity, excessive heat, and long series of -sunshine or of cloudy weather produce mental enervation, -stagnation, and retrogression.</p> - -<p>Acclimatization of races is a very slow process, -according to Ripley. It requires centuries. Perhaps -the white race can never become truly acclimated -in the tropics. Racial differences he shows -are due to environmental factors far more than is -ordinarily supposed.</p> - -<p>In conclusion, it may be said that physical forces -have operated strongly on man. But when man -has developed modern mental tools, he has been -able to escape a part of the enslaving environmental -influences. The history of the relation of geographic<span class="pagenum" id="Page_256">256</span> -factors to human progress indicates a -fundamental but a proportionate decrease in those -influences.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_257">257</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_257"><span class="smcap" id="Chapter_XVI">Chapter XVI</span><br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Spencer and Organic Social Thought</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>In the second half of the last century social -thought passed under biological influence. Society -was discussed in terms of biological analogies, that -is, it was compared in its structure and functions -to organic life. Herbert Spencer was the leader -among those writers who attempted to analyze society -in terms of biological figures of speech. He -also stressed the structural nature of society, and -in his <i>Principles of Sociology</i> he went into great -detail in giving a historical description of social -institutions.</p> - -<p>The Greek writers, the Hebrews before them, -the founder of Christianity made references to the -likenesses between human society and plant and -animal life. Mankind has often been compared -to a tree or a plant with its manifold, evolving -branches and fruit.</p> - -<p>Spencer’s famous organic analogies were preceded -by the studies of biologists, such as Lamarck -and Darwin. Lamarck (1744–1829) argued that -by activity and use man could develop traits which -would be transmitted by inheritance. Although -this theory has been undermined by Weismann, it<span class="pagenum" id="Page_258">258</span> -served as a basis for the further study of the biological -laws of human evolution.</p> - -<p>The thought of Charles Darwin (1809–1882) -upon the nature of evolution was stimulated in part -by Malthus’ doctrine of surplus population and the -consequent struggle for existence. He also based -his ideas on the Lamarckian theory of transmission -of acquired characters. He developed the concepts -of the prodigality of nature and the struggle for -existence, which led to the resultant concept of -natural selection and survival of the fittest. The -process of natural selection accounts for the instincts, -imitation, imagination, reason as well as -for self-consciousness, and the esthetic and religious -impulses. In this way man, according to the Darwinian -formula, has ascended by stages from the -lower orders of life.</p> - -<p>The fittest to survive, concluded Darwin, are -those individuals who are best fitted to meet the -conditions of their environment. If the environment -be competitive, savage, brutal, then the fittest -will be the strongest physically and the most vicious. -If the environment be co-operative, then the fittest -will be the individuals who co-operate best. With -the development of intelligence and sagacity in -early human society, individuals otherwise cruel -learned to co-operate. A tribe of co-operating individuals -would be victorious in a conflict with a -tribe of non-co-operating members. Thus co-operation -and a co-operating environment themselves<span class="pagenum" id="Page_259">259</span> -are the result of natural selection.</p> - -<p>Unfortunately, Darwin’s concept of natural selection -has been grossly distorted. Upon this misapprehension, -a doctrine of “social Darwinism” -has gained recognition. According to this false -interpretation of Darwinism, the tooth and fang -struggle for existence among animals is the normal -procedure among human beings. The most brutal, -cruel, and shrewd men are “fitted” to survive in -an environment of physical and mental competition. -Likewise, the nations which can marshal together -the most powerful armies and navies are the -“fittest” to survive in a world where each nation -is accountable unto itself alone. Thus, it is seen -that human society is simply an extension of the -animal society and that the fundamental law of -social progress is the law of force and might, first -physical, and then physical and psychical.</p> - -<p>But this interpretation is false to Darwin’s own -principles. While Darwin did describe and lay -great emphasis upon the tooth and fang struggle -for existence, he noted and stressed the fact that -even among animals, modifying influences were at -work. He made clear that co-operation exists -among many species of animal life, and that this co-operative -tendency is an important survival factor. -He also saw that among the highest types of animals -there were new and complex expressions of -co-operation, and that the higher mental activity -of these animal types seemed to be a correlate in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_260">260</span> -some way of the greater co-operative spirit. The -application of this principle to human progress implies -that the co-operative spirit may ultimately -become the chief survival force, and that some day -the “fittest” to survive will be those individuals or -groups of individuals who co-operate most wisely. -This theory will be developed further in the chapter -upon “Co-operation Theories in Sociology.” -The chief contributors have been Kropotkin and -Novicow.</p> - -<p>Darwin made another important contribution to -social science in his theory of sexual selection. -This idea is a phase of natural selection. Among -the higher animals the females choose their mates. -The males, for example, with the singing voice and -beautiful plumage, are the most likely to be chosen. -These males thus become the progenitors of the -next generation of the given species; the less attractive -males mate if at all with the inferior types -of females. Thus signs of male attractiveness -come to possess survival value.<a id="FNanchor_XVI-1" href="#Footnote_XVI-1" class="fnanchor">XVI-1</a></p> - -<p>Among human beings the principle of sexual -selection operates, but in a reversed sexual form. -During the earlier centuries of human history the -custom developed whereby the males took the initiative -in choosing mates. As a result, the females -resorted to all sorts of devices to make themselves -“attractive” and to get themselves “selected.”</p> - -<p>The social theories of Herbert Spencer (1820–1903) -have caused more controversy than those of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_261">261</span> -any other writer in the sociological field. The fact -that in these controversies the ideas of Spencer -have usually been worsted will not blind the fair-minded -seeker after truth to the important rôle -which Spencer took in the field of social thought.</p> - -<p>Spencer early developed the habit of causal thinking, -that is, he believed in causes, and hence -searched everywhere for causes. Because of the -acrimonious discussions which took place between -his father and mother, and because of his own independent -nature, he repudiated the orthodox religious -explanations of the universe. He was -trained for the profession of civil engineering. His -studies in mathematics and mechanics accentuated -his precise and somewhat materialistic interpretation -of the universe. His social theories are an outgrowth -in part of his emphasis upon the laws of -co-existence and sequences in the physical world.</p> - -<p>In order to understand Spencer’s social laws it is -necessary first to consider his general law of evolution. -He traced everything in the world back -through causal chains to two fundamental factors, -namely, matter and motion—two aspects of force. -As a result of the operation of some First Cause, -an integration of matter began to take place, accompanied -by a concomitant dissipation of motion. -As a result, matter passes from an indefinite, incoherent -homogeneity to a definite, coherent heterogeneity. -During this process the unexpended motion -undergoes a similar change.<a id="FNanchor_XVI-2" href="#Footnote_XVI-2" class="fnanchor">XVI-2</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_262">262</span></p> - -<p>The best explanation of this law of evolution can -be found in its application to societary phenomena. -Suppose that a modern city neighborhood undertakes -to organize itself. It possesses physical resources -and mental abilities. The “neighbors” are -all more or less untrained in community organization -activities. In this sense they are homogeneous. -At first they are unable to work together; in fact -they do not know what to do; thus, they form “an -indefinite, incoherent homogeneity.” But with experience -in community organization activities, the -individuals of the neighborhood learn to work together. -Each finds the type of work which he can -do best. All work toward a definite goal. Thus, a -definite, coherent heterogeneity arises. Further, -the unexpended energies of the people are influenced -and transformed by the pattern ideas which -experience in community organization measures -has taught.<a id="FNanchor_XVI-3" href="#Footnote_XVI-3" class="fnanchor">XVI-3</a></p> - -<p>This application of Spencer’s law of evolution to -human progress has weak as well as strong points. -There is not always an original homogeneity. Upon -close examination this homogeneity disappears before -a variegated conglomeration of heterogeneous -experiences and potentialities of all the individuals -who are concerned. It is not necessary to point out -additional errors. Spencer deserves credit, however, -for developing the concept of social evolution -as a phase of natural evolution and for stressing the -idea of natural causation in societary matters.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_263">263</span></p> - -<p>Spencer began his <i>Principles of Sociology</i> with a -very elaborate description of primitive man—the -original societary unit corresponding to the biological -cell. The physical, emotional, and intellectual -life of primitive man is given prominence. An -analysis is made of the behavior of man, the -original social unit, when he is exposed to the -various environing conditions—inorganic, organic, -and super-organic. The emphasis upon “man” as -the primary unit neglects the importance of the -“group” in the social evolutionary process. Moreover, -Spencer underrated the intellectual nature of -primitive man; he denied to early man the qualities -involving excursiveness of thought, imagination, -and original ideas.<a id="FNanchor_XVI-4" href="#Footnote_XVI-4" class="fnanchor">XVI-4</a></p> - -<p>Spencer’s discussion of primitive ideas shows -widespread reading of volumes of source materials. -The “inductions” are often influenced by preconceived -notions of human life, despite Spencer’s sincere -desire and effort to be scientific. While the -horde, the family, and other groups are described, -the influences which are the result of the interaction -of individual minds and the interactions between -the individual and his group are scarcely -recognized.</p> - -<p>In regard to the state, Spencer carried forward -the theories which have already been noted, namely, -of individual rights. He repudiated the state which -is the product of the military organization of -society. Such a régime is primordial and uncivilized.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_264">264</span> -It is an organization of homogeneous -units in which the units, or the individuals, are -slaves to the organization.</p> - -<p>Spencer believed in a new industrial development -whereby individuals would become differentiated -and developed, and whereby individuals would -be shifted from an autocratic maximum to a -democratic maximum. To Spencer, man is vastly -superior to the state. In the coming industrial -order Spencer foresaw an era in which the main -business of society will be to defend the rights of -individuals. Spencer forecasted an epoch of industrial -states which have abolished war. In such a -day the only conflicts that will take place between -states will be natural. These will be only the competitions -that arise naturally between states that -are engaged in building up the best individuals, that -is, those persons who develop their individuality -most freely and harmoniously.</p> - -<p>The rise of industrial states with a minimum -emphasis upon government and a maximum emphasis -upon individuality will produce a world -order in which national barriers will slowly melt -away and a planetary unity will develop. Spencer’s -industrialism, however, has fundamental weaknesses. -It implies that social organization is more -important than social process. It neglects to provide -for inherent psychical changes. It assumes -that an industrial society, <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">per se</i>, will be peaceful. -It underestimates the importance of socializing<span class="pagenum" id="Page_265">265</span> -motives.</p> - -<p>In the changes from a military to an industrial -organization of society, the six main sets of social -institutions undergo deep-seated changes. Spencer -describes at length these six institutional structures, -namely, the domestic, ceremonial, political, -ecclesiastical, professional, and industrial. Two, -the political and industrial, have been mentioned on -the preceding page. Spencer’s treatment of the -other four is accurate to a degree but at fundamental -points is unreliable—judged by current conceptions -and data.</p> - -<p>Perhaps Spencer is best known for his treatment -of the organic analogy. He set up the hypothesis -that society is like a biological organism and then -proceeded to defend his thesis against all objections -with great logical force. But logic was his sociological -downfall, for it overcame his scientific insight.</p> - -<p>Spencer found four main ways in which society -resembles an organism.<a id="FNanchor_XVI-5" href="#Footnote_XVI-5" class="fnanchor">XVI-5</a> (1) In both cases growth -is attended by augmentation of mass. (2) In each -instance growth is accomplished by increasing complexity -of structure. (3) In the organism and -in society there is an interdependence of parts. -(4) The life of society, like the life of an organism, -is far longer than the life of any of the units or -parts.</p> - -<p>But there are ways in which society and an organism -are unlike.<a id="FNanchor_XVI-6" href="#Footnote_XVI-6" class="fnanchor">XVI-6</a> These were analyzed by Spencer<span class="pagenum" id="Page_266">266</span> -and determined to be merely superficial differences. -There are four of these main differences. -(1) Unlike organisms, societies have no specific extensive -form, such as a physical body with limbs or -a face. (2) The elements of society do not form -a continuous whole as in the case of an animal. -The living units composing society are free, and not -in contact, being more or less dispersed. (3) The -parts of society are not stationary and fixed in their -positions relative to the whole. (4) In an organism -consciousness is concentrated in a small part of the -aggregate, while in society consciousness is diffused. -The alleged superficiality in this difference -between society and an organism was difficult for -Spencer to maintain.</p> - -<p>In discussing the organic analogy further, Spencer -compared the alimentary system of an organism -to the productive industries, or the sustaining system -in the body politic.<a id="FNanchor_XVI-7" href="#Footnote_XVI-7" class="fnanchor">XVI-7</a> Furthermore, there is a -strong parallelism between the circulatory system -of an organism and the distributing system in -society with its transportation lines; but more particularly, -its commercial classes and media of exchange. -Then, in both cases there has developed -regulating systems. In an organism there is a dominant -center and subordinate centers, the senses, -and a neural apparatus. A similar structure appears -in society in the form of an adjustive apparatus, -or government, for the purpose of adjudicating -the differences between the producers and the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_267">267</span> -consumers. These parallelisms throw only a small -measure of light upon the nature of society. They -appear ridiculous when carried to an extreme, for -example, to the extreme to which Spencer himself -went when he compared the King’s Council to the -medulla oblongata, the House of Lords to the -cerebellum, and the House of Commons to the -cerebrum.</p> - -<p>Spencer uses his analogies very extensively and -vigorously, and later refers to them as merely a -scaffolding for building a structure of deductions. -This conclusion contains contradictory elements. -When the scaffolding is removed, society is left -standing as a more or less intangible affair. If a -society is like an organism, it experiences a natural -cycle of birth, maturity, old age, and death. But -according to the telic concept of progress that was -advanced by Lester F. Ward and developed by later -writers, the death of society does not come with -organic inevitableness, but depends on the vision, -plans, courage, and activities of that society’s members. -A society need never die.</p> - -<p>For many years it has been popular to criticise -Spencer. Nearly all the criticisms are justified. -Moreover, they have been so numerous that little of -worth seems to be left in Spencer’s writings. However, -Spencer’s contributions to social thought are -not negligible for several reasons. (1) He emphasized -the laws of evolution and natural causation. -(2) He described social evolution as a phase<span class="pagenum" id="Page_268">268</span> -of natural evolution. (3) He pointed out the likenesses -between biological organisms and human -society. (4) He made the rôle of social structures, -or institutions, to stand out distinctly. (5) He -stressed the importance of individuality. (6) He -undermined the idea that the State is a master -machine to which all the individual citizens must -submit automatically.</p> - -<p>In the United States, Spencer possessed an able -and loyal friend in John Fiske (1842–1901). -Fiske built his social thought upon the evolutionarily -formulae of Darwin and Spencer. In his -<i>Cosmic Philosophy</i>, or philosophy of the universe, -Fiske contended that the evolution of man produced -fundamental changes in the nature of cosmic evolution. -With the development of man there appears -a new force in the universe, the human spirit, or -soul. The advent of this psychical entity has produced -a subordination of the purely bodily, physical, -material forces and established a control by -spiritual forces. Moreover, in human evolution -there has been a slowly increasing subordination of -the selfish phases of spiritual life to the altruistic. -With the apparent cessation in important bodily -changes there have come unheralded and unanticipated -psychical inventions, which have released man -from the passive adaptation to environment which -animals manifest, and given to him an increasingly -positive control over the processes of adaptation. -Humanity as the highest product of the evolutionary<span class="pagenum" id="Page_269">269</span> -processes has the power to change the whole -course of cosmic development. Fiske distinctly -emphasized the psychical forces in evolution and -the part which they are playing in making mankind -purposeful and in organizing groups on social principles. -Humanity is not a mere incident in evolution; -it is the supreme factor.<a id="FNanchor_XVI-9" href="#Footnote_XVI-9" class="fnanchor">XVI-9</a> The main purpose -of man is not the perpetuation of the species, but -the development of increasingly higher and more -social purposes.</p> - -<p>Following the ideas of Maine, Tylor, McLennan, -and Lubbock, Fiske concluded that social evolution -originated when families, “temporarily organized -among all the higher gregarious mammals, became -in the case of the highest mammal permanently -organized.”<a id="FNanchor_XVI-10" href="#Footnote_XVI-10" class="fnanchor">XVI-10</a> Gregariousness developed into definite -family relationships and responsibilities. Social -evolution produced an increased complexity and -specialty in intelligence, which in turn required a -lengthening of the period “during which the nervous -connections involved in ordinary adjustments -are becoming organized.” Such a transformation -requires time, and hence the need for a period of -infancy which is not common to the lower animals. -Accompanying this period of infancy, there is the -development of strong affection of relatively short -duration among higher animals. Among mankind -parental love takes on the characteristics not only -of intensity and unselfishness but of duration and -forgiveness. In this phase of evolution there is a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_270">270</span> -correlative development of three factors, namely, -the prolongation of infancy, the rise of parental -affection, and increasing intelligence. The gradual -prolongation of the period of infancy is partly a -consequence of increasing intelligence, and in turn -the prolongation of infancy affords the circumstances -for the establishment of permanent relationships, -of reciprocal behavior, of sociality.</p> - -<p>Fiske was one of the first social philosophers to -point out the significance of foresight as a phase -of evolutionary development. Perhaps the chief -way in which civilized man is distinguished from -the barbarian is in his ability “to adapt his conduct -to future events, whether contingent or certain to -occur.” Civilized man has the power to forego -present enjoyment in order to safeguard himself -against future disaster.<a id="FNanchor_XVI-12" href="#Footnote_XVI-12" class="fnanchor">XVI-12</a> This quality is the essence -of prudence and is due in large part to civilized -man’s superior power of self-restraint, one of -the chief elements in moral progress. It is equally -important as “an indispensable prerequisite to the -accumulation of wealth in any community.” It is -the basic factor in civilized man’s elaborate scientific -provisions and in his numerous far-reaching -philosophic and religious systems.</p> - -<p>Paul von Lilienfeld (1829–1903) made the organic -analogy a definite part of his theory of society. -He compared the individual to the cells in -an organism; the governmental and industrial organizations, -to the neural system; and the cultural<span class="pagenum" id="Page_271">271</span> -products of society, to the intercellular parts of an -organism.<a id="FNanchor_XVI-13" href="#Footnote_XVI-13" class="fnanchor">XVI-13</a></p> - -<p>Lilienfeld compared the stages of growth of the -individual to the stages of racial development, -namely, savage, barbarian, and civilized. This -analogy was made use of by Fiske. Although somewhat -true in a very general sense, this recapitulation -theory cannot be carried into minute details.</p> - -<p>The concept of social capitalization was originated -by Lilienfeld. By it he meant the ability of -society to store up useful ideas and methods and -transmit them from generation to generation. In -this way each generation becomes the inheritor of -all the human experiences that have gone before.</p> - -<p>Lilienfeld was one of the first sociological -writers to develop the definite concept of social -pathology.<a id="FNanchor_XVI-14" href="#Footnote_XVI-14" class="fnanchor">XVI-14</a> His treatment of this theme, however, -was exceedingly weak. He distinguished between -a normal and diseased organism and then, by analogy, -between a normal and diseased society. Social -pathology, according to Lilienfeld, deals with -three sets of diseases, namely, of industry, of justice, -and of politics. Lilienfeld carried the organic -analogy to a ridiculous and puerile extreme when -he compared the diseases of industry to insanity; -of justice, to delirium; of politics, to paralysis. He -also elaborated a system of social therapeutics to -correspond to the diseases.</p> - -<p>In Albert Schaeffle (1831–1903), the organic analogy -found another disciple, but a more worthy one<span class="pagenum" id="Page_272">272</span> -than either Spencer or Lilienfeld. In the thought of -Schaeffle, society is not primarily a large organism -but a gigantic mind. Schaeffle presented a functional -analogy rather than a biological analogy. -Whereas Spencer was especially interested in social -structures, Schaeffle set his attention upon social -functions.</p> - -<p>In his functional analogies Schaeffle compared the -reason with the legislature in society; the will, with -the executive officers; and the esthetic judgment, -with the judiciary. Schaeffle’s psychology is inaccurate -and on the whole unscientific; his analogies add -little to an understanding of society. Nevertheless, -his thought on these subjects represents an advance -over the ideas of Spencer.</p> - -<p>In the <i xml:lang="de" lang="de">Bau und Leben des Socialen Körpers</i>, -Schaeffle undertook to develop a complete sociological -system. His teachings follow the principle that -“function leads structure and structure limits function.” -Activities produce developments in bodily -structure, and also cause the formation of new -social institutions. Bodily structures and social institutions -alike limit activities and usefulness. -These propositions are a reversal of the emphasis -which Spencer maintained. They are fundamentally -correct.</p> - -<p>Although Schaeffle referred frequently to the -“social body,” he did not give the concept a specific -meaning. He introduced the term “social -process,” but did not analyze its nature. He repudiated<span class="pagenum" id="Page_273">273</span> -the idea that the individual is the social unit; -he considered the group to be the all-important -unit in society. Natural selection in social evolution -manifests itself in conflicts between the ideals -of different groups. René Worms, it may be added, -has assumed the existence of a social consciousness -apart from the consciousness of individuals, and -argued that the chief difference between biological -organisms and social organizations is one of degree.</p> - -<p>Schaeffle considered that government justifies itself -in protecting the weaker members of society, -and in maintaining the highest welfare of all. He -pointed out the social responsibility which rests -upon the best educated and most fortunate members -of society. Schaeffle wisely emphasized the -development of purposeful activity on the part of -both the individual and society.</p> - -<p>The ideas of John Stuart Mackenzie differ from -those of Spencer, Lilienfeld, and Schaeffle. Mackenzie -does not use the figure of an organic analogy; -he speaks in terms of homologies. According -to Mackenzie, society is not like an organism; it -is organic.</p> - -<p>The organic nature of society is three-fold. (1) -There is an intrinsic relation between the parts of -society and the whole. The individual reflects the -culture of the group in which he has been trained. -(2) The development of a group is by virtue of -intrinsic processes. A group builds on ideas derived -from both the past and from other groups,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_274">274</span> -but it does not genuinely grow unless it takes these -ideas and makes them over into a part of its own -nature. (3) Society develops towards ends which -are discoverable in society itself. By analysis of -the ideals and motive forces of a group, it is possible -to determine in what direction the group is -moving.</p> - -<p>Mackenzie argues for the inner principle of -things and particularly of society. He believes, -however, that knowledge concerning this inner -principle and the essential unity of mankind cannot -be reduced to a science, but will constitute the -basis of a social philosophy. Social philosophy does -not supply facts, but seeks to interpret the significance -of the special aspects of human life with -reference to the social unity of mankind.<a id="FNanchor_XVI-15" href="#Footnote_XVI-15" class="fnanchor">XVI-15</a></p> - -<p>The family and the state are the two forms of -association in which the most intimate bonds of -union are nurtured. Language, if it can be called -a social institution, is perhaps the most fundamental -institution of all, because it produces that community -of spirit whereby intimacy in social intercourse -can take place and whereby the realization of a -common good can be achieved.<a id="FNanchor_XVI-16" href="#Footnote_XVI-16" class="fnanchor">XVI-16</a></p> - -<p>According to Mackenzie, there are three main -lines of social progress, and hence three main types -of social control to be encouraged.<a id="FNanchor_XVI-17" href="#Footnote_XVI-17" class="fnanchor">XVI-17</a> (1) The -control of natural forces by human agencies. (2) -The control of individuals by the communal spirit. -(3) Self control.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_275">275</span></p> - -<p>The road of social advance is beset with obstacles. -The chief are these: (1) The dominance -of vegetative needs. These economic factors are -so universal and insistent that they are likely at any -time to override all other human needs. (2) The -insistence of animal impulses, chiefly love and -strife. While love promotes unity, it generally -produced a limited unity. Moreover, one mode of -unity is apt to conflict with other types of unity, -and thus lead to intense strife. (3) The mastery -of mechanism. Life is easily crushed under the -weight of organization; thought, by scholastic -pedantry; industry, by economic systems; nationality, -by soulless bureaucracy. (4) Anarchism. -The remedy for over-organization is not anarchy, -for life and society are composed of numbers of -conflicting tendencies, which must be controlled by -the power of thought. But the exercise of merely -individual thought will not suffice. Individual -thought is likely to be egocentric, to evade the -problems of group life, or to solve them selfishly. -(5) Conservatism. An established and successful -civilization is in danger of relying too much on -its past. It often carries within itself the canker -of decay, and frequently lacks any clear vision of -higher development.</p> - -<p>Mackenzie is committed to internationalism. It -is no longer fitting for anyone to think of his own -country as an exclusive object of devotion. “The -earth is our country, and all its inhabitants are our<span class="pagenum" id="Page_276">276</span> -fellow-citizens; and it is only the recognition of -this that entitles us to look for any lasting security.”</p> - -<p>Mackenzie advances beyond the organic analogists -when he describes the ways in which society -is organic. As a social philosopher he has contributed -important pattern-ideas. He has escaped -from the foibles of the organic analogy and at the -same time indicated the values that lie beneath that -concept.</p> - -<p>This chapter deals with a significant period in -the history of social thought. The biology of the -time was very faulty and the sociological applications -of biological knowledge were consequently of -little merit. The early years of the present century -were characterized by noteworthy improvements -in biological thinking. The facts about the laws of -heredity and variation increased in number; a science -of heredity was established. The first decade -of the present century also marks the rise of the -science of eugenics. In a later chapter the contributions -of recent scientific biology, and particularly -of eugenics, to social thought will be presented.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_277">277</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_277"><span class="smcap" id="Chapter_XVII">Chapter XVII</span><br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Sociology of Lester F. Ward</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>The name of Lester F. Ward (1841–1913) stands -forth between the old and new eras of social -thought. Ward belongs to both the old and new. -He adopted Comtean positivism and built in part -upon Spencer’s evolutionary principles, but opposed -Spencer’s <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">laissez faire</i> ideas and his evolutionary -determinism, especially in regard to education. -Perhaps his most notable work was the way -in which he shocked a Spencerian-tinged world of -social thought into a new method of thinking.</p> - -<p>Ward became the ardent advocate of social -telesis. Man can modify, defeat, or hasten the -processes of nature. Ward brought the concept of -dynamic sociology to the attention of the world. -Although he was interested in social statics, his -primary concern was in the fact that man through -the use of his intelligence can transform not only -the natural world but the social world, and that he -can harness not only the natural forces to social -ends, but even the social forces to social purposes. -Hence it is that Ward holds rank today, despite his -monistic philosophy and his false psychological beliefs, -as one of the world’s leading sociologists.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_278">278</span></p> - -<p>Lester F. Ward was born in Joliet, Illinois. He -received a limited schooling, and early went to -work, first on a farm and then as a wheelwright. -He manifested an unusual liking for books and to -a great extent was self-educated. He entered the -employment of the United States Government, -where he remained for more than forty years, after -he was honorably discharged from service in the -Civil War. In the Government service he held the -positions of geologist and paleontologist. Despite -his strenuous and efficient work for the Government, -he found time to think through and write -out an elaborate sociological system of thought.</p> - -<p>Ward’s published works in sociology began with -his <i>Dynamic Sociology</i> (1883) and ended with -the <i>Glimpses of the Cosmos</i> (1913) in several volumes, -which, with the exception of volume one, -have been published posthumously. The intermediate -books of importance in order were: <i>Pure -Sociology</i>, <i>Applied Sociology</i>, and <i>Psychic Factors -of Civilization</i>.</p> - -<p>Ward was characterized by an impressive command -of his subject and “a terrific mental drive.” -In 1906, he began the unique experiment of teaching -sociology at the age of 65. As a professor of -sociology he served Brown University until his -death—for a period of seven years. He was supported -by the indefatigable assistance of his wife, -as shown by the many files which she kept of “Reviews -and Press Notices”, “Autograph Letters,”<span class="pagenum" id="Page_279">279</span> -and “Biography.”</p> - -<p>Ward was led to produce the <i>Dynamic Sociology</i> -because of his observation that preceding 1875 -there was an essential sterility in social science -thinking. Ward observed that the prevalent teachings -of Herbert Spencer were statical, and that the -ideas of Spencer’s American disciples were only -passively dynamic. Ward believed that before the -science of society could be truly established the -active dynamic factors must be described. A science -which fails to benefit mankind is lifeless. To -save sociology from the lifelessness which it was -manifesting, Ward wrote the <i>Dynamic Sociology</i>. -He contemplated social phenomena “as capable of -intelligent control by society itself in its own interest.”<a id="FNanchor_XVII-1" href="#Footnote_XVII-1" class="fnanchor">XVII-1</a> -His main thesis in the <i>Dynamic Sociology</i> -is “the necessity for universal education as -the one clear, overshadowing, and immediate social -duty to which all others are subordinate.” He argued -for a truly progressive system of popular scientific -education.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-2" href="#Footnote_XVII-2" class="fnanchor">XVII-2</a> He declared that not one-hundredth -of the facts which original research has already -brought forth are today obtainable by a one-hundredth -of the members of society, and hence -not one truth in ten thousand is fully apprehended.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-3" href="#Footnote_XVII-3" class="fnanchor">XVII-3</a></p> - -<p>The prevailing doctrine in social thought, that of -<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">laissez faire</i> as championed by Spencer, drew forth -Ward’s best intellectual efforts as a challenger. -Ward protested against the teaching that natural -forces are operating only as elements in the all-powerful<span class="pagenum" id="Page_280">280</span> -evolutionary process. He pointed out -that man is distinguished from animals by the development -of his psychical nature, i. e., of his foresight -and reason. He demonstrated that by this -development man is able to master and regulate the -operation of the blind evolutionary forces. Hence, -the doctrine of <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">laissez faire</i> is not only false but -pernicious. It defeats social progress. The truth -is, said Ward, society is able to improve itself, and -it should set itself scientifically at once to the -opportunity.</p> - -<p>Passive, or negative, progress is represented by -the social forces operating in their natural freedom, -subject only to general evolutionary laws.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-4" href="#Footnote_XVII-4" class="fnanchor">XVII-4</a> Active, -or positive, progress is represented by the social -forces guided by conscious human purposes. Social -statics deals with the nature of social order; -social dynamics treats of the laws of social progress. -Social dynamics concerns itself with two -types of studies. One line analyzes and describes -what is going on in society under the influence of -natural laws—this is pure sociology. It is pure -diagnosis; it has nothing to do with what society -ought to be. It describes the phenomena and laws -of society as they are.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-5" href="#Footnote_XVII-5" class="fnanchor">XVII-5</a> The other procedure discusses -the application of human purpose to the natural -social forces—this is applied sociology. It -studies the art of applying the active, or positive, -forces to the natural evolution of society. This -method is distinctly a human process and “depends<span class="pagenum" id="Page_281">281</span> -wholly on the action of man himself.” Applied -sociology treats of social ends and purposes.</p> - -<p>Pure sociology describes the spontaneous development -of society; applied sociology deals with the -artificial means of accelerating the spontaneous -processes in society.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-6" href="#Footnote_XVII-6" class="fnanchor">XVII-6</a> Pure sociology treats of -achievement; applied sociology, of improvement. -But applied sociology is not social reform; “it does -not itself apply sociological principles, it seeks only -to show how they may be applied.” It lays down -principles as guides to social action. The carrying -of these principles into social and political practice -is social reform.</p> - -<p>The distinction is now clear between natural and -artificial progress.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-7" href="#Footnote_XVII-7" class="fnanchor">XVII-7</a> The former is a blind growth; -the latter, a purposeful manufacture. One is a -genetic process; the other, a teleological process. -One is characterized by increasing differentiation; -the other, by a process of calculation. Artificial -progress is considered superior to natural progress.</p> - -<p>Ward was a monist. He believed in the absolute -unity of nature, from the revolutions of celestial -orbs to the vicissitudes of social customs and laws.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-8" href="#Footnote_XVII-8" class="fnanchor">XVII-8</a> -He held that “life is a property of matter,” and -naïvely declared that “it is simply the result of the -movements going on among the molecules composing -a mass of protoplasm.”<a id="FNanchor_XVII-9" href="#Footnote_XVII-9" class="fnanchor">XVII-9</a> Psychic phenomena are -“the relations which subsist among the material -molecules of the brain and nervous system and between -these and the material objects of the outside<span class="pagenum" id="Page_282">282</span> -world....” Since mind is relational, it is immaterial, -but it has matter for its basis. Relations, however, -constitute the properties of matter, and hence -mind, as well as life, is a property of matter.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-10" href="#Footnote_XVII-10" class="fnanchor">XVII-10</a> The -logical length to which Ward goes in supporting his -monistic doctrine is in itself a proof of his error.</p> - -<p>Unlike Comte, Ward believed that man originally -was anti-social and completely selfish. In the -earliest stage of human existence, man lived a life -almost solitary, or at least in small groups.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-11" href="#Footnote_XVII-11" class="fnanchor">XVII-11</a> He -was surrounded by destructive forces both inorganic -and organic. Against the wild and ferocious -beasts he found himself almost physically helpless. -Some of his number overcame their physical defenselessness -by using their “wits.” Through -sagacity and cunning they were able to withstand -the attacks of the wild beasts, to survive, and to -propagate their young. Along with increased cunning -there went an increased brain size in proportion -to size of body, and also an improved brain -structure qualitatively.</p> - -<p>This brain development is the essential prerequisite -for perceiving the advantages of association.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-12" href="#Footnote_XVII-12" class="fnanchor">XVII-12</a> -Man early recognized the merits of association, and -moved up from the solitary, or autarchic, stage of -social life to the second, or constrained aggregate -stage. This second stage does not contain the elements -of permanency because of its forced nature. -The tendencies toward association are often counteracted -and at times destroyed by fierce contests<span class="pagenum" id="Page_283">283</span> -for the limited natural foods. In contending that -man’s early ancestors were very irascible and quarrelsome -beings, Ward went beyond the limits of -scientific induction. In believing that altruism is -an outgrowth of egoism, Ward again violates the -best scientific thought. The probabilities are that -both egoism and altruism have developed <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">pari -passu</i>, and in part from different causes. During -the second stage human speech became an art. It -was a natural outgrowth of the associational life.</p> - -<p>The rise of the rudiments of an established government -marks the beginning of the third period -in human society. For protection, tribes unified -themselves under central controls. Through compulsion -or interest, and for protective reasons, -tribes united; the spheres of social organization -thus were enlarged. But government, which was -established for the purpose of securing peace, became -one of the chief causes of external wars. -Governments, autocratic control, and territory hunger -led peoples into destructive war. The world -is still in this third stage.</p> - -<p>But some day, according to Ward, wars between -nations will cease, national prejudices will soften, -diversity of language will be overcome, and all -governments probably will be consolidated into one. -This picture represents the fourth, or ideal, level -of societary life, and may never be attained. Ward -cherishes the strong belief that the present national -stage will be succeeded by the cosmopolitan, or<span class="pagenum" id="Page_284">284</span> -pantarchic, age. Ward perceives an ultimate triumph -of humanitarian sentiments, which will be -also “a triumph of practical interests, that shall -sweep away the present barriers of language, national -pride, and natural uncongeniality, and unite -all nations in one vast social aggregate with a single -political organization.”<a id="FNanchor_XVII-13" href="#Footnote_XVII-13" class="fnanchor">XVII-13</a></p> - -<p>Ward’s analysis of social evolution rests on his -conception of the social forces. The primary social -force is desire. Desire is the expression of any of -the native impulses which, at the given moment, has -not been gratified. This striving for gratification -constitutes desire and the moving force in the societary -world. “Desire is the essential basis of all -actions.”</p> - -<p>The desires are numerous and complex, but upon -examination lend themselves to classification. -There are two fundamental and primary sets of -desires, the nutritive and the reproductive. The -end of the first is to preserve the individual; and of -the second, to preserve and maintain the race.</p> - -<p>“The first desire of all creatures is for nourishment.” -This desire remains dominant throughout -life. The human race, Ward summarizes, spent its -infancy—thousands of years—in the single pursuit -of subsistence.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-14" href="#Footnote_XVII-14" class="fnanchor">XVII-14</a> When the natural food supply -failed, man was forced to be inventive and to labor -or die. Too many individuals in one place meant -either the migration of some individuals or that -others must compel nature through labor to increase<span class="pagenum" id="Page_285">285</span> -her normal yield of subsistence.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-15" href="#Footnote_XVII-15" class="fnanchor">XVII-15</a></p> - -<p>The nutritive desire has led man to labor. Labor, -however, is not the natural condition of man.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-23" href="#Footnote_XVII-23" class="fnanchor">XVII-23</a> -Work, according to Ward, is unnatural and irksome. -The constant spur of hunger transformed -man into a working man. To be useful, however, -work must be continuous and applied steadily to a -given object until that object is attained. This -process is the essence of invention, the highest and -most useful form of labor. Without wings, valuable -weapons of offense and defense, claws for digging, -man has had but one line of advance open to -him, namely, invention, whereby he could overcome -his limitations and master nature.</p> - -<p>Ward overlooked what Veblen has called the -instinct of workmanship. Man has a desire to do, -to achieve, to be active—only so can he escape the -terrors of ennui. He secures illimitable enjoyment -from seeing the crude materials of nature change -under the manipulations of his hand and mind into -works of art.</p> - -<p>Nevertheless, the need of nutrition was probably -the chief factor in the invention of tools and in the -storing of food against the hungry day. These -tools and stores constituted property. Property at -once represented power. The law of acquisition -soon exerted a great force. Intense rivalries in -acquiring property developed. “The grand rivalry -was for the object, not the method; for the end regardless -of the means.”<a id="FNanchor_XVII-16" href="#Footnote_XVII-16" class="fnanchor">XVII-16</a> Through the centuries<span class="pagenum" id="Page_286">286</span> -and until the present hour, the morality of obtaining -wealth has rarely risen to the morality of many -other phases of life.</p> - -<p>Deception early came into prominence. We deceive -an animal, in order to catch and domesticate -or kill him. We deceive a fellow human being and -take his hard earned property away from him. Society, -blindly, has praised deception even when used -by one individual against the welfare of his fellows. -Society has honored him who could “drive a bargain.”</p> - -<p>Ward declared that the desire to acquire property -regardless of the method is as strong as ever.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-17" href="#Footnote_XVII-17" class="fnanchor">XVII-17</a> -The only changes that have come are a mitigation -of the harshness of the method and the rise of compulsory -laws and codes which force individuals to -“drive their bargains” and to practice their deceptions -within prescribed limits. The acquisitive impulses -have created major social evils, as evidenced -by “the exceeding indigence of the poor and the exceeding -opulence of the rich,” and by a relatively -large proportion of non-producing rich people to -the entire number of wealthy.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-18" href="#Footnote_XVII-18" class="fnanchor">XVII-18</a> On the other hand, -those who are poor because they are indolent are -only a small proportion of those who are poor and -industrious.</p> - -<p>The evils of acquisitiveness cannot be overcome -by softening the human heart. Ward would -make it impossible for individuals to take away the -property of others by making it to the interest of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_287">287</span> -all individuals not to act in that way. And then he -would teach them, through the social sciences, that -such conduct is against their own highest development.</p> - -<p>Ward pronounced the money-making tendency -one of the most useful and at the same time “one -of the coarsest and cheapest of all mental attributes.”<a id="FNanchor_XVII-19" href="#Footnote_XVII-19" class="fnanchor">XVII-19</a> -It is useful because it is “the spur of all -industry and commerce; it provides the leisure -which makes intellectual pursuits possible; it encourages -exploration, discovery, and invention; it -is the basis of all large business undertakings; and -it has been an essential force in the development -of civilization. Since civilization is so exclusively -artificial, money can buy a vast variety of objects -of human desire; hence, the possession of money -is strenuously sought.</p> - -<p>On the other hand, money-making confers a -pleasure which after all is sordid.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-21" href="#Footnote_XVII-21" class="fnanchor">XVII-21</a> It often leads -to avarice. It has produced a pecuniary inequality -of mankind which socially admits of little justification. -From a moral viewpoint the great struggle -for pecuniary possession has been man’s greatest -curse.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-22" href="#Footnote_XVII-22" class="fnanchor">XVII-22</a> Because of it, many infants have opened -their eyes as millionaires in a world of boundless -plenty; others (equally worthy) have opened their -eyes as beggars in a world of abject poverty.</p> - -<p>Society becomes divided into two main classes: -the industrials and the non-industrials, or parasites. -The non-industrials use their cunning in various<span class="pagenum" id="Page_288">288</span> -ways.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-24" href="#Footnote_XVII-24" class="fnanchor">XVII-24</a> The leading non-industrial modes of acquisition -are these: robbery, theft, war, statecraft, -priestcraft, and monopoly. This list represents the -chronological order and history of non-industrial -types of acquisition.</p> - -<p>Robbery is the coarsest manner of acquisition. -Theft represents the lowest order of cunning. -Wars of conquest are robbery on so large a scale -that they arouse group patriotism. Cunning and -treachery in war have given way to strategy. Statecraft -has often been characterized by the egoistic -attempts of a few shrewd individuals, who have devised -means for supplying the wants of the many, -and appropriated rich rewards for themselves from -“the befriended and grateful community.” Priestcraft -as represented by many of the priests of -Brahma, Buddha, Osiris, Ormuzd, Mahomet and -even Jesus have developed successful modes of acquisition. -They have often stood at the gates of -death, and for pay guaranteed to the stricken and -fearful friends of a departed loved one a safe journey -through the perils following death. Monopoly -takes cunning advantage of a scarcity of the means -of substance, or creates an artificial and false -scarcity. Monopoly has organized the fields of -transportation, exchange, finance, labor, manufacture.</p> - -<p>The non-industrials co-operate better than the industrials -and against the welfare of the latter. The -industrials, unfortunately, do not understand the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_289">289</span> -principles of co-operation very well and do not have -the intelligence to carry them into practical operation. -They receive less education than the non-industrials; -the years of their industrial apprenticeship -are taken from their school days. After their apprenticeship -begins, the fatigue of their labor gives -them little time or energy for intellectual improvement.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-25" href="#Footnote_XVII-25" class="fnanchor">XVII-25</a> -In pronouncing co-operation the product of -superior intelligence Ward neglects the rôle played -by the gregarious, parental, and related social instincts. -Ward sees only part of the truth when he -calls competition a natural law, and co-operation -artificial. He wisely observes, however, that those -who co-operate thrive at the expense of those who -compete.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-26" href="#Footnote_XVII-26" class="fnanchor">XVII-26</a> In the same way that individuals co-operate -in order to secure their own gain, society -must organize to secure the progress of all.</p> - -<p>The second primary set of fundamental forces -is the reproductive. These operate for the future -and for the species. In animals they operate without -arousing shame or modesty. Among human -beings they are manipulated through the agencies -of the reason and the imagination and give rise to -the sentiments of shame and modesty.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-27" href="#Footnote_XVII-27" class="fnanchor">XVII-27</a> They are -so clouded in secrecy that they arouse dangerous -forms of curiosity.</p> - -<p>Among animals the choice of mates is largely determined -by the females. In fact, among the lowest -types of animals there are no males. Among certain -higher forms of animal life the male appears<span class="pagenum" id="Page_290">290</span> -as a mere adjunct. But among human beings, male -sexual selection developed. This change in sexual -selection is one of the differences between the brute -and the human worlds. This transition is explained -by the fact that the higher a being rises in -the scale of development the more sensitive its organs -become, and by the correlated fact that the -male human being through his reason is able to -arouse and satisfy a thousand desires within the -female, and thus cause her to look to him for “that -protection and those favors which he alone can confer.”<a id="FNanchor_XVII-28" href="#Footnote_XVII-28" class="fnanchor">XVII-28</a></p> - -<p>In the human world the reproductive forces have -first produced a crude sexual love, animal in its -nature, but far-reaching in its basic implications. -Sexual love is an unconscious but dominant factor -in courtship. In its refined form, and modified by -the addition of genuine but often short-lived affective -elements, it becomes romantic love. Romantic -love, according to Ward, unfits lovers for the normal -pursuits of life. While under its spell they -are unable to enjoy anything but each other’s presence. -“The man is unfitted for business, the woman -for social life, and both for intellectual pursuits. -The only spur that can make either party pursue -other things, is the sense of doing something that -the other desires.”<a id="FNanchor_XVII-29" href="#Footnote_XVII-29" class="fnanchor">XVII-29</a></p> - -<p>In the sense that natural, or sexual, love becomes -the basis of romantic love, so romantic love in turn -represents the genesis of a still higher form of love,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_291">291</span> -namely, conjugal love. The love of a man for his -wife or of a woman for her husband is, however, -fundamentally different from romantic love. It is -more stable, less disturbing to the normal processes -of life, and makes the home and the family socially -productive institutions. It often reaches a high -state of refinement and develops its beauty of content -from the sharing together by husband and wife -of great joys and sorrows.</p> - -<p>Maternal love, an outgrowth of maternity, manifests -startling degrees of courage even among -animals. Under the spur of the need for defending -her young, a mother will often perform miraculous -deeds. In its highest form maternal love manifests -a remarkable strength throughout life and an extra-human -power of forgiveness.</p> - -<p>Then there is consanguineal love, which according -to Ward includes paternal and fraternal affections. -It becomes the blood bond or feeling of -attachment that exists among the members of a -primitive kinship group, and it leads to feelings of -race and world solidarity and attachment.</p> - -<p>Ward also pointed out that for each of these -forms of love there is a correlative hate. This -force of repulsion is often greater than the correlative -love. Jealousy often leads to violent and destructive -actions. Race hatred frequently becomes -a vicious, brutal, and widespread sentiment that -paralyzes all tendencies toward world progress.</p> - -<p>Marriage institutions have developed from the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_292">292</span> -operation of the reproductive forces. Polygamy, -polyandry, and a score of other types of marriage -have arisen, although monogamy has demonstrated -itself to be the superior type of marriage institution.</p> - -<p>The reproductive forces have led to numerous -sexuo-social inequalities. Men and women have -come to occupy separate spheres of activity, and to -represent distinct social conditions.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-30" href="#Footnote_XVII-30" class="fnanchor">XVII-30</a> Although the -two sexes live together and appear to be companions, -they are in fact dwelling in separate worlds -and on different planes. There are several principal -inequalities. (1) There is an inequality of dress, -which has loaded woman with ornaments and -caused her an enormous amount of disease and -suffering. (2) There is an inequality of duties, -which has kept woman confined to the house, and -made a slave or a pampered pet of her. (3) There -is an inequality of education. Society has shut -woman in the past from all opportunities for gaining -knowledge by experience. Moreover, society -has seen fit to debar women from the knowledge -that is acquired by instruction. (4) An inequality -of rights has meant that women have been discriminated -against before the law. Without direct -representation in legislatures, women have suffered -in proprietary matters. (5) A general sex inequality -has at times made woman the property or -the slave of man. In short, women have been -denied, until with recent years, entrance to the -higher intellectual forms of activity and at the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_293">293</span> -same time denied social and political rights.</p> - -<p>Reverting to Ward’s classification of desires, we -may now proceed to a discussion of the third set -of forces, the sociogenetic. In contradistinction to -the nutritive and the reproductive desires, or to the -ontogenetic and the phylogenetic forces, respectively, -the sociogenetic forces lead directly to race, -or social, improvement. The ontogenetic forces -guarantee individual preservation; the phylogenetic, -race preservation; and the sociogenetic, race -and social progress. Ward classified the sociogenetic -forces as moral, esthetic, and intellectual.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-31" href="#Footnote_XVII-31" class="fnanchor">XVII-31</a></p> - -<p>Morality is either racial or individual. Race -morality is largely an outgrowth of custom. Duty, -according to Ward, is conduct favorable to race -safety, while virtue is “an attitude of life and character -consistent with the preservation and continuance -of man on earth.”<a id="FNanchor_XVII-32" href="#Footnote_XVII-32" class="fnanchor">XVII-32</a> Individual morality -on the other hand, is based on altruism. Altruism -is the expenditure of energy in behalf of other individuals, -and involves the power of representing -the psychic states of others to one’s self. Morality -leads to humanitarianism, whose aim is meliorism. -Meliorism aims to reorganize society so that the -minimum pain and the maximum enjoyment may -be insured. Meliorism is a non-sentimental improvement -or amelioration of the human or social -state.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-33" href="#Footnote_XVII-33" class="fnanchor">XVII-33</a></p> - -<p>Ward holds that the esthetic forces consist of a -desire for open or deep-seated symmetrical forms.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_294">294</span> -Behind a landscape which at first appears irregular -and jagged, there is a fundamental symmetry -and balance. Sculpture, painting, and landscape-gardening -are largely imitations of nature. Architecture, -however, emphasizes straight lines, regular -curves, and other symmetrical and geometrical -figures.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-34" href="#Footnote_XVII-34" class="fnanchor">XVII-34</a> Because of the invention of popular musical -instruments, music is open to and enjoyed by -the common people. No such invention, unfortunately, -has taken place in the fields of painting -and sculpture. These realms are limited to the -highest geniuses and “their choicest productions -appropriated by the few who combine wealth with -taste.”<a id="FNanchor_XVII-35" href="#Footnote_XVII-35" class="fnanchor">XVII-35</a></p> - -<p>The intellectual forces are chiefly the desires to -know. These desires are three-fold: (1) to acquire -knowledge, (2) to discover truth, and (3) to impart -information.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-36" href="#Footnote_XVII-36" class="fnanchor">XVII-36</a> The desire to acquire knowledge is -perhaps strongest in the young. Youth will often -learn anything, without exercising any powers of -discrimination. The gratification of the desire to -discover new truth yields almost divine thrills of -satisfaction. There are four methods of imparting -information to others, viz., (1) by conversing, -(2) by teaching, (3) by lecturing, and (4) by -writing.</p> - -<p>In addition to the dynamic forces there is the -directive agent in society, namely, the intellect. -Ward makes a precarious distinction between the -feelings and thought, or between intellect as a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_295">295</span> -seat of emotion, appetite and motive power, and -intellect as the organ or source of thought and -ideas.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-37" href="#Footnote_XVII-37" class="fnanchor">XVII-37</a> Ward’s psychology is admittedly unscientific. -The thought or ideational phase of the intellect -Ward divorced almost absolutely from the -affective aspects of consciousness. He failed to -perceive the dynamic character of thought and -ideas. He made thought simply the directive agent -in society.</p> - -<p>In thought, Ward found the hope of the race. -Thought can restrain and control social energy. -It can produce telic methods of progress which -are immeasurably superior to the blind, ruthless -methods of nature. The procedure of nature with -unlimited resources is “to produce an enormously -redundant supply, and to trust the environment to -select the best.”<a id="FNanchor_XVII-38" href="#Footnote_XVII-38" class="fnanchor">XVII-38</a> Nature secures success through -“the indefinite multiplication of chances.” Hence -the survival of the fittest results in a sacrifice of a -great majority—a highly wasteful method. The -method of mind is the reverse. Though prevision, -mind utilizes all the dynamic forces of society, that -is the human desires, in constructive, orderly ways. -Social waste may be reduced, by telic methods, to -a minimum. Mind can perceive the best social ends -and pursue them, whereas nature works blindly. -Thought has in its power the possibility of subjugating -natural forces and turning them into contributors -to human needs.</p> - -<p>Ward developed essentially four leading principles<span class="pagenum" id="Page_296">296</span> -of social dynamics and hence of societal -progress. (1) The first law he called “difference -of potential.” This term, which he borrowed from -physics, refers to the difference in potential possibilities -of individuals. This difference is manifested, -for example, in the crossing of cultures. -It disturbs social stability, and creates social liability. -Sex is a device whereby a difference of -potential is maintained. While asexual reproduction -is characterized chiefly by repetition of forms, -sexual reproduction creates changes in the stock -in countless directions. The difference of potential -which is caused by a crossing of strains is -highly dynamic, resulting in unnumbered variations, -and hence in providing endless opportunities -for progress. In a similar way a cross fertilization -of cultures opens many opportunities for social advancement. -“Progress results from the fusion of -unlike elements.”<a id="FNanchor_XVII-40" href="#Footnote_XVII-40" class="fnanchor">XVII-40</a> Difference of potential, again, -is illustrated in the friction of mind upon mind. -Thoughts conflict, and the result is likely to be an -invention.</p> - -<p>Difference of potential may lead to creative synthesis.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-41" href="#Footnote_XVII-41" class="fnanchor">XVII-41</a> -When two elements are joined, the result -is usually more than the sum of the parts. The -combining of hydrogen and oxygen in given proportions -produces water, which manifests characteristics -that are not possessed by either of the constituents. -Likewise, the combining of two ideas -by the human mind may result in a new idea, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_297">297</span> -thus in progress.</p> - -<p>(2) A second dynamic principle is innovation, -which has its biological homologue in the sport, or -mutant. Throughout nature and society, fortuitous -variations occur. Life at times breaks over the -bounds of pure heredity—the result is innovation. -Variation, in the sense of mutation or innovation, -appears to be due to the exuberance of life. At -times nature appears to react against being bound -by rigid laws of heredity, to defy her own rules, -and to become rampant.</p> - -<p>Social innovation is invention. New ideas often -appear accidentally. The mind in its exuberance -coins new phrases, catches new glimpses of reality, -and creates ideas which are contrary to all that is -established and supposedly true.</p> - -<p>(3) Ward’s third law of progress is called conation. -This concept refers to social effort which is -carried on naturally to satisfy desire, to preserve -or continue life, to modify the surroundings. In -satisfying normally the gregarious desires, the individual -advances the cause of social progress. In -preserving the life of the child, the mother presumably -contributes to the welfare of the race. -The sacrifices which parents make in behalf of children -are efforts which further the welfare of -society. Every constructive modification of either -the physical or spiritual environment benefits mankind. -Conation is thus a term which covers a multitude -of activities that are performed in the ordinary<span class="pagenum" id="Page_298">298</span> -course of daily life, and which unconsciously -to the doers are adding to the sum total of human -welfare.</p> - -<p>(4) The fourth dynamic principle which Ward -described has already been discussed, namely, the -principle of social telesis. The possibilities in social -telesis are illimitable. Social telesis can turn the -passions and desires of men into socially useful -channels. These passions are bad only when directed -to wrong ends. They are like fire—they can -destroy or they can refine. If individuals as members -of society could develop prevision and work -together for societary ends, they would be able to -transform the world.</p> - -<p>Ward believed that greatness does not rest so -much in intellectual power as in emotional force. -He had great faith in persons of average intellectual -ability who are ambitious. It thus becomes the -part of wisdom for society to educate wisely the -average intelligence. Ward challenged the idea -that only a very few persons are geniuses and that -these individuals, by virtue of their superior abilities, -will uniformly overcome their environments. -He held that genius is largely a matter of focalization -of psychic energy, and that by this process all -individuals may have the honor of contributing -something valuable to civilization.</p> - -<p>Ward pointed out that geniuses are as likely to -appear in one social stratum as in another, among -the poor as among the healthy, in the hovel as in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_299">299</span> -the palace. He also demonstrated how society -allows genius and talent to be ruthlessly destroyed -among the lower classes through denial of opportunity. -As a solution for this problem, Ward advocated -social distribution, that is, the distribution -of all useful knowledge to all humanity everywhere. -A scientific system needs to be perfected for the -more thorough and equal distribution of the great -volume of valuable knowledge which has already -been discovered. Ward was a strong advocate of -the socialization of education.</p> - -<p>In an article which appeared in the month following -his death, Ward discussed his idea of social -progress under the terms, eugenics, euthenics, and -eudemics.<a id="FNanchor_XVII-42" href="#Footnote_XVII-42" class="fnanchor">XVII-42</a> He supplemented a theory of sound -birth with a theory of sound environment. The -practical result in society would be a state of eudemics, -or a society of sound people.</p> - -<p>Ward was an advocate of sociocracy. By sociocracy -he did not mean a democracy or a rulership -that is likely to be conducted selfishly by the individuals -who exercise sovereign power. Sociocracy -connotes a rulership of the people in which each individual -is governed primarily not by his own interests -but by the interests of society.</p> - -<p>Achievement was a large concept in Ward’s -mind. He made “achievement” one of the chief -goals of human life. By achievement in behalf of -human progress individuals gain social immortality. -The masses of humanity are achieving little or<span class="pagenum" id="Page_300">300</span> -nothing in behalf of society.</p> - -<p>In this treatment of Ward’s sociological thought -it has not been the aim of the writer to enter upon -a dissertation regarding the abstract and philosophic -implications that are involved in the subject -matter. Neither has he attempted a polemic against -the weaknesses in Ward’s thinking, except to note -the defective monistic philosophy and the erroneous -“faculty” psychology. It has been his purpose to -let the strong, constructive elements in Ward’s system -of sociology speak clearly and effectively for -themselves.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_301">301</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_301"><span class="smcap" id="Chapter_XVIII">Chapter XVIII</span><br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Anthropologic Sociology</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>Additional light upon the nature of sociological -thought may be secured by consulting the anthropologists, -and particularly, the students of social -origins. The last mentioned group of scholars -have been unusually successful in making valuable -contributions to sociological thought, because they -have used the psychological approach.</p> - -<p>For more than a century the anthropologists -have been searching for materials and advancing -theories concerning the origin of man, of conflict -and co-operative tendencies, and of the early ideas -and institutions of the human race. They have -been aided by the investigations of the geologists -and especially of the paleontologists. The ethnographers -and ethnologists have also discovered important -data. The findings of all these groups of -investigators, as far as they relate to the main -thread of this book, will be here treated essentially -as a unitary contribution. There is not space to deal -specifically with the work of anthropologists, such -as Tylor, Morgan, Pitt-Rivers, Haddon, Frazer, -Goldenweiser, Keane, and a number of other prominent -authorities.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_302">302</span></p> - -<p>Anthropological social thought will be indicated -here under several headings. As far as possible the -controversial and technical theories in anthropology -will be avoided. Certain of the ideas that have been -advanced by Sumner, Westermarck, Hobhouse, -Wundt, Boas, and Thomas will receive special attention, -because they are unusually pertinent to the -main theme of this volume.</p> - -<p>1. There is common agreement among anthropologists -that man is the descendant of a branch of -higher animal life, and that the creation of man took -place by a slow, evolutionary process. The slowness -of this developmental process does not necessarily -lessen the mysterious or miraculous character -of it. It places the origin of the human race at -a much earlier date than was once supposed—perhaps -from 200,000 to 500,000 years ago. The animal -inheritance of man need not lead anyone to -deny the correlative fact that man possesses spiritual -qualities not common to the highest developed -animals.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-1" href="#Footnote_XVIII-1" class="fnanchor">XVIII-1</a></p> - -<p>Even the psychic equipment of man can be -traced in its origins to the primates with their individual -and social instincts. The instinctive bases of -human conduct are hundreds of thousands of years -old. They are so intrinsically a part of human -nature that no discussion of current social problems -will neglect the imperiousness of the ancient -instinct heritage of the human race.</p> - -<p>2. There is extensive anthropologic evidence<span class="pagenum" id="Page_303">303</span> -that mankind had a common origin. The remains -of the earliest human beings are found in a region -which extends through India from Java to England. -From these geographic centers primitive man -seems to have migrated in various directions—northeast, -southwest, and finally to the Western -Hemisphere. Different climatic and environmental -conditions affected the migrating groups in different -ways. Those who migrated into the tropical -regions were retarded because of the enervating -climatic factors. Those who reached the frigid -zone were also retarded, or subjected to recidivism -for a different reason—a harshness of living conditions -and an excess of environmental obstacles. -The north temperate zone with its fertile lands and -its invigorating climate afforded the proper <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">milieu</i> -for the development of the race.</p> - -<p>3. An important question relates to the alleged -potential equality of all races. The common origin -of races is admitted, but the question remains open -whether, for example, the African races possess the -same innate mental abilities as the Caucasian races. -The controversy here is sharply drawn between the -environmentalists and the eugenists. Each side of -the debate has collected a large body of evidence. -In reality, the question apparently boils down to -this: Have the many centuries of living under the -enervating torrid zone conditions effected the African -races so deeply that under favorable cultural -circumstances they have become incapable of developing<span class="pagenum" id="Page_304">304</span> -beyond a certain mental level which is -lower than that attained by the Caucasian races? In -the past the answer to this question has been a -strong affirmative. The bulk of the evidence that -has been collected in recent years indicates that the -affirmative answer is incorrect.</p> - -<p>4. It is becoming clear that every race is a composite -of several races. Ethnological data show -that the five grand divisions of the human race may -be subdivided into racial stocks, and into races and -sub-races, until more than 600 races may be described; -and furthermore, that each of the 600 or -more races represents an amalgamation of at least -three or four races. It is evident that no clear line -of racial demarcation can be drawn, and that purity -of race may be a fictitious term.</p> - -<p>5. Intermarriage of the representatives of races -belonging to similar racial stocks seems advisable—according -to the ethnologist. Pure bloods apparently -die out. The strongest races today are those -in which amalgamation has taken place recently—that -is, within one thousand or two thousand years, -for example, the English, or the Scotch-Irish.</p> - -<p>A mooted question of world importance relates -to the intermarriage of the representatives of races -widely different, such as the white and the yellow -races, or the white and the black races. No race -has yet developed out of such combinations. Race -prejudices and social distinctions have produced -conflicts which thus far have prevented the formation<span class="pagenum" id="Page_305">305</span> -of such a race. Very few scientific data are -available regarding miscegenation.</p> - -<p>Apparently, the interbreeding of whites and -blacks leads ultimately to the elimination of the -racial characteristics of the blacks and to the complete -dominance of the whites. There are some -writers who assert that this process takes place to -the gain of the lower race and to the loss of the -higher race. The last-mentioned point has not yet -been proved. Miscegenation between whites and -blacks occurs under such abnormal and vicious -social conditions that the racial tendencies are definitely -obscured.</p> - -<p>6. Conflict between races is primordial; conflict -between races today is illustrated in national wars -and race persecutions. Weaker races have often -combined against a stronger race; from these experiences -there has come a growing sense of the -value of co-operation. Nations with high moral -principles have united against a powerful neighbor -nation with bullying tendencies. Out of these temporary -combinations there has arisen a sense of -need for permanent forms of national co-operation. -This common need will ultimately lead, undoubtedly, -to a permanent association of nations.</p> - -<p>The conflict between the grand divisions of the -human race will probably continue for a long time -to come. Sometimes it is concentrated in an antagonism -between the white and yellow races; and -again, it is expressed in the more fundamental<span class="pagenum" id="Page_306">306</span> -struggle between Occidentalism and Orientalism.</p> - -<p>7. The origin and development of primitive -ways of doing constitute a well-cultivated field of -study. Anthropologists have published an endless -amount of materials on the origin of languages, -religions, occupations, sex distinctions. A portion -of this work has been done without an accurate understanding -of the psychological principles that are -involved, and hence has to be viewed with caution -or neglected entirely.</p> - -<p>W. G. Sumner, whose argument in favor of individualism -and of a <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">laissez faire</i> governmental policy -was given in <a href="#Chapter_XI">Chapter XI</a>, published in his <i>Folkways</i> -a minute and extended account of the nature of -primitive institutions.</p> - -<p>In the development of his theories, Sumner began -with the needs of primitive peoples and with the attempts -to meet these needs. Repetition of these acts -leads to established ways of doing, that is, to folkways. -Folkways are “the widest, most fundamental, -and most important operation by which the -interests of men in groups are served.”<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-2" href="#Footnote_XVIII-2" class="fnanchor">XVIII-2</a> Societal -life consists chiefly in making folkways and applying -them. Even the science of society might be defined -as the study of folkways. Folkways are the -product of the trial and failure method of meeting -needs. They tend to become firmly established -and to be passed on from generation to generation. -They become traditional. They acquire all -the authority which is attached to the memory of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_307">307</span> -respected ancestors. Even the ghosts of ancestors -stalk the earth keeping guard over the folkways. -The folkways carry with them the conviction that -they are essential to human welfare. It is this conviction -which gives them the force of <em>mores</em>. Thus -the folkways are not purposeful methods of securing -progress but unconscious ways of meeting current -exigencies; they are blindly and rigorously -forced upon successive generations.</p> - -<p>8. Races are guilty of ethnocentrism.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-3" href="#Footnote_XVIII-3" class="fnanchor">XVIII-3</a> Each -race considers itself the center of mankind. It -judges all other races by its own standards, and not -by a higher standard that is determined by data -that are representative of the best interests of all -races. Ethocentrism compels each race to exaggerate -the importance of its own folkways and to -depreciate the folkways of other races. For example, -the Romans and Greeks called all outsiders -“barbarians.” The Jews considered themselves “the -chosen people,” and the Romans and Greeks as -“pagans.”</p> - -<p>9. Sumner divided the chief motives of human -action into four classes: Hunger, sex passion, -vanity, and fear (of ghosts and spirits). Behind -each of these motives there is a set of interests. -(1) Hunger led primitive man to invent simple -weapons and tools, such as arrows and hoes, and -then to produce and hoard more complex forms of -wealth. A strange peculiarity of wealth is its effect -on its creator; it seems to be stronger than<span class="pagenum" id="Page_308">308</span> -its creator. It often bears him down to a slavish, -materialistic, and even selfish existence. Labor in -the struggle for existence is irksome and painful. -Wealth and labor, however, are both commendatory -when they are used to increase human welfare. -In this statement Sumner overlooked the fact -that wealth in order to be commendable must also -be produced under constructively social conditions, -and that labor in order to be praiseworthy must in -its exercise be individually helpful. In other words, -Sumner’s test of the use to which wealth and labor -are put is incomplete.</p> - -<p>Sumner gave a new meaning to the term, slavery. -He held that “men of talent are constantly forced -to serve the rest. They make the discoveries and -inventions, order the battles, write the books, and -produce the art.”<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-4" href="#Footnote_XVIII-4" class="fnanchor">XVIII-4</a> Sumner deplored the tendency -to call whatever one does not like by the name of -slavery. He felt that marriage slavery, rent -slavery, sin slavery are terms which are coined by -a too easily disgruntled people.</p> - -<p>(2) The sex passion leads to sex <em>mores</em> which -cover the relations of men and women to each -other before marriage and in marriage, and the -obligations of married persons to society. The sex -<em>mores</em> determine the nature of marriage and of divorce. -Sumner derided sex equality. Man has a -more stable nervous system than woman, is more -self-absorbed, more egoistic, less tactful. Since -man has greater physical strength than woman,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_309">309</span> -woman was educated by circumstances in primitive -days to adapt herself to the stronger sex, and to win -by developing charms where her lack of comparative -strength rendered her helpless. Resignation -and endurance thus became acquired traits of -women.</p> - -<p>Neither renunciation nor license is the proper -method of control of the sex passions. Both produce -unnecessary agony. License, for example, -“stimulates desire without limit, and ends in impotent -agony.” Sumner advocated temperance and -regulation—a regulation which comes from knowledge -and judgment.</p> - -<p>Women by necessity must bear an unequal share -in the responsibilities of sex and reproduction. -Likewise, men must bear an unequal share of the -responsibilities of property, war, and politics. For -the latter types of duties women are hampered by -a delicately adjusted and cumbersome generative -system which men do not possess.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-5" href="#Footnote_XVIII-5" class="fnanchor">XVIII-5</a></p> - -<p>Formerly women yielded to the will of men. Today, -the marital state is one of endless discussion, -a defeat for one party or the other, with unpleasant -effects upon life and character. In ancient times -women took pride in the supervision which their -husbands exercised over them and valued themselves -as hidden treasures.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-6" href="#Footnote_XVIII-6" class="fnanchor">XVIII-6</a> This protected -position was considered aristocratic. Under polygamy, -women looked with pity and disgust upon -the man who cannot, or is unwilling to, support<span class="pagenum" id="Page_310">310</span> -more than one wife.</p> - -<p>At this point it is interesting to note that W. I. -Thomas has distinguished between the sexes on the -basis of differences in metabolism—men being katabolic -and women anabolic. Man consumes more energy -than woman.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-7" href="#Footnote_XVIII-7" class="fnanchor">XVIII-7</a> He is better fitted for bursts -of energy, while woman possesses more endurance. -Man’s structural variability is toward motion; -woman’s, toward reproduction. Hence man seems -to have been assigned in primitive society to tasks -requiring violence and exertion, whereas to women -fell the work requiring constant attention.</p> - -<p>Civilization thus far has largely profited by the -intelligence of man. If to this situation it will develop -and add the intelligence of women, it will be -supplanted by a higher type of civilization. Under -these conditions a large percentage of marriages -will represent “the true comradeship of like -minds,” instead of being frequently, as now, an arrangement -in which woman is treated as a pet.</p> - -<p>(3) The motive of vanity is all-powerful. “One -likes to be separated from the crowd by what is -admired, and dislikes to be distinguished for what -is not admired.”<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-8" href="#Footnote_XVIII-8" class="fnanchor">XVIII-8</a> To satisfy vanity, barbarian -mothers “deform their babies toward an adopted -type of bodily perfection.” Aristocracies grow up -out of appeals to vanity. An aristocracy is a group -of persons closely united who define the possession -of things for which they are admired and which -the masses do not possess. Vanity leads to all types<span class="pagenum" id="Page_311">311</span> -of absurdities and indecencies in dress. Teeth are -knocked out for the sake of appeasing vanity. An -Indian woman puts a board on the forehead of her -baby to make the forehead recede.</p> - -<p>(4) Fear as a motive rules the lives of primitives. -Fear of ghosts and spirits is peculiarly enslaving. -Pestilence, defeat in war, bodily pain were -all considered the result of the wrath of the gods.</p> - -<p>The mass phenomena of fear are especially pitiful. -Manias of various types rule whole masses. -Witchcraft thrived for centuries on the strength of -fear. Pilgrimages and crusades were partly due to -fear; demonism was a product of fear. When fear -became firmly established in the folkways, it acted -as an ever-ruling tyrant. In the <em>mores</em> it became -firmly entrenched and was a leading factor in -moulding character. Through religious practices -and dogmas it defined a “hell” and ruled with a -fearful hand.</p> - -<p>10. Upon simplest analyses, according to Sumner, -four societal values stand out with clearness: -intellectual, moral, economic, and physical.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-9" href="#Footnote_XVIII-9" class="fnanchor">XVIII-9</a> Each -of these, however, is composite. The highest societal -value seems to result from a harmonious combination -of the four values enumerated. The best -member of society is he in whom the intellectual, -moral, economic, and physical values are more or -less equally and harmoniously represented.</p> - -<p>11. Sumner divided society into five main -classes.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-10" href="#Footnote_XVIII-10" class="fnanchor">XVIII-10</a> (1) The masses represent social mediocrity.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_312">312</span> -They are of average social usefulness. (2) -Then there are the dependent and defective classes—a -drag upon society but not harmful or vicious. -(3) The delinquent classes are grossly harmful. -They are anti-social and a grievous burden. (4) -Above the masses there are the people of talent, -and (5) above the talented are the geniuses. “A -man of talent, practical sense, industry, perseverance, -and moral principle is worth more to society -than a genius who is not morally responsible, or -not industrious.”<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-11" href="#Footnote_XVIII-11" class="fnanchor">XVIII-11</a></p> - -<p>It is a mistake to think of the masses as being -at the base of society; they are located at the core. -They are traditional, conservative, and the bearers -of the <em>mores</em>. The lowest sections of the masses -are a dead weight of ignorance, disease, and crime.</p> - -<p>12. A social institution is composed of an idea, -notion, or interest, and a resultant structure. The -primary institutions are property, marriage, and -religion.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-12" href="#Footnote_XVIII-12" class="fnanchor">XVIII-12</a> These began as folkways; they became -customs. Social institutions can be modified only -when the <em>mores</em> are changed; they develop rituals, -which are ceremonious, solemn, and strongest when -perfunctory and when exciting no thought.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-13" href="#Footnote_XVIII-13" class="fnanchor">XVIII-13</a></p> - -<p>Sumner boldly asserted that nothing but might -has ever made right, and that nothing but might -makes right now.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-14" href="#Footnote_XVIII-14" class="fnanchor">XVIII-14</a> The fact that property began -in force is not proof that property is an unjust -institution. Marriage and religion also began in -force, but the element of justice in the existence<span class="pagenum" id="Page_313">313</span> -of these institutions is not seriously questioned today. -Sumner, however, did not discriminate between -force as an agent or a tool, and force as a -primary cause. He did not distinguish clearly between -hate and love as the dynamic factors behind -action that is decisive. He did not set forth the -distinction between harsh, material, immutable -force and a kindly, spiritual, attracting love.</p> - -<p>13. The persistency of folkways and <em>mores</em> is -illustrated in a thousand ways by Sumner. He described -(1) their slow variability under changed -life conditions, (2) their sudden variability under -revolutionary conditions, (3) the possibility of -changing them by intelligent action, (4) the problems -involved in adjusting one’s self to the <em>mores</em> -of another group, (5) the conflicts between the -<em>mores</em> of different groups.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-15" href="#Footnote_XVIII-15" class="fnanchor">XVIII-15</a></p> - -<p>The <em>mores</em> are powerful engines of societal selection. -The most important fact about the <em>mores</em> -is the power which they exert over the individual. -He does not know their source. He is born into -them. He accepts them in his early years uncritically. -His habits and character are moulded by them. -If in adult life he challenges them, he is ostracized -by his group, labeled unpatriotic, and even trodden -under foot.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-16" href="#Footnote_XVIII-16" class="fnanchor">XVIII-16</a> The <em>mores</em> develop powerful watch-words, -slogans, and even epithets of contempt and -disapproval which only the most independent and -courageous individuals dare to face.</p> - -<p>14. Ideals are entirely unscientific, declared<span class="pagenum" id="Page_314">314</span> -Sumner.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-17" href="#Footnote_XVIII-17" class="fnanchor">XVIII-17</a> They are phantasies little connected with -fact. They are often formed to pacify the restless, -or to escape settling a question justly in the present. -The “poor” are told to look to the next life for their -rewards. The radicals are urged to accept the -Christian virtues of meekness and lowliness. Ideals -are useful, chiefly, in homiletics, in self-education -<i xml:lang="la" lang="la">via</i> auto-suggestion, in satisfying vanity, in marriage. -In these observations, Sumner undoubtedly -pointed out genuine weaknesses in ideals. He underestimated -the psychological fact that they spring -from the very real affective phases of consciousness, -and that they can be projected rationally. He -was right, however, in deploring the chasm which -exists between ideals and practices, and in showing -how ideals may become encysted in literature although -not in the <em>mores</em>. “The Greeks proved that -people could sink very low while talking very -nobly.”</p> - -<p>Immorality is conduct contrary to the <em>mores</em> of -the time and place.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-18" href="#Footnote_XVIII-18" class="fnanchor">XVIII-18</a> Chastity is conformity to the -current taboo on the sex relation. “Modesty is reserve -of behavior and sentiment.” Even “nakedness -is never shameful when it is unconscious,” that -is, when there is no consciousness of a difference -between fact and the rule set by the <em>mores</em>.</p> - -<p>Sumner deduced an important principle when he -asserted that the “<em>mores</em> can make anything right.” -The <em>mores</em> give usages a certain order and form, -and cover them with a protecting mantle of propriety.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_315">315</span> -The sanction of the <em>mores</em> is utilized by -the class in power in order to maintain the established -régime, even though it be one of injustice.</p> - -<p>Sumner decried the importance which is ordinarily -attached to book learning,<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-19" href="#Footnote_XVIII-19" class="fnanchor">XVIII-19</a> because it is addressed -to the intellect rather than to the feelings -which are the springs of action. The real education -is that which comes through personal influence and -example. It is derived from “the habits and atmosphere -of a school, not from the school textbooks.”</p> - -<p>15. Despite Sumner’s failure to appreciate the -significance of a thoroughgoing psychological approach -to an analysis of folkways, his description -of these societal phenomena constitutes a unique -and valuable contribution to social thought. Sumner’s -rigorous attitude toward social life did not -permit him to enter into an extensive interpretation -of the folkways in the light of folk ideals. He dealt -with what <em>is</em> to the exclusion of what <em>ought to be</em>. -He saw the past so clearly, and the present so much -as a reflection of the past, that no enheartening -forward look was possible. He rested his theories -on the inexorable work of the laws of biological -evolution, modified chiefly by his belief in a strong -individualism.</p> - -<p>Sumner’s fundamental theses have been developed -and modified by A. G. Kellor. Professor -Kellor has projected the Darwinian principles of -variation, selection, transmission, and adaptation -into societal concepts. In fact, he has done this so<span class="pagenum" id="Page_316">316</span> -well that he has given the Darwinian principles full -sway, not allowing sufficiently for the rise and -operation of complex psychic principles. He has -made the folkways the connecting link between -organic and societal evolution, but has not noted -fully the new, countless, and often intangible but -powerful factors by which societal evolution is -characterized.</p> - -<p>16. The rôle that concepts of conduct have -played in the evolution of society, has been analyzed -by E. A. Westermarck and L. T. Hobhouse. The -former is usually known as an anthropologist, and -the latter as a sociologist. Professor Westermarck -has shown that, strictly speaking, a custom is not -merely the habit of a certain group of people; it -also involves a rule of conduct.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-21" href="#Footnote_XVIII-21" class="fnanchor">XVIII-21</a> It possesses two -characteristics—habitualness and obligatoriness.</p> - -<p>Not every public habit, however, is a custom, involving -an obligation.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-22" href="#Footnote_XVIII-22" class="fnanchor">XVIII-22</a> There may be certain practices -which are more or less common in society, but -which at the same time are generally condemned. -The disapproval of these is as a rule not very deep -or genuine.</p> - -<p>Dr. Westermarck has indicated that there is a -close similarity between the conscience of a community -and of an individual.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-23" href="#Footnote_XVIII-23" class="fnanchor">XVIII-23</a> If a group commits -a sin twice, it is likely to be considered allowable. -In order to get at the real nature of societal life, -the “bad habits” as well as the professed opinions -of groups must be examined.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_317">317</span></p> - -<p>“Society” says Dr. Westermarck, “is the birthplace -of the moral consciousness.”<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-24" href="#Footnote_XVIII-24" class="fnanchor">XVIII-24</a> Emotions -which are felt by the community at large tend to -take the form of conduct standards. The moral -emotions lead to a variety of moral concepts. -These fall into two main classes: concepts of disapproval, -such as the concepts, bad, vice, wrong; -and concepts of approval, such as good, virtue, and -merit.</p> - -<p>Professor Westermarck is convinced of the -tremendous influence that religious beliefs have -exerted upon the moral ideas of mankind.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-25" href="#Footnote_XVIII-25" class="fnanchor">XVIII-25</a> This -influence has been exceedingly varied. Religion has -taught the principles of love and yet has indulged -in cruel persecutions. It has condemned murder -and yet been a party to child sacrifice. “It has emphasized -the duty of truth-speaking, and has itself -been a cause of pious fraud.” Professor Westermarck -has contributed to social thought not only in -his valuable descriptions of the rise and evolution -of moral ideas, but also in his <i>History of Human -Marriage</i>, to which reference will be made in <a href="#Chapter_XXIV">Chapter -XXIV</a>.</p> - -<p>The writings of L. T. Hobhouse reveal a thorough, -comparative study of the conduct rules of -mankind. Professor Hobhouse has described the -evolution of ethical consciousness as displayed in -the habits, customs, and principles that have arisen -in human history for the regulation of human conduct. -He has shown how, in the lowest forms of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_318">318</span> -the organic world, behavior is regulated, and directed -to some purpose.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-27" href="#Footnote_XVIII-27" class="fnanchor">XVIII-27</a> This behavior is somewhat -definitely determined by the structure of the -organism itself.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-28" href="#Footnote_XVIII-28" class="fnanchor">XVIII-28</a></p> - -<p>There are three forces which may be called -social, or which tend to keep society together. -These social bonds are: (1) the principle of kinship, -(2) the principle of authority, and (3) the -principle of citizenship.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-29" href="#Footnote_XVIII-29" class="fnanchor">XVIII-29</a> Kinship is the moving -force in primitive society. The principle of authority -becomes prominent when one tribe captures and -enslaves a weaker group. This principle is also invoked -in order to secure an integration of openly -diverse attitudes within the group, even of modern -national groups. It is exemplified in the various -forms of absolutism in government. The principle -of citizenship finds expression when certain individuals -within the group are delegated to perform -as servants and ministers of the public as a whole.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-30" href="#Footnote_XVIII-30" class="fnanchor">XVIII-30</a> -Personal rights and the common good are the two -reigning ideals. Every individual is recognized as -having a right to the conditions requisite for the -full development of his social personality. The -good in life consists “in the bringing out into full -bloom of those capacities of each individual which -help to maintain the common life.”<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-31" href="#Footnote_XVIII-31" class="fnanchor">XVIII-31</a> The third -principle, that of citizenship, when carried to its -conclusion reveals the possibility of a world state.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-32" href="#Footnote_XVIII-32" class="fnanchor">XVIII-32</a></p> - -<p>It is the contention of Professor Hobhouse that -there is a close connection between the growth of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_319">319</span> -law and justice and the prevalent forms of social -organization. Organized law has developed out of -a sense of community responsibility, which, however, -has expressed itself as a rule in crude ways, -and without distinguishing between accident and -design. This sense of community responsibility in -primitive groups tends to hold in check the spirit -of anarchy and of self-redress. Sooner or later, -the method of community self-redress yields to the -authority of a chief or of a council representing -the whole community.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-33" href="#Footnote_XVIII-33" class="fnanchor">XVIII-33</a> Ultimately the community -develops a special social organ for adjusting disputes -and preventing crime. It is then that the -ethical idea becomes separated from the conflicting -passions of the collectivity. Thus, the foundations -are laid for true judicial inquiry by evidence and -genuine proof, and for a system of scientific public -justice.</p> - -<p>17. In applying the principles of folk psychology -to the anthropologic field, William Wundt -has developed a new method and new theories. -Folk psychology is the study of “the relations -which the intellectual, moral, and other mental -characteristics of peoples sustain to one another.”<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-34" href="#Footnote_XVIII-34" class="fnanchor">XVIII-34</a> -The term was originated by Lazarus and Steinthal, -whose works will be referred to again in <a href="#Chapter_XXII">Chapter -XXII</a>. In the masterpiece on the <i>Elements of -Folk Psychology</i>, Wundt has given a psychological -description of the main processes and institutions -in society, tracing them from their beginnings in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_320">320</span> -the processes of nature; he has made a survey of -human progress. His study opens with a discussion -of the processes which produced the digging stick, -the club, and the hammer; it ends with an analysis -of world empire, world culture, world religions, and -world history. The intervening ages are the totemic -and the age of heroes and gods.</p> - -<p>World empire affected primarily the material -aspects of the life of peoples. It led to world intercourse, -which in turn multiplied the needs of peoples. -These multiplied needs were followed by exchanges -of the means of satisfying the needs. The -external and material phases of culture are survived -by the spiritual phases—thus world culture -is a sequence of world empire. It may be said that -the vicissitudes of peoples under the rule of the -world empire idea brings forth a unified history. -World culture in turn creates a common mental -heritage for mankind.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-36" href="#Footnote_XVIII-36" class="fnanchor">XVIII-36</a></p> - -<p>In the establishment of a world culture, world -religions are the leading forces. They have been -foremost in creating the idea of a universal human -community. In particular, Christianity is based on -a belief in a God who makes no distinction between -race or class or occupation. Consequently, “it has -regarded missionary activity among heathen peoples -as a task whose purpose it is finally to unite -the whole of mankind beneath the cross of Christ.”<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-37" href="#Footnote_XVIII-37" class="fnanchor">XVIII-37</a></p> - -<p>For a long time in human history, religious -development was considered to be the main connecting<span class="pagenum" id="Page_321">321</span> -link—such was the contention of St. Augustine. -In 1725, Vico argued that the development -of language and jurisprudence is of universal import.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-38" href="#Footnote_XVIII-38" class="fnanchor">XVIII-38</a> -Finally, world history has become an account -of the mental life of peoples—“a psychological -account of the development of mankind.”</p> - -<p>18. The work of Professor Wundt is similar in -many ways, although characterized by a distinctive -starting point and by many differences, to the contributions -of Franz Boas and W. I. Thomas. Professor -Boas has declared his belief in man’s ability -to dominate the laws of organic evolution as expressed -in human life. He has brought forward -a large amount of evidence in support of the theory -that environment has caused differences between -races. He has pointed out that race prejudice is -largely a product of social environment, and that -under changed conditions of life it has little place -in the world. Boas is a strong advocate of the -theory, already advanced in this chapter, that all -races are potentially equal in ability, and that they -would demonstrate the truth of this statement, if -given a common cultural background and social -opportunities. He has advanced the idea that “the -organization of mind is practically identical among -all races of men.”<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-39" href="#Footnote_XVIII-39" class="fnanchor">XVIII-39</a></p> - -<p>Professor Boas has amassed considerable evidence -to show that in the matter of inhibition of -impulses, of power of attention, of ability to do -original thinking, primitive man compares favorably<span class="pagenum" id="Page_322">322</span> -with civilized man. Inasmuch as the social -environment is powerful and education is effective -in making over social environments, education can -raise all races to the same high level, and at the -same time unify them upon the same knowledge -bases. This contention is similar to the position -that Professor Hobhouse has made clear, namely: -“While race has been relatively stagnant, society -has rapidly developed.” Moreover, social progress -is determined not by alterations or racial type, but -by modifications of social cultures.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-40" href="#Footnote_XVIII-40" class="fnanchor">XVIII-40</a> These modifications -are caused primarily by the interactions of -social causes.</p> - -<p>19. Noteworthy pioneering in the field of social -anthropology and social origins has been done by -W. I. Thomas. He has developed the theory that -progress results from “crises.”<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-41" href="#Footnote_XVIII-41" class="fnanchor">XVIII-41</a> As long as life -runs along smoothly, a lack of interest is likely to -ensue. The result is ennui. But a crisis in any of -the life processes arouses the attention, that is, produces -a concentration of psychic energy. A disturbance -of any habit is a crisis. When the exigences -of the crisis are solved through a focalization -of consciousness, the situation is said to be -controlled by the individual, who again lapses into -a state of disinterestedness until another disturbance -of habit occurs. The new method of control -will be imitated. If imitated widely, it will mark a -rise in the level of civilization.</p> - -<p>It will be observed at once that the power of attention<span class="pagenum" id="Page_323">323</span> -to meet crises is largely an individual matter -and that the rôle of the individual is very -important. The group level of culture limits the -power of the mind to meet crises and to make -adjustments.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-42" href="#Footnote_XVIII-42" class="fnanchor">XVIII-42</a> The mind is limited by the psychic -fund which the group already possesses. If there -is no knowledge of mathematics in the group, then -a large banking system is impossible. Crises, attention, -control—these are the three leading concepts -in Thomas’ theory of social origins.</p> - -<p>Control is the object of all purposeful activity.<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-43" href="#Footnote_XVIII-43" class="fnanchor">XVIII-43</a> -It is the end, and attention is the means. An animal -differs from a plant in that it has a superior control -over a larger environment than does the plant. -“It does not wait for food, but goes after it.” Man -differs from an animal partly in the fact that his -fore limbs are free to secure new and varied forms -of control. Moreover, man through his mind has a -superior instrument of control. By the use of -knowledge, mind is effective in controlling factors -that are present in neither time nor space. Through -its inventions, such as language, religious creeds, -mechanical appliances, forms of government, man -has risen to a high level of civilization.</p> - -<p>Thomas has analyzed the social process in terms -of social attitude and social values. An attitude is -a process of individual consciousness that determines -“the real or possible activity of the individual -in the social world.”<a id="FNanchor_XVIII-45" href="#Footnote_XVIII-45" class="fnanchor">XVIII-45</a> A social value, on the other -hand, is any datum that has an empirical content<span class="pagenum" id="Page_324">324</span> -accessible to the members of a social group and a -meaning which may make it an object of activity. -Activity is thus the bond between a social attitude -and a social value. The value is the meaning which -a material or spiritual datum may have. An attitude -is a real or implied going out after value. -Social psychology is the science of social attitudes. -At this point anthropologic social thought has -merged into social psychology.</p> - -<p>Until twenty-five years ago, anthropology interpreted -societary origins pretty largely in terms of -the individual. With the use of a social psychology -such as Cooley represents, “anthropology has given -more accurate explanations and become essentially -a social anthropology.”</p> - -<p>Before we discuss the different phases of psycho-sociologic -thought, it will be well to make clear the -recent advances that have been made in the biologic -phases of social thought. The center of attention -in this field is the relation of the laws of heredity -to human progress, which constitutes the problem -in eugenics. A discussion of eugenic social thought -will bring forward in a scientific way the chief elements -of an intellectual situation that was left, in -<a href="#Chapter_XVI">Chapter XVI</a>, in the unsatisfactory Spencerian -formulae. A presentation of eugenic social thought -will give a valuable background to the discussion -which follows concerning psycho-sociologic -thought.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_325">325</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_325"><span class="smcap" id="Chapter_XIX">Chapter XIX</span><br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Eugenic Sociology</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>Eugenic social thought is the child of biological -discoveries. Eugenics, the science of good breeding, -which did not achieve scientific standing until -the closing years of the last century, may be traced -back in its incipient forms to Plato, who advocated -that strength should mate only with strength, and -that imperfect children should be eliminated from -society. In its scientific origins eugenics dates from -1859, when Darwin’s <i>Origin of Species</i> was first -published. Its beginning as a distinct field of human -thinking is found in the articles by Francis -Galton on “Hereditary Talent and Genius,” which -appeared in 1865; and in 1869, in book form under -the title, <i>Hereditary Genius</i>.<a id="FNanchor_XIX-1" href="#Footnote_XIX-1" class="fnanchor">XIX-1</a></p> - -<p>Eugenic social thought deals with the operation -of the laws of heredity in society. It was a part of -this field which Francis Galton made world-known -by his treatises on <i>Hereditary Genius</i> and <i>Inquiries -into the Human Faculty</i>.<a id="FNanchor_XIX-2" href="#Footnote_XIX-2" class="fnanchor">XIX-2</a> In 1904, Galton wrote a -paper entitled: “Eugenics; Its Definition, Scope and -Aims.” In this dissertation the new science of -eugenics was formally introduced to the world. -Gabon’s analysis of eugenics became its leading<span class="pagenum" id="Page_326">326</span> -interpretation.<a id="FNanchor_XIX-3" href="#Footnote_XIX-3" class="fnanchor">XIX-3</a></p> - -<p>The mantle of the founder fell upon Professor -Karl Pearson, whose work at times has assumed a -distinctly statistical nature. Professor Pearson’s -leaning toward biometry has brought severe criticism -upon him. The statistical approach, while -exact and thought-provoking, is subject to various -errors in interpretation of data. The viewpoint -from which Professor Pearson writes, however, is -not one-sided. For example, he states that “it may -require years to replace a great leader of man, but -a stable and efficient society can only be the outcome -of centuries of development.”<a id="FNanchor_XIX-4" href="#Footnote_XIX-4" class="fnanchor">XIX-4</a> He holds that -group conscience ought for the sake of social welfare -to be stronger than private interest, and that -the ideal citizen should be able to form a judgment -free from personal bias.<a id="FNanchor_XIX-5" href="#Footnote_XIX-5" class="fnanchor">XIX-5</a></p> - -<p>C. W. Saleeby, another English writer, has developed -an independent reputation as a eugenist.<a id="FNanchor_XIX-6" href="#Footnote_XIX-6" class="fnanchor">XIX-6</a> -In the United States, such men as C. B. Davenport<a id="FNanchor_XIX-7" href="#Footnote_XIX-7" class="fnanchor">XIX-7</a> -and Paul Popenoe have made important eugenic -contributions. The recent tendency has been to be -wary of purely statistical studies of heredity and -to rely more definitely upon case studies. However, -since eugenics is directly indebted to the studies of -heredity and since heredity must be investigated for -several generations, eugenic social thought has not -yet developed far.</p> - -<p>Galton defined eugenics as the science of good -breeding. Its aim as a pure science is to study the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_327">327</span> -agencies under social control “that may improve or -impair the racial qualities of future generations, -either physically or mentally.” Galton’s program, -as outlined by the founder shortly before his death, -insisted upon (1) a study of the laws of heredity, -(2) a dissemination of knowledge about heredity, -(3) a study of the factors underlying marriage, -(4) a study of birth rates, and (5) a case study of -individual families.</p> - -<p>Eugenic social thought holds that heredity among -human beings operates according to the same laws -that govern heredity among animals. The theory -of Mendelian units becomes in practice the theory -of multiple factors. The unit characters, upon -analysis, appear to be complex and to be inherited -in complex ways. Multiple factors are inherited -from generation to generation directly when pure -factors are united with pure factors. But when the -pure is united with the hybrid, then the laws of -dominance and recessiveness operate. In such combinations -certain factors tend to express themselves -in greater proportion than do other elements. This -failure to secure expression in a given generation, -however, means that the specific factor is recessive -for the time being. Later, it will likely appear.</p> - -<p>Galton stated another important eugenic law, the -law of regression. Each peculiarity is inherited by -the offspring on the average in a slightly less degree -than it is found in the parent. Hence, according -to Galton, good traits and poor traits alike are<span class="pagenum" id="Page_328">328</span> -inherited in a degree nearer mediocrity by the offspring -than by the parents. This law partially explains -why gifted men rarely have sons who are -equally gifted. The law seems to hold good for -large numbers, but not when considered in relation -to single families. It serves as a check upon variation -and mutation.</p> - -<p>Galton and Pearson advanced another statistical -law, the law of ancestral inheritance. Galton supposed -that the parents contribute to the child one-half -of his inherited factors, the grandparents one-fourth, -and so on. Pearson has secured statistical -evidence which shows that Galton’s geometric series -is incorrect, and that on the average in a large -number of cases the parents together contribute -to the child .624 of his traits; the four grandparents, -.198; the eight great grandparents, .063; and -so on.</p> - -<p>The law of mutation, described by de Vries and -other geneticists, refers to the appearance of mutants, -or individuals who do not reproduce to form -but represent a new line of heredity. In this way -the appearance of genius may often be accounted -for. However, the factors which explain the appearance -of mutants have not yet been analyzed.</p> - -<p>Another fundamental genetic consideration is the -law of selection. If individuals with worthy traits -mate only with individuals who possess worthy -traits, a superior stock will be produced. This tendency -is very important, since it points the way to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_329">329</span> -a potent method of securing social progress.</p> - -<p>Eugenic social thought has been developed in part -on the basis of the Weismann theory of no or slight -transmission of acquired traits. The germ-plasm -is transmitted from individual to offspring in a direct -line of descent. Injuries to the parent rarely -change the nature of the germ-plasm. Only extreme -malnutrition or excessive use of alcohol apparently -exerts a definite influence on the germ -cells. Nature has thus made provision for the -protection of germ-plasm, whether strong or defective. -Society, then, may encourage the mating -of individuals who possess strong physical and mental -traits, and discourages the mating of individuals -who are defective—thus securing its own positive -improvement.</p> - -<p>Eugenic social thought follows two courses. Restrictive -eugenics advocates the segregation of the -so-called dysgenic classes, such as the feeble-minded, -the insane, and the grossly defective criminal. -Public opinion reacts against sterilization; -injustice that cannot be remedied may be done -through the use of sterilization. Segregation by -sexes, while involving expense, is a satisfactory -eugenic method of safeguarding society against the -reproduction of dysgenic persons.</p> - -<p>The other trend of eugenic thought supports the -raising of the standards of choice in mating. Constructive -eugenics, as distinguished from restrictive -eugenics, urges a program of education whereby<span class="pagenum" id="Page_330">330</span> -young people will habitually rate one another by -physical and mental standards rather than by -wealth and class standards.</p> - -<p>Eugenics disapproves of random mating. It -favors assortative mating, because, for example, -the “marriage of representatives of two long-lived -strains ensures that the offspring will inherit more -longevity than does the ordinary man.”<a id="FNanchor_XIX-9" href="#Footnote_XIX-9" class="fnanchor">XIX-9</a> Eugenics -thus stresses the importance of teaching young -people eugenic ideas, and of training them to be -guided by these ideals rather than by caprice and -passion.<a id="FNanchor_XIX-10" href="#Footnote_XIX-10" class="fnanchor">XIX-10</a> Eugenic ideals include health, paternity -and maternity, and pleasing disposition. Education -and character are secondary eugenic ideals of importance.</p> - -<p>A study of the birth rate shows that the inferior -stocks and classes of individuals produce many -more children than do the superior groups. Many -cultured people do not marry, or if they marry they -keep the birth rate very low. As a result, the racial -character of a whole people may change within a -few generations. The superior strains may be lost -and the inferior furnish the entire population.</p> - -<p>The low birth rate of the superior stocks is due -to several factors: (1) The lengthening period of -education and of professional training calls for the -postponement of marriage. (2) The desire to give -children the best advantages limits the birth rate. -(3) The increasing spirit of independence on the -part of women causes a postponement of marriage<span class="pagenum" id="Page_331">331</span> -and a limitation of the number of children. These -and other causes have produced a differential birth -rate in favor of the inferior strains. Eugenic -thought urges that the differential be reversed in -favor of the superior strains. This conclusion implies -that the dysgenic classes must be prevented -from producing children, that the poor must be -raised to higher educational and economic levels and -taught to limit the birth rate, and that the eugenically -superior be taught to increase the birth rate.</p> - -<p>Eugenics pronounces war to be both dysgenic and -eugenic.<a id="FNanchor_XIX-11" href="#Footnote_XIX-11" class="fnanchor">XIX-11</a> (1) It is dysgenic in that the bravest -and the physically best are killed first. In the case -of a long war only the weakest men physically and -mentally are left alive to propagate the race. (2) -War is dysgenic in that it produces a large number -of hurried marriages. Rational choices of mates -are supplanted by sudden emotional reactions. (3) -War is dysgenic in that sex immorality greatly increases. -Prostitution flourishes in the neighborhood -of military encampments, unless rigid means -of control are established. (4) Again, the dysgenic -effect of war is seen in the period of socio-mental -unrest which always follows war, and which -among other things undermines rational sexual selection.</p> - -<p>The chief eugenic effect of war is manifested -during the period of training. This preparation -period accents the importance of a strong physique -and health measures. An insipid, stoop-shouldered<span class="pagenum" id="Page_332">332</span> -population of city young men may be transformed -into an army of fit soldiers. However, the conclusions -are obvious that the dysgenic effects of war -are far more potent than the eugenic gains, and that -the eugenic advantages may he acquired in other -ways than by promulgating war.</p> - -<p>Eugenics looks askance at the feminism movement. -Feminism once meant the development of -the womanly traits of the sex. It now refers to the -elimination as far as possible of sex differences. -It would make women as nearly as possible like -men. Eugenics objects to this trend, since it underestimates -the importance of the fact that women -physically are built to be mothers. To the extent -that women enter into all the occupations, they will -become men-like; and their efficiency as mothers of -the race will decrease, and the race will suffer.</p> - -<p>The economic equality of the sexes is a satisfactory -doctrine to the eugenist if the doctrine is extended -to make motherhood a salaried occupation, -like mill work or stenography.<a id="FNanchor_XIX-12" href="#Footnote_XIX-12" class="fnanchor">XIX-12</a> “Child-bearing -should be recognized as being as worthy of remuneration -as any occupation which men enter, and -should be paid for (by the state) on the same -basis.”<a id="FNanchor_XIX-13" href="#Footnote_XIX-13" class="fnanchor">XIX-13</a></p> - -<p>Eugenics would throw every possible safeguard -around motherhood, especially in the period immediately -before and after the birth of the child. The -mother, even the expectant mother, “is doing our -business, indispensable and exacting business, and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_333">333</span> -we must take care of her accordingly. She is not -only a worker but the foremost of all workers.”<a id="FNanchor_XIX-14" href="#Footnote_XIX-14" class="fnanchor">XIX-14</a></p> - -<p>Eugenic thought as represented in the writings -of C. W. Saleeby has denominated alcohol, venereal -disease, and tuberculosis as “racial poisons.” While -there is some doubt regarding the eugenic effects -of taking small amounts of alcohol into the human -body, eugenists are agreed that alcohol, when taken -in excess quantities, affects the germ-plasm and produces -a neurotic taint. It appears that alcoholism -may be a cause in producing defective children. -The verdicts of hygiene and economics that alcoholism -is injurious to the race is supported by eugenics.</p> - -<p>Venereal disease, another so-called racial poison, -produces toxins which apparently affect the germ-plasm -indirectly if not directly. It lowers the -physical and moral tone and causes unfavorable -racial tendencies. Venereal disease tends to destroy -the generative organs and to cut off the birth rate -entirely. It is a result of sex immorality which in -itself tends to produce children under such abnormal -conditions of vice that it becomes an anti-social, -if not a dysgenic factor, in society. To the extent -of course, that venereal disease kills off the racially -useless, it may be considered eugenic.<a id="FNanchor_XIX-15" href="#Footnote_XIX-15" class="fnanchor">XIX-15</a> Such a -point of view, however, fails to rate properly the -invasions which venereal disease is continually -making upon normal and superior types of germ-plasm.</p> - -<p>Tuberculosis weakens the membranous tissues<span class="pagenum" id="Page_334">334</span> -and probably leads in a few generations to an unusual -degree of susceptibility to the invasion of -tubercle bacilli. It is still a question, however, to -what extent tuberculosis may be counted a racial -poison. Professor Hobhouse has argued that, by the -development of scientific hygiene, it will be possible -to center attention not upon eliminating a tubercular -stock but upon eliminating the tubercle bacilli.<a id="FNanchor_XIX-16" href="#Footnote_XIX-16" class="fnanchor">XIX-16</a></p> - -<p>In regard to race questions the social anthropologist -and the eugenist represent different poles -of thought. As was indicated in the preceding -chapter, the social anthropologists, such as Boas -and Thomas, support the theory of potential race -equality. The eugenist, on the other hand, contends -that there are inherently superior and inferior -racial stocks, and that the marriages of representatives -of inferior stocks with representatives of -superior stocks will produce children of a stock distinctly -lower than that of the superior stocks. The -eugenists in the United States hold that the immigration -of the southern and eastern peoples of Europe -will not only supplant through a higher birth -rate the native stock of Nordic origin but, where -marriages between natives and southern and eastern -European immigrants occur, it will lower the racial -quality of the population. While eugenic thought -in this matter deserves a complete and respectful -hearing, it must be considered along with the findings -of social anthropology.</p> - -<p>Eugenic thought opposes the miscegenation of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_335">335</span> -the Caucasian and African. The Negro, it is contended, -is not only different from the Caucasian -but as a rule is eugenically inferior, judged by -the achievements of the Negro. Moreover, the -eugenist interprets the anthropological tests to -show that the innate ability of a colored man “is -proportionate to the amount of white blood he has.” -The conclusion of eugenics is that “in general the -white race loses and the Negro gains from miscegenation,”<a id="FNanchor_XIX-17" href="#Footnote_XIX-17" class="fnanchor">XIX-17</a>—as -far as the germinal natures of -the two races are concerned. The eugenist would -forbid all intermarriage between the races, and urge -that the taboo against sexual intercourse between -the races be extended.</p> - -<p>In the light of eugenic thought genealogy may -become scientific, in fact, it may become a valuable -source of scientific materials for eugenics. Heretofore -genealogy has been the concern of a few -leisure-class people, who have taken pleasure and -pride in recounting the fact that some one of a -possible thousand or more ancestors several generations -back was distinguished in some way or other, -and who would have friends or the public believe -that they inherited from this ancestor of note the -characteristics which made him great. Eugenics -points out a nobler purpose to which genealogy may -be put. It urges that mental and physical traits of -every individual in all families be carefully analyzed -and accurately and systematically recorded. In this -way it will be possible in a generation to have available<span class="pagenum" id="Page_336">336</span> -a large amount of eugenic materials, and in a -few generations a reliable body of data for studying -racial heredity.</p> - -<p>The debate regarding the comparative influences -of nature and nurture has been long and bitter. -It may be said here that both heredity and environment -are more or less equally essential in the development -of human personality. Without inherited -factors in the individual the environment has -nothing upon which to work. Without a stimulating -environment the inherited traits will remain -dormant. Each human being has inherited factors -which, if played upon by certain environmental factors, -may lead the individual to try to wreck society -or himself or both. Every person, also, has traits -which, if stimulated by the proper environmental -elements may cause him to develop into a useful -member of society. While the environment cannot -change the inherited potentialities very much, if -any, it is a prime factor of vast importance in determining -which inherited tendencies will never find -expression, which will be expressed in modified -ways, and which will reach full fruition. Eugenics -insists with increasing force that educational programs -shall provide that every child be not only well -reared but also well born. A weakness in eugenic -thought is that it implies that sound racial stock is -sufficient to guarantee progress; it tends at times -to overstress an aristocracy of racial stock. It -sometimes detracts from the importance of character<span class="pagenum" id="Page_337">337</span> -and moral discipline as essential elements in -social progress.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_338">338</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_338"><span class="smcap" id="Chapter_XX">Chapter XX</span><br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Conflict Theories in Sociology</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>The concept of social conflict has already been -introduced to the reader. In the chapter on Individualistic -Social Thought the prolonged struggle -between individual rights and genuine social control -was analyzed. Malthus described the conflict -between population and the means of subsistence. -Comte insisted that man is not naturally a social -being. Hence this unsocial nature of mankind is -a fruitful source of human conflict. Marx pictured -the class struggle; and Darwin elaborated the doctrine -of the survival of the fittest.</p> - -<p>The slightest grasp of social thought reveals the -fact that human association is characterized at -times by deep-seated and subtle conflicts; and at -other times by a fundamental co-operative spirit. -Some sociological writers have seen only or chiefly -the conflicts of life; others have sought out the co-operative -activities; still others have tried to discover -the relationships between conflict and co-operation -in societal development. This chapter -will deal with the concept of social conflict, while -the next chapter will be centered on the ideal of -social co-operation and upon the relationship of conflict<span class="pagenum" id="Page_339">339</span> -to co-operation in group processes.</p> - -<p>One of the outstanding believers in the theory -that conflict dominates societal life was Ludwig -Gumplowicz (1838–1910). His system of thought -begins with the assertion that primitive hordes were -the original units of society. Gumplowicz dissented -from Herbert Spencer’s belief in the individual as -the original societary unit, although he accepted the -determinism that is inherent in Spencer’s theory of -evolution. Gumplowicz also repudiated Comte’s -belief in social amelioration through prevision, but -subscribed to Comte’s positivism.</p> - -<p>According to Gumplowicz, society began with a -large number of primitive groups, which were self-sustaining -and self-conscious units. Each one of -these hordes was a warring group, possessing an -instinctive hatred of all other hordes.<a id="FNanchor_XX-1" href="#Footnote_XX-1" class="fnanchor">XX-1</a> As these -hordes increased in size, the general food supply -failed to meet the needs. Consequently, inter-group -struggle resulted and the members of the weaker -hordes were either destroyed or enslaved. The -existence of slaves led to situations of intra-group -inequality, which in turn created problems involving -justice and injustice.</p> - -<p>As a result of continual conflicts between groups, -there are frequent changes taking place in their -personnel. The vanquished are continually being -absorbed by victorious groups. In a given successful -group two classes are at once established, -namely, the victors and the vanquished. Classes<span class="pagenum" id="Page_340">340</span> -are thus continually arising out of new juxtapositions -of heterogeneous racial elements.<a id="FNanchor_XX-2" href="#Footnote_XX-2" class="fnanchor">XX-2</a></p> - -<p>It was in an intense form of group self-interest -that Gumplowicz found the mainspring of social -progress. This self-interest leads to an exaggerated -group appraisement, a strong degree of -group unity, a state of warfare between groups—and -perhaps progress. Basic to this group self-interest, -there are the material needs of the members -of the group; the economic desires and the -occupational interests; and the moral and spiritual -tendencies. The group is bound together by various -factors, such as a common social life, a common -language, religion, and culture.</p> - -<p>Gumplowicz advocated a theory of potential race -equality. He argued against innate racial superiority -and racial inferiority. He doubted the existence -of any pure races. Each race is a compound -of other races, and hence races are potentially -similar in fundamental respects. National progress, -therefore, holds no connection with race purity.</p> - -<p>Gumplowicz minimized the importance of the -individual. Society rules. Centuries of traditions -dominate. The thoughts of the individual are -almost, if not entirely, a mere reflection of the social -environment. The group develops group pride or -group disloyalty in the minds of its members. The -distinguished leader is largely the man who expresses -the will of the group during the group -crisis. Gumplowicz makes only a brief reference<span class="pagenum" id="Page_341">341</span> -to the process of interaction between the individual -and the group.<a id="FNanchor_XX-3" href="#Footnote_XX-3" class="fnanchor">XX-3</a> An underlying theory of natural -determinism vitiates much of Gumplowicz’s ideas -concerning the individual.</p> - -<p>Inasmuch as society, like individuals, passes -through a cycle of growth and decay, subject to -unchangeable natural and societary laws, there is -no justification for individual interference with -social processes. In fact, this theory led Gumplowicz -into pessimistic conclusions concerning life. -He failed to see that societal life is not necessarily -a series of hopeless cyclical conflicts, and that social -processes are becoming increasingly subject to -human control—for good or ill. He did not appreciate -the fact that groups are not subject to laws -of cyclical growth and decay after the manner of -individuals. Hence, his conflict theory of societal -life ended in confusion and pessimism.</p> - -<p>A reference was made in <a href="#Chapter_XI">Chapter XI</a> to the -theories of Friedrich Nietzsche (1844–1900). This -German philosopher developed the idea of social -conflict, basing it on the concept of the “will to -power.” Leaders desire power. They enjoy to -exercise power and they thrive under that exercise. -Jealousy of the leaders arises. The weaker members -of society join together against the possessors -of power. They develop a will to power, but of a -weaker type than that of the leaders. Conflicts -ensue between the will to power of the superior and -the will to power of the inferior.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_342">342</span></p> - -<p>The superior and the inferior types each possess -a distinctive code of morality.<a id="FNanchor_XX-4" href="#Footnote_XX-4" class="fnanchor">XX-4</a> The supermen -develop a harsh and rigorous attitude toward themselves -and others. They gird and prepare themselves -for the crises of life. They strive to augment -their power. They become self-contained. -They take pride in crushing weakness and in deifying -strength. Their morality stresses those factors -in life which create power. They feel a condescending -pity for the weak. They experience no sense -of responsibility for the inferior classes. Since -supermen are the supreme goal of nature, supermen -feel that all persons and things should contribute -to increasing the power of supermen.<a id="FNanchor_XX-5" href="#Footnote_XX-5" class="fnanchor">XX-5</a> It is -a waste of energy for supermen to give their lives -in behalf of inferior persons. They are interested -only in the welfare of other supermen.</p> - -<p>The morality of the inferior is of a type which -furthers weakness. It accents sympathy. It emphasizes -gregariousness. The inferior create a -slavish, cringing, meek morality. They sacrifice -themselves readily and humbly in behalf of others -who may be inferior to themselves.</p> - -<p>Nietzsche believed in a eugenics program. He -declared that marriages should be arranged with a -view to producing supermen. Nietzsche’s deterministic -view of natural evolution led him to believe, -however, that equality of privileges is unattainable. -He opposed democracy because its -theory of equal opportunities contradicts the tendencies<span class="pagenum" id="Page_343">343</span> -of nature. He was no socialist. He asserted -that an aristocracy of power is the only true -goal for society. He carried forward the ruthless -biological laws of tooth and fang into his conception -of the highest types of civilization.</p> - -<p>Moreover, the superman is a biological mutant. -He appears sporadically. At this point Nietzsche’s -inconsistency becomes obvious. For example, if -geniuses appear sporadically and without reference -to biological laws, why attempt to arrange marriages -so as to produce supermen? To get himself -out of the dilemma, Nietzsche postulated cyclical -returns of supermen and lost his bearings in trying -to interpret an endless circular movement in social -evolution, endlessly repeating itself. In an applied -form Nietzsche’s philosophy has appeared in German -political life, but to the defeat of Germany.</p> - -<p>In starting points, Nietzsche and Gumplowicz -were widely different. Nietzsche began with an -apotheosis of the man of power and extolled the -achievements of supermen. Gumplowicz had little -place for the individual, even for the most powerful. -Both sets of theories ended in a deterministic -philosophy of individual and social despair.</p> - -<p>An unusually fundamental delineation of social -conflict has been advanced by Simon N. Patten in -his <i>Theory of Social Forces</i>.<a id="FNanchor_XX-6" href="#Footnote_XX-6" class="fnanchor">XX-6</a> Human society is the -product largely of a pain economy in which the -requisites for survival are determined “by the enemies -and pains to be avoided.” In a like manner a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_344">344</span> -pain morality and a pain religion develop. The purpose -of the pain morality is “to keep persons from -committing acts and putting themselves in situations -which lead to destruction.” The pain religion, -likewise, aims to invoke the aid of higher powers -in the human conflict with enemies and death. The -social forces in a pain economy have been builded -up in the form of sets of ideals, instincts, and -habits.</p> - -<p>Society, however, is now in a transition stage—entering -a pleasure economy. A large number of -the sources of pain have been eliminated through -the inventive and administrative phases of civilization. -Dangerous beasts and reptiles, barbarous invasions, -and superstitious interpretations are uncommon -among the advanced human groups.</p> - -<p>No nation, unfortunately, has been able to live -under a pleasure economy. Its members have not -built up sets of instincts, habits, and ideals that -withstand the effects of a pleasure economy. Consequently, -individuals and nations have fallen into -lethargy, vice, and decay. The enemies in a pleasure -economy are found within the individual; these -are as yet unconquered under the allurements of a -pleasure environment. In discussing the conflicts -between these habits and ideals, Dr. Patten may -err in implying that the race once was not in a pain -economy and hence did not originally develop out -of such an environment, but he nevertheless has -analyzed an important societal fact in his pain-pleasure<span class="pagenum" id="Page_345">345</span> -transition concept.</p> - -<p>Another type of conflict theory of society is advanced -by Thomas Nixon Carver. Professor Carver -begins his analysis with a discussion of the conflict -of human interests. Originally all conflicts -were settled on the basis of might. But conflicts -between persons who are beginning to think, sometimes -lead one or each of the contending parties to -a consideration of adjusting the conflict by other -than physical strife. At this point the concept of -justice begins to take form.</p> - -<p>Justice, according to Dr. Carver, is “that system -of adjusting conflicting interests which makes the -group strong and progressive.”<a id="FNanchor_XX-7" href="#Footnote_XX-7" class="fnanchor">XX-7</a> Virtue and -strength are pronounced identical, and strength is -defined “according to its ability to make itself universal.”</p> - -<p>Conflict arises out of scarcity. Where two men -want the same thing, conflict ensues. It is this antagonism -of interests which produces moral problems -and furnishes a basis of determining justice -and injustice. One reason for the lack of supply -of things which people seek is that in society human -wants are unduly expended. If wants could be kept -low and production high, an adaptation of people -to things would take place which would greatly -lessen conflict.</p> - -<p>Conflicts take place in three different fields: (1) -between man and nature, (2) between man and -man, and (3) between the different interests of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_346">346</span> -same man.<a id="FNanchor_XX-8" href="#Footnote_XX-8" class="fnanchor">XX-8</a> If there were no such conflicts, there -would be no moral problems. The result would be -paradise.</p> - -<p>The institutions of property, the family, and the -state have developed out of antagonism of interests, -which in turn, as has been said, is the result of -scarcity. If things were not scarce, no one would -think of claiming property in anything. In a similar -way the kinship group becomes desirous of possessing -property and hence acquires unity. In asserting -that <em>the</em> unifying principle in the family is -an economic one, Dr. Carver espouses a theory of -economic determinism. In fact, he holds that “the -economic problem is the fundamental one, out of -which all other social and moral problems have -grown.”<a id="FNanchor_XX-9" href="#Footnote_XX-9" class="fnanchor">XX-9</a></p> - -<p>Dr. Carver somewhat softens his rigorous social -theories when he admits that there may be a few -people in the world whose feeling of humanity is -strong enough to overbalance an antagonism of interests -and to lead them to treat the world as a normal -individual treats his family.<a id="FNanchor_XX-10" href="#Footnote_XX-10" class="fnanchor">XX-10</a> A world of such -people would make a world of communism. But -such a world is unthinkable, because world-loving -people are social aberrations. The individual whose -altruism is such that he gladly gives his body to a -tiger, is not helping to transform the world into a -world of saints but into a world of tigers.<a id="FNanchor_XX-11" href="#Footnote_XX-11" class="fnanchor">XX-11</a> Extreme -forms of benevolence and meekness constitute -the very food upon which selfishness fattens.<a id="FNanchor_XX-12" href="#Footnote_XX-12" class="fnanchor">XX-12</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_347">347</span></p> - -<p>Professor Carver, therefore, points out two -sources of conflict, namely, scarcity of desirable -things and self-centered appreciation. These two -bases of conflict are fundamentally natural and normal. -Conflicts appear, however, in a great variety -of forms. This classification of the methods of -struggling for existence is fourfold.<a id="FNanchor_XX-13" href="#Footnote_XX-13" class="fnanchor">XX-13</a></p> - -<p>(1) There is a group of conflicts which are primarily -destructive, such as war, robbery, dueling, -sabotage, brawling. These conflicts are all crude, -primitive, brutal. They represent man at his lowest -ebb. They are militant in character, depending -upon the individual’s power to destroy, to harm, or -to inflict pain and injury.<a id="FNanchor_XX-14" href="#Footnote_XX-14" class="fnanchor">XX-14</a></p> - -<p>(2) Deceptive conflicts are of an order slightly -higher than the militant. They include thieving, -swindling, adulteration of goods, false advertising. -They imply a greater degree of intelligence than the -purely destructive types of conflict.</p> - -<p>(3) Another form of conflict is persuasive in -character, for example, political, erotic, commercial, -and legal conflicts. Political competition includes -seeking governmental appointments, running for -office, campaigning for a political party. Erotic -conflicts are in the main different forms of courtship. -Commercial persuasion utilizes the agencies -of advertising and salesmanship. Legal conflicts -include litigations in the courts. In all these illustrations -the individual strives to further his own -interests by his persuative ability. Oftentimes<span class="pagenum" id="Page_348">348</span> -resort is made to cheap persuasive methods, such -as demagogy or political claptrap. Sometimes the -persuasion falls to the level of deception and, occasionally, -to destructive depths.</p> - -<p>(4) The highest form of conflicts are the productive -types. Some productive conflicts refer to -rivalries in producing economic goods; others to -rivalries in rendering service. In his <i>Essays in -Social Justice</i>, Professor Carver discusses three -forms of economic competition at length. Here he -includes competitive production, competitive bargaining, -and competitive consumption of economic -goods. The second class has already been referred -to as commercial persuasion. Competitive production -increases the supply of economic goods and -“always works well.” Competitive consumption, -however, “always works badly.” It means “rivalry -in display, in ostentation, in the effort to outshine -or to outdress all one’s neighbors, or at least not to -be outshone or outdressed by them.” It is usually -deceptive; it has no productive features about it. -It may even assume a form of waste and destruction. -The highest type of conflict is friendly rivalry -in rendering service to other people.</p> - -<p>Professor Carver would have self-interest direct -its efforts toward the welfare of the nation. Since -neither law nor government can eliminate self-interest, -the next best thing is to connect it with -national well-being. Nearly all useful things that -are done in a community are undertaken through<span class="pagenum" id="Page_349">349</span> -self-interest.<a id="FNanchor_XX-15" href="#Footnote_XX-15" class="fnanchor">XX-15</a> Even co-operation is a form of competition.<a id="FNanchor_XX-16" href="#Footnote_XX-16" class="fnanchor">XX-16</a> -The purpose of co-operation is to enable -groups of individuals to compete more effectively -against opposing groups.</p> - -<p>Competition is not an evil in itself. The spirit -which dominates competition is the important thing. -Some people are motivated by the pig-trough philosophy, -which emphasizes struggle for the sake of -possession and consumption of goods. The workbench -philosophy accents “action and not possession, -production and not consumption.”</p> - -<p>These theories, excellent in many particulars, -apparently do not rate at full value the fact that -education and love can and do modify the self-interest -of the individual, and at the same time direct -the attention of the individual toward unselfish -service. In stressing service through achievement -and production, they neglect to emphasize achievement -through service. Competition in rendering -unselfish service is underrated.</p> - -<p>It was Novicow, the Russian sociologist, who -laid bare the alleged benefits of war, showing -that the gains which come from war may be obtained -through other methods of social interaction.<a id="FNanchor_XX-17" href="#Footnote_XX-17" class="fnanchor">XX-17</a> -Novicow argued forcefully that the real -enemies of a group of people are disease germs and -death, not the best people of other nationality -groups. Novicow’s vision enabled him to perceive -the foolishness of men who lock themselves together -in destructive conflict, when the real enemies are<span class="pagenum" id="Page_350">350</span> -microscopic disease bacteria and the gaunt black -specter of death.</p> - -<p>Conflict bulks large in the sociology of Edward -A. Ross. Any interference with the carrying out -of the individual’s plans and with the satisfying of -his interests creates opposition. The best characteristic -of the phenomenon of opposition is that it -awakens and stimulates.<a id="FNanchor_XX-18" href="#Footnote_XX-18" class="fnanchor">XX-18</a> Competition operates -according to psychologic laws; for example, the intensity -of competition varies according (1) to the -degree of personal liberty, (2) to the rate of social -change, and (3) inversely as the efficiency of the -selective agents.<a id="FNanchor_XX-19" href="#Footnote_XX-19" class="fnanchor">XX-19</a></p> - -<p>One of the most important forms of competition -is found in industrialism. The invention and adoption -of the power-driven machine has created an -industrialism which is moulding and transforming -society in startling ways, and which is causing “its -members more and more to cluster at opposite poles -of the social spindle.”<a id="FNanchor_XX-20" href="#Footnote_XX-20" class="fnanchor">XX-20</a> Professor Ross expresses -slight hope that the ownership of industrial capital -will be disseminated through the working class according -to the conflict rules of the present economic -system.</p> - -<p>Other conflict theories will be presented in the -following chapters; for example, the conflict theories -of Gustav Ratzenhofer and Albion W. Small -will be noted in the chapter on co-operation concepts, -and Gabriel Tarde’s analysis of conflict will -be taken up in the discussion of psycho-sociological<span class="pagenum" id="Page_351">351</span> -thought.</p> - -<p>In general, the social conflict doctrines, when -carried to the extreme, fail to recognize that conflict -and co-operation are correlative social processes. -Humanly speaking, one is as old as the other. Both -spring from the deepest types of human needs. -While the earliest types of associative life may -have been characterized by a predominance of conflict, -the highest stages are ruled by the co-operative -spirit. This transition together with the leading -co-operation theories of social progress will be -taken up in the chapter which follows.</p> - -<p>Suffice it to say here that conflict and competition -are essential to social advance. They are both -highly useful when operating in the fields of production -and service.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_352">352</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_352"><span class="smcap" id="Chapter_XXI">Chapter XXI</span><br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Co-operation Theories in Sociology</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>One of the first persons to work out a systematic -interpretation of co-operation was Giovanni Vico -(1668–1744), an Italian philosopher.<a id="FNanchor_XXI-1" href="#Footnote_XXI-1" class="fnanchor">XXI-1</a> Vico rejected -the social contract idea because he believed that it -was a false interpretation of the true principle of -co-operation. The concept of a social contract embodied -an artificial and metaphysical notion of -social life.</p> - -<p>In his chief work, <i>Principles of a New Science -Concerning the Common Nature of Nations</i>, Vico -inaugurated a study of actual social phenomena. -He sought to discover possible social laws. He attempted -to cast aside the accidental social elements -and to organize the regularities of social -phenomena into laws. He searched for the laws -governing the growth and decay of societies. He -undertook to analyze the history of human society.</p> - -<p>Although Vico’s important treatise was not -known outside of Italy until a century and a half -after it was originally published, it contained a -statement of the factor which is basic to any sound -co-operation theory of social progress. Vico was -one of the first writers to describe the principle<span class="pagenum" id="Page_353">353</span> -that all human groups have a common nature. His -comparative studies of human institutions everywhere, -led him always to the belief in the common -mind of mankind, a concept which in recent years -has been ably elaborated by D. G. Brinton. For -this contribution Vico has been called “the father -of sociology.”</p> - -<p>According to Vico, the fundamental social movement -is a gradual unfolding or evolution of social -institutions in response to the common needs of -people. Society owes its development in part to -the reflections of the wise, as the social contract -theorists have said, but also to the human feelings -even of the brutish. This natural sociability of -man has furnished the chief basis for the rise and -development of the spirit of co-operation.</p> - -<p>The natural sociability of human beings has led, -more or less unconsciously on the part of man, to -the establishment of necessary social relations and -institutions. The purpose of social organization is -to produce perfect human personalities. Vico outlined -the evolutionary character of society according -to the spiral theory, namely, that society does return -upon itself but that, when it completes a cycle, -it is upon a higher plane of co-operation than when -the given cycle began. Vico also made religion a -necessary principle of progress. Although in adjusting -himself to the prevailing theological dogmas -of his time, Vico committed serious scientific errors, -he nevertheless is deserving of special credit for his<span class="pagenum" id="Page_354">354</span> -emphasis upon the common nature and natural -sociability of mankind.</p> - -<p>Hugo Grotius (1583–1645), the celebrated Dutch -scholar, gave to social thought the international -concept. He advanced the idea of the coming co-operation -among the nations—nations which in his -time were moved primarily by jealousy and hatred -in their relations with one another. Grotius was -the originator of a definite set of principles and -laws for international co-operation. His work in -this regard accentuated the importance of like-mindedness -in matters of international polity.</p> - -<p>Spinoza, whose contributions regarding the concept -of sovereignty have already been stated, -declared that the instinct to acquire is naturally -stronger than the tendency to share. Hence, man -must be educated to perceive the advantages of co-operative -living. When this appreciation occurs, -when the advantages of co-operation become clear, -then man will sublimate his egoistic and self-seeking -desires to altruistic communal living. As man -comes to understand, step by step, the values of -co-operative conduct, he will overcome, degree by -degree, his selfish impulses.</p> - -<p>The references which were made in <a href="#Chapter_XIV">Chapter XIV</a> -to the work and writings of certain socialists, such -as Robert Owen, form another link in this discussion -of the development of the co-operation concept. -While the experiments in consumers’ co-operation, -such as the activities of the Rochdale Pioneers,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_355">355</span> -have had splendid success in many countries, they -have demonstrated that they can flourish only in an -environment where the co-operative spirit rules. -While the experiments in producers’ co-operation -have often failed and have not yet as a class been -successful, they have testified to the absence of a -developed co-operative spirit rather than to the -failure of the principle upon which they are based.</p> - -<p>Peter Kropotkin, whose opposition to socialism -was indicated in <a href="#Chapter_XIV">Chapter XIV</a>, rendered a useful -service in writing his <i>Mutual Aid; a Factor in -Evolution</i>. Kropotkin, a loyal Darwinian, protested -against the falsely labeled “social Darwinianism.”<a id="FNanchor_XXI-3" href="#Footnote_XXI-3" class="fnanchor">XXI-3</a> -Kropotkin made plain that Darwin’s interpretation -of evolution, while stressing the struggle -for existence, also pointed out that there is in evolution -a powerful tide of co-operation. The logical -conclusion of this treatment of evolution, according -to Kropotkin, is not a phase of “social Darwinianism” -with its emphasis upon a biological struggle -in the highest human realms, but a world of human -association in which the co-operative spirit has risen -to a position of control over physical force and -selfish desire.</p> - -<p>Kropotkin studied animal life extensively and -concluded that, although there was among animals -a severe struggle against a heartless Nature, there -was essentially no bitter struggle for existence -“among animals belonging to the same species.”<a id="FNanchor_XXI-3a" href="#missing" class="fnanchor">XXI-3</a> -There is no pitiless inner war for life within this<span class="pagenum" id="Page_356">356</span> -species, and moreover, this alleged war is not a condition -of progress. War, declared Kropotkin, is -not a condition of social progress.</p> - -<p>Kropotkin considered the clan and the tribe -rather than the individual or even the family the -starting point of society. The tribe itself developed -a morale on the basis of beliefs in its common origin -and in the worship of common ancestors. Then -the possession in common of certain lands served -to arouse new tribal loyalties. These loyalties expressed -themselves in the form of “con-jurations,” -sworn agreements, and ultimately in fraternities -and guilds for mutual support. Kropotkin believed -that primitive man was naturally peaceful, and that -he fought from necessity rather than from ferocity.</p> - -<p>In primitive communal organization the judge -and military chief united for “mutual insurance of -domination,” drawing to their support the slavish -loyalty of the witch-doctor or priest. In the twelfth -century, however, the old communal spirit broke -forth with “striking spontaneity all over Europe;” -it stopped for a time the growth of the despotic -monarchies of Europe; it produced endless numbers -of communes.</p> - -<p>The free cities developed under the shelter of -communal liberties, and in them art and invention -flourished, producing the beauty of Raphael, the -vigor of Michaelangelo, the poetry of Dante, and -“the discoveries which have been made by modern -science,—the compass, the clock, the watch, printing,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_357">357</span> -gunpowder, the maritime discoveries, the law -of gravitation.”<a id="FNanchor_XXI-4" href="#Footnote_XXI-4" class="fnanchor">XXI-4</a></p> - -<p>Then, there came the modern State formed by a -triple alliance of the military chief, the Roman -judge, and the priest. The industrial revolution -and the rise of capitalism furthered the interests -of the military-legal-priestly triumvirate. When -the State and Church were separated, the money -baron took the place of the priest in the triumvirate. -With the overthrow of militarism the power of the -triumvirate is broken, and the old communal co-operative -feelings of man again begin to express -themselves. Kropotkin led the way in defining the -law of co-operative individualism. He urged decentralization -in social control, and attacked monopolies -of all types, public as well as private. Although -he exaggerated the rôle of mutual aid in -primitive society, considering it the main social -factor, he nevertheless rendered a valuable service -in giving the world a vigorous presentation of a -significant concept.</p> - -<p>The social process was analyzed in terms of both -conflict and co-operation by Gustav Ratzenhofer -(1842–1904). It is characterized by a continuous -reappearance of the phenomena of individualization -of structures already extant.<a id="FNanchor_XXI-5" href="#Footnote_XXI-5" class="fnanchor">XXI-5</a> Both differentiation -and socialization arise out of the operation of human -interests. Both are implicit in the nature of -man. Certain human interests lead to individualization -and some to communitization.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_358">358</span></p> - -<p>At this point we encounter Ratzenhofer’s theory -of force. Force and interest are made the two -primordial principles. These two factors work together -in order to secure for the individual the -largest possible degree of self development.</p> - -<p>The struggle of pre-primitive men against the -harsh phases of nature established a pre-primitive -sociality. Struggle has always led to co-operation -in the interests of preservation. Similarly, war -leads to co-operation. In primitive society institutions -arose in response to community needs. -Among barbarians the increase in numbers produced -an increasing emphasis upon conflict, which -was expressed in robberies, wars, and enslavements. -Warfare led to the formation of classes and class -conflicts. Class interests, as distinguished from individual -interests, then began to secure definition. -With the rise of capitalism, the interests of capital -were asserted; and at once the interests of labor, in -apposition, assumed tangible expression. A stage, -however, of stable social conditions is coming, in -which the whole world will be organized on the -basis of a single system of economic and non-competing -production and of free international exchange.<a id="FNanchor_XXI-6" href="#Footnote_XXI-6" class="fnanchor">XXI-6</a></p> - -<p>Throughout this analysis Ratzenhofer gives force -a leading place.<a id="FNanchor_XXI-7" href="#Footnote_XXI-7" class="fnanchor">XXI-7</a> He also develops a theory of a -ruling aristocracy of supermen. Despite these unfortunate -emphases, Ratzenhofer’s contribution to -social thought in his theory of interests as dominating<span class="pagenum" id="Page_359">359</span> -human factors, and his accent upon the rise -of an increasing degree of co-operation, is noteworthy.</p> - -<p>Professor Albion Small, whose methodology will -be indicated in <a href="#Chapter_XXVII">Chapter XXVII</a>, has modified, corrected, -and refined Ratzenhofer’s theory of interests. -“In the beginning were interests,” says -Professor Small.<a id="FNanchor_XXI-8" href="#Footnote_XXI-8" class="fnanchor">XXI-8</a> An “interest” is defined as an -unsatisfied capacity, an unrealized condition of the -organism, a tendency securing satisfaction of an -unsatisfied capacity.<a id="FNanchor_XXI-9" href="#Footnote_XXI-9" class="fnanchor">XXI-9</a> In its subjective phase an interest -is a desire, and in its objective phase, a want. -An interest is developed when the individual knows -something, feels something, or wills something. -Consequently, the whole individual or social process -consists in developing, adjusting, and satisfying -interests.</p> - -<p>The six groups into which Professor Small divides -all interests are as follows: (1) The health -interest arises from the sheer interest in keeping -alive. It is expressed in the food interest, the sex -interest, the work interest and includes all the -desires which find satisfaction in the exercise of the -powers of the body. (2) The wealth interest is -encompassed in the desire for mastery over things. -(3) The sociability interest is represented at its -best by the appetite for personal interchanges of -stimulus of a purely spiritual nature. (4) The -knowledge interest arises from the curiosity impulses. -The limits of its possibilities are expressed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_360">360</span> -in the terms, nescience and omniscience. (5) The -beauty interest secures satisfaction through an appreciation -of the symmetrical phases of material -and spiritual phenomena. (6) The rightness interest -traverses the gamut of all other interests. It -results in enjoyment when it secures the sanction -of the individual’s ideal self or of his whole self.</p> - -<p>Each of these interests tends to be absolute.<a id="FNanchor_XXI-10" href="#Footnote_XXI-10" class="fnanchor">XXI-10</a> -Each seeks satisfaction regardless of the others. In -consequence, there is a universal conflict of interests. -Moreover, there is a universal conjunction -of interests. The conflict, however, is more spectacular -than the conjunction. In the history of -mankind this conflict has been the predominating -relationship. The social process has resolved itself -into a series of reactions between persons some of -whose interests comport, but others of which conflict. -Furthermore, the social process is a continual -formation of groups and institutions around interests. -It is a perpetual equating and adjusting of -interests;<a id="FNanchor_XXI-11" href="#Footnote_XXI-11" class="fnanchor">XXI-11</a> it is a rhythm of differentiations and -integrations.</p> - -<p>Professor Small points out that struggle and -co-operation are always to a certain extent functions -of each other.<a id="FNanchor_XXI-12" href="#Footnote_XXI-12" class="fnanchor">XXI-12</a> Moreover, in the social -process viewed historically, there is a movement -“from a maximum toward a minimum of conflict, -from a minimum toward a maximum of helpful -reciprocity.” The social process, thus, is a perpetual -readjustment between the forces which “tend<span class="pagenum" id="Page_361">361</span> -backward toward more struggle, and those that -tend forward toward more socialization.” By a -minimum of conflict, Professor Small does not -mean absence of conflict, for he recognizes that -stagnation would result in a society in which conflict -was eliminated. By a maximum of co-operation -he does not refer to a state of complete social -solidification, which in turn would mean stagnation -and death.</p> - -<p>The fundamental social problem is to give free -scope to those interests which require the fullest -rational development of all other interests. The -social problem is to intellectualize all the interests, -and moreover, to intellectualize the conflict of interests. -Hence the fundamental conflict today is -between the knowledge interest and all other interests.<a id="FNanchor_XXI-13" href="#Footnote_XXI-13" class="fnanchor">XXI-13</a> -Socialization, then, becomes the process -of transforming conflict into co-operation.</p> - -<p>Sociology may be said to be the study of human -interests, together with their conflicts and reciprocities. -It is an interpretation of human association -in terms of the effective interests of man. It focalizes -within one field of vision all human activities -so that the persons who have the benefit of this -outlook may rate their own activities in relation to -the whole.</p> - -<p>In a concrete, specific way Professor Small has -presented his theory of the social process in -the book, <i>Between Eras, From Capitalism to Democracy</i>. -Here is a vivid picture of the conflict<span class="pagenum" id="Page_362">362</span> -between labor and capital, with the resultant misunderstandings -and injustices. A young lady, -Hector, observes the essential activities of labor -and capital, and as a representative of capital perceives -the relationship which actually exists between -herself and one of the working girls. She receives -large dividends, for which she puts nothing into the -productive activities of the corporation. The working -girl is paid low wages, but is giving her life to -the industrial concern from which Hector’s liberal -dividends are pouring forth. The main end of the -discussion is an argument for the establishment of -the principle of industrial democracy. Professor -Small urges that the employees, <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">per se</i>, be given -representation on boards of directors. While this -representation at first will necessarily be a minority -one, it will serve the useful purpose of providing -for regular meetings of the representatives of the -employees around the same council table. These -council meetings will enable the representatives of -either party in the bitter labor-capital conflict to -become acquainted with the problems which the -opposing group faces. In this interchange Professor -Small sees the rise of a spirit of co-operation -which will melt many of the difficulties that have -sprung up in the controversy between capital and -labor.<a id="FNanchor_XXI-14" href="#Footnote_XXI-14" class="fnanchor">XXI-14</a> Although Dr. Small’s <i>Between Eras</i> was -published in 1913, the idea of industrial representation -was not considered seriously in the United -States until about 1918. The initial steps which<span class="pagenum" id="Page_363">363</span> -have thus far been taken toward industrial representation -in the management of business and in the -determination of wages, hours, and conditions of -labor, have produced noteworthy co-operative results -and have fully justified Professor Small’s -prophetic recommendation for the solution of a -world-disturbing social situation.</p> - -<p>The primordial social group, according to Professor -E. A. Ross, is a band of mothers and their -children. In such groupings preliminary socialization -took place. In earliest societies definite principles -of human action made themselves evident.<a id="FNanchor_XXI-15" href="#Footnote_XXI-15" class="fnanchor">XXI-15</a> -Domination was one of the ruling principles. Note -for example the domination (1) by parents over -offspring, (2) by old over young, (3) by husband -over wife, (4) by men over women, (5) by the -military over the industrial classes, (6) by the -wealthy over the poor. The chief purpose in -dominating is to exploit, that is, to use other individuals -as means to one’s own ends.<a id="FNanchor_XXI-16" href="#Footnote_XXI-16" class="fnanchor">XXI-16</a></p> - -<p>Socialization, or social adaptation, runs the -gamut of toleration, compromise, accommodation, -and amalgamation. The simplest form of co-operation -is mutual aid, which, however, is more popular -among the lower classes than among the higher. -Socialization, it may be noted here, has been shown -by E. W. Burgess to be the fundamental process in -the determination of social progress.<a id="FNanchor_XXI-17" href="#Footnote_XXI-17" class="fnanchor">XXI-17</a></p> - -<p>Organization of effort is a specific societal -method, which has developed in society, for getting<span class="pagenum" id="Page_364">364</span> -things done. Organization results (1) in the accomplishment -of ends which are unattainable otherwise, -(2) in arousing a common interest intermittently -in all, (3) in dividing a task into its natural -parts, (4) in securing a degree of expertness, (5) -in producing a co-ordinated, intelligent plan, (6) in -eliminating needless duplication of effort.<a id="FNanchor_XXI-18" href="#Footnote_XXI-18" class="fnanchor">XXI-18</a> On the -other hand, organization leads to wastes and -abuses, which are: (1) overhead expenses; (2) -undue time devoted to making out reports and similar -routine work; (3) a loss in personal contacts; -(4) a tendency to formalism and red tape; (5) an -inflexibility of machinery; (6) a misapplication of -power to personal ends; (7) too much specialization; -(8) the organization becomes an end in itself.</p> - -<p>Socialization, in content, is the development of a -we-feeling in a number of persons, and “their -growth in capacity and will to act together.”<a id="FNanchor_XXI-19" href="#Footnote_XXI-19" class="fnanchor">XXI-19</a> A -very simple causal factor of this process is the age-long -custom of giving a banquet, that is, in eating -and drinking together. A consciousness of kind -arises which, as Professor Ross believes, is not the -perception of a general resemblance but “an awareness -of likeness or agreement in specific matters.”<a id="FNanchor_XXI-20" href="#Footnote_XXI-20" class="fnanchor">XXI-20</a> -Nationalism, or the process of creating a spirit of -national patriotism, illustrates the meaning of the -socialization concept.</p> - -<p>The sociology of L. T. Hobhouse, discussed in -part in <a href="#Chapter_XVIII">Chapter XVIII</a>, is largely an interpretation -of society in terms of increasing co-operation. Professor<span class="pagenum" id="Page_365">365</span> -Hobhouse has defined social progress as the -development of the principle of union, order, co-operation, -and harmony among individuals. He has -described a certain mutual interest, similar to Giddings’ -consciousness of kind, which has served to -keep individuals together, from the lowest groups -of savages to the highest civilized groups.<a id="FNanchor_XXI-21" href="#Footnote_XXI-21" class="fnanchor">XXI-21</a></p> - -<p>The social process, as Professor Cooley analyzes -it, is not a series of futile repetitions or brutal and -wasteful conflicts, but an eternal, onward growth -which produces increasingly humane, rational, and -co-operative beings. While the element of conflict -is useful in that it awakens and directs human attention -and thus leads to activity, it is limited by -a superintending factor of co-operation and organization -to which the contestants must adjust themselves -if they would succeed.<a id="FNanchor_XXI-22" href="#Footnote_XXI-22" class="fnanchor">XXI-22</a></p> - -<p>The discussions in this and the preceding chapter -have shown that the natural trend of evolution is -away from a pitiless competitive and destructive -social process, and toward a tempered, productive, -and co-operative process. Of course, there are reactionary -movements from time to time which halt -the co-operative trend. On the other hand, the development -of reason gradually eliminates the more -brutal effects of conflict. Conflict, however, will -always remain, as far as can now be seen, an essential -factor in the processes of individual and societal -growth. Through rational controls, it will operate -in the direction and interest of the co-operative<span class="pagenum" id="Page_366">366</span> -spirit. In the old social order, hate and the spirit -of conflict have ruled. The spirit of co-operation -has often been utilized only for selfish purposes. In -the coming social order love and the co-operative -spirit will direct, while the spirit of conflict will play -a vital but secondary rôle.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_367">367</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_367"><span class="smcap" id="Chapter_XXII">Chapter XXII</span><br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Psycho-Sociologic Thought</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>A large number of references have already been -made to psycho-sociologic thought. In origin it -may be traced to the primitive days of the race. -The folkways reveal keen psycho-sociologic observations. -Undoubtedly, many phases of the psychic -nature of group activities were known to the leaders -of ancient civilizations. Plato wrote on the importance -of custom and custom imitation as a societal -force. Aristotle understood the socio-psychic -nature of man when he observed that property -which is owned in common is least taken care of, -and when he declared that a fundamental test of -good government may be found in the attitude of -a people toward public service. In his theory of -social attitudes Aristotle made a distinct contribution -to psycho-sociologic thought.</p> - -<p>Thomas More analyzed the causes of human actions. -He was a worthy social psychologist when -he protested against heaping punishment upon -human beings, without attempting to understand -the causes of criminal conduct and without seeking -to remove the societal causes of such conduct. -Bodin postulated a theory of interests in his explanation<span class="pagenum" id="Page_368">368</span> -of social evolution. He made the common -economic, religious, and other interests of man -the basis of social organization. These interests, -according to Bodin, led primitive families to form -a commonality of organization or government.</p> - -<p>It was Hobbes who believed that man originally -was a being of entirely selfish interests. Man’s -interest in others was based on their ability to cater -to his own good. This theory still has strong support; -there are large numbers of individuals who -today apparently are living according to this rule. -Nations oftentimes still seem to be motivated by no -higher principle. On the basis of an introspective -psychology, Hobbes made the scientific observation -that “he that is going to be a whole man must read -in himself—mankind.” Such a person must not -simply find in himself this or that man’s interests, -but the interests of all mankind.</p> - -<p>George Berkeley (1685–1753), bishop of Cloyne -and eminent philosopher, in his <i>Principles of Moral -Attraction</i> attempted to point out the analogies between -the physical and social universe. His work -was stimulated by the discoveries of Isaac Newton. -He tried to apply the Newtonian formulas to society. -While his “physical analogies” are of little -value, they represent a stage in the rise of psycho-sociologic -thought. He made the social instinct, or -the gregarious instinct, in society the analogue of -the force of gravitation. The centrifugal force in -society is selfishness; and the centripetal, sociability.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_369">369</span> -As the attractive force of one mass for another -varies directly in relation to the distance between -them, so the attraction of individuals for one another -varies directly in proportion to their resemblances. -The physical analogies, however, could -not be carried far without being lost in the realm -of absurdity.</p> - -<p>The Scotch philosopher, David Hume, has been -called the father of social psychology because of his -splendid analysis of sympathy as a social force. -“Let all the powers and elements of nature conspire -to serve and obey one man, ... he will still be miserable, -till you give him some one person at least with -whom he may share his happiness, and whose esteem -and friendship he may enjoy.”<a id="FNanchor_XXII-1" href="#Footnote_XXII-1" class="fnanchor">XXII-1</a> “Whatever -other passions we may be actuated by, pride, ambition, -avarice, curiosity, revenge or lust,—the soul or -animating principle of them is sympathy.”<a id="FNanchor_XXII-2" href="#Footnote_XXII-2" class="fnanchor">XXII-2</a></p> - -<p>But sympathy is not always limited in its operation -to the present moment. Through sympathy we -may put ourselves in the future situation of any -person whose present condition arouses our interest -in him. Moreover, if we see a stranger in danger, -we will run to his assistance.</p> - -<p>Vice was defined by Hume as everything which -gives uneasiness in human actions. By sympathy, -we become uneasy when we become aware of injustice -anywhere. “Self-interest is the original -motive to the establishment of justice; but a sympathy -with public interest is the source of the moral<span class="pagenum" id="Page_370">370</span> -approbation which attends that virtue.”<a id="FNanchor_XXII-3" href="#Footnote_XXII-3" class="fnanchor">XXII-3</a> There is -a continual conflict between self-interest and sympathy, -both in the individual and between individuals -in society. Although at times this self-interest -seems to predominate, “it does not entirely -abolish the more generous and noble intercourse of -friendship and good offices.”<a id="FNanchor_XXII-4" href="#Footnote_XXII-4" class="fnanchor">XXII-4</a></p> - -<p>Sympathy causes people to be interested in the -good of mankind.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-5" href="#Footnote_XXII-5" class="fnanchor">XXII-5</a> But whatever human factor is -contiguous either in space or time has a proportional -effect on the will, passions, and imagination.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-6" href="#Footnote_XXII-6" class="fnanchor">XXII-6</a> -It commonly operates with greater force than any -human factor that lies in a distant and more obscure -light. This principle explains why people often act -in contradiction to their interests, and “why they -prefer any trivial advantage that is present to the -maintenance of order in society.”</p> - -<p>In accordance with the analysis of sympathy by -Hume, Adam Smith made sympathy a leading concept -in his theory of political economy. Smith also -carried the concept of self-interest, with the resultant -conflict between self-interest and social interest, -into nearly all his economic theories.</p> - -<p>According to Adam Smith there are four classes -of people in modern life. (1) There are those who -live by taking rent. They have social interests but -are not socially productive; they grow listless and -careless. (2) There is the class which takes wages. -This group is large, productive, and socially interested, -but their widespread lack of education makes<span class="pagenum" id="Page_371">371</span> -them subject to the passions of the day, and hence -socially useless or even harmful. (3) Those who -take profit have interests at direct variance with the -welfare of society. Their selfish interests become -unduly developed; their public attitudes are usually -dangerous to all except themselves. (4) The -fourth group is composed of all who derive a living -from serving one or more of the three afore-mentioned -classes. The interests of the three first-mentioned -groups often clash, leading to destructive -social conflicts. Despite this conclusion, Adam -Smith was an advocate of <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">laissez faire</i>. He urged -that natural laws be allowed to express themselves -normally.</p> - -<p>In 1859, Moritz Lazarus and Heymann Steinthal -began to contribute to social thought in the <i xml:lang="de" lang="de">Zeitschrift -für Völker-Psychologie und Sprachwissenschaft</i>. -They applied psychological methods to the -study of primitive society. In this journal they made -notable contributions concerning the social customs -and mental traits of early mankind. It is in this -field, which was discussed in <a href="#Chapter_XVIII">Chapter XVIII</a>, that -the original work of such men as Franz Boas, W. -G. Sumner, W. I. Thomas, and L. T. Hobhouse belongs. -Fundamental pioneering in psycho-sociologic -thought was done by Lester F. Ward (see -<a href="#Chapter_XVII">Chapter XVII</a>). Ward opposed the prevailing belief -of his time, and particularly of Herbert Spencer, -that society must continue as it now is going -on, namely, an exhibition of a blind struggle of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_372">372</span> -competitive forces. He not only perceived the rise -of mind out of the obscure processes of social evolution, -but more important still, he noted the part -that mind may play in modifying the course of -social forces. Although he considered the human -desires to be the dynamic social elements, he gave -to mind, through its power of prevision, the prerogative -of directing the desires of mankind. -Moreover, he pointed out the direction in which -mind could best guide the desires. He urged a -sociocracy in which the desires of the individual -are so controlled that they operate only when in -harmony with the welfare of other individuals. -For establishing these fundamental considerations, -Ward ranks high in the history of psycho-sociologic -thought.</p> - -<p>The chief founder of social psychology was -Gabriel Tarde (1843–1904). He wrote the first important -treatise in the field of the psychology of society. -The <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Lois de l’imitation</i> established Tarde’s -reputation as a social psychologist, and at the same -time aroused the world of thought to the existence -of a new phase of social science. Tarde was a jurist -who inquired into the causes of anti-social conduct. -He was greatly impressed by the observation that -criminal acts are committed in waves. Upon examination -of this fact he found imitation to be a -potent factor, and began to analyze the laws of imitation. -This study soon showed that not all is -imitation but that much human conduct arises out<span class="pagenum" id="Page_373">373</span> -of opposition. His analysis of the laws of opposition -led him to the conclusion that imitation and -opposition are the bases of a third social factor, invention. -The social process, as he observed it, is -characterized (1) by an ever-widening imitation of -inventions, (2) by the opposition of conflicting circles -of imitation, and (3) by the rise of new inventions -(out of these oppositions), which in turn become -the centers of new imitations. Thus, the -social process goes on, endlessly and unconsciously -or consciously. To understand society, Tarde believed -that one must understand how minds act and -interact.</p> - -<p>Tarde’s work, first presented is <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Les Lois de l’imitation</i>, -was formally developed in his <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Logique -sociale</i>, and summarized in his <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Lois sociale</i> (English -translation, <i>Social Laws</i>). Together, these books -constitute a unique social theory. Although Tarde’s -approach to the psychology of society was objective -and sociological, and although he did not give serious -attention to the purely psychological nature of -the mind nor to the instinctive bases of conduct, -he nevertheless made a contribution to social -thought which is valid and enlightening.</p> - -<p>Society, according to Tarde, is a group of people -“who display many resemblances, produced either -by imitation or by counter-imitation.”<a id="FNanchor_XXII-7" href="#Footnote_XXII-7" class="fnanchor">XXII-7</a> Again, he -says that society is “a group of distinct individuals -who render one another mutual services.”<a id="FNanchor_XXII-8" href="#Footnote_XXII-8" class="fnanchor">XXII-8</a> Societies -are groups of people who are organized because<span class="pagenum" id="Page_374">374</span> -of agreement or disagreement of beliefs.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-9" href="#Footnote_XXII-9" class="fnanchor">XXII-9</a> “Society -is imitation.”<a id="FNanchor_XXII-10" href="#Footnote_XXII-10" class="fnanchor">XXII-10</a> The outstanding element in social -life is a psychological process in which inventions -are followed by imitations, which when coming into -inevitable oppositions produce new inventions.</p> - -<p>To the degree that a person is social he is imitative. -In the way that vital, or biological, resemblances -are due to heredity, so human resemblances -are caused by imitation. The closer the human resemblances -between individuals, even though they -be occupational competitors, the larger will be the -proportion of imitations and the closer the social -relationships. The father will always be the son’s -first model.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-11" href="#Footnote_XXII-11" class="fnanchor">XXII-11</a> A beloved ruler will so fascinate his -people that they will imitate blindly, yea, even be -thrown into a state of catalepsy by him. In such -a case imitation becomes a kind of somnambulism.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-12" href="#Footnote_XXII-12" class="fnanchor">XXII-12</a></p> - -<p>Imitations are characterized by inclines, plateaus, -and declines.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-13" href="#Footnote_XXII-13" class="fnanchor">XXII-13</a> The incline refers to the period of -time which an imitation requires for adoption. The -plateau is the length of time during which an imitation -is in force. The decline, of course, has to do -with the passing away of an imitation. Each of -these phases are of varying lengths—dependent -upon the operation of almost countless socio-psychical -factors. It is this career through which all -imitations must pass that is the important phase of -history.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-14" href="#Footnote_XXII-14" class="fnanchor">XXII-14</a></p> - -<p>There are two causal factors determining the nature -of imitation: logical, and non-logical.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-15" href="#Footnote_XXII-15" class="fnanchor">XXII-15</a> Logical<span class="pagenum" id="Page_375">375</span> -causes operate when the imitator adopts an innovation -that is in line with the principles that have -already found a place in his own mind. Extra-logical, -or non-logical, imitations are those which -are determined by the adventitious factors of place, -date, or birth of the individual.</p> - -<p>The fundamental law of imitation, stated in simplest -terms, is that the superior are imitated by the -inferior, for example: the patrician by the plebeian; -the nobleman by the commoner; the beloved by the -lover.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-16" href="#Footnote_XXII-16" class="fnanchor">XXII-16</a> A more accurate statement of the law of -imitation is that “the thing that is most imitated is -the most superior one of those that are nearest.” -The term “superior” in all these cases must be used -in the subjective sense, that is to say, that which -seems to the specific individual to be superior, not -necessarily that which actually is the superior, is -imitated.</p> - -<p>A country or period of time is democratic if the -distance between the highest and lowest classes is -lessened enough so that the highest may be imitated -freely by the lowest.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-17" href="#Footnote_XXII-17" class="fnanchor">XXII-17</a> Democracy will keep the -distance between classes reduced to that minimum -where imitation may operate.</p> - -<p>An important phase of sociology involves the -knowledge and control of imitations.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-18" href="#Footnote_XXII-18" class="fnanchor">XXII-18</a> Sociological -statistics should determine (1) “the imitative -power which inheres in every invention at any given -time and place;” and (2) “the beneficial or harmful -effects which result from the imitation of given inventions.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_376">376</span></p> - -<p>Imitation -is divided into sets of complementary -tendencies; custom imitation and fashion imitation; -sympathy imitation and obedience imitation; naïve -imitation and deliberate imitation.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-19" href="#Footnote_XXII-19" class="fnanchor">XXII-19</a> Everywhere -custom imitation and fashion imitation are embodied -in two parties, divisions, or organizations—the -conservative and the liberal.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-20" href="#Footnote_XXII-20" class="fnanchor">XXII-20</a></p> - -<p>Through custom imitation, usages acquire autocratic -power. They control habit, regulate private -conduct, and define morals and manners with imperial -authority. Usages are frequently extra-logical -imitations. Usages are commonly accepted first -by the upper classes. They usually are related primarily -to objects of luxury; they stick tenaciously -to the leisure-time phases of life. Their most favorable -<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">milieu</i> is a social and individual status of ignorance.</p> - -<p>Fashion imitation rules by epochs, for example: -Athens under Solon, Rome under the Scipios, Florence -in the fifteenth century.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-21" href="#Footnote_XXII-21" class="fnanchor">XXII-21</a> These epochs of -fashion produce great individualities—illustrious -legislators, and founders of empire. Whenever the -currents of fashions are set free, the inventive -imagination is excited and ambitions are stimulated.</p> - -<p>Fashion imitation has a democratizing influence. -A prolonged process of fashion imitation ends “by -putting pupil-peoples upon the same level, both in -their armaments and in their arts and sciences, with -their master people.”<a id="FNanchor_XXII-22" href="#Footnote_XXII-22" class="fnanchor">XXII-22</a> In fact, the very desire to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_377">377</span> -be like the superior is a latent democratizing force.</p> - -<p>The counterpart of imitation is opposition. Opposition, -however, may be a very special kind of -repetition. There are two types of opposition: -interference-combinations and interference-conflicts.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-23" href="#Footnote_XXII-23" class="fnanchor">XXII-23</a> -The first type refers to the coming together -of two psychological quantities of desire and belief -with the result that combination takes place and a -total gain is made. The second type refers to the -opposition resulting from incompatible forces. In -this case an individual or social loss is registered.</p> - -<p>From another standpoint, opposition appears in -one of three forms, namely, war, competition, and -discussion.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-24" href="#Footnote_XXII-24" class="fnanchor">XXII-24</a> Conflicts often pass through these -three forms, which are obedient to the same law of -development, but in order are characterized by ever-widening -areas of pacification, alternating however -with renewals of discord. As war is the lowest, -most brutal form of conflict, discussion is the highest, -most rational form.</p> - -<p>Opposition in human life is society’s logical -duel.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-25" href="#Footnote_XXII-25" class="fnanchor">XXII-25</a> This duel sometimes ends abruptly when -one of the adversaries is summarily suppressed by -force. Sometimes a resort to arms brings a military -victory. Sometimes a new invention or discovery -expels one of the adversaries from the social -scene.</p> - -<p>The logical result of opposition is invention or -adaptation. “Invention is a question followed by -an answer.”<a id="FNanchor_XXII-26" href="#Footnote_XXII-26" class="fnanchor">XXII-26</a> Invention, or adaptation, at its best<span class="pagenum" id="Page_378">378</span> -is “the felicitous interference of two imitations, -occurring first in one single mind.”<a id="FNanchor_XXII-27" href="#Footnote_XXII-27" class="fnanchor">XXII-27</a> Inventions -grow in two ways: (1) in extension—by imitative -diffusion; and (2) in comprehension—by a series -of logical combinations, such as the combination of -the wheel and the horse in the inventions of the -horse-cart.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-28" href="#Footnote_XXII-28" class="fnanchor">XXII-28</a></p> - -<p>Inventions partially determine the nature of new -inventions and new discoveries. A new invention -makes possible other inventions, and so on. Each -invention is the possible parent of a thousand offspring -inventions.</p> - -<p>To be inventive, one must be wide-awake, inquiring, -incredulous, not docile and dreamy, or living in -a social sleep. The inventor is one who escapes, for -the time being, from his social surroundings.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-29" href="#Footnote_XXII-29" class="fnanchor">XXII-29</a> Inventing -develops from wanting. A man experiences -some want, and in order to satisfy this want he invents. -Inventiveness is contrary in nature to sheepishness.</p> - -<p>Since an invention is the answer to a problem, -inventions are the real objective factors which mark -the stage of progress. But invention, according to -Tarde, becomes increasingly difficult. Problems -naturally grow increasingly complex as the simpler -ones are mastered. Unfortunately, the mind of -man is not capable of indefinite development, and -therefore will reach a limit in solving problems.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-30" href="#Footnote_XXII-30" class="fnanchor">XXII-30</a> -At this point, Tarde is on doubtful ground. His -argument can neither be proved nor disproved. Apparently,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_379">379</span> -man’s ability to solve problems increases -with his training and experience in that connection. -Moreover, man appears to be at the very dawn of -his possibilities in the field of invention. He is only -beginning to gather together systematically the materials -for inventing, and to understand slightly the -principles of inventing.</p> - -<p>Inventors are imitative.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-31" href="#Footnote_XXII-31" class="fnanchor">XXII-31</a> This statement is but -another way of saying that inventions are cumulative, -that they come in droves, that they are gregarious. -A new discovery will arouse the ambition -of many wide-awake persons to make similar discoveries. -“There is in every period a current of inventions -which is in a certain general sense religious -or architectural or sculptural or musical or -philosophical.”<a id="FNanchor_XXII-32" href="#Footnote_XXII-32" class="fnanchor">XXII-32</a></p> - -<p>Invention and imitation represent the chief -forces in society.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-33" href="#Footnote_XXII-33" class="fnanchor">XXII-33</a> Invention is “intermittent, rare, -and eruptive only at certain infrequent intervals.” -It explains “the source of privileges, monopolies, -and aristocratic inequalities.” Imitation, on the -other hand, is democratic, leveling, and “incessant -like the stream deposition of the Nile or Euphrates.” -At times the eruptions of invention take place -faster than they can be imitated. At other times -imitations flow in a monotonous circular current.</p> - -<p>The contributions of Tarde to social thought -have stimulated numerous investigators to enter the -field of social psychology. While Tarde’s thinking -has been severely criticised by the psychologists and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_380">380</span> -modified by the sociologists, it has opened mines -of valuable social ores. Not the least important -consideration was the impetus which the Tardian -thought gave to American writers, such as E. A. -Ross.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-34" href="#Footnote_XXII-34" class="fnanchor">XXII-34</a> Tarde’s name, however, will be long revered -for the penetrating way in which he developed the -concept of imitation. Although Walter Bagehot, -an English publicist, in an epoch-stirring book, -<i>Physics and Politics</i>, published an important chapter -on “Imitation” as early as 1872, it was Tarde’s -<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Lois de l’imitation</i> in 1890 which at once became -the authority on the subject. In the United States, -Michael M. Davis, Jr., has written an excellent -summary of Tarde’s socio-psychologic thought.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-35" href="#Footnote_XXII-35" class="fnanchor">XXII-35</a> -As a critical digest of Tardian thought, Dr. Davis’ -<i>Psychological Interpretations of Society</i> is unsurpassed.</p> - -<p>In 1892, Profesor H. Schmidkunz published an -elaborate work on the <i xml:lang="de" lang="de">Psychologie der Suggestion</i>. -This book is an important pioneer work. In the -English language, the writings of Boris Sidis on -the psychology of suggestion are well-known. Professor -E. A. Ross has given an intensive treatment -of the theme in his <i>Social Psychology</i>. In these -various discussions, however, the fact is not made -clear that suggestion and imitation are correlative -phases of the same phenomenon. The point, also, -is not developed that suggestion-imitation phenomena -are natural products of social situations in -which like stimuli normally produce like responses.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_381">381</span></p> - -<p>In 1895, the first book by Gustave Le Bon on -crowd psychology was published. Le Bon has also -written on the psychology of revolutions, of war, -and of peoples. He gave a limited definition to the -term, crowds, and then applied the term to nearly -all types of group life. He conceived of crowds as -“feeling phenomena.” They are more or less pathological. -Since the proletariat are subject to crowd -psychology, they are untrustworthy and to be rewarded -perpetually with suspicion. A sounder, -more synthetic, and historical position concerning -the psychology of groups and of society is taken -by G. L. Duprat in <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">La Psychologie sociale</i>.</p> - -<p>Italian contributions in the field of crowd and -group psychology are represented by Paolo Orano’s -<i>Psicologia sociale</i>, which includes only a partial -treatment of the subject that is indicated by the -title; and by Scipio Sighele’s <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">La foule criminelle</i> -and <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Psychologie des sectes</i>. Permanent groups, according -to Sighele (following Tarde), are either -sects, castes, classes, or states.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-36" href="#Footnote_XXII-36" class="fnanchor">XXII-36</a> The sect is a group -of individuals which possesses a common ideal and -faith, such as a religious denomination or a political -party. The caste arises from identity of profession. -The class is characterized by a strong unity of interests. -States possess common bonds of language, -national values, and national prestige.</p> - -<p>The concept of “consciousness of kind” was developed -by Franklin H. Giddings in his <i>Principles -of Sociology</i> (1896). Consciousness of kind is the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_382">382</span> -original and elementary subjective fact in society.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-37" href="#Footnote_XXII-37" class="fnanchor">XXII-37</a> -Professor Giddings defines this term to mean “a -state of consciousness in which any being, whether -low or high in the scale of life, recognizes another -conscious being as of like kind with itself.” In its -widest meaning, consciousness of kind marks the -difference between the animate and the inanimate. -Among human beings it distinguishes “social conduct” -from purely economic or purely religious -activity. Around consciousness of kind, as a determining -principle, all other human motives organize -themselves.</p> - -<p>People group together according to the development -of the consciousness of kind in them. Roughly -speaking, there are four such groupings.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-38" href="#Footnote_XXII-38" class="fnanchor">XXII-38</a> (1) -The non-social are persons in whom the consciousness -of kind has not yet developed—in whom it -finds imperfect but not degenerate expression, and -from whom the other classes arise. (2) The anti-social, -or criminal, classes include those persons in -whom the consciousness of kind is approaching extinction. -They detest society. (3) The pseudo-social, -or pauper, classes are characterized by a degeneration -of the genuine consciousness of kind. -(4) The social classes are noted for a high development -of the consciousness of kind; they constitute -the positive and constructive elements in society. -At the head of the list are the pre-eminently social. -These people devote their lives and means to the -amelioration of society; they are called the natural<span class="pagenum" id="Page_383">383</span> -aristocracy of the race, the true social élite.</p> - -<p>Consciousness of kind is made possible in part by -the operation of physical factors. Fertility of soil -is one of the sources of human aggregation. Favorable -climate makes aggregation possible. Aggregation -of population is either genetic (due to the -birth rate) or congregate (due to immigration). -Aggregation leads to association—the proper <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">milieu</i> -for the growth of consciousness of kind.</p> - -<p>Aggregation guarantees social intercourse, which -is a mode of conflict. Conflict, according to Professor -Giddings, becomes the basis of social growth.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-39" href="#Footnote_XXII-39" class="fnanchor">XXII-39</a> -Primary conflicts are those in which one adversary -is completely outdone, and hence likely to be -crushed, by the other. Secondary conflict refers to -the contests between more or less evenly balanced -forces. Primary conflict is conquest; secondary -conflict is growth. Among people secondary conflict -leads to the development of consciousness of -kind through the successive steps of communication, -imitation, toleration, co-operation, alliance. -The supreme result is the production of pre-eminently -social classes. Of these various factors, -Professor Giddings particularly stresses imitation. -“It is the factor of imitation in the conflict that -gradually assimilates and harmonizes.”<a id="FNanchor_XXII-40" href="#Footnote_XXII-40" class="fnanchor">XXII-40</a></p> - -<p>Association reacts upon individuals and produces -self-consciousness, which in turn creates social self-consciousness, -or group awareness of itself. Social -self-consciousness is characterized by rational discussion.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_384">384</span> -With the rise of discussion, social memory, -or traditions, becomes possible. Moreover, a sense -of social values arises. Public opinion springs from -the passing of judgment by the members of the -group upon any matters of general interest.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-41" href="#Footnote_XXII-41" class="fnanchor">XXII-41</a></p> - -<p>Social memory, or traditions, becomes highly -differentiated.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-42" href="#Footnote_XXII-42" class="fnanchor">XXII-42</a> It consists of impressions concerning -the tangible world, the intangible world, and the -conceptional world. The traditions in any field, plus -current opinion in that field, form the standards, -ideals, faiths, “isms” of the time. For example, -the integration of economic traditions with current -economic opinions is the general standard of living -of the time and place. The integration of the -aesthetic tradition with current criticism is taste, -and the modification of a traditional religious belief -by current religious ideas is a faith.</p> - -<p>Inasmuch as consciousness of kind is the psychological -basis of social phenomena, it is natural -that the chief social value is the kind itself, or the -type of conscious life that is characteristic of the -society.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-43" href="#Footnote_XXII-43" class="fnanchor">XXII-43</a> The social cohesion is another important -social value. Social cohesion is vital to the unity of -any group; therefore the group is usually willing -to make many sacrifices in its own behalf. The -distinctive possessions and properties of the community, -such as territory, sacred or historic places, -heroes, ceremonies, constitute the third class of -social values. A fourth group is found in the general -principles which promote the growth of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_385">385</span> -group; for example, the principles of liberty, equality, -and fraternity. The social values largely determine -the social choices of groups and the nature of -social organizations.</p> - -<p>Professor Giddings develops an interesting theory -of the dualism in social structures. Civilization -is marked by the contemporaneous existence of -public and private associations. Civilized society -affords four main sets of dualistic associations: -political, juristic, economic, and cultural. In the -political field there are private political parties and -the public association, namely, the government, or -the political party in power. Among juristic associations -there are the privately-organized vigilance -committees and the public associations, such as the -police, the courts, the prisons. In the realm of -economics there are private individual entrepreneurs, -partnerships, corporations; and on the other -hand, there are the governmentally-owned railroads, -postal service, the water systems, the coinage -systems. In regard to cultural associations we may -note the privately endowed universities and state -universities, privately organized churches and state -churches, private charities and public charities. -This dualism in social structure is supported by -Professor Giddings on the grounds that private -associations are needed for purposes of initiation, -experimentation, and stimulation; and the public -associations serve the useful purposes of regulation -and maintenance of balance among various contending<span class="pagenum" id="Page_386">386</span> -factors.</p> - -<p>The highest test of social organization is the -development of social personality. An efficient -social organization is one which makes its members -“more rational, more sympathetic, with an -ever-broadening consciousness of kind.”<a id="FNanchor_XXII-44" href="#Footnote_XXII-44" class="fnanchor">XXII-44</a></p> - -<p>In recent works Professor Giddings has developed -the concept of pluralistic behavior. “Any one -or any combination of behavior inciting stimuli may -on occasion be reacted to by more than one individual.”<a id="FNanchor_XXII-45" href="#Footnote_XXII-45" class="fnanchor">XXII-45</a> -The character of pluralistic reactions, -whether similar or dissimilar, simultaneous or not, -equal or unequal, is determined by two variables: -(1) the strength of the stimulation; (2) the similarity -or dissimilarity of the reacting mechanisms.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-46" href="#Footnote_XXII-46" class="fnanchor">XXII-46</a> -Thus Professor Giddings considers pluralistic behavior -the subject matter of the psychology of -society, or sociology.</p> - -<p>In 1897, <i>Social and Ethical Interpretations</i>, by -J. Mark Baldwin, was printed; it bears the subtitle -of “A Study in Social Psychology.” This was -the first time that the term, social psychology, had -appeared in the title of a book in America, though -three years earlier, in 1894, one of the leading parts -of Small and Vincent’s <i>Introduction to the Study -of Society</i> was designated “social psychology” and -included a discussion of social consciousness, social -intelligence, and social volition. Baldwin’s <i>Social -and Ethical Interpretations</i> and Giddings’ <i>Principles -of Sociology</i> appeared almost simultaneously,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_387">387</span> -one by a psychologist and the other by a sociologist. -One was written from the genetic viewpoint, and -the other from the objective viewpoint; one dealt -primarily with social psychology, and the other with -a psychology of society; one was built around the -concept of the social self, and the other around the -concept of a consciousness of kind. They both -hastened the development of an organic social psychology.</p> - -<p>Professor Baldwin demonstrated that the self is -largely a product of the give-and-take of social life. -A child becomes aware of his self by setting himself -off from other selves. It is in group life, that -is, in contact with other selves, that the child develops -a self consciousness.</p> - -<p>Moreover, the self is bi-polar. One end of the -self-pole is characterized by what one thinks of -himself, and the other end by what he thinks of -other persons.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-47" href="#Footnote_XXII-47" class="fnanchor">XXII-47</a> “The ego and the alter are to our -thought one and the same thing.”<a id="FNanchor_XXII-48" href="#Footnote_XXII-48" class="fnanchor">XXII-48</a></p> - -<p>People are so much alike because they are imitative. -It is imitation which keeps people alike. Imitation -integrates individuals. Imitation is either -(1) a process whereby one individual consciously -or unconsciously copies another individual, or (2) -the copying of a model, that is, adopting a model -which arises in one’s own mind.<a id="FNanchor_XXII-49" href="#Footnote_XXII-49" class="fnanchor">XXII-49</a></p> - -<p>Baldwin found the law of social growth in the -particularization by the individual of society’s store -of material, and by the generalization on the part<span class="pagenum" id="Page_388">388</span> -of society of the individual’s particularizations. -The essence of the first phase of this process is -invention and of the second, imitation. Baldwin -considered invention and imitation the two fundamental -processes of social growth.</p> - -<p>In this chapter the strength of the psychological -approach to an understanding of societary processes -has been demonstrated. In the chapter which follows -the reader will find further materials, showing -the tremendous vitality of psycho-sociologic -thought.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_389">389</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_389"><span class="smcap" id="Chapter_XXIII">Chapter XXIII</span><br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Psycho-Sociologic Thought -(continued)</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>In 1902, <i>Human Nature and the Social Order</i> -by Professor Charles H. Cooley was published. -This book was at once accepted as an authority on -the integral relationship of the individual self and -the social process. It was followed in 1909 by -<i>Social Organization</i>, and in 1918 by <i>Social Process</i>. -The three books constitute a chronological development -of a logical system of psycho-sociologic -thought.</p> - -<p>The first volume treats of the self in its reactions -to group life; the second explains the nature -of primary groups, such as the family, playground, -and neighborhood, of the democratic mind, and of -social classes; the third analyzes the many elements -in the processes by which society is characterized. -The chief thesis of the three volumes is that the individual -and society are aspects of the same phenomenon, -and that the individual and society are -twin-born and twin-developed.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-1" href="#Footnote_XXIII-1" class="fnanchor">XXIII-1</a></p> - -<p>An individual has no separate existence. -Through the hereditary and social elements in his -life he is inseparately bound up with society.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-2" href="#Footnote_XXIII-2" class="fnanchor">XXIII-2</a> He<span class="pagenum" id="Page_390">390</span> -cannot be considered apart from individuals. Even -the phenomena which are called individualistic “are -always socialistic in the sense that they are expressive -of tendencies growing out of the general -life.”<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-3" href="#Footnote_XXIII-3" class="fnanchor">XXIII-3</a> It is not only true that individuals make -society, but equally true that society makes individuals.</p> - -<p>Professor Cooley has given an excellent presentation -of what he calls the looking-glass self. -There are three distinct psychic elements in this -phenomenon: (1) the imagination of one’s appearance -to another person; (2) the imagined estimation -of that appearance by the other person; and -(3) a sense of pride or chagrin that is felt by the -first person. The looking-glass self affects the daily -life of all individuals. “We are ashamed to seem -evasive in the presence of a straightforward man, -cowardly in the presence of a brave one, gross in -the eyes of a refined one, and so on.”<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-4" href="#Footnote_XXIII-4" class="fnanchor">XXIII-4</a> Even a person’s -consciousness of himself is largely a direct reflection -of the opinions and estimates which he believes -that others hold of him.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-5" href="#Footnote_XXIII-5" class="fnanchor">XXIII-5</a></p> - -<p>Professor Cooley makes a lucid distinction between -self consciousness, social consciousness, and -public consciousness. The first is what I think of -myself; the second, what I think of other people; -and the third, a collective view of the self and the -social consciousness of all the members of a group -organized and integrated into a communicating -group.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-6" href="#Footnote_XXIII-6" class="fnanchor">XXIII-6</a> Moreover, all three types of consciousness<span class="pagenum" id="Page_391">391</span> -are parts of an organic whole. Even the moral life -of individuals is a part of the organic unity of -society. Social knowledge is the basis of morality. -An upward endeavor is the essence of moral -progress.</p> - -<p>The three groups which Professor Cooley has -called primary are so labeled because through -them the individual gets “his earliest and completest -experience of social unity.”<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-7" href="#Footnote_XXIII-7" class="fnanchor">XXIII-7</a> The family, -play groups, and neighborhoods remain throughout -life as the experience bases from which the -more complex phases of life receive their interpretation.</p> - -<p>An unbounded faith in human nature is enjoyed -by Professor Cooley. Human nature comprises -those sentiments and impulses which are distinctly -superior to those of the higher animals, such as -sympathy, love, resentment, ambition, the feeling of -right and wrong.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-8" href="#Footnote_XXIII-8" class="fnanchor">XXIII-8</a> The improvement of society, -according to Professor Cooley, does not involve any -essential change in human nature but rather “a -larger and higher application of its familiar impulses.”<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-9" href="#Footnote_XXIII-9" class="fnanchor">XXIII-9</a></p> - -<p>Communication is a fundamental concept in Professor -Cooley’s system of social thought. Communication -is “the mechanism through which human -relations exist and develop.”<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-10" href="#Footnote_XXIII-10" class="fnanchor">XXIII-10</a> Professor Cooley -has pointed out that not only does language constitute -the symbols of the mind, but that in a sense all -objects and actions are mental symbols. Communication<span class="pagenum" id="Page_392">392</span> -is the means whereby the mind develops a -true human nature. The symbols of our social -environment “supply the stimulus and framework -for all our growth.” Thus the communication concept -furnishes a substantial basis for understanding -the psycho-sociologic phenomena which are ordinarily -called suggestion and imitation.</p> - -<p>Personality has its origin partly in heredity and -partly “in the stream of communication, both of -which flow from the corporate life of the race.” -A study of communication shows that the individual -mind is not a separate growth, but an integral -development of the general mind.</p> - -<p>The means of communication developed remarkably -in the nineteenth century, chiefly in the following -ways: (1) in expressiveness, that is, in the -range of ideas and feelings they are competent to -carry; (2) in the permanence in recording; (3) in -swiftness of communication; and (4) in diffusion -to all classes of people.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-12" href="#Footnote_XXIII-12" class="fnanchor">XXIII-12</a> Thus society can be organized -on the bases of intelligence and of rationalized -and systematized feelings rather than on authority, -autocracy, and caste.</p> - -<p>A free intercourse of ideas, that is, free and unimpeded -communication, will not produce uniformity. -Self feeling will find enlarged opportunities -for expression. An increased degree of communication -furnishes the bases for making the individual -conscious of the unique part he can and should play -in improving the quality of the social whole. On<span class="pagenum" id="Page_393">393</span> -the other hand, freedom of communication is tending -to produce “the disease of the century,” namely, -the disease of excess, of overwork, of prolonged -worry, of a competitive race for which men are not -fully equipped.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-13" href="#Footnote_XXIII-13" class="fnanchor">XXIII-13</a></p> - -<p>Public opinion, according to Professor Cooley, is -not merely an aggregate of opinions of individuals, -but “a co-operative product of communication and -reciprocal influence.”<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-14" href="#Footnote_XXIII-14" class="fnanchor">XXIII-14</a> It is a crystalization of -diverse opinion, resulting in a certain stability of -thought. It is produced by discussion. Public -opinion is usually superior, in the sense of being -more effective, than the average opinion of the -members of the public.</p> - -<p>The masses make fundamental contributions to -public opinion, not through formulated ideas but -through their sentiments. The masses in their -daily experiences are close to the salient facts of -human nature. They are not troubled with that -preoccupation with ideas which hinders them from -immediate fellowship. Neither are they limited by -that attention to the hoarding of private property -which prevents the wealthy from keeping in touch -with the common things of life.</p> - -<p>The striking result of the social process is the -development of personalities. The social process -affords opportunities which individuals, ambitious -and properly stimulated, may accept. Education -may perform a useful function in adjusting individuals -to opportunities. But education often fails<span class="pagenum" id="Page_394">394</span> -because it requires too much and inspires too little; -it accents formal knowledge at the expense of -kindling the spirit.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-15" href="#Footnote_XXIII-15" class="fnanchor">XXIII-15</a></p> - -<p>Social stratification hinders.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-16" href="#Footnote_XXIII-16" class="fnanchor">XXIII-16</a> It cuts off communication. -It throws social ascendancy into the -hands of a stable, communicating minority. The -majority are submerged in the morass of ignorance. -Degrading neighborhood associations, vicious parents, -despised racial connections—these all serve to -produce stratification and to hinder progress.</p> - -<p>Professor Cooley holds that in the social process -the institutional element is as essential as the personal.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-17" href="#Footnote_XXIII-17" class="fnanchor">XXIII-17</a> -Institutions bequeath the standard gifts of -the past to the individual; they give stability. At -the same time, if rationally controlled they leave -energy free for new conquests. Vigor in the individual -commonly leads to dissatisfaction on his -part with institutions. Disorganization thus arises -from the reaction against institutional formalism -manifested by energetic individuals. It may be -regarded as a lack of communication between the -individual and the institution. Formalism indicates -that in certain particulars there has been an excess -of communication.</p> - -<p>The economic concept of value has long been -analyzed in individualistic terms—the economic -desires arise out of “the inscrutable depths of the -private mind.” To this explanation Professor -Cooley replies that economic wants, interests, and -values are primarily of institutional origin; they<span class="pagenum" id="Page_395">395</span> -are socially created. Pecuniary valuations are -largely the products of group conditions and activities.</p> - -<p>It is in a rational public will that Professor -Cooley sees the salvation of the social process. -While he repeatedly expresses a large degree of -faith in human nature as it is, he looks forward -to a day, rather remote, when communication and -education will enable all individuals to take a large -grasp of human situations and on the basis of this -grasp to express effectual social purposes. Unconscious -adaptation will be superseded by the deliberate -self-direction of every group along lines of -broadening sympathy and widening intellectual -reaches.</p> - -<p>Professor Cooley has earned the title of a sound, -sane, and deep sociological thinker. His contributions -to social thought are found in his lucid descriptions -of the social process from which personalities -and social organizations arise, in his keen -analysis of communication as the fundamental element -in progress, and in his emphasis upon rational -control through standards.</p> - -<p>The year 1908 is a red letter year in the history -of socio-psychologic thought. In that year two -important treatises appeared, one written by -William McDougall and the other by Edward Alsworth -Ross. The former was developed from the -psychological standpoint; the latter, from the sociological -point of view.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_396">396</span></p> - -<p>Mr. McDougall considers social psychology -largely as a study of the social instincts of individuals; -Professor Ross concentrates attention -upon the suggestion and imitation phases of societal -life. In a sense Professor Ross begins his analysis -where Mr. McDougall concludes.</p> - -<p>Mr. McDougall treats the instincts as the bases -of social life. He makes them the foundation of -nearly all individual and social activities.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-18" href="#Footnote_XXIII-18" class="fnanchor">XXIII-18</a> Instincts -are biologically inherited; they cannot be eradicated -by the individual. Instincts constitute the materials -out of which habits are made. Consciousness arises -only when an instinct or a habit (that is, a modified -instinct) fails to meet human needs.</p> - -<p>The primary instincts are the sex and parental, -the gregarious, curiosity, flight, repulsion. Each is -accompanied by its peculiar emotion, for example, -the instinct of flight by the emotion of fear, the instinct -of curiosity by the emotion of wonder. This -instinct-emotion theory is, however, drawn out -until it seems to become academic rather than actual -in its details.</p> - -<p>Professor McDougall points out that the instincts -are the basic elements upon which all social institutions -are built.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-19" href="#Footnote_XXIII-19" class="fnanchor">XXIII-19</a> For example, the sex and parental -instincts are the foundations of the family; the -acquisitive instinct is an essential condition of the -accumulation of material wealth and of the rise of -private property as an institution. Pugnaciousness -leads to war.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_397">397</span></p> - -<p>This emphasis upon the instincts reaches an extreme -form in W. Trotter’s <i>Instincts of the Herd -in Peace and War</i>, where the herd instinct is made -all-dominant. According to Mr. Trotter the herd -instinct arouses fear in the individual and rules him -through rigorous conventional means—in a large -percentages of cases to his detriment.</p> - -<p>In conjunction with his theory of instincts, Professor -McDougall has advanced a noteworthy conception -of the sentiments. The three leading expressions -of sentiment are love, hate, and respect. -Sympathy is regarded as an elemental sentiment, in -fact, as an emotion in its simplest form. A sentiment -is “an organized system of emotional tendencies -centered about some object.” The sentiments -comprise an important phase of the self, and function -powerfully in determining social conduct.</p> - -<p>It was in 1901 that Professor E. A. Ross made -his initial contribution to psycho-sociologic thought—seven -years before his <i>Social Psychology</i> was -published. His first great work was <i>Social Control</i>. -In this excursus he defined social psychology as the -study of “the psychic interplay between man and -his environing society.”<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-20" href="#Footnote_XXIII-20" class="fnanchor">XXIII-20</a> This interplay is two-fold: -the domination of society over the individual -(social ascendancy); and the domination of the individual -over society (individual ascendancy). Social -ascendancy may be either purposeless (social -influence) or purposeful (social control). Social -psychology, according to Professor Ross, deals with<span class="pagenum" id="Page_398">398</span> -psychic planes and currents; it does not treat of -groups, which is a part of the preserve of psychological -sociology.</p> - -<p>The psycho-sociologic grounds of control are -found in such factors as sympathy, sociability, an -elemental sense of justice, and particularly in group -needs. There are individuals whose conduct exasperates -the group. “In this common wrath and -common vengeance lies the germ of a social control -of the person.”<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-21" href="#Footnote_XXIII-21" class="fnanchor">XXIII-21</a></p> - -<p>Perhaps the best part of Professor Ross’ discussion -of social control is his analysis of the agents -of control.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-22" href="#Footnote_XXIII-22" class="fnanchor">XXIII-22</a> Public opinion and law are the two -most important means of controlling individuals. -The weakness of one, in this connection, is its fitfulness; -of the other, its rigidity. Personal beliefs -and ideals function widely and effectively because -of their subjective character. An individual may -escape the operation of law; he can hide away from -the winds of public opinion; but he cannot get away -from his own ideas and conscience. It is for this -reason that religious convictions are powerful. Art -as a means of social control is commonly underrated. -It arouses the passions, kindles sympathies, -creates a sense of the beautiful and perfects social -symbols, such as Columbia, La Belle France, -Britannia.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-23" href="#Footnote_XXIII-23" class="fnanchor">XXIII-23</a></p> - -<p>Systems of social control are political or moral.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-24" href="#Footnote_XXIII-24" class="fnanchor">XXIII-24</a> -The political form is more or less objective, is likely -to be in the hands of a few, is apt to be used for<span class="pagenum" id="Page_399">399</span> -class benefit. The ethical arises from sentiment -rather than from utility; it is more or less subjective; -it permeates the hidden recesses of life. The -ethical system is usually mild, enlightening and -suasive “rather than bold and fear-engendering.” -Individuals are ordinarily aware of political control, -but the far-reaching influences of ethical control -they little suspect.</p> - -<p>The two most difficult problems for society to -solve in connection with social control are these: -(1) what measures of control may be best imposed; -and (2) how these measures should be imposed.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-25" href="#Footnote_XXIII-25" class="fnanchor">XXIII-25</a> -The variety of disciplines which society may use -varies from epithets to capital punishment. The -methods vary from the democratic one of social -self-infliction to the direct autocratic procedure. -Too much control produces either stagnation or -revolution, depending on the amount of energy the -rank and file may possess. Too little control leads -to anarchy, or at least to a reign of selfishness. A -paternal social control may cause resentment or a -crushing of self-respect.</p> - -<p>Suggestion and imitation are social elements that -Professor Ross has described in detail.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-26" href="#Footnote_XXIII-26" class="fnanchor">XXIII-26</a> He has -demonstrated that the more gregarious species are -more suggestible than the species whose members -are more or less solitary; that southern races are -more suggestible than northern races, because of -the different climatic effects upon temperament; -that children are more suggestible than adults, because<span class="pagenum" id="Page_400">400</span> -children possess a small store of facts and an -undeveloped ability to criticize; that people of a -nervous temperament are more suggestible than -persons who are phlegmatic, because of difference -in sensibility; that women are more suggestible than -men, because they have not had the broadening influences -which men have enjoyed, such as “higher -education, travel, self-direction, professional pursuits, -participation in intellectual and public life.”<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-27" href="#Footnote_XXIII-27" class="fnanchor">XXIII-27</a></p> - -<p>The laws of imitation, particularly of fashion -imitation and rational imitation, which M. Tarde -was the first to outline, have been elucidated and -illustrated by Professor Ross. He has cut boldly -into the shams of fashion, convention, and custom, -and made a strong plea for rationality in these -fields. He has shown how mob mind, the craze, and -the fad sweep not simply the foolish and lightheaded -individuals off their feet, but also the persons -who are counted as sane and acquainted with -common sense. In fact, he has made clear that even -the most level-headed are blindly or slavishly governed -by custom or fashion or both. He does not -develop, however, the fact that imitation is largely -a result of like-mindedness and common social -stimuli. He implies an individual rather than a -group origin of suggestion-imitation phenomena.</p> - -<p>It is in discussion that Professor Ross sees one -of the main hopes of progress.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-28" href="#Footnote_XXIII-28" class="fnanchor">XXIII-28</a> Discussion brings -conflicts to a head, and leads to group progress. -Discussion changes a person’s opinions. Adequate<span class="pagenum" id="Page_401">401</span> -discussion leads to the settlement of a conflict and -the creation of an established public opinion, which -remains in force until a new invention occurs, a resultant -conflict ensues, and a new public opinion -comes into power.</p> - -<p>In 1920, Professor Ross made his largest and -most important contribution to social thought in his -<i>Principles of Sociology</i>. This work, however, is -essentially a treatise in social psychology. The original -social forces are the human instincts, notably -the fighting instinct, the gregarious instinct, the -parental instinct, the curiosity instinct. The derivative -social forces are societal complexes which tend -to satisfy instinctive cravings. Professor Ross’ -classification of the derivative social forces, or interests, -is primarily fourfold. These fundamental -interests are wealth, government, religion, and -knowledge. This classification contains only two, -or at best three, of the six groups of interests which -are found in Professor Small’s exhibit.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-29" href="#Footnote_XXIII-29" class="fnanchor">XXIII-29</a></p> - -<p>Professor Ross’ analysis of the process of socialization -has been indicated in <a href="#Chapter_XXI">Chapter XXI</a>. This -phenomena is to be sharply distinguished from ossification, -which is the hardening of social life into -rigid forms.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-30" href="#Footnote_XXIII-30" class="fnanchor">XXIII-30</a> Groups often become unduly solidified. -The salvation of such a situation lies in individuation, -which is a process of pulverizing social -lumps and releasing the action of their members.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-31" href="#Footnote_XXIII-31" class="fnanchor">XXIII-31</a> -Any movement that develops that spirit of personal -liberty leads to individuation.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_402">402</span></p> - -<p>“Commercialization is the increasing subjection -of any calling or function to the profits motive.”<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-32" href="#Footnote_XXIII-32" class="fnanchor">XXIII-32</a> -The various factors which hold the profits motive in -check are: (1) pleasure in creative activity; (2) -pride in the perfection of one’s product; (3) the desire -to live up to accepted standards of excellence; -(4) abhorrence of sham in one’s work; (5) interest -in the welfare of the customer; (6) the social service -motive. The profits motive, however, receives -support from many social tendencies, notably: (1) -the increasing distance between producer and consumer; -(2) the growing differentiation between -principals and subordinates; (3) the increasing importance -of capital in the practice of an art or occupation.</p> - -<p>Professor Ross has set forth a valuable exhibit of -the canons of social reconstruction.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-33" href="#Footnote_XXIII-33" class="fnanchor">XXIII-33</a> (1) Reforms -must not do violence to human nature. (2) They -must square with essential realities. (3) They -should be preceded by a close sociological study of -the situation which it is planned to change. (4) -Reforms should be tried out on a small scale before -being adopted on a large scale. (5) A reform -should be the outcome of a social movement. (6) -Under a popular government, reforms should move -according to legal and constitutional methods.</p> - -<p>In regard to the improvement of social institutions, -Professor Ross rests his argument on the importance -of standards. “Standards are, perhaps, -the most important things in society.”<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-34" href="#Footnote_XXIII-34" class="fnanchor">XXIII-34</a> Although<span class="pagenum" id="Page_403">403</span> -invisible and intangible they reveal, better than anything -else, the quality of a society.</p> - -<p>The current standards of the family may be improved -through imparting sound ideals of marriage, -through fixing these ideals everywhere in social tradition, -and through making “the social atmosphere -frosty toward foolish and frivolous ideals of marriage.”<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-35" href="#Footnote_XXIII-35" class="fnanchor">XXIII-35</a> -Young people may well be taught to look -upon divorce as a moral shipwreck. Loyalty to the -state or society has its origin in the obedience of -children to parents in the family. A sound family -life, thus, is rated by our author as the bulwark of -society.</p> - -<p>In regard to industry, it is pointed out that the -principle of the sovyet is associated in an entirely -accidental way with Bolshevism.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-36" href="#Footnote_XXIII-36" class="fnanchor">XXIII-36</a> The sovyet may -well be judged on its own merits. The principle -upon which citizens may be grouped for purposes of -securing representation in government is not yet -settled. Is a given geographical area a better unit -for securing representation than occupational -areas?</p> - -<p>State socialism is objected to by Professor Ross -on the grounds that it leaves the citizens so remote -“from that which most vitally concerns him, viz., -the regulation of the industry in which he works, -that his yearly vote may be a mere fribble and he -little better than a state serf.”<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-37" href="#Footnote_XXIII-37" class="fnanchor">XXIII-37</a> Guild socialism, on -the other hand, urges that each branch of industry -shall organize itself democratically, and that the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_404">404</span> -state shall be organized not with provinces and localities -as semi-autonomies but with industries exercising -a degree of autonomy. Our author endorses -the general shift which is occurring at the -present time from the coercive side to the service -side of industrial life.</p> - -<p>Professor Ross has deduced several important -sociological principles of general import. These he -calls the principle of anticipation, the principle of -simulation, the principle of individualization, and -the principle of balance.</p> - -<p>By the principle of anticipation, he means that a -known policy of an institution will come to be anticipated -by the members of the institution and will -result in modifying behavior.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-38" href="#Footnote_XXIII-38" class="fnanchor">XXIII-38</a> Unfair advantage -is often taken of people on the basis of this principle. -For example, children frequently count on -favor and leniency. The false beggar’s whine is -often effective. It is in this connection that genuine -social reform differs from a common conception of -charity, for the former method fits people to run, -clears their course, and incites them to make the -race,<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-39" href="#Footnote_XXIII-39" class="fnanchor">XXIII-39</a> while the latter fails to render assistance of -permanent value.</p> - -<p>The principle of simulation refers to the common -tendency of “the unworthy to simulate every type -or trait which has won social approval, in order to -steal prestige from it.”<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-40" href="#Footnote_XXIII-40" class="fnanchor">XXIII-40</a> Commercial competition -has produced adulterations, misbrandings, counterfeiting. -There is the professional athlete, who<span class="pagenum" id="Page_405">405</span> -sometimes poses as a sincere enthusiast for physical -development. Politicians are often expert dissemblers.</p> - -<p>The principle of individualization refers to giving -individuality a reasonable chance for growth. -As society grows more complex, institutions more -ossified, and life more standardized, the average individual -is increasingly in danger of being crushed; -at least, his opportunities for self-expression grow -more slim. There is need of constant vigilance in -education in allowing for individual differences, in -industry for safeguarding the laborer in expressing -his personality in his work, in government in permitting -free discussion.</p> - -<p>The principle of balance is stated by Professor -Ross as follows: “In the guidance of society each -social element should share according to the intelligence -and public spirit of its members and none -should predominate.”<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-41" href="#Footnote_XXIII-41" class="fnanchor">XXIII-41</a> There has been in the past, -and even now there is in all countries, a bitter struggle -taking place between classes apparently on the -basis that some one class should rule all the other -classes. Society has suffered immeasurably in this -way. Sometimes society has been the victim of the -rulership of the dead, of the rulership of masculinism, -of clericalism, of militarism, of commercialism, -of legalism, of leisure class ascendancy, of intellectualism, -of proletarianism, but always by one class -lording it over the weaker classes until some one of -the weaker classes acquires strength enough to overthrow<span class="pagenum" id="Page_406">406</span> -the class in power.</p> - -<p>The socio-psychological thought of Professor -Ross has penetrated the farthermost reaches of -human life. It has been stated in lucid, stimulating -language. It has commanded the attention of socially-thinking -persons in many lands. It has defined -the field of sociology, giving the psychological -approach.</p> - -<p>Special attention may be given to the concept of -“the great society” as used by Graham Wallas. The -Great Society is a name for current human society, -the product of mechanical inventions, industrial -production, commercial expansion, democratic evolution—highly -organized and intricately complex. -It is ruled, in the main, by men “who direct enormous -social power without attempting to form a -social purpose,” and it is composed to a surpassing -degree of individuals who recognize the power of -society but dimly and who often treat society with -distrust and dislike.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-42" href="#Footnote_XXIII-42" class="fnanchor">XXIII-42</a></p> - -<p>Mr. Wallas substitutes organization for organism -as a fundamental social concept. He makes a -distinction between thought organizations, will organizations, -and happiness organizations. Thought -organizations are those institutions in society whose -main function is the organization of thought, such -as discussion groups, ranging from a philosophical -club to an ordinary committee that is called together -to plan new legislation. At this point Mr. Wallas -asserts that he has attended perhaps 3000 meetings<span class="pagenum" id="Page_407">407</span> -of municipal committees, of different sizes and for -different purposes, and that he is sure that at least -half of the men and women with whom he has sat -“were entirely unaware that any conscious mental -effort on their part was called for.”<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-43" href="#Footnote_XXIII-43" class="fnanchor">XXIII-43</a> They attended -in the same spirit that many persons attend -church, namely, in the spirit that if they merely -attend they are doing their duty, and that some good -must come of it.</p> - -<p>Will organization comes into existence because -of imperfect social machinery. In industry three -types of will organizations are striving for mastery—the -institution of private property, represented -by the individualists; the state, represented by collectivists; -labor organizations, represented perhaps -by syndicalists. There is urgent need for “the invention -of means of organizing the conflicting wills -of individuals and classes within each nation more -effective than reliance upon any single ‘principle,’ -whether representation, property, or professionalism.”<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-44" href="#Footnote_XXIII-44" class="fnanchor">XXIII-44</a></p> - -<p>The organization of happiness has not proceeded -far. Efficiency has supplanted happiness as a modern -god. The ideal of making money has shadowed -the ideal of making people happy. A social system -organized on the basis of happiness avoids both destitution -and superfluity, employs the Mean as the -standard for the representation of all social interests -as well as for all faculties of individuals, avoids -the Extreme in all things.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-45" href="#Footnote_XXIII-45" class="fnanchor">XXIII-45</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_408">408</span></p> - -<p>The writings of Charles A. Ellwood deal particularly -with that part of sociological thought which -rests upon psychological theory. Professor Ellwood -defines a society as “a group of individuals carrying -on a collective life by means of mental interactions.”<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-46" href="#Footnote_XXIII-46" class="fnanchor">XXIII-46</a> -As a result of mental interactions, co-ordination -or co-adaptation of the activities of the -members is effected.</p> - -<p>The psychological basis of social interactions is -found in such characteristics of the individual as -spontaneity, instincts, emotions, consciousness, -mind. Organisms possess spontaneity, that is, -movements are set up in them without the apparent -aid of external causes.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-47" href="#Footnote_XXIII-47" class="fnanchor">XXIII-47</a> The organism, however, -is dependent largely upon the environment for the -development of its potentialities, “but the essential -ground for the beginning of its activities lies -within—in its own organic needs.” Instincts, the -product of natural selection, represent preformed -neurological pathways that developed “in response -to the demands of previous life conditions.” The -emotions, also hereditary, are complexes of feelings -and sensations. The desires are complex combinations -of feelings and impulses which are accompanied -by an awareness of the objects that will -satisfy the impulse.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-48" href="#Footnote_XXIII-48" class="fnanchor">XXIII-48</a> Consciousness develops to -solve problems which the instincts cannot meet. At -first, consciousness is largely a selective activity. It -develops, however, into a highly complex agency for -mastering the problems of life and the universe.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_409">409</span> -Mind is a product of the social life-process. It has -arisen under conditions of association.</p> - -<p>One of the most fundamental phases of the associational -process is communication. The need of -acting together has given rise to intercommunicative -symbols.</p> - -<p>Professor George H. Mead has given a thoroughgoing -discussion of communication, language, and -the consciousness of meaning.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-49" href="#Footnote_XXIII-49" class="fnanchor">XXIII-49</a> He begins with a -social situation, where the actions of one person -serve as stimulations to other persons, whose responses -in turn act as stimulations to the first person. -Thus life is a series of actions, stimulations, -responses, resultant stimulations—these activities -constitute gestures or symbols with meanings. -Symbols and the consciousness of meaning of these -symbols are the main elements in communication.</p> - -<p>Communication, says Professor Ellwood, is “a -device to carry on a common life-process among -several distinct, though psychically interacting, individual -units.”<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-50" href="#Footnote_XXIII-50" class="fnanchor">XXIII-50</a> This definition probably emphasizes -unduly the “individual units,” which are -doubtless a product, in part, of the stream of social -life. Suggestion is an elemental, but quick form of -communication, related in its simpler phases to sympathetic -emotion. Imitation is a common mechanism -whereby actions and ideas spread. Communication -in the form of oral and written language is -the chief mechanistic factor in securing social -change.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_410">410</span></p> - -<p>The contention of Ward that primitive man was -anti-social is refuted by Professor Ellwood, who -points out that according to social anthropology the -so-called anti-social traits of earliest man are not -found fully developed among “savages” but among -people of later ages. Primitives were characterized -by a narrow sociality, confined largely to the family -and small groups.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-51" href="#Footnote_XXIII-51" class="fnanchor">XXIII-51</a></p> - -<p>Professor Ellwood’s theory of social change is of -a two-fold character: unconscious and conscious,—the -former being characteristic of the lower stages -of social evolution, and the latter, increasingly characteristic -of the higher stages.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-52" href="#Footnote_XXIII-52" class="fnanchor">XXIII-52</a> The forms of unconscious -social change are manifold.</p> - -<p>Natural selection tends to crush and destroy the -weaker individuals and the weaker groups. Another -type of unconscious social change is that -which comes through a gradual disuse of certain -cultural elements. One generation fails to copy the -preceding in all particulars. Another set of sources -of unconscious social change is found in the shifting -relationships between individuals that is produced -by “the increase of population, a new physical -environment, a new cultural contact, a new discovery -or a new invention.” In fact, Professor Ellwood -states that all social changes start in an unconscious -way.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-53" href="#Footnote_XXIII-53" class="fnanchor">XXIII-53</a></p> - -<p>Conscious change begins with the awareness on -the part of one or more individuals that some social -habit is not functioning well. Through communication,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_411">411</span> -this awareness spreads from individual to -individual. Discussion ensues. At first, discussion -is largely critical of the unsatisfactory social situation. -The useless or harmful elements in the situation -receive first attention. As discussion proceeds, -it takes on a more constructive nature, that -is, it becomes projective, planful, positive. It suggests -a change to be made. It becomes transformed -into a more or less stable public opinion, demanding -a substitution of a proposed way of doing for -the old. The chief elements in guaranteeing conscious -readjustments are free communication, “free -public criticism, free discussion, untrammeled formation -of public opinion, free selection of social -policies and social leaders.”<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-54" href="#Footnote_XXIII-54" class="fnanchor">XXIII-54</a> The selective process -in conscious social change is public opinion, whose -social function it is to mediate in the transition -from one social habit to another.</p> - -<p>Conscious social change in Western Civilization -is endangered on one hand by an excessive individualism, -and on the other by a socialism which -threatens to suppress individual initiative and to -underemphasize the rôle of mental and moral character. -Professor Ellwood urges the importance of -an education which will socialize the individual and -at the same time develop a high type of personal -character.</p> - -<p>Social change, also, takes place under socially -abnormal conditions, so long as societies fail to keep -“a high degree of flexibility in their habits and institutions.”<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-55" href="#Footnote_XXIII-55" class="fnanchor">XXIII-55</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_412">412</span> -Autocratic rulers, propertied classes, -ecclesiastical classes, special groups in power, a -general intellectual stagnation, are factors which -tend to resist institutional flexibility. If this adaptability -does not exist, then social conditions will -produce revolutions. If the ruling autocracy is so -powerful that the lives of all objectors are snuffed -out, then revolution is indefinitely postponed. If -the energetic forces within a society are hampered -greatly in securing constructive opportunities for -expression, they become forces of discontent and -agents of revolt. If a revolution comes, then much -that is worthy in social organization will be obliterated -along with the unworthy, confusion will -reign and a reversion to the brutal stages of societal -life is easily possible.</p> - -<p>In his discussion of “the social problem,” Professor -Ellwood points out that the good fruits of the -World War are in danger of being destroyed by -“the blindness and selfishness of some in our -socially privileged classes, the fanatic radicalism -and class hatred of some of the leaders of the non-privileged.”<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-56" href="#Footnote_XXIII-56" class="fnanchor">XXIII-56</a> -The forces which are combining -against making the world safe for democracy today -are national imperialism, commercialism, materialistic -standards of life, class conflicts, religious -agnosticism, and a reckless attitude toward marriage -and the family.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-57" href="#Footnote_XXIII-57" class="fnanchor">XXIII-57</a> The social problem, from -one angle, becomes the problem of training people -to live together justly, constructively, and co-operatingly.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_413">413</span></p> - -<p>As -Turgot indicated, the only way to avert social -revolution is through suitable and well-timed reforms. -Today, the reforms most urgently needed -are three-fold: the substitution of an unselfish -internationalism for a selfish nationalism, of a -spiritual civilization for a rampant materialism, -and of a socialized human race for individualized -peoples. To bring about these changes is a gigantic -task, namely <em>the</em> social problem.</p> - -<p>Civilization is a complex of social values. Professor -Ellwood’s classification of values is widely -different from the analysis that Professor Giddings -has made (given in the preceding chapter). -According to Professor Ellwood, western civilization -is represented by the following groups of -social values historically derived: (1) a set of -spiritual and ethical values, described by the -ancient Hebrews; (2) a set of esthetic and philosophic -concepts from the Greeks; (3) a set of administrative -and legal forms of Roman origin; -(4) a set of personal liberty beliefs of early Teutonic -derivation; (5) a scientific spirit and technique, -originating during the Renaissance; (6) -economic efficiency, born of the industrial revolution; -and (7) an extensive group of humanitarian -values, the product of the nineteenth century. This -vast and complicated Western Civilization needs, -however, to remove from its structure the three -“rotten pillars” of hyper-individualism, materialism,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_414">414</span> -and selfish nationalism, substituting for each -its spiritualized and socialized counterpart.</p> - -<p>The nature of social control, according to the -analysis by Professor E. C. Hayes, is “to secure -the completed and most harmonious realization of -good human experience, regarded as an end in -itself.”<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-58" href="#Footnote_XXIII-58" class="fnanchor">XXIII-58</a> Social control should prevent activities -which do not bear the test of reason, and should -elicit those which stand that test, when judged by -their own intrinsic value and by their effect upon -other values. This statement of the purpose of -social control is similar to that of other standard -interpretations of the matter.</p> - -<p>There are two types of social control.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-59" href="#Footnote_XXIII-59" class="fnanchor">XXIII-59</a> The first -is control by sanctions, and the second by social -suggestion, sympathetic radiation, and imitation. -Social sanctions refer to proffered rewards and -threatened punishments. Professor Hayes, however, -makes not law but personality the ultimate -basis of social order. Repression of crime is a -correct social procedure but of a distinctly lower -grade than the movement to raise the moral character -of those who never go to prison. <em>The</em> problem of -social control is to take the instinctive tendencies -of each individual when he is young and -make them over into a disposition that is characterized -by the four following traits: (1) reliability, -or honesty; (2) controlled animalism, or temperance -regarding eating, drinking, and other animal -propensities; (3) steadiness in endeavor; (4) the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_415">415</span> -social spirit, or justice.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-60" href="#Footnote_XXIII-60" class="fnanchor">XXIII-60</a></p> - -<p>Professor Hayes’ statement on the agencies of -social control is similar in purport to the list that -Professor Ross has given. Education is considered -the chief agency of social control. Education can -determine the direction of ambition; education can -shift the emphasis in social valuations. Professor -Hayes recognizes the import of heredity and how -the degree of individual achievement is “more dependent -upon heredity than upon the directions of -effort.” Society, however, has the power to decide -which of its members shall develop as far as their -potential abilities will permit, and also the power -to determine the direction the activities of its members -shall take.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-61" href="#Footnote_XXIII-61" class="fnanchor">XXIII-61</a></p> - -<p>Among educational agencies of control the family -ranks first.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-62" href="#Footnote_XXIII-62" class="fnanchor">XXIII-62</a> The power of the family at its best -in building personality is comparable to the influence -in this connection of all other agencies combined. -The profession of mother-work is more -important to society than any other profession.</p> - -<p>The social psychology of business enterprise, of -the leisure classes, of the machine process, of industry -and workmanship have been indicated by -Thorstein Veblen. The unique, incisive work of -Mr. Veblen is presented in several books, chief of -which are his <i>Theory of the Leisure Class</i>, <i>Theory -of Business Enterprise</i>, and <i>Instinct of Workmanship</i>. -Mr. Veblen’s ideas can best be illustrated by -referring to his “canons.”</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_416">416</span></p> - -<p>The Canon of Pecuniary Emulation describes the -restless straining of certain individuals in society -to outdo one another in the possession of wealth.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-63" href="#Footnote_XXIII-63" class="fnanchor">XXIII-63</a> -Such possession is interpreted as conferring honor -on its possessor. Wealth becomes intrinsically -honorable. The Canon of Pecuniary Beauty refers -to the impression that things are beautiful in proportion -as they are costly.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-64" href="#Footnote_XXIII-64" class="fnanchor">XXIII-64</a> The marks of expensiveness -come to be regarded as beautiful features.</p> - -<p>The Canon of Conspicuous Consumption is a -term which describes a method of showing off one’s -wealth by an elaborate consumption of goods.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-65" href="#Footnote_XXIII-65" class="fnanchor">XXIII-65</a> -Conspicuous consumption is seen more in matters -of dress than in any other line of consumption. -The Canon of Conspicuous Leisure is the rule -which some people are following when they live a -life of leisure as the readiest and most conclusive -evidence of pecuniary strength.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-66" href="#Footnote_XXIII-66" class="fnanchor">XXIII-66</a> Sometimes a man -keeps his wife frittering her time away in a doll’s -house in order to show his wealth status.</p> - -<p>The Canon of Leisure Class Conservatism is -Veblen’s label for the conservative tendencies of the -wealthy. Those whom fortune has greatly favored -are likely to be content with things as they are. -Such people are averse to social change, for social -innovation might upset their comfortable existence. -They have a dominant material interest in letting -things alone.</p> - -<p>Mr. Veblen’s Canon of Pecuniary Efficiency -means that many persons conceive of efficiency<span class="pagenum" id="Page_417">417</span> -largely in terms of price. The person who can induce -his fellows to pay him well is accounted efficient -and serviceable.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-67" href="#Footnote_XXIII-67" class="fnanchor">XXIII-67</a> The man who gains much -wealth at little cost is rated high in his neighbor’s -esteem. The investor who at the turn of his hand -reaps $100,000 in a stock or bond deal is praised -widely. In other words, there is a common tendency -to rate people high in direct proportion to -the amount of money that they are able to extract -from the aggregate product.</p> - -<p>The Canon of Bellicoseness refers to the enthusiasm -for war which the hereditary leisure class -displays. The very wealthy, not being obliged to -work for a living, find that time drags. Therefore, -they seek excitement and relief from ennui, and -find these conditions in various things, especially -in war.</p> - -<p>The Canon of Pecuniary Education covers the -tendency to demand “practical” education, which, -upon examination, is education that will guarantee -individual success. “Success,” for which education -is to fit young people, turns out to be, in the eyes of -the practical man, a pecuniary success. “Practical” -means useful for private gain. The test that many -persons would give to a course in education is -this: Will it help one to get an income? The Canon -of Pecuniary Thinking denotes that many occupations -lead to habits of pecuniary thought. For -numbers of people the beginning and end of their -more serious thought is of a pecuniary nature.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_418">418</span></p> - -<p>The Canon of Machine Process Thinking is that -mechanical employments produce a type of thinking -that is based more or less on material cause and -effect. The Machine knows neither morality nor -dignity nor prescriptive right. The machine process -laborers, working in a world of impersonal cause -and effect, “are in danger of losing the point of -view of sin.”</p> - -<p>Professor Veblen has developed the concept of -the instinct of workmanship at considerable length. -According to this contention, it is natural for individuals -to do, to construct, to achieve, to work. -Through activity the individual expresses himself -and, in so doing, develops, and attains happiness. -Every individual is a center of unfolding impulsive -activity; he is possessed of a taste for effective -work.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-68" href="#Footnote_XXIII-68" class="fnanchor">XXIII-68</a> Labor acquires a character of irksomeness -by virtue of the indignity that is falsely imputed to -it by a hereditary leisure class.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-69" href="#Footnote_XXIII-69" class="fnanchor">XXIII-69</a> It was the instinct -of workmanship which brought the life of mankind -from the brute to the human plan.</p> - -<p>The contributions of Mr. Veblen to social thought -are always of a thought-provoking nature. Sometimes -they give rise to invidious comparisons, often -they antagonize, but as a rule, they are unique. -No brief reference such as is given in the foregoing -paragraphs can do justice to Mr. Veblen’s pungent -criticisms of societal foibles.</p> - -<p>It would be a decidedly incomplete treatment of -the nature of psycho-sociologic thought that did<span class="pagenum" id="Page_419">419</span> -not make reference to the work of George Elliott -Howard, political scientist, historian, sociologist, -but above all, social psychologist. In each of the -fields in which Dr. Howard has achieved fame, his -method of approach is psychological. He has prepared -an excellent outline of the field of social -psychology, together with a scholarly bibliography -of the same. Perhaps the best way to treat Professor -Howard’s socio-psychologic thought, is to give a -sample of it, as found in his address before the -American Sociological Society when he was president -of that body. The theme was, “Ideals as a -Factor in the Future Control of International Society.” -This <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">magnum opus</i> served as an excellent -introduction to the series of papers on the subject -of social control which were read at the annual -meeting of the Sociological Society in 1918, and -which have been published together with the presidential -address as Volume XII of the Publications -of the Society.</p> - -<p>By social control, Professor Howard means the -standard conception of the “ascendency of the social -consciousness.”<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-70" href="#Footnote_XXIII-70" class="fnanchor">XXIII-70</a> In the same volume, however, -Professor Carl Kelsey interprets social control as -“the organization and utilization of our wealth and -citizens for private purposes.”<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-71" href="#Footnote_XXIII-71" class="fnanchor">XXIII-71</a> Professor Hutton -Webster is inclined to believe that the main feature -of primitive social control is “the superstitious fear -of the new.”<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-72" href="#Footnote_XXIII-72" class="fnanchor">XXIII-72</a> Professor F. Stuart Chapin sees the -essential element of primitive social ascendency in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_420">420</span> -the pressure upon the individual of social conditions, -customs, and conventions.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-73" href="#Footnote_XXIII-73" class="fnanchor">XXIII-73</a> Without giving -additional interpretations of social control, the -reader will be referred directly to Volume XII of -the Publications as the best symposium that is available -on the subject.</p> - -<p>In discussing ideals as a phase of international -control, Professor Howard makes clear that certain -ideals exert a baneful influence. The ideal of the -nation-state appears to be unmoral if not immoral.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-74" href="#Footnote_XXIII-74" class="fnanchor">XXIII-74</a> -Of four prevailing standards of ethics, namely, personal -morality, business morality, national morality -for home consumption, and “standards of international -morality for use with outlanders,” the -scale is descending, and the fourth type is the lowest. -Nationalisms have been overdeveloped—at the -expense of a needed internationalism.</p> - -<p>Another false ideal of which society needs to rid -itself is its conception of the function of war and -militarism. War is not a good in itself. War as -war is not heroic. Race values constitute a third -false ideal. “Every race deems itself superior to -every other race and every race is mistaken.”<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-75" href="#Footnote_XXIII-75" class="fnanchor">XXIII-75</a> -Race conceit is contrary to the Christian ideal and -has steadily been supplanted by the new doctrine of -the potential equality of all races.</p> - -<p>The ideal of democracy, on the other hand, rings -true to the needs of progress. It makes for peace. -Democracy, however, must rid itself of blemishes. -Hereditary and class privilege must be abolished;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_421">421</span> -political corruption and race riots must be defeated; -woman, “the original social builder, the mother of -industry, the first inventor of the arts of peace,” -must be granted a full voice in social control.</p> - -<p>The ideal of education is exceedingly delicate, -for it involves the process of the changing of ideals. -Education may prepare a people to admire autocracy -or to build a self-governing democracy.</p> - -<p>Dr. Howard enters a strong plea for social -idealism—the most effective that has yet been -written.<a id="FNanchor_XXIII-76" href="#Footnote_XXIII-76" class="fnanchor">XXIII-76</a> “The idealist is the inspired social architect, -who dreams a plan for the sanitary or moral -cleansing of a great city; the campaign for purging -politics of graft; a law for saving little children -from the tigerish man of the factory or the sweatshop; -a referendum for banishing from the commonwealth -the saloon, that chief breeder of pauperism, -sin, and crime; a conference for the rescuing -from the hands of predacious greed, for the use of -the whole people, of the remnant of our country’s -natural wealth. The idealist is the statesman—the -head of a nation—who dreams a scheme for -safeguarding democracy and guaranteeing peace -throughout the world.”</p> - -<p>It is evident from the introduction to the history -of psycho-sociologic thought that has been given in -this and the preceding chapter, supported by the -materials in the chapters on social conflict and -social co-operation concepts, that psycho-sociologic -thought holds a place of first rank in the field of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_422">422</span> -sociology. It bids fair to become the central force -in social thinking and to lead the social sciences. -It deals with the most vital social concepts, namely, -groups, personality, behavior, conflict, co-operation, -and process. Of all the main approaches to an -understanding of societary problems, it promises -most.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_423">423</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_423"><span class="smcap" id="Chapter_XXIV">Chapter XXIV</span><br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Trend of Applied Sociology</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>In the preceding chapters the discussions have -dealt primarily with the philosophic and psychologic -phases of social thought. Another important phase -of our field is applied sociology. The hosts of -individuals who have been engaged in dealing directly -with societal problems have learned valuable -lessons from their personal experiences. Sometimes -they have labored according to false theories; -often they have scorned theories entirely. At the -other extreme, the world has often accepted fine -theories, but made a pitiable spectacle of itself in -falling away from its idealistic professions.</p> - -<p>As the term implies, applied sociology treats of -techniques for improving the quality of human living. -The best techniques have been developed experimentally, -but by persons who have combined a -high estimate of social theory with practical programs -of activity. The useful concept of social -technology, a more accurate term perhaps than -applied sociology, was given to society by Charles -R. Henderson, whose balanced thinking, sane judgment, -and important ameliorative activities made -him the founder of this branch of sociological<span class="pagenum" id="Page_424">424</span> -science. Dr. Henderson’s name is synonymous -with a practical interpretation of both democracy -and Christianity, with the spirit of vigorous yet -kindly reformation in penology, with the concept of -prevention in philanthropic endeavors, and with -justice and love in all the fields of human achievement. -There are many other important names in -the list of those persons who helped to found applied -sociology; for example, such individuals as -Canon Barnett, Arnold Toynbee, Jacob Riis, Jane -Addams, and many other social welfare saints.</p> - -<p>Poverty and crime have been the two chief phenomena -with which welfare work has been concerned. -Until the present century the attempts to -meet the problems of poverty have been largely -remedial. Jesus said that the poor are always -present in any age of society. St. Francis of Assisi, -tiring of monastery life, sought out the poor -in the natural walks of life, and dedicated himself -in their behalf.</p> - -<p>For centuries England has experimented with -solutions for the problems of poverty and pauperism. -She has learned that when she cares too assiduously -for the poor she encourages the spirit of -pauperism and increases the numbers of dependents. -When she provided liberal aid for illegitimate -children, she found that illegitimacy was furthered.</p> - -<p>England has had a series of important literary -leaders who have interested themselves in behalf of -the poor and outcast. Dickens drew minute word<span class="pagenum" id="Page_425">425</span> -pictures of poverty. Carlyle, the iconoclast and individualist, -pierced repeatedly the shams of society -which are partly responsible for the perpetual existence -of social misery. In beautiful diction Ruskin -spoke in behalf of social justice. In similar fields, -France has her Hugo and Balzac; Germany, her -Hauptmann; Russia, her Tolstoi and Gorky; Scandinavia, -her Bjornson, Ibsen, and Strindberg. Individuals -of this type, however, cannot be considered -social technologists. They have directed public -opinion to specific social problems, but rarely -offered technological programs of practical value.</p> - -<p>Since 1900, the leaders in social technology, such -as C. R. Henderson,<a id="FNanchor_XXIV-1" href="#Footnote_XXIV-1" class="fnanchor">XXIV-1</a> Sidney and Beatrice Webb,<a id="FNanchor_XXIV-2" href="#Footnote_XXIV-2" class="fnanchor">XXIV-2</a> -and E. T. Devine,<a id="FNanchor_XXIV-3" href="#Footnote_XXIV-3" class="fnanchor">XXIV-3</a> have made clear the specific conditions -under which the poor may be permanently -aided.<a id="FNanchor_XXIV-4" href="#Footnote_XXIV-4" class="fnanchor">XXIV-4</a> Remedial care will always be necessary, -but it must be offered in ways that will not encourage -anyone to make a living by begging. The -prevailing thought today regarding poverty is in -preventive terms. The individual should be shown -how to help himself up the economic pathway. Education -will make the individual efficient and safeguard -him against falling into a chronic state of -pauperism.</p> - -<p>Above all else, social technology urges the establishment -of justice in economic conditions. As -shown in <a href="#Chapter_XIV">Chapter XIV</a>, Henry George, in his -<i>Progress and Poverty</i>, made a fundamental analysis -of one set of causes of poverty, which he found in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_426">426</span> -the unjust factors in the economic system. He -showed how ownership in land may be traced back -to force. Shall the first person who acquires a section -of land be allowed to fence it in and to keep out -all other persons unless they pay him a price that -rises rapidly as the number of other persons increases?<a id="FNanchor_XXIV-5" href="#Footnote_XXIV-5" class="fnanchor">XXIV-5</a> -Why is there increasing misery amid advancing -wealth? The larger the city the greater -the degree of squalor—this was George’s perplexing -observation. Material progress does not improve -the condition of the lowest classes. Prosperity -under the present economic system appears to be a -heavy wedge driven into society. The individuals -who are below the line of cleavage are crushed -down; those who are above this line are hoisted -upward into positions of luxury and affluence.</p> - -<p>Henry George, despite the large number of followers -which his ideas have today, was probably in -error in believing that to take the ownership of -land out of the hands of individuals, through the -method of the single tax, would prevent poverty. -However, no one should be blind to the fact that -increasing land values result from mere increase -in population. Either the birth rate or immigration -increases population and sends up land values, -which in turn is accompanied by a rising scale of -rents with an elevated cost of living and increased -poverty.</p> - -<p>The history of human thought concerning crime -has run a vicissitudinous career. It was not until<span class="pagenum" id="Page_427">427</span> -the days of John Howard and Beccaria that a truly -scientific approach was made to the problem. John -Howard (1726–1790), sheriff of Bedford, became -interested in criminals. He visited jails throughout -England. He traveled widely in Europe, -usually at his own expense, studying the causes of -typhus fever and endeavoring to effect a more -humane treatment of offenders.</p> - -<p>Beccaria (1735–1794), an Italian criminologist, -published in 1764 a remarkable book, <i>Crimes and -Punishment</i>. Beccaria protested against attempting -to repress crime by the use of fear. Retaliation -is an entirely inadequate motive for administering -punishment. Torture is inhuman. Neither retaliation -nor repression meets the problem. Reformation -was the concept with which Beccaria startled -Europe. Punishment should be administered so as -to reform.</p> - -<p>In modern days the names of Cesare Lombroso -(1836–1909) stands out prominently in the field of -criminology.<a id="FNanchor_XXIV-6" href="#Footnote_XXIV-6" class="fnanchor">XXIV-6</a> Lombroso was a determinist, finding -in heredity and environment all the causes of crime, -and relieving the individual of moral responsibility. -The mental defective, the alcoholic, the frantically -angry are irresponsible for the crimes they commit. -By defining one irresponsible group after another -the Lombrosan school has practically included all -individuals in this classification, leaving no one -responsible for his conduct.</p> - -<p>The remedy for crime, according to Lombroso<span class="pagenum" id="Page_428">428</span> -and his followers, is found in society. Society is -responsible for the criminal acts of its members. If -society should surround all individuals from infancy -with a favorable environment, then crime -would end. In the writings of Garofalo, Ferri, de -Quiros, Gross and other Continental criminologists, -a broader point of view is usually taken, making -the responsibility for crime to rest on three factors, -heredity, environment, and individual morality. -The margin of choice, and therefore of individual -responsibility, is usually made very slender. European -criminological experts, and even American -writers, such as Parmelee, have commonly minimized -the importance of moral character and the -accountability of the individual.</p> - -<p>In the United States the trend of interest has -been penological. Since the days of William Penn, -who had been a prisoner in England, American -thought has centered on the problem of prison reform. -Barrows and Brockway devoted their lives -to the reorganization of prison procedure. Wines -and Lane show lucidly the trend in penological -thought, paying splendid tribute to the achievements -of Z. R. Brockway in establishing the Elmira -Reformatory (New York).<a id="FNanchor_XXIV-7" href="#Footnote_XXIV-7" class="fnanchor">XXIV-7</a></p> - -<p>The fundamental principles of the Elmira procedure -are as follows: (1) The average prisoner -can be reformed. (2) Reformation of the prisoner -is the duty of the state. (3) Prisoners must be -considered as individuals and accorded the treatment<span class="pagenum" id="Page_429">429</span> -which each needs in order to bring him to a -normal attitude of life. (4) The prisoner’s reformation -requires his own co-operation in the process. -(5) The prison must have the power to lengthen -or shorten the sentence according to the offender’s -stage of reformation. (6) The entire process of -reformation is educational, giving the offender opportunity -for psychical, mental, and moral growth. -(7) Punishment for crime is administered in the -discipline and labor, which are unremitting and -exacting.</p> - -<p>In recent years Thomas M. Osborne has been -developing the honor system and self-government -among prisoners.<a id="FNanchor_XXIV-8" href="#Footnote_XXIV-8" class="fnanchor">XXIV-8</a> The idea is dramatised by Burleigh -and Bierstadt in <i>Punishment</i>.<a id="FNanchor_XXIV-9" href="#Footnote_XXIV-9" class="fnanchor">XXIV-9</a> The conception -is that kindly administration and the personal -touch of love will win the offender’s heart and -mind, and effect a reformation.</p> - -<p>The last twenty years have seen a remarkable -development of the concept of prevention of crime. -This theory, however, takes the problem back to -pre-adult years, to the adolescent, to childhood, -and even to the pre-natal years of the specific individual. -The establishment of the juvenile court, -with the success of Judge Ben B. Lindsey, has -served to call attention to the fact that criminals are -made as a rule before they reach the age of twenty-one.</p> - -<p>The contributors to recent thought about delinquency, -such as Jane Addams, Breckinridge and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_430">430</span> -Abbott, W. R. George, Ben B. Lindsey, Mrs. Louise -de Koven Bowen, Flexner and Baldwin, are pretty -largely agreed that the causes of delinquency, and -hence of criminality, are as follows: (1) The defective -home—made defective by illness, poverty, -shiftlessness, ignorance, immorality, desertion, divorce, -death—is the leading single causal element. -Nearly all criminals begin their careers as disobedient -sons. The law of obedience and self-discipline, -if not observed in the home, is learned -later only at the expense of anti-social and criminal -acts. (2) Mental defectiveness often causes delinquency. -The mentally defective child, if energetic, -has great difficulty in withstanding the evil -temptations of life. He or she has bodily passions -that are further developed than his mental inhibitions. -In this connection the public school has an -important function to perform in detecting mental -defectives and in segregating them under special -educational care. They should be segregated also -by sexes, so that they may not reproduce their kind, -and they should be kept under educational and institutional -direction throughout their lives. They -can be made useful and happy under a guarded -environment. (3) Civic neglect is a third cause of -delinquency and crime. Young people are released -from the public schools, often without proper home -training and supervision, and drift about in a highly -complex urban environment, full of commercialized -and vicious devices for preying upon the curious<span class="pagenum" id="Page_431">431</span> -and the unsuspecting. (4) Social injustice, for -example in industry, arouses feelings of hatred of -class against class, and leads to criminal acts. -(5) Moral thoughtlessness and religious indifference -are common causes. A moral and religious -attitude gives a balanced expression to personality, -wholesomeness and obedience in the home; and a -deep, constant, and abiding interest in public welfare -is an invaluable preventive of sin, vice, and -crime.</p> - -<p>A growing conception relative to juvenile courts -is that a considerable portion of the work that such -courts are now called on to perform belongs to the -public schools. The compulsory attendance, child -welfare, and continuation school departments may -well assume responsibility for and direction of -many youth who now become court charges. It is -urged that a fully organized procedure of constructive -work and play activity under the supervision -of the schools will greatly reduce juvenile delinquency.</p> - -<p>Another cause of juvenile delinquency is parental -negligence. It is believed by many authorities that -problems of this character should be taken care of -through the domestic relations court rather than in -the juvenile court. Another causal factor is the -growing disrespect for parents on the part of children, -that is, the increasing degree of failure of -children to appreciate the significance of the concept -of obedience.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_432">432</span></p> - -<p>In regard to labor problems, social technology -has made notable contributions. Child labor is a -term which refers to the employment of adolescent -children for wages, when such children are thereby -deprived from normal opportunities of mental and -physical growth. Children should learn to work, -even at unpleasant tasks, but when at an early age -they are taken out of or quit school and become -gainfully employed, they are deprived of a normal -adolescence; they and society both lose.<a id="FNanchor_XXIV-10" href="#Footnote_XXIV-10" class="fnanchor">XXIV-10</a></p> - -<p>The problem of women in industry is due to the -migration of millions of women from the home into -industry. While women are entitled to equality of -opportunity with men, they are often unmindful -that constitutionally they are not fitted to perform -all the tasks that men are doing; that if they fail -in the bearing and rearing of children rationally, -the race dies; and that, if they neglect to make the -home attractive, the family as an essential social -institution is undermined.</p> - -<p>The labor problem, when applied to men, brings -forth a multiplicity of contradictory opinions. The -idea of industrial democracy is the storm center. -While praising modern capitalism for its stimulus -to initiative and for its large-scale enterprises that -have been highly beneficial in many ways, the -social technologist pronounces modern capitalism -undemocratic. He declares that it must purge itself -or be supplanted by another industrial order; it -must take cognizance of social changes and adjust<span class="pagenum" id="Page_433">433</span> -itself accordingly or be routed.</p> - -<p>The injustice in modern capitalism is often -stressed in social technologic thought. Only one -factor, wealth, is represented in the management of -business. The skilled or unskilled laborers, often -“the hardest working partners” in the business, are -not represented. Applied sociology, unlike socialism, -would keep industry in the hands of individuals. -The idea has been best developed, perhaps, -by a social theorist, Professor A. W. Small. Labor -and capital must both have representation on -boards of directors, if capitalism is to prove that -it is not undemocratic.<a id="FNanchor_XXIV-11" href="#Footnote_XXIV-11" class="fnanchor">XXIV-11</a></p> - -<p>Tripartite management of industry is a current -phase of industrial thought. Where employers and -employees have reached a common ground of co-operation, -they have often joined forces in collusion -against the public and the consumer. The employer -agrees to a rise in wages for the employee, and the -employee to an increase in dividends, providing he -receives a portion of the added returns—meanwhile -the public is apathetic or rages impotently. The -best thought today is urging that on boards of directors -and managers all three interested parties -shall have representation, namely, labor, capital, -and the public.</p> - -<p>It is a current opinion that the failure of capitalism -to democratize itself will result in the rise of -socialism by revolutionary means. If capital with its -one-sided control of industry is supplanted by labor<span class="pagenum" id="Page_434">434</span> -with another type of control, it is doubtful how -much will be gained. The labor standard is manifesting -itself as a class standard, and at times -arbitrarily. To have society controlled by labor -standards, no matter under what form of socialism -they may appear, will not guarantee progress. The -labor classes, the capitalist classes, the professional -classes—all must rule, and unselfishly for the welfare -of society.</p> - -<p>The current socialist thought ranges from a -radical bolshevist theme of a dictatorship of the -proletariat to a conservative state socialism, like -that advocated by John Spargo. Bolshevism has -the earmarks of class autocracy. Progress cannot -be secured by a social order in which the least educated -and trained are in control. On the other -hand, it is not clear that state socialism, with its -governmental control of interest-producing capital -and rent-producing land, will best guarantee -progress. The socialization of individuals will -probably be more effective than the socialization of -industries.</p> - -<p>The tendency is toward the elimination of profitism. -This negative thought, it is claimed, will relieve -capitalism of its worst evils, and allow the -educational process of socializing individuals to go -forward.</p> - -<p>The concept of social insurance has been given a -remarkable reception since 1882. Social insurance -was introduced as a means of pacifying labor and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_435">435</span> -of making it contented under the rule of capitalism. -It was admitted into governmental economy by Bismarck -as an agency of forestalling socialism. It -spread rapidly. It has met with two setbacks. -(1) In the first place it has acquired such momentum -that capitalism sees it as the entering -wedge of a genuine socialism. (2) In the second -place social insurance is guaranteeing so much security -to the workingman that he is constrained at -times to sacrifice his initiative and even to become -shiftless, saying in effect to himself, “I’ll be taken -care of anyway.” It is this second type of antagonistic -thought that indicates the real weakness -in social insurance. It would be better to have a -society in which the workingmen as a class would -have an ample opportunity of caring for, and be -stimulated to care for, their old age and for periods -of disability. For the individual exceptions, special -provisions could be made.</p> - -<p>The unemployment problem has produced many -reform theories. Unemployment insurance, now being -made the subject of experiment, is probably not -reaching the main causes. The causal factors are -many and deep-seated; they range from individual -shiftlessness and mental defectiveness on one hand, -to economic injustice and social callousness on the -other.<a id="FNanchor_XXIV-12" href="#Footnote_XXIV-12" class="fnanchor">XXIV-12</a> The prevailing thought urges a more efficient -training of the individual; the increasing of -the workman’s opportunity to enlarge his personality -through each day’s work; the development of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_436">436</span> -industrial democracy and justice; and a complete -socialization program.</p> - -<p>Another set of problems concerning which applied -sociology is endeavoring to find solutions relates to -the family, feminism, marriage, divorce, and housing. -Professor George Elliott Howard<a id="FNanchor_XXIV-13" href="#Footnote_XXIV-13" class="fnanchor">XXIV-13</a> and Dr. -Edward Westermarck<a id="FNanchor_XXIV-14" href="#Footnote_XXIV-14" class="fnanchor">XXIV-14</a> have traced the development -of the family and marriage throughout human history. -The primitive relationships between sexes have -been described by many anthropological writers. A -history of the American family has been written -by A. W. Calhoun.<a id="FNanchor_XXIV-15" href="#Footnote_XXIV-15" class="fnanchor">XXIV-15</a> Single volume treatments of -the family as a social institution have been made by -Bosanquet<a id="FNanchor_XXIV-16" href="#Footnote_XXIV-16" class="fnanchor">XXIV-16</a> and Goodsell.<a id="FNanchor_XXIV-17" href="#Footnote_XXIV-17" class="fnanchor">XXIV-17</a> These works essentially -agree that the family is an evolutionary product, -that the primitive family centered about the mother -and child, that patriarchalism introduced a high degree -of masculine arbitrariness, and that the family -is at present undergoing marked changes whereby -the spirit of democracy is gaining ground.</p> - -<p>In the new found spirit of freedom, woman has -sometimes been captivated by the desire to follow -man into all the man-made occupations. Sex nature -predestines woman to the chief occupation or profession -of all, that of motherhood. For woman to -rush headlong after men into industry may turn -out to be not liberty, but license and deterioration. -Current social thought protests vigorously against -the idea of women being household drudges, and -also against women wasting their time in pluming<span class="pagenum" id="Page_437">437</span> -themselves or in idling away their days in dolls’ -houses, supported dependents of men. Women are -entitled to learn vocations and to live constructive -lives, in an atmosphere of the largest possible freedom -consistent with the development of themselves -and the race. On the other hand, any movement -which weakens the home as a societary training institution -apparently defies the laws of social advance.</p> - -<p>The housing problem is provoking urgent -thought. With the rise of large cities the economic -order favors exorbitant land values and extraordinarily -high rents. The social increment goes into -the hands of the few. The flat and apartment house -life often favors pet bulldogs rather than children, -and decreases the efficiency of the home as a social -institution. These untoward tendencies, furthermore, -are being supplemented by an attitude of -more or less helpless apathy on the part of the -public.</p> - -<p>Another field of applied sociologic thought is -represented by the terms, race problems, immigration, -and naturalization. These concepts are all -outgrowths of the population concept which has -been treated in an earlier chapter. The human race -with its common origin has subdivided and wandered -into all the inhabitable parts of the globe. -Climate, geography, and social environment have -operated to make the race subdivisions distinct and -discriminatory. Race pride and prejudice have<span class="pagenum" id="Page_438">438</span> -raised impassable race barriers.</p> - -<p>In the United States the leading race problem involves -the Negroes. Booker T. Washington<a id="FNanchor_XXIV-18" href="#Footnote_XXIV-18" class="fnanchor">XXIV-18</a> urged -that if the Negro shows himself industrially efficient -and morally worthy, the prejudice against him -will disappear. W. E. B. DuBois<a id="FNanchor_XXIV-19" href="#Footnote_XXIV-19" class="fnanchor">XXIV-19</a> asks that the -prejudice against the colored race by the white race -be removed in order that the Negro may have a fair -chance to show himself capable. The Southern -white people declare that the colored people must be -segregated on a lower plane than that occupied by -the white race. Northern people assert that the -trouble lies chiefly in an undemocratic attitude of -Southern white people toward the colored race. -Thus the currents of thought concerning the Negro -come into conflict, but without forming a common -current of action.</p> - -<p>Another phase of the race problem is conveyed -by the concept of hyphenated interests. The Americanization -movement has assumed momentum because -of the need for a more unified spirit within -the nation. Although some of the promoters of -Americanization have used autocratic means, the -opinion is gaining ground that the transference of -the loyalty of the immigrant from his home country -to his adopted country can best be effected by -treating the immigrant sympathetically and democratically -in all his contacts—industrial, social, political—with -the people of our land.<a id="FNanchor_XXIV-20" href="#Footnote_XXIV-20" class="fnanchor">XXIV-20</a></p> - -<p>The public health movement has acquired force<span class="pagenum" id="Page_439">439</span> -because of the belief that only public and widespread -action can remove many of the causes of -disease. Tuberculosis, for example, is a disease that -is caused by a microscopic germ which thrives and -multiplies in the tissues of susceptible and weakened -organisms. Tuberculosis and unsanitary housing -conditions flourish together. The individual is -often helpless, but the thought is now well grounded -that public action can stamp out the breeding places -of the tubercle bacilli and relieve the country of the -white plague. An improved economic and educational -status for the unskilled laborer and his family -would also help to improve the health level of the -country. Current social thought supports the contention -that the real work of a physician is to keep -people well rather than to cure them after they have -fallen seriously ill. Preventive medicine and the -public health movement are strongly urged by social -technology.</p> - -<p>Another phase of applied sociology of current -significance is indicated by the term, community -organization.<a id="FNanchor_XXIV-21" href="#Footnote_XXIV-21" class="fnanchor">XXIV-21</a> The idea of this movement originated -in the failure of people to develop a democratic -consciousness. Community organization refers -to attempts of communities to organize themselves -for neighborhood efficiency. When a community -organizes its own recreations and amusements, -it functions in two important directions. (1) -It supplants commercialized amusements, operated -for profit and often on a socially destructive basis,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_440">440</span> -by community recreation, maintained by the people -themselves in socially constructive ways and at a -minimum of expense. (2) In participating in and -building up community enterprises such as community -recreation, the people of the community develop -a co-operative democratic consciousness. The -problem of the use of leisure time is growing in -proportion to the extent that the laboring classes -are winning a shorter work day. In addition to -community recreation, community health movements, -community newspapers, community co-operative -stores, community committees for securing -needed legislation and for breaking the force of -economic monopoly, are attracting widespread attention. -The social unit and the block system of -community service, are terms which indicate variations -of the community organization concept, originally -a product of the need of meeting the leisure -time problem constructively with the very important -result of re-creating democracy.</p> - -<p>Social technology has produced the survey.<a id="FNanchor_XXIV-22" href="#Footnote_XXIV-22" class="fnanchor">XXIV-22</a> The -social survey, being related in its origin to the census, -is an accurate method of gathering social facts, -not merely facts about the numbers of people, the -acreage, and the amount of wealth, but the facts -about the societary assets and liabilities of a city -or community, and concerning the constructive and -the destructive forces. By making surveys at regular -intervals of five or ten year periods, a community -can determine the amount and direction of its<span class="pagenum" id="Page_441">441</span> -own progress. The idea of a survey is similar to -that of an inventory of a business house—to find -out the gains and losses, and to plan for the future -according to the verdict of the inventory.</p> - -<p>In recent years social case work has acquired an -important rank in the field of applied sociology. -Social reform deals with methods for improving the -whole mass of individuals and for raising the level -of the entire group; social case work on the other -hand stimulates individuals to improve the quality -of their lives, to adjust themselves more adequately -to their environment, and to transform their environments. -Social case work insists that sound -social reforms can be effected only on the basis of -first-hand experiences with the needs of individuals -who are the victims of social imperfections or their -own shortcomings. Social work with individuals -has provided a body of specific facts of first magnitude -as a foundation for measures of social amelioration -and progress; it has mirrored life which is -under the harrow of circumstances; it has portrayed -life where living conditions are harshest.</p> - -<p>Applied sociology represents methods of social -attack. It furthers progress by planning for society -on the basis of past societal experiences and current -facts and tendencies. It fulfils the demands of social -telesis.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_442">442</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_442"><span class="smcap" id="Chapter_XXV">Chapter XXV</span><br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Rise of Educational Sociology</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>In recent decades educational leaders have been -thinking in sociological terms. In its experimental -phases educational sociology constitutes a phase of -applied sociology. The principles of modern educational -sociology have a thousand sources.</p> - -<p>Pestalozzi (1746–1827) may be considered a -forerunner of current social theories of education. -He was interested in humanity for humanity’s sake. -Like St. Francis of Assisi, he lived with the poor -in order that he might teach them to be thrifty and -worthy citizens. In his <i>Leonard and Gertrude</i>, he -described the life of the poor, and formulated an -educational procedure for educating the poor. He -was a lover of little children, of poor people, of -anyone in trouble, of all humanity. He spoke in -dignified terms of the function of a good woman, -no matter how humble her station in life. Her first -duty is to educate her children and to meet the needs -of her family. She has, also, obligations to her -neighbors and community. Others, seeing her constructive -work, will be inspired and motivated to do -likewise.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_443">443</span></p> - -<p>In opening an industrial school for the poor, Pestalozzi -recognized that the poor have the least opportunities -for development and the largest numbers -of problems to solve,—therefore they are in -the greatest need of educational advantages. He -held that all the phases of human personality should -be trained, and that there should be “a harmonious -development of all human powers.” Hence, education -is the greatest gift that anyone, rich or poor, -can receive. In urging that the child should be educated -in company with other children, that is, in -groups, he took an attitude superior to that of Rousseau, -but presaging that of Froebel.</p> - -<p>Froebel (1782–1852), the founder of the kindergarten, -considered little children “as plants in a garden.” -He recognized the educative importance of -the early years of life. He perceived the possibilities -of teaching through the use of plays and games. -He understood the “interests” of little children. -His most important conception, perhaps, was his -recognition of the gregarious impulses as an effective -setting for the educative processes. While neo-Froebelians -have sometimes turned all work into -play and have neglected to train the child in doing -some things in which he is not interested at the particular -time, the utilization of the gregarious and -play impulses as vital backgrounds for education is -not unworthy. The evils in this connection are no -greater than when the Montessori method is followed, -with its emphasis upon a maximum of individual<span class="pagenum" id="Page_444">444</span> -choice.</p> - -<p>In Horace Mann (1796–1859), American education -found a new social emphasis. Education in a -democracy, according to Mann, should be public and -open equally to all classes of people. Moreover, in -a democracy, education is not a mere acquisition of -knowledge; it is not concealed in college degrees as -such; it is not aristocratic. It was Mann’s contention -that education should be an actual training for -rearing worthy families, for living an unselfish social -life, for being a public spirited citizen in one’s -daily activities.</p> - -<p>Mann asserted that the common school is the bulwark -of the nation. He believed that education -should encourage true religion. He inaugurated the -normal training school,—in support of his theory -of specially trained teachers. His social philosophy -is contained in a statement from his last public address: -“Be ashamed to die until you have won -a victory for humanity.”</p> - -<p>During the intervening decades since the days of -Horace Mann, the social conception of education -has been assuming new practical phases. Professor -John Dewey has pointed out that all communication -is education; that the terms, common, community, -and communication, possess more than a verbal relationship.<a id="FNanchor_XXV-1" href="#Footnote_XXV-1" class="fnanchor">XXV-1</a> -Anything is educative which produces -similar emotional and intellectual dispositions, that -is, like ways of responding to stimuli. Societal life, -hence, is unusually educative. Education consists<span class="pagenum" id="Page_445">445</span> -of processes of self-development, of self-continuation, -of social continuation. These processes are -possible only on bases of common means of communication. -It is these means, as Professor C. H. -Cooley has indicated, which make even the powerful -factors of suggestion and imitation so universal.</p> - -<p>It is not the environment which directly implants -certain desires in individuals.<a id="FNanchor_XXV-2" href="#Footnote_XXV-2" class="fnanchor">XXV-2</a> The environment -sets up conditions which stimulate certain ways of -acting. The child gets a real idea of a hat, not by -seeing a hat, or by being told of its uses, but by -actually using a hat. The social environment, in -other words, forms “the mental and emotional disposition -of behavior in individuals by engaging -them in activities” that arouse various impulses, -purposes, and produces certain consequences.<a id="FNanchor_XXV-3" href="#Footnote_XXV-3" class="fnanchor">XXV-3</a></p> - -<p>As society becomes exceedingly complex, it is -essential that society provide a simplified social -environment through which the child may pass, in -order that he may adjust himself the more quickly -and easily to the complex societal environment. To -this end the school serves a valuable purpose. However, -in order to function best, the school must be a -replica in as many ways as possible of real society.<a id="FNanchor_XXV-4" href="#Footnote_XXV-4" class="fnanchor">XXV-4</a></p> - -<p>The special social environment, namely, the -school, must simplify and arrange in an orderly -way the dispositional factors it wishes to develop in -children. It must present the existing social customs -in purified and idealized forms. It must create -a wider and better balanced environment for the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_446">446</span> -young than they would have if they were not in -school.</p> - -<p>Imitation, to Dr. Dewey, is a less useful term -than many social psychologists believe. What objectively -is a process of imitation is subjectively a -process of like response to like stimuli. The term -imitation does not explain; it simply describes—objectively. -The fundamental fact that the sociological -student needs to keep in mind is that “persons -being alike in structure respond in the same -way to like stimuli.”<a id="FNanchor_XXV-5" href="#Footnote_XXV-5" class="fnanchor">XXV-5</a> This conception is similar to -ideas that Professors Giddings and Cooley have -elaborated. The societal significance of this interpretation -can be stated best in terms of social control. -The highest type of social control is that which -plans for a common mental disposition, a common -way of understanding objects, events, and acts, -common sets of socially constructive stimuli.</p> - -<p>Professor Dewey argues for a school life which -fully connects theory and practice. While pragmatic, -he emphasizes the necessity for a correct -theory, but more particularly the combining of -theory and practice—in the school life itself. In -other words, anything which sets school life apart -from actual life is a disutility; it is educationally -harmful. Hence school life must include the actual -occupations, nature study, and the like. It must -relegate formal education to a secondary position. -The moral atmosphere of the schoolroom must -change from one primarily of discipline, even formal<span class="pagenum" id="Page_447">447</span> -discipline, to one of co-operation.</p> - -<p>School life, in other terms, is properly an embryonic -community life. It is the business of the school -to train each child into membership of a little community -that is a counterpart of society at large, -“saturating him with the spirit of service, and providing -him with the instruments of effective self-direction.”<a id="FNanchor_XXV-6" href="#Footnote_XXV-6" class="fnanchor">XXV-6</a> -Professor Dewey would make the -school a miniature society, fitting its members by -their daily activities in the schools for normal membership -in “a larger society which is worthy, lovely, -and harmonious.”</p> - -<p>The literature on educational sociology is growing -rapidly. Within recent years several books on -educational sociology have appeared. In the list of -the authors of these works are the names of -O’Shea, Snedden, Smith, King, Clow, Betts, Dutton, -and others of equal importance.<a id="FNanchor_XXV-7" href="#Footnote_XXV-7" class="fnanchor">XXV-7</a> Professor -Walter R. Smith, for example, in applying sociological -principles to educational work, contends that -normal school graduates have been taught to look -to psychology alone for the key to sound pedagogy, -whereas sociology is perhaps an equally important -key to effective teaching. Education is not entirely -a matter of training the mind of the individual; it -is also a process of acquainting the individual with -the needs of society and of helping him to participate -in improving the quality of societary life. Dr. -Smith urges training not <em>for</em> citizenship, but training -<em>into</em> citizenship.<a id="FNanchor_XXV-8" href="#Footnote_XXV-8" class="fnanchor">XXV-8</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_448">448</span></p> - -<p>Inasmuch as men and women live and develop -and work as members of groups, it is vital, according -to Dr. Snedden, that children be taught as integral -units of group life. It is sociology that must -determine the aims of education.<a id="FNanchor_XXV-9" href="#Footnote_XXV-9" class="fnanchor">XXV-9</a> By sociological -standards it has been proved that existing curricula -in the United States are excessively individualistic -in aim as well as in method. Their purpose has -been to encourage the individual to win against, -rather than with, his fellows. Our curricula provide -self-culture studies and self-development studies, -but few social culture and social development -studies. The former are indispensable, but if not -properly balanced by the latter they are positively -dangerous.</p> - -<p>The responsibilities of individuals for collective -thinking and acting have never been taught to any -degree in the schools, and yet these responsibilities, -not only in time of war, but increasingly so in time -of peace, must be assumed widely, else democracy -itself will collapse. By training pupils in the principles -of individual success primarily, the schools -have turned out a generation of persons who are -unready to meet the new world problems that are -at hand, and who are unable to promote “constructive -programs making for international co-operation -and friendliness.”<a id="FNanchor_XXV-10" href="#Footnote_XXV-10" class="fnanchor">XXV-10</a></p> - -<p>Custom, not social needs, has too often controlled -school curricula. The <i>Anabasis</i> and Caesar’s <i>Commentaries</i>, -although splendid bits of literary composition,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_449">449</span> -“are about as significant to the realities of -a nineteenth or twentieth century as bows and -arrows would be in modern warfare, or Roman galleys -in the naval contests of tomorrow.”<a id="FNanchor_XXV-11" href="#Footnote_XXV-11" class="fnanchor">XXV-11</a> The study -of forgotten tongues and antiquated fragments of -literature falls far short of training twentieth century -youths for the conscious co-operative direction -of the social forces of the future.</p> - -<p>Vocational education is not all-sufficient. Youth -must be taught to be socially and morally efficient—no -less than physically and vocationally.<a id="FNanchor_XXV-12" href="#Footnote_XXV-12" class="fnanchor">XXV-12</a> In addition -to the current emphasis upon vocational education, -attention must be given to a moral education -in the schools that can produce in individuals the -moral character required to meet the needs of a -highly developed democracy.</p> - -<p>Educational sociology has viewed with alarm certain -recent tendencies in vocational guidance. It -has supported heartily the plans for giving every -child an occupational training and of enabling him -to earn his own living. On the other hand, it has -deplored the idea that a vocation or earning a living -is an end in itself. It has insisted that the main -reason for teaching a boy a trade is that the boy -may have a larger opportunity for developing his -personality and for serving society.</p> - -<p>Likewise, educational sociology has often looked -askance at scientific management, or the movement -for educating all workingmen to the point of highest -productive efficiency. Such a training has frequently<span class="pagenum" id="Page_450">450</span> -produced a maximum increase in profits for -those who have promoted it and a minimum of increase -in wages for the workers, besides tending to -turn the latter into mere machines, instead of into -human leaders with increased capacities for enjoyment -and spiritual service.</p> - -<p>The studies in all school curricula must be evaluated -in terms of social worth. For example, what -is the purpose of teaching history? Is it to give -the pupil a chronology of dates and a catalogue of -ignoble kings and bloody battles, or is it to give -the pupil the meaning of social evolution, social -progress, social inheritances, the rise of social -needs?<a id="FNanchor_XXV-13" href="#Footnote_XXV-13" class="fnanchor">XXV-13</a></p> - -<p>Educational sociology holds the theory that training -for unselfish social living is as important as -training for individual pecuniary success. It is -engaged at the present time in working out techniques -for introducing every member of the public -schools to the sociological viewpoint. The names -under which such techniques appear is immaterial, -whether as community civics, American history -studies, elementary social science, or elementary -sociology. The next few decades will undoubtedly -be marked by the rapid spread of educational sociology.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_451">451</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_451"><span class="smcap" id="Chapter_XXVI">Chapter XXVI</span><br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Sociology of Modern Christianity</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>In a foregoing chapter the invaluable contribution -of the Hebrews to social thought was presented; -the attack of the prophets on social injustice -was the outstanding feature. In another chapter -the emphasis by Jesus upon love as a dynamic societal -principle was described. In the centuries which -followed the beginning of the Christian era, the -Church apotheosized beliefs, creeds, dogmas. Near -the close of the nineteenth century a renaissance of -the social teachings of Jesus occurred.</p> - -<p>The trio of writers who brought forward the -social ideals of Christianity in a new, positive, and -stimulating way in the closing decades of the last -century were Washington Gladden, Josiah Strong, -and Richard T. Ely. All three of these men began -about 1885 to discuss in print the social content of -Christianity. These men had been aroused by the -apparent impotence of the Christian Church in face -of the increasing power of capitalism. While many -church leaders allowed themselves to be carried -along in the powerful arms of capitalism, there -were a few who perceived the wreck of human lives<span class="pagenum" id="Page_452">452</span> -that was often left in the wake of the capitalistic -movement. These individuals, while not blind to -the social values of capitalism, were in touch with -the laboring man, and by these contacts caught the -social need of the hour. In this social crisis they -heard the still, small voice coming down through -the centuries, even the voice of Jesus as he spoke -in behalf of the poor and outcast.</p> - -<p>It was Washington Gladden who startled and -even angered the world of religious and economic -thought by protesting against the acceptance of -“tainted money.” By this term he referred to -money which had been made under a capitalistic -system at the expense of the lives of men, women, -and little children in the industrial processes. Dr. -Gladden weathered the storm of protest and gave -the capitalistic world a new concept which, while -it aroused anger, also brought introspection and a -new type of social conscience into the lives of many -Christians.</p> - -<p>It was Dr. Gladden’s contention that employer -and employee ought to be friends, because they are -so closely associated. It is a very large part of the -business of the employer to maintain sympathetic -relations between himself and his employees.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-1" href="#Footnote_XXVI-1" class="fnanchor">XXVI-1</a> If -the business man will not let his fellowmen share in -his prosperity, he will become in spite of himself a -sharer in their adversity.</p> - -<p>The attitude of Dr. Gladden toward the acceptance -of railway passes by the clergy attracted widespread<span class="pagenum" id="Page_453">453</span> -attention. He came to the conclusion that -a railroad company is bound to render an equal -service to all the people; its business is not to show -special favors to the representatives of either religion -or charity.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-2" href="#Footnote_XXVI-2" class="fnanchor">XXVI-2</a> “What it has no right to give -me, I have no right to take, and for several years -I have not taken it; I pay the regular fare as all -my neighbors do or ought.”</p> - -<p>Dr. Gladden urged the abolition of city slums by -governmental action. Inasmuch as slums are rife -with moral miasmas and are breeding-places of -pauperism and crime, the city has the same right to -abate such curses as to drain a morass. Moreover, -individuals ought to have no property rights “in -premises which breed death and engender vice. -When they have proved that they lack the power -to keep their property from falling into such conditions, -their property must be summarily taken -away from them.”<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-3" href="#Footnote_XXVI-3" class="fnanchor">XXVI-3</a></p> - -<p>Without minimizing the importance of conflict as -a principle of social progress, Dr. Gladden stressed -the concept of co-operation. For example, in industrial -matters he advocated the idea of a true -trades union—“the union of employers and employed—of -guiding brains and willing hands—all -watchful of each other’s interests, seeking each -other’s welfare, working for the common good.”<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-4" href="#Footnote_XXVI-4" class="fnanchor">XXVI-4</a></p> - -<p>In his well-known treatise on <i>Social Salvation</i>, -Dr. Gladden asserts that, in order to be soundly converted, -an individual must comprehend his social relationships<span class="pagenum" id="Page_454">454</span> -and strive to fulfil them, as well as set -up right relationships with God.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-5" href="#Footnote_XXVI-5" class="fnanchor">XXVI-5</a> Sanctification -consists in fulfilling one’s social as well as one’s divine -privileges, and in living according to the needs -of human society as well as according to the needs -of the human soul. An individual can no more be -a Christian by himself than he can sing an oratorio -alone.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-6" href="#Footnote_XXVI-6" class="fnanchor">XXVI-6</a></p> - -<p>It is no purely social gospel that Dr. Gladden -taught. He was correct in protesting against the -attitude of certain reformers who hold that changing -the environment is all-sufficient. It is possible -to go too far in removing temptations from the -pathway of men; it would be unwise to neglect the -problem of equipping men to resist temptation, and -hence to weaken the sense of moral responsibility.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-7" href="#Footnote_XXVI-7" class="fnanchor">XXVI-7</a></p> - -<p>In the field of practical social reform Dr. Josiah -Strong did effective work. He also re-interpreted -the social principles of Jesus, and boldly proclaimed -the spirit of love as the cardinal principle for the -organization of human society.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-8" href="#Footnote_XXVI-8" class="fnanchor">XXVI-8</a> He indicated that -people have stressed properly the importance of <em>believing</em> -the truth, but underestimated the importance -of <em>living</em> the truth.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-9" href="#Footnote_XXVI-9" class="fnanchor">XXVI-9</a> He protested against the -tendency to separate the sacred and the secular, and -to divorce doctrine from conduct. He believed that -the prevailing religious tendency to neglect the -sacred commandment, of loving one’s neighbor as -one’s self, has led to a selfish individualism on the -part of many religious people.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_455">455</span></p> - -<p>The contributions to social thought by Gladden -and Strong were ably supported by the social ideas -of Richard T. Ely. Professor Ely remonstrated -against the tendency of many church people to think -that they can serve God without devoting their lives -to their fellowmen.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-10" href="#Footnote_XXVI-10" class="fnanchor">XXVI-10</a> He made vivid the complaint -of American workingmen that church membership -on the part of employers and landlords does not -necessarily insure just and considerate treatment of -employees and tenants.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-11" href="#Footnote_XXVI-11" class="fnanchor">XXVI-11</a> Professor Ely insisted -that it is as holy a work “to lead a crusade against -filth, vice, and disease in slums of cities, and to seek -the abolition of the disgraceful tenement houses of -American cities, as it is to send missionaries to the -heathen.”<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-12" href="#Footnote_XXVI-12" class="fnanchor">XXVI-12</a></p> - -<p>The pioneer work of Gladden, Strong, Ely, and -others in rejuvenating the social meaning of Christianity -in the closing years of the nineteenth century -has been carried forward in the present century -by a host of able writers. The list includes -the names of well known socio-religious thinkers -such as Peabody,<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-13" href="#Footnote_XXVI-13" class="fnanchor">XXVI-13</a> Mathews,<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-14" href="#Footnote_XXVI-14" class="fnanchor">XXVI-14</a> Rauschenbusch,<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-15" href="#Footnote_XXVI-15" class="fnanchor">XXVI-15</a> -Batten,<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-16" href="#Footnote_XXVI-16" class="fnanchor">XXVI-16</a> Ward,<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-17" href="#Footnote_XXVI-17" class="fnanchor">XXVI-17</a> Atkinson,<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-18" href="#Footnote_XXVI-18" class="fnanchor">XXVI-18</a> Ryan,<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-19" href="#Footnote_XXVI-19" class="fnanchor">XXVI-19</a> Stelzle,<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-20" href="#Footnote_XXVI-20" class="fnanchor">XXVI-20</a> and -Taylor.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-21" href="#Footnote_XXVI-21" class="fnanchor">XXVI-21</a> Special attention will be given to the contributions -of Rauschenbusch and Ward, because -each has been a storm-center in socio-religious -matters.</p> - -<p>In his <i>Christianity and the Social Crisis</i>, Professor -Rauschenbusch gave a brief history of Christianity -and its Hebrew antecedents, showing first<span class="pagenum" id="Page_456">456</span> -that “the essential purpose of Christianity was to -transform human society into the Kingdom of God -by regenerating all human relations and reconstituting -them in accordance with the will of God.”<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-22" href="#Footnote_XXVI-22" class="fnanchor">XXVI-22</a> He -then raised the question, why has Christianity not -undertaken the work of social reconstruction? He -believed that if the Church were to direct its full -available force against any social wrong, probably -nothing could withstand it.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-23" href="#Footnote_XXVI-23" class="fnanchor">XXVI-23</a> Despite the fact that -Christianity has played a leading part in lifting -woman to equality and companionship with men, in -changing parental despotism to parental service, in -eliminating unnatural vice, in abolishing slavery, in -covering all lands with a network of charities, in -fostering institutions of learning, in aiding the -progress of civil liberty and social justice, in diffusing -a softening tenderness throughout human -life, in taming selfishness, and in creating a resolute -sense of duty, it has not yet undertaken a reconstruction -of society on a Christian basis.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-24" href="#Footnote_XXVI-24" class="fnanchor">XXVI-24</a> It has -been engaged in suppressing some of the most glaring -evils in the social system of the time.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-25" href="#Footnote_XXVI-25" class="fnanchor">XXVI-25</a></p> - -<p>Dr. Rauschenbusch pointed out several historical -factors which have prevented Christianity from -entering upon a program of reconstructing society, -many of which no longer obtain.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-26" href="#Footnote_XXVI-26" class="fnanchor">XXVI-26</a> These hindering -factors have been: (1) the moral resentment of the -classes whose interests are endangered by a moral -campaign; (2) the belief in the immediate return -of Christ, which precluded a long outlook; (3) the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_457">457</span> -primitive attitude of fear and distrust toward the -state; (4) the other-worldliness of Christian desire; -(5) the ascetic and monastic ideals; (6) ceremonialism; -(7) dogmatism; (8) the monarchial organization -of the church; (9) an absence of the intellectual -prerequisites for social reconstruction. -To the extent that Christianity is no longer hampered -by these characteristics it is ready to undertake -the task of making over society.</p> - -<p>The main danger in the present crisis which demands -the attention of social Christianity was -found by Professor Rauschenbusch in the autocratic, -unjust phases of capitalism, with its somewhat -undemocratic wage system. To this expression -of autocracy there is a three-fold class reaction.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-27" href="#Footnote_XXVI-27" class="fnanchor">XXVI-27</a> -First, there are those classes which are in -practical control of wealth; they have no reformatory -program; they are anxious to maintain the -present social order intact. Second, there are the -middle social classes, which, sharing partially in the -advantages of the present social adjustment, are -also chafing under social grievances which their -ideals do not allow them to attack vigorously; they -want reform work by peaceful and gradual methods. -Third, there are the disinherited classes, which -see a widening chasm between themselves and the -wealthy, a chasm that “only a revolutionary lift can -carry them across.” It is around the condition and -attitudes of the masses that the social crisis revolves. -This social attitude is like a tank of gasoline,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_458">458</span> -which by a single explosion will blow a car -sky-high, or which, by a series of little explosions -will push a car to the top of a mountain.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-28" href="#Footnote_XXVI-28" class="fnanchor">XXVI-28</a> Which -process does Christianity wish to further? If the -latter, then Christianity must socialize first the attitude -of the classes of wealth and social power. Unfortunately, -wealth often grows stronger than the -man who owns it; it may own him and rob him of -his moral and spiritual freedom.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-29" href="#Footnote_XXVI-29" class="fnanchor">XXVI-29</a> Can Christianity -dissolve this dilemma?</p> - -<p>The principle that a Christian should seek an -ascetic departure from the world of life and work -is no longer acceptable. He has two other possibilities. -He can either condemn the world and try to -improve it, or tolerate it and gradually be conformed -to it.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-30" href="#Footnote_XXVI-30" class="fnanchor">XXVI-30</a> By these sharply drawn alternatives, -Professor Rauschenbusch awoke the Christian -world. While many Christians did not believe that -the situation was as crucial as thus depicted, they -nevertheless were jarred from a state of moral -lethargy.</p> - -<p>As a pastor for eleven years among the working -people of New York City, Dr. Rauschenbusch -learned to understand the heart throbs and yearnings -of the masses, and dedicated his life through -Christian service to easing the pressure upon the -working classes and to increasing the forces that -bear them up. He saw the solution of the social -problem in a Christian socialism that would destroy -the autocracy of wealth and establish a democratic<span class="pagenum" id="Page_459">459</span> -form of industrial relationships. He believed in -the social or public ownership of the natural resources -of the earth. “It is preposterous to think -that an individual or a corporation can have absolute -ownership in a vein of coal or copper. A mining -company owns the holes in the ground, for it -made the holes; it does not own the coal; for it did -not make the coal. The coal is the gift of God and -belongs to the people.”<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-31" href="#Footnote_XXVI-31" class="fnanchor">XXVI-31</a></p> - -<p>Another difficulty is found in the fact that business -methods and the principles of Christianity have -always been at strife.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-32" href="#Footnote_XXVI-32" class="fnanchor">XXVI-32</a> Individuals are struggling -to get the better of their fellows. This tendency -has been institutionalized in the form of business -enterprise. Private persons have been permitted -“to put their thumbs where they can constrict the -life blood of the nation at will.”<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-33" href="#Footnote_XXVI-33" class="fnanchor">XXVI-33</a> Christianity, on -the other hand, lauds the principle of unselfish service, -and of ranking the individual as the greatest -who gives most. Christianity is awakening to its -gigantic task of stopping the nation on “its headlong -ride on the road of covetousness.”</p> - -<p>It is in this connection that Professor Rauschenbusch -has made famous the phrase, “Christianizing -the social order.” This term means “bringing the -social order into harmony with the ethical convictions -which are identified with Christ.”<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-35" href="#Footnote_XXVI-35" class="fnanchor">XXVI-35</a> Such a -program involves attacking “the last intrenchment -of autocracy,” namely, in business,—and Christianizing -business. The struggle is already on. In<span class="pagenum" id="Page_460">460</span> -many of the phases of the conflict, capitalism is -swallowing up Christianity. The church becomes -traditional, narrowly ecclesiastical, dogmatic, opposing -science and democracy. Where capitalism -is strongest, the churches as virile social forces are -weakest.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-34" href="#Footnote_XXVI-34" class="fnanchor">XXVI-34</a></p> - -<p>In reply to the often repeated charge that socialized -Christianity is no Christianity at all, Professor -Rauschenbusch shows that personal religion, instead -of being defeated by a socialized religion, will gain -strength and be able to present a much stronger -appeal than it now does. The advocate of the social -teachings of Jesus is not attacking personal religion, -but rather endeavoring to give personal religion a -new dynamic, especially in those phases of modern -life where personal religion has lost most of its -appeal. The opponents of social Christianity cannot -afford to neglect the fact that the often one-sided, -mechanical, and superficial gospel and methods -of evangelism have created a religious apathy, -if not a definite reaction against religion.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-36" href="#Footnote_XXVI-36" class="fnanchor">XXVI-36</a> It is -blind foolishness to try to fence out the new social -spirit from Christianity instead of letting it fuse -with the older religious faith and “create a new total -that will be completer and more Christian than the -old religious individualism at its best.”<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-37" href="#Footnote_XXVI-37" class="fnanchor">XXVI-37</a></p> - -<p>Dr. Rauschenbusch insisted that there must be a -Christianizing of international relations, that individuals -must be taught to see the sinfulness of the -present social order, and that the popular conception<span class="pagenum" id="Page_461">461</span> -of God must be democratized.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-39" href="#Footnote_XXVI-39" class="fnanchor">XXVI-39</a> He reinterpreted -the organic unity of human society,—asserting -that when one man sins, other men suffer; and -that when one class sins, other classes bear a part -of the suffering.</p> - -<p>In 1908, the Federal Council of the Churches of -Christ in America was organized at Philadelphia. -The Council adopted with slight modifications the -resolutions which some months earlier had been -accepted by the General Conference of the Methodist -Episcopal Church (North), and which Rev. -Harry F. Ward and others had drawn up.</p> - -<p>This Bill of Rights, as the Resolutions have been -called, imposed upon the members of the more than -thirty Protestant denominations the duty of obtaining -industrial justice for the cause of labor. It -spoke for (1) the principle of arbitration in industrial -dissensions, (2) the adequate protection of -workers in hazardous trades, (3) the abolition of -child labor, (4) the safeguarding of physical and -moral health of women in industry, (5) the suppression -of the “sweating system,” (6) the reduction -of the hours of labor to the lowest practicable -point, (7) a living wage in all industries, (8) one -day of rest in seven for all workers, (9) the most -equitable division of the products of industry that -can ultimately be devised, (10) suitable provisions -for old age or disability of workers, and (11) the -abatement of poverty.</p> - -<p>At the meeting of the Federal Council of the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_462">462</span> -Churches of Christ in America at a special meeting -held at Cleveland, Ohio, May 6–8, 1919, the foregoing -platform was re-affirmed; and in addition, as -a means of meeting the needs of the reconstruction -days following the World War, the following notable -resolutions were adopted. The Council declared -not only that labor is entitled to an equitable -share in the profits of industry, but took the new -step of expressing the belief that labor is entitled -also to an equitable share in the management of industry. -“The sharing of shop control and management -is an inevitable step” in the attainment of an -ordered and constructive democracy in industry. -The Council asserted that the first charge upon industry -should be wages sufficient to support an -American standard of living.</p> - -<p>In 1919, the Committee on Special War Activities -of the National Catholic War Council published -a brief but important document on social reconstruction. -In this pamphlet the defects of the capitalistic -system of industry are declared to be: -“Enormous inefficiency and waste in the production -and distribution of commodities; insufficient incomes -for the great majority of wage-earners; and -unnecessarily large incomes for a small minority -of privileged capitalists.”<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-40" href="#Footnote_XXVI-40" class="fnanchor">XXVI-40</a> The Committee urged -that employees shall exercise a reasonable share in -the management of industrial enterprises, and that -the State should inaugurate comprehensive provisions -for health insurance and old age insurance.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_463">463</span> -It recognized that the true line of progress is in the -direction of co-operative production and of co-partnership -arrangements. “In the former, the workers -own and manage the industries themselves; in -the latter, they own a substantial part of the corporate -stock and exercise a reasonable share in the -management.”<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-41" href="#Footnote_XXVI-41" class="fnanchor">XXVI-41</a> The Catholic pronunciamento demands -that the spirit of both labor and capital be -reformed. The laborer must give up the desire of -a maximum of return for a minimum of service; -he must remember that he owes society an honest -day’s work for a fair wage. On the other hand the -capitalist must learn that wealth is not possession -but stewardship, and that “profit-making is not the -basic justification of business enterprise.”<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-42" href="#Footnote_XXVI-42" class="fnanchor">XXVI-42</a></p> - -<p>Inasmuch as the Rev. Harry F. Ward has written -more extensively on social Christianity than -any other person, save Rauschenbusch, and has -created widespread and heart-searching discussions, -his contributions to socio-religious thought -will be considered next. Dr. Ward does not believe -in social service as a bait for drawing people into -the church. He objects to bribing people in order -to get them into an evangelistic meeting. To him -social service is a natural phase of religion, expressing -itself freely and without sinuous designs. In -his estimation, soup kitchens are not to be established -as a means of enticing the laboring man inside -the church walls, but as an unselfish expression -of the Christian’s desire to be true to the Christ<span class="pagenum" id="Page_464">464</span> -spirit. Social service is not a selfish program, on -the part of the church, for increasing its membership. -It is as natural to Christianity as personal -evangelism, and equally intrinsic and vital. It has -won more than national recognition. While it is -radical in the eyes of the conservative, it contains -an analysis of social conditions that many of its -critics have not appreciated. It breathes a sincerity -and a straightforwardness that compels the fair-minded -reader to give heed.</p> - -<p>Slavery was rejected as the economic basis of -civilization, and monarchy has recently been rejected -as the political basis. In each instance the -world came to a junction where idealistic impulse -overthrew entrenched power. It is Dr. Ward’s -contention that the world is now reaching a similar -junction point, a point where idealistic impulse will -dethrone the autocracy in capitalism. The idealistic -impulse, to which reference has been made in the -foregoing lines, is germinal in the teachings of -Jesus.</p> - -<p>With prophetic vision, more organized than the -vision of Amos, Hosea, Isaiah, but equally sincere, -and fearless, Dr. Ward points out the principles of -the new social order which he believes are almost -upon the world. He then describes the various -factors which are struggling each in its own way -to inaugurate the new order.</p> - -<p>The five principles of the new social order are -equality, universal service, efficiency, the supremacy<span class="pagenum" id="Page_465">465</span> -of personality, and solidarity. (1) Equality is the -old word which won attention in the American and -French Revolutions. It grew out of the theory of -natural rights which was discussed in <a href="#Chapter_XI">Chapter XI</a>. -The American emphasis on the principle of equality -is shown in the admiration that is accorded the -achievements of energy and toil, in the common -struggle for more wealth and luxury, in foreign -missionary activities, in the rise of the democratic -conscience and the idealistic impulses of the people.</p> - -<p>On the other hand, the principle of equality is -being violated when, instead of trying to remove -the natural inequalities among folks, “we increase -them by giving special privileges to the strong as -the reward of their strength.” The United States -is at the crossroads. One highway is characterized -by luxury and extravagance on one side, and by -poverty and slavery on the other; it leads to revolutionary -attempts on the part of the masses to overthrow -the privileged classes. It ends in national -decadence. The second highway is characterized -by justice. Those in economic authority are willing -to grant representation to labor in the management -of industry and to further the rise of the co-operative -spirit. They are willing to sacrifice their own -special privileges for the sake of the welfare of the -disinherited.</p> - -<p>The intellectuals of the middle class hold vast -power. In crises, they usually join the privileged -classes rather than the masses; and hence, their influence<span class="pagenum" id="Page_466">466</span> -often swings to the side of injustice.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-43" href="#Footnote_XXVI-43" class="fnanchor">XXVI-43</a></p> - -<p>(2) Universal service is the principle of equal -obligation. Equal rights, by itself, may mean equal -rights to cheat, to exploit. It needs to be checked -by its complement of equal obligation. During the -World War there was a frequent demonstration of -the principle of universal service. “We are engaged -in helping the boys at the front” became the -slogan. At the front as well as in the home towns -and cities, wealthy and poor, capital and labor -served together. The end of the War gave prominence -to this question: Will the universal service -idea spread or will it be discarded? Will industry -go back to the unashamed pursuit of private gain?<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-44" href="#Footnote_XXVI-44" class="fnanchor">XXVI-44</a></p> - -<p>Dr. Ward makes a careful distinction between -the service of democratic mutual helpfulness and -the service of a governing class, no matter how -excellent.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-45" href="#Footnote_XXVI-45" class="fnanchor">XXVI-45</a> It is a low type of service which grants -Christmas dinners to the poor with the result that -the poor are thereby made contented with their lot -in life.</p> - -<p>(3) Efficiency is a term which is the product of -the mechanical era, which originated in the business -world, and which is now being applied to all phases -of social organization.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-46" href="#Footnote_XXVI-46" class="fnanchor">XXVI-46</a> Its aim is perfection in -social mechanics. Social efficiency includes not only -social engineering but social knowledge, social philosophy, -social ethics, and social religion. Evidences -of social inefficiency are common; for example, the -failure to use and apply the social knowledge that<span class="pagenum" id="Page_467">467</span> -we have, and the loss of energy through an over-emphasis -on competition. Democracy will never -be able to succeed merely because of its splendid -ethical ideals.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-47" href="#Footnote_XXVI-47" class="fnanchor">XXVI-47</a> The need is for an efficiency in -government that is scientific and not simply a business -efficiency.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-48" href="#Footnote_XXVI-48" class="fnanchor">XXVI-48</a> Scientific efficiency includes “the -spirit of service to the common interest by which -alone democracy can live.”<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-49" href="#Footnote_XXVI-49" class="fnanchor">XXVI-49</a></p> - -<p>(4) The supremacy of personality is a principle -of life that conflicts today with the current emphasis -on economic efficiency. It is because the -latter is so often reckless of human values that the -new social order will stress the development of -things of the spirit rather than material goods; -even business must practice this ideal. The World -War raised the estimate which the common people -put on their own lives; but the ultimate result will -depend on whether or not people took part in the -war voluntarily and conscious of high moral purposes, -and whether or not the peace which follows -shall bring a new world organization that conserves -all the advances in human living that have thus far -been made.</p> - -<p>Institutions possess an inherent fallibility. They -tend to become mechanical and repressive, even -those dedicated to high purposes, such as institutions -of democracy, of education, and of religion. -The supreme object of any social institution and -organization, no matter in what field it may exist, -should be the increase of personality.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-50" href="#Footnote_XXVI-50" class="fnanchor">XXVI-50</a></p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_468">468</span></p> - -<p>(5) The new social order will be governed by a -sense of solidarity, that is, by a community of feeling -and thought which arises when individuals -associate together in working for a common end. -World solidarity will come when all peoples learn -to work together for public welfare, and subordinate -all selfish desires to this end. Christianity -is moving in this direction when it advances the -concept of “comradeship of all men with each other -and with the Great Companion,” when it gradually -unfolds the idea of a unified world life, when it -applies its doctrines of brotherhood of man to the -relations of the employer and employee or to the -relations of white and black races, when it seeks -the democratic solidarity of the human race rather -than the imperialistic solidarity of an overhead -religious control, when it endeavors to spread love -and faith, rather than to spread dogmas and promote -organizations.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-51" href="#Footnote_XXVI-51" class="fnanchor">XXVI-51</a> Class cleavage, nationalism -as distinct from nationality, race prejudice, ignorance, -and selfishness are the main opponents of the -world brotherhood principle.</p> - -<p>Dr. Ward, having defined what he considers the -chief principles that will govern the new social -order, proceeds to measure current movements by -certain standards. He reviews the declarations of -the British Labor Party, the Russian Soviet Republic, -the League of Nations, and the labor movements -in the United States. These tendencies are -all expressions of a more or less blind desire for<span class="pagenum" id="Page_469">469</span> -justice. In all countries of the world the masses -are restless, stirring, and experiencing a keen sense -of injustice. Their leaders are struggling, unscientifically -as a rule, toward the light of a new -day of democracy. The trend which this struggle -takes depends on the given social environment and -the attitude of the persons in authority. If undue -repression and autocracy are exercised for a long -period of time, as in Russia under the Czars, revolution -is the only means of escape open to the -masses. Schooled for a long time under the lash -of autocracy, when they themselves come into control, -they will use the only means of control that -they know, the lash of autocracy.</p> - -<p>The British Labor Party is moving in the direction -of guild socialism, which includes the organization -of industry into large units, in charge of the -workers and relatively free from the rule of the -politicians. The national government is to have a -general oversight over the large industrial units. -As immediate steps in this direction, the Labor -Party demands the nationalization of the railroads, -mines, and of the production of electric power. -Municipalities participate in the common ownership -program. The method of transformation is to -be gradual, largely based on political action.</p> - -<p>In regard to the League of Nations Covenant, -which was agreed upon in Paris in 1919, Dr. Ward -takes a negative attitude. Although he believes -firmly in an organization of good will, in international<span class="pagenum" id="Page_470">470</span> -friendship and in world solidarity upon -democratic bases, he asserts stoutly that the Paris -Covenant is “a symbol of the sacred right of private -property,”<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-52" href="#Footnote_XXVI-52" class="fnanchor">XXVI-52</a> that it provided for an international -organization of capitalism with all the force of -powerful national governments behind it, that it -represented a series of compromises between nationally -selfish units, that it was an expression of -the wishes of the rulers of the democratic states -who are essentially of “the same moral caliber as -the ruling class of imperialistic militarism, and -bear a similar sinister relationship to the future -welfare of the common folk.”<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-53" href="#Footnote_XXVI-53" class="fnanchor">XXVI-53</a></p> - -<p>The weakness of Dr. Ward’s treatment of the -programs for the new social order is that it discusses -almost entirely programs, platforms, ideals, -without considerating the relations between the programs -and the actual practices of the various organizations. -In contrasting the best phases, for example, -of the British Labor Party with the worst -phases of capitalism, an incomplete picture is given. -However, this weakness in method need not obscure -the strength of thought which Dr. Ward displays. -Some of the most thought-provoking deductions -are:</p> - -<p>1. That individualistic Christianity is losing -ground.</p> - -<p>2. That the middle class is becoming a class of -privilege.</p> - -<p>3. That the intellectuals of the middle class,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_471">471</span> -while keenly aware of the evils in the capitalistic -system, are so much indebted to that system that -they would consider themselves ingrates if they -spoke out against it, or they are simply afraid to -speak out.</p> - -<p>4. That jails and machine guns will not stop the -laboring classes in appealing for a democratic reorganization -of industry, but will rather hasten -revolutions, with resultant dictatorships of the proletariat.</p> - -<p>5. That capitalism is passing, as it is bound to -do, because it is organized selfishness—its fundamental -principle is wrong.</p> - -<p>6. That political democracy is fighting for its -life today, being attacked on the one flank by economic -imperialism and on the other by the dictatorship -of the proletariat.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-54" href="#Footnote_XXVI-54" class="fnanchor">XXVI-54</a></p> - -<p>7. That unless the struggle can be ended by a -process of reason and orderly progress, the world -is doomed to devastation by universal conflict.</p> - -<p>8. That the goal of social development is, in -broad terms, “a fraternal world community, the -great loving family of mankind, knit together by -common needs but most of all by loyalty to common -ideals, and by the power of its common love efficiently -directing and controlling its common life.”<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-55" href="#Footnote_XXVI-55" class="fnanchor">XXVI-55</a></p> - -<p>An important question arises: How shall the -social teachings of Jesus become widely taught? -Evangelistic Christianity, with its personal emphasis, -cannot be expected adequately to carry the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_472">472</span> -social message. Preachers, theologically trained, -are bound to give the social phases of Christianity -a secondary place. In recent years, however, a -movement known as religious education has been -acquiring momentum. Moreover, a social theory -of religious education has been formulated. In this -connection, Dr. George Albert Coe has perhaps -done the most significant work. Our life, Dr. Coe -believes, gets its largest meaning not from the fact -of individual self-consciousness alone, but from the -equally important fact that life is social.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-56" href="#Footnote_XXVI-56" class="fnanchor">XXVI-56</a> Without -a belief in social consciousness, an endless existence -after death, in terms of self-consciousness primarily, -would be meaningless and probably valueless. -Religion must solve the problem of establishing -a Kingdom of Heaven on earth, and also train -its votaries for a societal life in Heaven. The -latter problem will be met easily when the former -is solved. It is well illustrated by the young Christian -lady from Virginia who asked: Won’t there -have to be a separate Heaven for Negroes, since -we hate them so here? In other words, will there -not have to be a thousand or a million Heavens in -order to accommodate happily all the antagonistic -Christian groups now on earth? How can the -Protestant Ulstermen and Catholic Irishmen live -together lovingly in Heaven? The problem goes -back to solving the social implications of Christianity -in earthly relationships.</p> - -<p>The social aims of Christian education, according<span class="pagenum" id="Page_473">473</span> -to Dr. Coe, are as follows: (1) Social welfare, or -the control of the non-human environment in the -interest of human life. (2) Social justice, or the -inauguration of fair play in all the dealings of -every individual, no matter how strong and shrewd, -with every other individual, no matter how weak -and ignorant. (3) A world society or the promotion -of a code of conduct that leads to “the integration -of all peoples into a single, democratically governed -mankind.” Nationalism must melt into a -larger regard for human beings; and that which is -“a climactic expression of the selfishness, that is to -say the injustice that is organized in our legal systems -and our national sovereignties,” must be revealed -to all, even in the Sunday schools.<a id="FNanchor_XXVI-57" href="#Footnote_XXVI-57" class="fnanchor">XXVI-57</a></p> - -<p>The implications of a sound social theory of religious -education are met by the religious doctrine -of personal fellowship between God and man, and -between man and man; by a reorganization of the -church as a religious institution in a way which -shall put religious education on as scientific a basis -as the ordinary day school education; and by training -the church school pupils in the principles of -social justice, co-operation, and love, as well as in -matters pertaining to personal salvation.</p> - -<p>Another current development is the religious social -service director. For some time the religious -education director has been a recognized force in -church work. The social service director in church -life is coming into the foreground, bearing the responsibility<span class="pagenum" id="Page_474">474</span> -of working out social welfare programs -for the church services, directing the training of -the membership in volunteer social work, inaugurating -religious social surveys, in fact, carrying the -social message of the church into all the church -activities.</p> - -<p>The social service activities of the church have -often been used as a net for catching the churchless. -Social service as a bribe, however, will -fail. Genuine religious social service is that which -emanates naturally and easily from the lives of the -church members and of the church itself, asking no -pay and possessing no sinuous ends. The church -that inaugurates a social program for building up -the family life, the play life, the moral life, the economic -life, as well as the religious life, in the community -in which it is located, most truly represents -a socialized church. The church, however, that uses -its social welfare program merely in order to build -itself up, fails to understand the social calling as a -religious institution.</p> - -<p>The social thought of the Hebrews revolved -about the idea of social justice; of Jesus, about -the concept of active love; and of modern Christianity, -at its best, about an unselfish social program -for bringing about a just, co-operative, and harmonious -life, ranging in its operation from the individual -in his family and local community life to -the individual as a functioning unit in a new world -society.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_475">475</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_475"><span class="smcap" id="Chapter_XXVII">Chapter XXVII</span><br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">Methods of Sociological Investigation</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>In any line of thought or endeavor a correct -method of procedure is all-important. Inaccurate -theories of procedure have wrecked nations, hindered -civilization for centuries at a time, and -flooded the world with negative and harmful ideas. -It will be worth while, therefore, to consider the -methods by which sociology has advanced.</p> - -<p>The ancient makers of social proverbs crystallized -what they had individually observed many -times to be true, or what they had heard repeated -on many occasions as being true. Such methods -were based on observation and generalization, carelessly -used. Moreover, the data at the command -of the makers of social proverbs were very limited.</p> - -<p>The Hebrew prophets, fired by exalted ideas concerning -the nature of Jehovah, insisted upon a practical -application of these ideas to the daily life of -the people of their time. When they perceived that -the actions and living conditions of the people fell -far below the implications of the pattern-ideas for -which the name of Jehovah stood, they vehemently -proclaimed definite social ideals, and condemned all<span class="pagenum" id="Page_476">476</span> -who hindered the realization of these ideals. This -method of creating social thought is noteworthy because -of the religious dynamic behind it, and because -of the social pattern-ideas which it produced.</p> - -<p>Plato and Aristotle were pioneer social philosophers -who took cosmic views of life. One followed -the method of abstract reasoning and centered his -thought in a world of Ideas; the other viewed life -pragmatically, employing a method of empirical -tests. While sociology will always have a place for -methods which interpret the daily facts of individual -and social experience in their relationships -to the whole human society and to the universe, it -will insist that as large a body of societary data as -possible be gathered together before philosophic -sociology speaks positively.</p> - -<p>In the teachings of Jesus a rare insight to human -nature is manifested. Jesus studied individuals as -individuals and, perceiving their selfish natures, -proclaimed a remedy in an inner transformation -through consecration to objective factors, such as -persons and ideals. Jesus was peculiarly happy in -his method of moving among all classes of people, -of studying their needs, and of testing in practice -his social principles. While his acquaintance with -human life was limited to small groups of one race, -he sought universal as well as particular human -tendencies. His method included an absolutely unselfish -spirit, a search for the truth, a broad viewpoint—all -of which are thoroughly scientific.</p> - -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_477">477</span></p> - -<p>The <i>Utopia</i> of Sir Thomas More, preceded to be -sure by Plato’s <i>Republic</i>, introduced another social -thought method. The utopian formula consists in -setting forth a set of ideals which presumably are -distinctly in advance of current standards. The -method of arriving at utopian ideas is largely -through the use of the imagination. Standards are -postulated so far in advance of current conditions -as to make them of little value. Utopian social -thought, however, does have some scientific merit. -The imagination may be used in revealing reality -to otherwise blind individuals. A utopian thought -may startle a selfish individual out of a part of his -selfishness. A utopian idea possesses the power -which is inherent in indirect suggestion; it may -arouse without antagonizing.</p> - -<p>In the approach to the social question through -an analysis of the natural rights of the individual, -the seventeenth and eighteenth social writers fell -into a deductive and a priori procedure which led -them far astray. Like the theory of individual -rights, the correlative doctrine of the social contract -contained more error than truth.</p> - -<p>The method of positivism, ordinarily connected -with the writings of Comte, essayed a scientific approach -to the social question. It insisted upon accuracy, -induction, and a right emphasis upon sequence -and co-existence. But positivism, even in the -hands of its exponents, became deductive and philosophic. -It promised well scientifically, but fell into<span class="pagenum" id="Page_478">478</span> -nearly all the errors which it condemned. It was, -however, a factor in producing the nineteenth century -humanitarianism.</p> - -<p>The organic analogy method of studying human -society attracted widespread attention, appealed -strongly to the imagination even of scholars, but -resulted in findings of negligible value. The parallelisms -between an organism and society proved to -be scientifically valueless, except as they revealed -some of the connections between organic volution -and social evolution. They created a considerable -vocabulary of bio-social terminology which has been -more of a hindrance than a help in social thinking.</p> - -<p>The psychical approach to the study of societary -life, introduced by Lester F. Ward, and made scientific -by the findings of inductive and behavioristic -psychology, has proved thus far to be the best -method of understanding the social process and of -arriving at a statement of sociological laws. This -method has revealed human life as a series of social -conflicts and co-operations, and of forms of social -control designed to regulate individuals for selfish -and unselfish group purposes. An explanation of -the more important phases of the psychical methodology -has been presented in several chapters of this -volume.</p> - -<p>The individual rights doctrine, the social contract -theories, the concept of positivism, and the -organic analogies belong to the unscientific age in -sociological methodology. In the main these sets of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_479">479</span> -social theories were philosophic, deductive, a priori, -and argumentative. They were based chiefly on -opinions, positivism alone leaning to observation -and induction but failing to live up to its promises. -On the other hand, recent decades have been -marked by the rise of scientific methods in sociology, -attention has been centered on the social -process, and particularly on the psychical processes -of which the social process is an elaboration. Although -he possessed an entirely inadequate knowledge -of psychology, Lester F. Ward laid the foundations -of modern sociology when he insisted that -society is a psychical affair, capable of mastering -itself. As a result of this contribution to method, -not by a psychologist but by a paleontologist, social -thought moved forward into the field of scientific -sociology.</p> - -<p>There are many writers who would class Ward -with the pre-scientific contributors to sociological -thought. His methods, it is true, were largely deductive; -his psychology was seriously faulty; his -philosophy was inefficient. Nevertheless, he pointed -the way for sociologists so clearly that in this -treatise his work has been considered as giving the -trend to recent sociology, rather than as being the -last word of discredited types of social thought.</p> - -<p>Then there are other types of sociological methodology -of which mention should be made, notably, -the statistical, and the classificatory procedures. -The statistical approach had its origin in the early<span class="pagenum" id="Page_480">480</span> -census. There are evidences that rulers and kings, -at least two or three millenniums before Christ, had -enumerations of their subjects made. In connection -with poor-law administration, people as early -as the Roman Era were counted. But it was not -until the eighteenth century that statistics became -scientific, with statistical laws drawn from a study -of tabulated facts. Quetelet gives 1820 as the birth -year of statistical science. It was Frederick William -I of Prussia who is reported to have had -an enumeration made of occupational facts; and -Frederick the Great, with having established a system -for making regular statistical studies of population. -It is said that early in the eighteenth century -the University of Jena began to offer courses -in statistics.</p> - -<p>In England, in the latter part of the seventeenth -century, Captain John Graunt is credited with applying -methods of counting, measurement, and induction -to the births and deaths in London. His -studies were referred to as political arithmetic, and -were a forerunner of the current investigations in -vital statistics. Malthus made use of statistical -methods in his work (1798) on population changes.</p> - -<p>Quetelet (1796–1874) is usually considered the -founder of statistical science. He not only applied -the method of counting to the study of the members -of human society (the census method in its -common form), but he tried to get at the problem -of causation, and to indicate rules of procedure for<span class="pagenum" id="Page_481">481</span> -making causal studies in statistics. Although this -celebrated Belgian statistician tabulated and analyzed -facts ranging from the astronomical to the -societary fields, his ideas can be mentioned here only -so far as they contribute to the subject of social -thought. Quetelet pointed out certain of the pitfalls -in the way of gathering accurate data. He improved -the methods of census taking, and undertook -the difficult tasks that are involved in qualitative -human studies.</p> - -<p>Among the results of Quetelet’s work, the concept -of “the average man” is well known. Quetelet -defined the law of averages and described types, especially -the average individual. Although it is very -important and useful to know about the “average -man,” the term is practically fictitious, since no one -even in a large group exactly fits the description. -All individuals are either “above” or “below” the -average.</p> - -<p>The contributions of Quetelet in the field of social -statistics were admirably supplemented by the -achievements of Le Play (1806–1882). This French -sociologist and mining engineer applied the methods -of physical science to social science. He insisted -upon observation of data and the use of induction -in making generalizations. His method is illustrated -by his studies in family budgets. In order -to secure accurate data he lived with individual -families, studying at first-hand the conditions by -which they made a livelihood. Le Play opposed<span class="pagenum" id="Page_482">482</span> -<i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">laissez-faire</i> theories and urged programs of reform -through the journal which he founded, namely, <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">La -Reforme Sociale</i>. He rejected socialism, and advocated -the method of conciliation and sympathy for -effecting agreements among employers and employees.</p> - -<p>Similar methods were evolved by Engels and -Bücher, German investigators. Engels’ studies of -family budgets led him to draw certain average observations. -These “averages” are known as Engels’ -laws, for example: (1) The smaller the income, -the larger the percentage of expenditure for food. -(2) The percentage of expenditure for clothing, -and for lodging or rent, varies directly with the income. -(3) The larger the income, the larger the -percentage of expenditures for sundries (including -luxuries).</p> - -<p>The statistical method has been carried forward -by a large number of social investigators. With -averages, modes, and medians, it is now possible to -make accurate quantitative studies. Current statistical -methods include the use of index numbers, frequency -tables, discrete series, deviations, skewness, -correlations. Statistics has thrown a flood of light -upon important phases of societary life, such as the -economic, where wage scales and price levels are -significant concepts. Statistics has been widely utilized -in the study of crime and poverty. The various -methods of graphic presentations are valuable -in interpreting tables of statistical data to the lay<span class="pagenum" id="Page_483">483</span> -mind.</p> - -<p>Statistical methods can be used, however, to -prove almost anything. The ordinary individual is -helpless when statistical methods are treated unscrupulously. -On the other hand, it is probably -true that social thought will become increasingly -accurate by the judicious use of statistical studies.</p> - -<p>A recent development, closely related to statistical -science, is the social survey. Beginning with -the Pittsburg Survey in 1907–1908, the social survey -method has been widely adopted in the United -States. Its use has been applied to inventories of -a specific community, such as a rural district or a -small number of city blocks. There is the specific -survey of a given social problem, such as housing -or poverty. Then there is the survey of an entire -industry or a school system.</p> - -<p>The social survey is one of the most important -sources today of sound social thinking. By it, large -quantities of social facts are being collected. Urban -and rural surveys, specific and general surveys -alike, are affording the best bases at the present -time for inductive social thinking. Some of these -results have been indicated in a preceding chapter -upon the contributions of applied sociology.</p> - -<p>The nature of the classificatory method has already -been indicated in this treatise. The Greeks -classified the various fields of knowledge under -three heads: physics, ethics, and politics. Francis -Bacon classified knowledge according to his understanding<span class="pagenum" id="Page_484">484</span> -of mental operations. He divided mental -processes into three, namely, feeling, memory, reasoning; -and made a corresponding division of -knowledge into art, history, and science. Auguste -Comte classified the social elements into four -groups: the industrial, the esthetic, the scientific, -and the philosophical (previsional). His hierarchal -classification of the sciences into mathematics, astronomy, -physics, chemistry, biology, and sociology -has been discussed in an earlier chapter.</p> - -<p>Guillaume de Greef may be considered the best -exponent of the classificatory method. De Greef -accepted Comte’s hierarchy of the sciences with its -basic principles of decreasing generality and increasing -dependence of parts, assented to Spencer’s -evolutionary dictum of increasing coherence and -heterogeneity, and added his own concept of volitional -contractualism.</p> - -<p>De Greef argued that social progress is characterized -by an increasing degree of volitional activity -and freedom. This volitionalism is the basis of -rational social control. The telic factors, however, -are not well developed by de Greef. His social -thought rests upon a certain logical but inaccurate -classification of the social elements.</p> - -<p>The basis of this classification is increasing volitionalism -and particularism. De Greef gives the -following classification: economic, industrial, genetic, -artistic, scientific, moral, juridical, and political. -In holding that the economic elements in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_485">485</span> -society represent the least volitionalism, and the political -the most volitional activity, with graded degrees -of volitional activities represented by the -intermediate factors, the weakness of de Greef’s -analysis becomes evident. While an improvement -over Comte’s classification and superior to Spencer’s -mechanistic order, de Greef’s contribution possesses -only a relative degree of logical merit. It is far -from being objectively correct, and is indicative of -the difficulties in the way of classifying social elements -in an evolutionary or filial order. There is -no doubt but that any classification of merit would -have to be arranged according to some correlative -plan, which would serve the purposes of an exhibit -but would not be of much scientific value. Moreover, -the classifications that are most useful are -those classifications of societary forces; these are -psychical in nature and have been treated in foregoing -chapters.</p> - -<p>De Greef perceived the importance of the principle -of socialization. He emphasized the importance -of a “we” feeling in societary life. His social -unit is the primitive family. In the evolution from -the primitive family and state, the evidence of progress -is the degree of “togetherness” that has been -developed. De Greef advanced the idea that there -is an increasing degree of contractualism and hence -of freedom in society. De Greef’s work may be -taken as the best attempt to carry Comte’s classification -of the sciences to a logical conclusion by<span class="pagenum" id="Page_486">486</span> -furnishing a classification of the elements which -function in the field of the “highest” science of all, -namely, sociology.</p> - -<p>At this point and in concluding, the methodology -of Albion W. Small will be considered. Professor -Small’s other contributions to sociological thought -have been indicated at the proper places in earlier -chapters. The correct method for pursuing sociological -analyses is to treat human society in terms -of process. The main current in all sound sociological -study is the social process. The significant -test of progress in this social process is achievement.<a id="FNanchor_XXVII-2" href="#Footnote_XXVII-2" class="fnanchor">XXVII-2</a> -According to Professor Small’s classification, -there are six main phases of social progress, -namely:</p> - -<p>1. Achievement in promoting health,</p> - -<p>2. Achievement in harmonizing human relations,</p> - -<p>3. Achievement in producing wealth,</p> - -<p>4. Achievement in discovery and spread of knowledge,</p> - -<p>5. Achievement in the fine arts,</p> - -<p>6. Achievement in religion.</p> - -<p>These grand divisions are the expressions of certain -interests<a id="FNanchor_XXVII-3" href="#Footnote_XXVII-3" class="fnanchor">XXVII-3</a> that human beings possess: (1) -health interests, (2) wealth interests, (3) sociability -interests, (4) knowledge interests, (5) esthetic -interests, and (6) rightness interests. As a result -of the operation of these interests, social problems -are produced. Sociology is “the science of human<span class="pagenum" id="Page_487">487</span> -interests and their workings under all conditions.”</p> - -<p>In this classification human interests serve as the -main key forces to an understanding of the social -process. Upon psychological examination, however, -the interests are found to be bafflingly complex. The -psychologist has not given a satisfactory description -of interests. And yet it is clear that what people -are interested in is a fair criterion of the direction -which their evolution will take. Furthermore, -the changes in the interests of people are fundamental -in telic social progress. With a correlation of -interests as a subjective criterion, and of achievement -as an objective test, Professor Small has -shown the dualistic nature of the social process. -Those methodologists who would measure all things -human in purely objective terms are scientifically -negligent of important human elements. Mind is -not simply matter; the social process is not entirely -behavior.</p> - -<p>Professor Small has sharpened three important -tools for the use of the sociological investigator. -These are: the social process, personal interests, -and the group. His analyses are sound, except as he -does not show how “interests” usually possess social -origins. Otherwise he speaks consistently and -helpfully in terms of groups and group processes.</p> - -<p>With concepts such as have been favorably presented -in the foregoing paragraphs—and chapters—the -sociologist of the future will be able to make -contributions to thought that will help to determine<span class="pagenum" id="Page_488">488</span> -educational, religious, economic, political, and other -important human aims.</p> -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_489">489</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_489"><span class="smcap" id="Chapter_XXVIII">Chapter XXVIII</span><br /> - -<span class="subhead"><span class="smcap">The Dissemination of Sociological Thought</span></span></h2> -</div> - -<p>Despite its youth, inchoateness, and naïveté, sociological -thought is exerting a vital influence in the -world. It is giving a new rating to all the established -values of life, undermining some, strengthening -others, and creating still others.</p> - -<p>The chief values in sociological thought are that -it constitutes the center of all worth while thought; -it gives balance and proportion to thinking in any -field; it defies race prejudice and social intolerance; -it smites selfish living; it rivets attention to the -essentially human values; it stimulates personal development -in harmony with group and societary -welfare. At the same time, it postulates group advancement, -not upon paternalistic or autocratic -grounds, but upon a constructive projection of personalities -that harmonizes with unselfish group -service.</p> - -<p>For centuries genuine social thinking was confined -largely to a few of the intellectually élite. -These few lived, and did even their social thinking, -in a more or less isolated way. It was not until -the first decades of the last centuries that social<span class="pagenum" id="Page_490">490</span> -thought began to be scientific in character, that is, -became sociological. Sociological thinking, however, -was isolated and uncorrelated for many years. -In the last decade of the nineteenth century, sociology -began to develop a considerable body of -thinkers and to create a new morale. There were -many disagreements that tended to break the new -science asunder. The opening decades, however, of -the twentieth century witnessed a development of -sociological thought that was followed by the establishment -of the teaching of sociology as a profession.</p> - -<p>With the rise of professional sociologists, the -dissemination of socialized thought became noteworthy. -For a long time sociology was considered -only as a post-graduate study. In the last few years, -however, sociology has been making its way downward -in college and university curricula, until it is -being widely taught to college freshmen and sophomores. -In this connection there is a variety of textbooks -that have been written to meet the needs of -beginning students. There are some teachers who -would introduce sociology through anthropological -studies, beginning with the origin of man. Others -would give a survey or prospectus of social institutions, -processes, and problems.<a id="FNanchor_XXVIII-1" href="#Footnote_XXVIII-1" class="fnanchor">XXVIII-1</a> Still others would -deal only with social problems. Then there are -those persons who would build a text-book around -a central theme, tracing it through social relationships. -For advanced work in sociological<span class="pagenum" id="Page_491">491</span> -thought there is a variety of treatises dealing with -systems at once profound, complex, and fundamental.</p> - -<p>For high schools, the technique of sociological -teaching is in the beginning stages. The importance -in high schools of social science teaching is -generally recognized, but there has been great difficulty -in effecting an agreement among the various -social science branches. Some high school teachers -prefer a “social problems” course, although the demand -is growing for a “social science” course, extending -throughout the year, dividing the time more -or less evenly between economics, sociology, and -civics. There are other high school teachers who -contend that sociology can be taught best in a general -“citizenship” course. One of the specific difficulties -is that the high school curriculum is full, and -that the representatives of none of the established -courses are willing to see the subjects in which they -are interested crowded out. Another difficulty is -the power which the self-culture and self-development -concepts possess. The equal importance of -the social culture and social development concepts -is being recognized, but with amazing slowness.</p> - -<p>In the grades the teaching of sociology is gaining -ground. In the sense that there is an advanced -group of mathematical studies for university men -and women and an elemental mathematics for the -grades, so there is advanced sociology, and also an -elemental sociology centering around the activities<span class="pagenum" id="Page_492">492</span> -of the primary groups, such as the family, play, -neighborhood, and school groups. A child who is -old enough to learn to obey is old enough to begin -elemental sociology, in fact, when he learns to obey, -he is already beginning to experience the meaning -of a social, if not a sociological concept. Simple -social studies are being prepared for the grades, -even beginning with the first grade.</p> - -<p>The dissemination of sociological thought is a -practical question to which in the last score of years -special attention has been given. The universities -and colleges began to establish chairs of sociology -in the closing decade of the last century. The movement -has acquired a remarkable momentum in the -United States. Normal schools and high schools -have adopted the movement. Many churches are -promulgating a socialized gospel. Literature is -gradually assuming an appreciation of the sociological -viewpoint.</p> - -<p>From the social proverbs of primitive man to a -treatise such as Ross’ <i>Principles of Sociology</i>, with -its admirable analysis of significant societal processes, -such as equalization, domination, individuation, -socialization—this is the main span of social -thought. Social thought began in the simplest form -of observations about social relationships between -individual and individual, between chieftain and -tribal member, between master and servant. It experienced -various stages of denunciation of social -wrongs. It produced perspectives of perfect societies.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_493">493</span> -It moved profoundly forward in the form of -social philosophies. Now it is proceeding either -as the investigator of new social facts, or the psychological -interpreter of these facts in terms of -social processes. It is assuming a scientific procedure, -although a portion of the results of its -undertakings finds expression in social philosophy. -It is beginning to formulate sociological laws. It -is inaugurating a technique for preventing the maladjustments -that produce social evils; it is establishing -a teaching technique. Although the masses -of the human race are beginning to feel blindly the -meaning of social values, they have not yet been -able to make their highest social aspirations rationally -articulate. Until that time comes, democracy -will remain an experiment, and world progress a toy -of autocratic forces.</p> - -<p>A history of social thought is essentially a review -of an irregular but positive acceptance of social -values. Individual after individual, leader after -leader, profession after profession, group after -group, have felt and accepted the challenge of the -sociological viewpoint. They have changed from -living selfishly to living socially. They have even -given up the ideal of service for self advancement, -setting up in its place the ideal of service for the -welfare of others. In so doing and living they have -found expansion of personality and contributed to -the advancement of society. Since the days of -Comte in particular, the social sciences have been<span class="pagenum" id="Page_494">494</span> -increasing in variety and scope until they number -a score or more, and sociological influence has been -widening until the related sciences are inviting sociology, -which is the scientific study of group phenomena, -to define their objectives for them. In fact, -sociological concepts are permeating the farthermost -reaches of personal living and societal control. -A history of social thought is a history of -the socializing of human attitudes and interests, -presaging a human society in which personal -achievement and group progress are equally and -supremely sought.</p> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"><div class="footnotes"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_495">495</span></p> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="FOOTNOTES">FOOTNOTES</h2> - -<table id="footnotetable"> -<tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2">CHAPTER II</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_II-1" href="#FNanchor_II-1" class="label">II-1</a></td> - <td class="tdl">W. I. Thomas, <i>Source Book for Social Origins</i>, University of Chicago Press, 1909, p. 161.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_II-2" href="#FNanchor_II-2" class="label">II-2</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Daniel Crawford, <i>Thinking Black</i>, Doran, 1913.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_II-3" href="#FNanchor_II-3" class="label">II-3</a></td> - <td class="tdl">E. M. Curr, <i>The Australian Race</i>, Melbourne, 1883, 1:339.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_II-4" href="#FNanchor_II-4" class="label">II-4</a></td> - <td class="tdl">A. M. Howitt, <i>The Organisation of Australian Tribes</i>, p. 452.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2">CHAPTER III</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_III-1" href="#FNanchor_III-1" class="label">III-1</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Boulak Papyrus</i>, trans. by Griffith, p. 5340, <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">La Moral Egyptienne</i>.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_III-2" href="#FNanchor_III-2" class="label">III-2</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>“The Instruction of Ptah-Hotep,” </i>trans. by Gunn, Wisdom of the East Series.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_III-3" href="#FNanchor_III-3" class="label">III-3</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Code of Hammurapi, Sect. 196.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_III-4" href="#FNanchor_III-4" class="label">III-4</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., Sect. 198.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_III-5" href="#FNanchor_III-5" class="label">III-5</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., Sect. 229.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_III-6" href="#FNanchor_III-6" class="label">III-6</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Shoo King</i>, 27:3.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2">CHAPTER IV</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_IV-1" href="#FNanchor_IV-1" class="label">IV-1</a></td> - <td class="tdl">C. F. Kent, <i>The Social Teachings of the Prophets and Jesus</i>, Scribner, 1917, p. 4.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_IV-2" href="#FNanchor_IV-2" class="label">IV-2</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Exodus, 3:7, 8.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_IV-3" href="#FNanchor_IV-3" class="label">IV-3</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Amos, 2:6, 7, 8; 3:10; 4:1, 2; 5:7, 15; 6:4.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_IV-4" href="#FNanchor_IV-4" class="label">IV-4</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Isaiah, 1:23.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_IV-5" href="#FNanchor_IV-5" class="label">IV-5</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Isaiah, 3:14, 15.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_IV-6" href="#FNanchor_IV-6" class="label">IV-6</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Micah, 3:2, 3.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_IV-7" href="#missing" class="label">IV-7</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Jeremiah, 22:13, 15, 17 (Modern Reader’s Bible).</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_IV-8" href="#FNanchor_IV-8" class="label">IV-8</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Louis Wallis, <i>Sociological Study of the Bible</i>, University of Chicago Press, 1912, Ch. VII.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_IV-9" href="#missing" class="label">IV-9</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Hosea, 4:11; 9:11, 16.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_IV-10" href="#FNanchor_IV-10" class="label">IV-10</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Exodus, 20:12.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_IV-11" href="#FNanchor_IV-11" class="label">IV-11</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Proverbs, 20:20.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_IV-12" href="#FNanchor_IV-12" class="label">IV-12</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Proverbs, 12:4.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_IV-13" href="#FNanchor_IV-13" class="label">IV-13</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Proverbs, 29:15.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_IV-14" href="#FNanchor_IV-14" class="label">IV-14</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Isaiah, 5:11.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_IV-15" href="#FNanchor_IV-15" class="label">IV-15</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Proverbs, 20:1.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_IV-16" href="#FNanchor_IV-16" class="label">IV-16</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Proverbs, 31:7.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_IV-17" href="#FNanchor_IV-17" class="label">IV-17</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Exodus, 21:13; I Kings, 1:50; 2:28.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_IV-18" href="#FNanchor_IV-18" class="label">IV-18</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Job, 31.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_IV-19" href="#FNanchor_IV-19" class="label">IV-19</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Amos, 9:7.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_IV-20" href="#FNanchor_IV-20" class="label">IV-20</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Isaiah, 9:5; cf., Kent, <i>The Social Teachings of the Prophets and Jesus</i>, p. 112.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2">CHAPTER V</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-1" href="#FNanchor_V-1" class="label">V-1</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Hesiod, <i>Work and Days</i>, trans. by A. W. Mains, Oxford, 1908.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-2" href="#FNanchor_V-2" class="label">V-2</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>The Works of Hesiod, Callimachus and Theognis</i>, trans. by Banks, Bohn’s Classical Library, p. 227.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-3" href="#FNanchor_V-3" class="label">V-3</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Botsford and Sihler, <i>Hellenic Civilization</i>, p. 64.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-4" href="#FNanchor_V-4" class="label">V-4</a></td> - <td class="tdl">George Rawlinson, translator, <i>History of Herodotus</i>, 4 vols.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-5" href="#FNanchor_V-5" class="label">V-5</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Plutarch’s Pericles, revised by Clough, 1:234 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-6" href="#FNanchor_V-6" class="label">V-6</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Botsford and Sihler, op. cit., p. 340.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-7" href="#FNanchor_V-7" class="label">V-7</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>On Air, Water and Places</i> in the Genuine Works of Hippocrates, trans. by Adams, Vol. I.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-8" href="#FNanchor_V-8" class="label">V-8</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Plato I, 338 C. All references to Plato’s <i>Dialogues</i> in this chapter or in later chapters are to Jowett’s translation.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-9" href="#FNanchor_V-9" class="label">V-9</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Adela M. Adam, Plato, <i>Moral and Political Ideals</i>, p. 10.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-10" href="#FNanchor_V-10" class="label">V-10</a></td> - <td class="tdl">The reader will find in Will Durant’s <i>Philosophy and the Social Problem</i>, Ch. I, a unique although ideocentric interpretation of Socrates.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-11" href="#missing" class="label">V-11</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Laws</i>, 738.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-12" href="#FNanchor_V-12" class="label">V-12</a></td> - <td class="tdl">The beginning student of Plato’s social thought should first read the <i>Republic</i>, especially V 472 A to VII 541 B.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-13" href="#FNanchor_V-13" class="label">V-13</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Republic</i>, 369 B.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-14" href="#FNanchor_V-14" class="label">V-14</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 370 B.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-15" href="#FNanchor_V-15" class="label">V-15</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 373.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-16" href="#FNanchor_V-16" class="label">V-16</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Laws</i>, 803.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-17" href="#FNanchor_V-17" class="label">V-17</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Statesman</i>, 308.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-18" href="#FNanchor_V-18" class="label">V-18</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 307.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-19" href="#FNanchor_V-19" class="label">V-19</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 297.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-20" href="#FNanchor_V-20" class="label">V-20</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Republic</i>, 398 E, 412.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-21" href="#FNanchor_V-21" class="label">V-21</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Laws</i>, 731, 732.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-22" href="#FNanchor_V-22" class="label">V-22</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Republic</i>, 412.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-23" href="#FNanchor_V-23" class="label">V-23</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Statesman</i>, 303.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-24" href="#FNanchor_V-24" class="label">V-24</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Republic</i>, 525; cf. <i>Laws</i>, 818.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-25" href="#FNanchor_V-25" class="label">V-25</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 537, 539, 540.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-26" href="#FNanchor_V-26" class="label">V-26</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 413.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-27" href="#FNanchor_V-27" class="label">V-27</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 416.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-28" href="#FNanchor_V-28" class="label">V-28</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 416, 417.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-29" href="#FNanchor_V-29" class="label">V-29</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 457 C, 464 C.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-30" href="#FNanchor_V-30" class="label">V-30</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 414, 415.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-31" href="#FNanchor_V-31" class="label">V-31</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 415.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-32" href="#FNanchor_V-32" class="label">V-32</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Loc. cit.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-33" href="#FNanchor_V-33" class="label">V-33</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 460 C, 461 C.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-34" href="#FNanchor_V-34" class="label">V-34</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Statesman</i>, 310<span class="pagenum" id="Page_496">496</span></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-35" href="#FNanchor_V-35" class="label">V-35</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Laws</i>, 773.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-36" href="#FNanchor_V-36" class="label">V-36</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Statesman</i>, 310.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-37" href="#FNanchor_V-37" class="label">V-37</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Republic</i>, 422 A; <i>Laws</i>, 744, 745.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-38" href="#FNanchor_V-38" class="label">V-38</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Republic</i>, 421.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-39" href="#FNanchor_V-39" class="label">V-39</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 550 D, E; <i>Laws</i>, 742, 791.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-40" href="#FNanchor_V-40" class="label">V-40</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Republic</i>, 550.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-41" href="#FNanchor_V-41" class="label">V-41</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 550 C.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-42" href="#FNanchor_V-42" class="label">V-42</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 556.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-43" href="#FNanchor_V-43" class="label">V-43</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Loc. cit.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-44" href="#FNanchor_V-44" class="label">V-44</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 552 D.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-45" href="#FNanchor_V-45" class="label">V-45</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 552 E.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-46" href="#FNanchor_V-46" class="label">V-46</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Laws</i>, 744, 745.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-47" href="#FNanchor_V-47" class="label">V-47</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 729.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-48" href="#FNanchor_V-48" class="label">V-48</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Loc. cit.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-49" href="#FNanchor_V-49" class="label">V-49</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Republic</i>, 377, 401.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-50" href="#FNanchor_V-50" class="label">V-50</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Laws</i>, 772.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-51" href="#FNanchor_V-51" class="label">V-51</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Statesman</i>, 294.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-52" href="#FNanchor_V-52" class="label">V-52</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 300.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-53" href="#FNanchor_V-53" class="label">V-53</a></td> - <td class="tdl">In books, IX-XII.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-54" href="#FNanchor_V-54" class="label">V-54</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Laws</i>, 934.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-55" href="#FNanchor_V-55" class="label">V-55</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 862 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-56" href="#FNanchor_V-56" class="label">V-56</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 936.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-57" href="#FNanchor_V-57" class="label">V-57</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 955.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-58" href="#FNanchor_V-58" class="label">V-58</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Republic</i>, 455, 456; <i>Laws</i>, 805.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-59" href="#FNanchor_V-59" class="label">V-59</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Republic</i>, 451.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-60" href="#FNanchor_V-60" class="label">V-60</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 475 A; <i>Laws</i>, 814.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-61" href="#FNanchor_V-61" class="label">V-61</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Laws</i>, 759.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-62" href="#FNanchor_V-62" class="label">V-62</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 929, 930.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-63" href="#FNanchor_V-63" class="label">V-63</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Republic</i>, 457 A; <i>Laws</i>, 795 ff, 813 ff, 830 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-64" href="#FNanchor_V-64" class="label">V-64</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 410.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-65" href="#FNanchor_V-65" class="label">V-65</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 441.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-66" href="#FNanchor_V-66" class="label">V-66</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 498 B.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-67" href="#FNanchor_V-67" class="label">V-67</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 518.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-68" href="#FNanchor_V-68" class="label">V-68</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 536.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-69" href="#FNanchor_V-69" class="label">V-69</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 425; <i>Laws</i>, 643.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-70" href="#FNanchor_V-70" class="label">V-70</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Republic</i>, 537.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-71" href="#FNanchor_V-71" class="label">V-71</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Laws</i>, 729.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-72" href="#FNanchor_V-72" class="label">V-72</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Republic</i>, 435 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-73" href="#missing" class="label">V-73</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Laws</i>, 903.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-74" href="#FNanchor_V-74" class="label">V-74</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Republic</i>, 545–549.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-75" href="#FNanchor_V-75" class="label">V-75</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 550, 551.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-76" href="#FNanchor_V-76" class="label">V-76</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Loc. cit.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-77" href="#FNanchor_V-77" class="label">V-77</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 555.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-78" href="#FNanchor_V-78" class="label">V-78</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 564.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_V-79" href="#FNanchor_V-79" class="label">V-79</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., 339; <i>Laws</i>, 714.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2">CHAPTER VI</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-1" href="#FNanchor_VI-1" class="label">VI-1</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Ethics</i>, trans. by Welldon, II, 2.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-2" href="#FNanchor_VI-2" class="label">VI-2</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Politics</i>, trans. by Jowett, I, 2.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-3" href="#FNanchor_VI-3" class="label">VI-3</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Loc. cit.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-4" href="#FNanchor_VI-4" class="label">VI-4</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., II, 3.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-5" href="#FNanchor_VI-5" class="label">VI-5</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., II, 5.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-6" href="#FNanchor_VI-6" class="label">VI-6</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Loc. cit.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-7" href="#FNanchor_VI-7" class="label">VI-7</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., II, 7; VII, 10.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-8" href="#FNanchor_VI-8" class="label">VI-8</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., II, 4.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-9" href="#FNanchor_VI-9" class="label">VI-9</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., I, 4.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-10" href="#FNanchor_VI-10" class="label">VI-10</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., III, 7.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-11" href="#FNanchor_VI-11" class="label">VI-11</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., III, 15.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-12" href="#FNanchor_VI-12" class="label">VI-12</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., V, 8; VII, 2.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-13" href="#FNanchor_VI-13" class="label">VI-13</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., II, 8.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-14" href="#FNanchor_VI-14" class="label">VI-14</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., V, 8.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-15" href="#FNanchor_VI-15" class="label">VI-15</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., IV, 11.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-16" href="#FNanchor_VI-16" class="label">VI-16</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., V, 7.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-17" href="#FNanchor_VI-17" class="label">VI-17</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., IV, 11.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-18" href="#FNanchor_VI-18" class="label">VI-18</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., II, 6.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-19" href="#FNanchor_VI-19" class="label">VI-19</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Loc. cit.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-20" href="#FNanchor_VI-20" class="label">VI-20</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., II, 9.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-21" href="#FNanchor_VI-21" class="label">VI-21</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., II, 12.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-22" href="#FNanchor_VI-22" class="label">VI-22</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., V, 1.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-23" href="#FNanchor_VI-23" class="label">VI-23</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., VII, 14.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-24" href="#FNanchor_VI-24" class="label">VI-24</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Loc. cit.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-25" href="#FNanchor_VI-25" class="label">VI-25</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., VII, 4.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-26" href="#FNanchor_VI-26" class="label">VI-26</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., VII, 11.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-27" href="#FNanchor_VI-27" class="label">VI-27</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., VII, 15.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-28" href="#FNanchor_VI-28" class="label">VI-28</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., VII, 16.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-29" href="#FNanchor_VI-29" class="label">VI-29</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., I, 12.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-30" href="#FNanchor_VI-30" class="label">VI-30</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., VII, 16.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-31" href="#FNanchor_VI-31" class="label">VI-31</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., VIII, 2.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-32" href="#FNanchor_VI-32" class="label">VI-32</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., VIII, 3.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-33" href="#FNanchor_VI-33" class="label">VI-33</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., VIII, 4.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VI-34" href="#FNanchor_VI-34" class="label">VI-34</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., VIII, 5.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2">CHAPTER VII</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VII-1" href="#FNanchor_VII-1" class="label">VII-1</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Lucretius, <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">Dererum natura</i>, trans. by Muno, in Bohn’s Libraries, V. 335 ff., 778 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VII-2" href="#FNanchor_VII-2" class="label">VII-2</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i xml:lang="la" lang="la">De officiis</i>, trans. by Edmonds, Bohn’s Libraries, I, XVII, XIV; <i xml:lang="la" lang="la">De republica</i>, trans. by Younge, Bohn’s Libraries, I, XXV-XXVI, XIV.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VII-3" href="#FNanchor_VII-3" class="label">VII-3</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Dialogues</i>, VII, 9.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VII-4" href="#FNanchor_VII-4" class="label">VII-4</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Thoughts</i>, trans. by Long, VII, 31.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VII-5" href="#FNanchor_VII-5" class="label">VII-5</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., VI, 7.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VII-6" href="#FNanchor_VII-6" class="label">VII-6</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., VIII, 59.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VII-7" href="#FNanchor_VII-7" class="label">VII-7</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., IX, 23.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VII-8" href="#FNanchor_VII-8" class="label">VII-8</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., VI, 42.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VII-9" href="#FNanchor_VII-9" class="label">VII-9</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., XII, 36.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VII-10" href="#FNanchor_VII-10" class="label">VII-10</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Seneca, <i>Dial.</i>, IX, 4.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VII-11" href="#FNanchor_VII-11" class="label">VII-11</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., VII, 20.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VII-12" href="#FNanchor_VII-12" class="label">VII-12</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>On Anger.</i></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VII-13" href="#FNanchor_VII-13" class="label">VII-13</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Loc. cit.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VII-14" href="#FNanchor_VII-14" class="label">VII-14</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Epictetus, <i>Discourses</i>, Book I, Ch. XVIII.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VII-15" href="#FNanchor_VII-15" class="label">VII-15</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Matthew, V, 44.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VII-16" href="#FNanchor_VII-16" class="label">VII-16</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Thoughts</i>, VII, 22.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VII-17" href="#FNanchor_VII-17" class="label">VII-17</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Romans, XII, 17.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VII-18" href="#FNanchor_VII-18" class="label">VII-18</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Thoughts</i>, VII, 26; III, 7.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VII-19" href="#FNanchor_VII-19" class="label">VII-19</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Seneca, <i>On a Happy Life</i>.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VII-20" href="#FNanchor_VII-20" class="label">VII-20</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Loc. cit.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2">CHAPTER VIII</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-1" href="#FNanchor_VIII-1" class="label">VIII-1</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Luke 17:20, 21.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-2" href="#FNanchor_VIII-2" class="label">VIII-2</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Luke 13:34.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-3" href="#FNanchor_VIII-3" class="label">VIII-3</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Matt. 12:48; Mark 3:34.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-4" href="#FNanchor_VIII-4" class="label">VIII-4</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Matt. 13:31, 32; Mark 4:30; Luke 13:18, 19.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-5" href="#missing" class="label">VIII-5</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Luke 6:36.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-6" href="#FNanchor_VIII-6" class="label">VIII-6</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Matt. 5:23; Matt. 18:15; Luke 6:41, 42.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-7" href="#FNanchor_VIII-7" class="label">VIII-7</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Matt. 5:44, 46; Luke 6:20, 35.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-8" href="#FNanchor_VIII-8" class="label">VIII-8</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Matt. 28:20; 24:14.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-9" href="#FNanchor_VIII-9" class="label">VIII-9</a></td> - <td class="tdl">John 12:43; Matt. 6:5.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-10" href="#FNanchor_VIII-10" class="label">VIII-10</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Matt. 4:8.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-11" href="#FNanchor_VIII-11" class="label">VIII-11</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Luke 9:48; Mark 10:14; Matt. 18:1.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-12" href="#FNanchor_VIII-12" class="label">VIII-12</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Matt. 25:31–46.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-13" href="#FNanchor_VIII-13" class="label">VIII-13</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Mark 9:41; Matt. 10:42.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_497">497</span></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-14" href="#FNanchor_VIII-14" class="label">VIII-14</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Luke 6:30; 3:11.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-15" href="#FNanchor_VIII-15" class="label">VIII-15</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Matt. 23:23–33.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-17" href="#FNanchor_VIII-17" class="label">VIII-17</a></td> - <td class="tdl">John 2:13–17; Matt. 21:12, 13; Mark 11:15–17; Luke 19:45, 46.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-18" href="#FNanchor_VIII-18" class="label">VIII-18</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Mark 11:18; Luke 19:47.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-19" href="#FNanchor_VIII-19" class="label">VIII-19</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Matt. 15:4; 19:19.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-20" href="#FNanchor_VIII-20" class="label">VIII-20</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Mark 10:7, 8; Matt. 19:5.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-21" href="#FNanchor_VIII-21" class="label">VIII-21</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Mark 9:42.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-22" href="#FNanchor_VIII-22" class="label">VIII-22</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Matt. 19:21.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-23" href="#FNanchor_VIII-23" class="label">VIII-23</a></td> - <td class="tdl">John 12:8; Mark 14:7; Matt. 26:11.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-24" href="#FNanchor_VIII-24" class="label">VIII-24</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Luke 12:16–21.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-25" href="#FNanchor_VIII-25" class="label">VIII-25</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Luke 13:14; Matt. 12:2, 10–13.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-26" href="#FNanchor_VIII-26" class="label">VIII-26</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Mark 2:27; 3:4.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-27" href="#FNanchor_VIII-27" class="label">VIII-27</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Matt. 10:34–39.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-28" href="#FNanchor_VIII-28" class="label">VIII-28</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Luke 12:49–53.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-29" href="#FNanchor_VIII-29" class="label">VIII-29</a></td> - <td class="tdl">John 18:10; Matt. 26:50–56.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-30" href="#FNanchor_VIII-30" class="label">VIII-30</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Matt. 5:39.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-31" href="#FNanchor_VIII-31" class="label">VIII-31</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Luke 2:13, 14.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-32" href="#FNanchor_VIII-32" class="label">VIII-32</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Acts 15:9; 10:28; Galatians, 3:28.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-33" href="#FNanchor_VIII-33" class="label">VIII-33</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Romans 8:16; 32.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-34" href="#FNanchor_VIII-34" class="label">VIII-34</a></td> - <td class="tdl">I. Corinthians, Ch. 13.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-35" href="#FNanchor_VIII-35" class="label">VIII-35</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Galatians 5:13; Romans 12:10.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-36" href="#FNanchor_VIII-36" class="label">VIII-36</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Galatians 6:2; 6:10; Acts 20:35.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-37" href="#FNanchor_VIII-37" class="label">VIII-37</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Romans 8:35–39; 12:17; Ephesians 1:21; 2:4; 3:17, 18.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-38" href="#FNanchor_VIII-38" class="label">VIII-38</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Romans 12:4–8; cf. I. Corinthians 12:12.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-39" href="#FNanchor_VIII-39" class="label">VIII-39</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Romans 14:7.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-40" href="#FNanchor_VIII-40" class="label">VIII-40</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ephesians 5:22–23; Colossians 3:18, 19; I. Corinthians 11:9, 19; I Corinthians 11:9.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-41" href="#FNanchor_VIII-41" class="label">VIII-41</a></td> - <td class="tdl">I. Timothy 6:7–10; 17, 18.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-42" href="#FNanchor_VIII-42" class="label">VIII-42</a></td> - <td class="tdl">James 1:26, 27.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_VIII-43" href="#FNanchor_VIII-43" class="label">VIII-43</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Revelation, Ch. 21.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2">CHAPTER IX</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_IX-1" href="#FNanchor_IX-1" class="label">IX-1</a></td> - <td class="tdl">B text, Passus VIII. The manuscripts of <i>Pier’s Ploughman</i> number over forty and fall into three sets: A, B, and C.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2">CHAPTER X</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-1" href="#FNanchor_X-1" class="label">X-1</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>The Utopia of Sir Thomas More</i>, Bell and Sons, London, edited by George Simpson in Bohn’s Classical Libraries, 1910, p. 75.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-2" href="#FNanchor_X-2" class="label">X-2</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 104.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-3" href="#FNanchor_X-3" class="label">X-3</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 111.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-4" href="#FNanchor_X-4" class="label">X-4</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 153.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-5" href="#FNanchor_X-5" class="label">X-5</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 84, 93.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-6" href="#FNanchor_X-6" class="label">X-6</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 135, 84.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-7" href="#FNanchor_X-7" class="label">X-7</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 93.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-8" href="#FNanchor_X-8" class="label">X-8</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 97.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-9" href="#FNanchor_X-9" class="label">X-9</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 92.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-10" href="#FNanchor_X-10" class="label">X-10</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 88.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-11" href="#FNanchor_X-11" class="label">X-11</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 90.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-12" href="#FNanchor_X-12" class="label">X-12</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 96.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-13" href="#FNanchor_X-13" class="label">X-13</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 110, cf. Bacon, <i>The New Atlantis</i> in Ideal Commonwealths, Collier, 1901, p. 125.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-14" href="#FNanchor_X-14" class="label">X-14</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 131.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-15" href="#FNanchor_X-15" class="label">X-15</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 93.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-16" href="#FNanchor_X-16" class="label">X-16</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 115.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-17" href="#FNanchor_X-17" class="label">X-17</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 117, cf. Campanella, <i>The City of the Sun</i>, in Ideal Commonwealths, Collier, 1901, p. 157.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-18" href="#FNanchor_X-18" class="label">X-18</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 174.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-19" href="#FNanchor_X-19" class="label">X-19</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 95.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-20" href="#FNanchor_X-20" class="label">X-20</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 101.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-21" href="#FNanchor_X-21" class="label">X-21</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 175.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-22" href="#FNanchor_X-22" class="label">X-22</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 174.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-23" href="#FNanchor_X-23" class="label">X-23</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 153 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-24" href="#FNanchor_X-24" class="label">X-24</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 154.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-25" href="#FNanchor_X-25" class="label">X-25</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 103.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-26" href="#FNanchor_X-26" class="label">X-26</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 140, 141.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-27" href="#FNanchor_X-27" class="label">X-27</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 67.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-28" href="#FNanchor_X-28" class="label">X-28</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Bacon, <i>The New Atlantis</i> in Ideal Commonwealths, Collier, 1901, pp. 135 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-29" href="#FNanchor_X-29" class="label">X-29</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Bellamy, <i>Looking Backward</i>, Grosset and Dunlap, 1898, p. 57.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-30" href="#FNanchor_X-30" class="label">X-30</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 88.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-31" href="#FNanchor_X-31" class="label">X-31</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 89.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-32" href="#FNanchor_X-32" class="label">X-32</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 67.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-33" href="#FNanchor_X-33" class="label">X-33</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 192.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-34" href="#FNanchor_X-34" class="label">X-34</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 220 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-35" href="#FNanchor_X-35" class="label">X-35</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 287 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_X-36" href="#FNanchor_X-36" class="label">X-36</a></td> - <td class="tdl">H. G. Wells, <i>Anticipations</i>, <i>Mankind in the Making</i>, and <i>A Modern Utopia</i>. See <i>A Modern Utopia</i>, Scribner, 1905, pp. 5, 11.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2">CHAPTER XI</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-1" href="#FNanchor_XI-1" class="label">XI-1</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Machiavelli, <i>The Prince</i>, Routledge, London, n.d., p. 53.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-2" href="#FNanchor_XI-2" class="label">XI-2</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 104, 105.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-3" href="#FNanchor_XI-3" class="label">XI-3</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 71.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-4" href="#FNanchor_XI-4" class="label">XI-4</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 77.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-5" href="#FNanchor_XI-5" class="label">XI-5</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Hobbes, <i>Leviathan</i>, Putnam, 1904, Ch. XIII.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-6" href="#FNanchor_XI-6" class="label">XI-6</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Locke, <i>Two Treatises on Government</i>, Routledge, n.d., p. 18.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-7" href="#FNanchor_XI-7" class="label">XI-7</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 193.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-8" href="#FNanchor_XI-8" class="label">XI-8</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 199.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-9" href="#FNanchor_XI-9" class="label">XI-9</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 315.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-10" href="#missing" class="label">XI-10</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Rousseau, <i>Contrat social</i>, Garnier, Paris, p. 240.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-11" href="#FNanchor_XI-11" class="label">XI-11</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 246.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-12" href="#FNanchor_XI-12" class="label">XI-12</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 249.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-13" href="#FNanchor_XI-13" class="label">XI-13</a></td> - <td class="tdl">John Winthrop in <i>Selections from Early American Writers, 1607–1800</i>, edit. by W. B. Cairns, Macmillan, 1910, p. 52.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-14" href="#FNanchor_XI-14" class="label">XI-14</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>A Treatise of Human Nature</i>, edit. by Selby-Bigge, Oxford, 1896, II:777, 114, 140, 150.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-15" href="#FNanchor_XI-15" class="label">XI-15</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 534.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-16" href="#FNanchor_XI-16" class="label">XI-16</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 546.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-17" href="#FNanchor_XI-17" class="label">XI-17</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Adam Smith, <i>The Wealth of Nations</i>, Putnam, 1904, II:114.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-18" href="#FNanchor_XI-18" class="label">XI-18</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., II:83.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-19" href="#FNanchor_XI-19" class="label">XI-19</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., II:143.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-20" href="#FNanchor_XI-20" class="label">XI-20</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., II:203.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-21" href="#FNanchor_XI-21" class="label">XI-21</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., I:80.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-22" href="#FNanchor_XI-22" class="label">XI-22</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., I:81.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_498">498</span></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-23" href="#FNanchor_XI-23" class="label">XI-23</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., II:203–207.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-24" href="#FNanchor_XI-24" class="label">XI-24</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., I:11.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-25" href="#FNanchor_XI-25" class="label">XI-25</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Kant, <i>Theory of Ethics</i>, trans. by Abbott, p. 9.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-26" href="#FNanchor_XI-26" class="label">XI-26</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Hegel, <i>Philosophy of Right</i>, trans. by Dyde, Part III, p. 150.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-27" href="#missing" class="label">XI-27</a></td> - <td class="tdl">W. G. Sumner, <i>What Social Classes Owe to Each Other</i>, Harper, 1920, p. 12.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-28" href="#FNanchor_XI-28" class="label">XI-28</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p 25.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XI-29" href="#FNanchor_XI-29" class="label">XI-29</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Publications of the American Sociological Society, Vol. XV.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2">CHAPTER XII</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XII-1" href="#FNanchor_XII-1" class="label">XII-1</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Adam Smith, <i>Wealth of Nations</i>, Putnam, 1901, I:81.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XII-2" href="#FNanchor_XII-2" class="label">XII-2</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 147.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XII-3" href="#FNanchor_XII-3" class="label">XII-3</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>An Essay on the Principle of Population</i>, eighth edit., Reeves and Turner, 1878, p. 1; cf. W. S. Thompson, <i>Population: A Study in Malthusianism</i>, Columbia University, 1915, Ch. I.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XII-4" href="#FNanchor_XII-4" class="label">XII-4</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 2.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XII-5" href="#FNanchor_XII-5" class="label">XII-5</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 8.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XII-6" href="#FNanchor_XII-6" class="label">XII-6</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 9.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XII-7" href="#FNanchor_XII-7" class="label">XII-7</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 13.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XII-8" href="#FNanchor_XII-8" class="label">XII-8</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 371.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XII-9" href="#FNanchor_XII-9" class="label">XII-9</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 402.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XII-10" href="#FNanchor_XII-10" class="label">XII-10</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 416.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XII-11" href="#FNanchor_XII-11" class="label">XII-11</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 437.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XII-12" href="#FNanchor_XII-12" class="label">XII-12</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 481.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XII-13" href="#FNanchor_XII-13" class="label">XII-13</a></td> - <td class="tdl">T. N. Carver, <i>Essays in Social Justice</i>, Harvard University Press, 1915, Ch. XIV.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XII-14" href="#FNanchor_XII-14" class="label">XII-14</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Cf. W. S. Thompson, <i>Population: A Study in Malthusianism</i>, Columbia University Studies, 1915.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2">CHAPTER XIII</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIII-1" href="#FNanchor_XIII-1" class="label">XIII-1</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Auguste Comte, <i>Positive Philosophy</i>, trans. by Martineau, Vol. I, pp. x, xi.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIII-2" href="#FNanchor_XIII-2" class="label">XIII-2</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. xi.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIII-3" href="#FNanchor_XIII-3" class="label">XIII-3</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. xv.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIII-4" href="#FNanchor_XIII-4" class="label">XIII-4</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., Vol. III, p. 13.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIII-5" href="#FNanchor_XIII-5" class="label">XIII-5</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., Vol. I, p. 26.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIII-6" href="#FNanchor_XIII-6" class="label">XIII-6</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 27.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIII-7" href="#FNanchor_XIII-7" class="label">XIII-7</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 34.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIII-8" href="#FNanchor_XIII-8" class="label">XIII-8</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 35.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIII-9" href="#FNanchor_XIII-9" class="label">XIII-9</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 36.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIII-10" href="#FNanchor_XIII-10" class="label">XIII-10</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 41.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIII-11" href="#missing" class="label">XIII-11</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 27 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIII-12" href="#FNanchor_XIII-12" class="label">XIII-12</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 149.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIII-13" href="#FNanchor_XIII-13" class="label">XIII-13</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 153, 154.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIII-14" href="#FNanchor_XIII-14" class="label">XIII-14</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., Vol. II, p. 30.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIII-15" href="#FNanchor_XIII-15" class="label">XIII-15</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 219.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIII-16" href="#FNanchor_XIII-16" class="label">XIII-16</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 175.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIII-17" href="#FNanchor_XIII-17" class="label">XIII-17</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 176.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIII-18" href="#FNanchor_XIII-18" class="label">XIII-18</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 180.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIII-19" href="#FNanchor_XIII-19" class="label">XIII-19</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 193.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIII-20" href="#FNanchor_XIII-20" class="label">XIII-20</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 234.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIII-21" href="#FNanchor_XIII-21" class="label">XIII-21</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 292.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIII-22" href="#FNanchor_XIII-22" class="label">XIII-22</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 287.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIII-23" href="#FNanchor_XIII-23" class="label">XIII-23</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 286.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIII-24" href="#FNanchor_XIII-24" class="label">XIII-24</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 300.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIII-25" href="#FNanchor_XIII-25" class="label">XIII-25</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., Vol. III, p. 320.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIII-26" href="#FNanchor_XIII-26" class="label">XIII-26</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Comte, <i>Positive Polity</i>, London, 1871, I:1.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2">CHAPTER XIV</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIV-1" href="#FNanchor_XIV-1" class="label">XIV-1</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Proudhon, <i>What Is Property?</i> Twentieth Century Press, 1908.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIV-2" href="#FNanchor_XIV-2" class="label">XIV-2</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Rodbertus, <i>Overproduction and Crises</i>, Scribner, 1906</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIV-3" href="#FNanchor_XIV-3" class="label">XIV-3</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Lassalle, <i>Science and the Workingman</i>, Kerr, 1903.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIV-4" href="#FNanchor_XIV-4" class="label">XIV-4</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Marx and Engels, <i>Manifesto of the Communist Party</i>, Kerr, 1902.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIV-5" href="#FNanchor_XIV-5" class="label">XIV-5</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Marx, <i>Capital</i>, trans. by Moore and Aveling, Kerr, 1909, I:673 ff., 834 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIV-6" href="#FNanchor_XIV-6" class="label">XIV-6</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Kropotkin, <i>Mutual Aid; a Factor of Evolution</i>, Doubleday, Page, 1902.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIV-7" href="#FNanchor_XIV-7" class="label">XIV-7</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Henry George, <i>Progress and Poverty</i>, Doubleday, Page, 1916, p. 9.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIV-8" href="#FNanchor_XIV-8" class="label">XIV-8</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIV-9" href="#missing" class="label">XIV-9</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 286, 287.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIV-10" href="#FNanchor_XIV-10" class="label">XIV-10</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 342.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIV-11" href="#FNanchor_XIV-11" class="label">XIV-11</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 339.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2">CHAPTER XV</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XV-1" href="#FNanchor_XV-1" class="label">XV-1</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Jean Bodin, <i>The Six Bookes of A Commonwealth</i>, trans. by R. Knoles, London.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XV-2" href="#FNanchor_XV-2" class="label">XV-2</a></td> - <td class="tdl">H. T. Buckle, <i>History of Civilisation in England</i>, Appleton, 1874, 2 vols., I:14.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XV-3" href="#FNanchor_XV-3" class="label">XV-3</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 29.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XV-4" href="#FNanchor_XV-4" class="label">XV-4</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 31.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XV-5" href="#FNanchor_XV-5" class="label">XV-5</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 32.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XV-6" href="#FNanchor_XV-6" class="label">XV-6</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 33.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XV-7" href="#FNanchor_XV-7" class="label">XV-7</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 36.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XV-8" href="#FNanchor_XV-8" class="label">XV-8</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 44 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XV-9" href="#FNanchor_XV-9" class="label">XV-9</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 52.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XV-10" href="#FNanchor_XV-10" class="label">XV-10</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 85.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XV-11" href="#FNanchor_XV-11" class="label">XV-11</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 95.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XV-12" href="#FNanchor_XV-12" class="label">XV-12</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 96.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XV-13" href="#FNanchor_XV-13" class="label">XV-13</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 99.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XV-14" href="#FNanchor_XV-14" class="label">XV-14</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ellen Semple, <i>Influences of Geographic Environment</i>, Holt, 1911, p. 635.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XV-15" href="#FNanchor_XV-15" class="label">XV-15</a></td> - <td class="tdl">See Ellsworth Huntington, <i>Civilization and Climate</i>, Yale University Press, 1915.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XV-16" href="#FNanchor_XV-16" class="label">XV-16</a></td> - <td class="tdl">W. Z. Ripley, <i>Races in Europe</i>, Appleton, 1899, p. 571.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2">CHAPTER XVI</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVI-1" href="#FNanchor_XVI-1" class="label">XVI-1</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Charles Darwin, <i>The Descent of Man</i>, Appleton, 1904, pp. 229 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVI-2" href="#FNanchor_XVI-2" class="label">XVI-2</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Herbert Spencer, <i>First Principles</i>, Appleton, 1900, Section III-145.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_499">499</span></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVI-3" href="#FNanchor_XVI-3" class="label">XVI-3</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Spencer, <i>Principles of Sociology</i>, Appleton, 1914, I:596, 597.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVI-4" href="#FNanchor_XVI-4" class="label">XVI-4</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 84.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVI-5" href="#FNanchor_XVI-5" class="label">XVI-5</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., Part II, Ch. II.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVI-6" href="#FNanchor_XVI-6" class="label">XVI-6</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 457 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVI-7" href="#FNanchor_XVI-7" class="label">XVI-7</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., Part II, Ch. VI-IX.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVI-8" href="#missing" class="label">XVI-8</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 592.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVI-9" href="#FNanchor_XVI-9" class="label">XVI-9</a></td> - <td class="tdl">John Fiske, <i>Destiny of Man</i>, Houghton Mifflin, 1904, p. 12.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVI-10" href="#FNanchor_XVI-10" class="label">XVI-10</a></td> - <td class="tdl">John Fiske, <i>Outlines of Cosmic Philosophy</i>, Houghton Mifflin, 1874, Part II, pp. 340 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVI-11" href="#missing" class="label">XVI-11</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 360 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVI-12" href="#FNanchor_XVI-12" class="label">XVI-12</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 303 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVI-13" href="#FNanchor_XVI-13" class="label">XVI-13</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Paul von Lilienfeld, <i xml:lang="de" lang="de">Gedanken über die Socialwissenschaft der Zukunft</i>, II, pp. viii ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVI-14" href="#FNanchor_XVI-14" class="label">XVI-14</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Lilienfeld, <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Pathologie Sociale</i>, 1904.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVI-15" href="#FNanchor_XVI-15" class="label">XVI-15</a></td> - <td class="tdl">J. S. Mackensie, <i>Outlines of Social Philosophy</i>, Macmillan, 1918, p. 14.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVI-16" href="#FNanchor_XVI-16" class="label">XVI-16</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 65.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVI-17" href="#FNanchor_XVI-17" class="label">XVI-17</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 243 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2">CHAPTER XVII</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-1" href="#FNanchor_XVII-1" class="label">XVII-1</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Lester F. Ward, <i>Dynamic Sociology</i>, Appleton, 1911, Vol. I, pp. XXV ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-2" href="#FNanchor_XVII-2" class="label">XVII-2</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 22.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-3" href="#FNanchor_XVII-3" class="label">XVII-3</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 22, 23.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-4" href="#FNanchor_XVII-4" class="label">XVII-4</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 56, 57.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-5" href="#FNanchor_XVII-5" class="label">XVII-5</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 60; Ward, <i>Pure Sociology</i>, Macmillan, 1914, p. 4.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-6" href="#FNanchor_XVII-6" class="label">XVII-6</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Lester F. Ward, <i>Applied Sociology</i>, Ginn, 1906, pp. 5 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-7" href="#FNanchor_XVII-7" class="label">XVII-7</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Dynamic Sociology</i>, Vol. I, p. 72.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-8" href="#FNanchor_XVII-8" class="label">XVII-8</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 143.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-9" href="#FNanchor_XVII-9" class="label">XVII-9</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 320.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-10" href="#FNanchor_XVII-10" class="label">XVII-10</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 408, 409.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-11" href="#FNanchor_XVII-11" class="label">XVII-11</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 464.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-12" href="#FNanchor_XVII-12" class="label">XVII-12</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 452.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-13" href="#FNanchor_XVII-13" class="label">XVII-13</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 467.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-14" href="#FNanchor_XVII-14" class="label">XVII-14</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 474.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-15" href="#FNanchor_XVII-15" class="label">XVII-15</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 486.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-16" href="#FNanchor_XVII-16" class="label">XVII-16</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 497.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-17" href="#FNanchor_XVII-17" class="label">XVII-17</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 516.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-18" href="#FNanchor_XVII-18" class="label">XVII-18</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 518 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-19" href="#FNanchor_XVII-19" class="label">XVII-19</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 520.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-20" href="#missing" class="label">XVII-20</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., Vol. II, p. 341.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-21" href="#FNanchor_XVII-21" class="label">XVII-21</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., Vol. I, p. 520.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-22" href="#FNanchor_XVII-22" class="label">XVII-22</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 522.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-23" href="#FNanchor_XVII-23" class="label">XVII-23</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 541.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-24" href="#FNanchor_XVII-24" class="label">XVII-24</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 583.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-25" href="#FNanchor_XVII-25" class="label">XVII-25</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 579.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-26" href="#FNanchor_XVII-26" class="label">XVII-26</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 594.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-27" href="#FNanchor_XVII-27" class="label">XVII-27</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 606 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-28" href="#FNanchor_XVII-28" class="label">XVII-28</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 615.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-29" href="#FNanchor_XVII-29" class="label">XVII-29</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Pure Sociology</i>, p. 403.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-30" href="#FNanchor_XVII-30" class="label">XVII-30</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Dynamic Sociology</i>, Vol. I, p. 641.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-31" href="#FNanchor_XVII-31" class="label">XVII-31</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Pure Sociology</i>, Ch. XV.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-32" href="#FNanchor_XVII-32" class="label">XVII-32</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 420.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-33" href="#FNanchor_XVII-33" class="label">XVII-33</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Lester F. Ward, <i>Psychic Factors of Civilisation</i>, Ginn, 1906, Ch. XXXIV.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-34" href="#FNanchor_XVII-34" class="label">XVII-34</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Dynamic Sociology</i>, Vol. I, pp. 669, 670.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-35" href="#FNanchor_XVII-35" class="label">XVII-35</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 473, 474.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-36" href="#FNanchor_XVII-36" class="label">XVII-36</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Pure Sociology</i>, p. 438.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-37" href="#FNanchor_XVII-37" class="label">XVII-37</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 457 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-38" href="#FNanchor_XVII-38" class="label">XVII-38</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 469.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-39" href="#missing" class="label">XVII-39</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 231 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-40" href="#FNanchor_XVII-40" class="label">XVII-40</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 237.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-41" href="#FNanchor_XVII-41" class="label">XVII-41</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 79 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVII-42" href="#FNanchor_XVII-42" class="label">XVII-42</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Lester F. Ward, “Eugenics, Euthenics, and Eudemics,” <i>Amer. Jour. of Sociology</i>, 18; 737–54.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2">CHAPTER XVIII</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-1" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-1" class="label">XVIII-1</a></td> - <td class="tdl">H. F. Osborn, <i>Men of the Old Stone Age</i>, Scribner, 1918, Ch. I.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-2" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-2" class="label">XVIII-2</a></td> - <td class="tdl">W. G. Sumner, <i>Folkways</i>, Ginn, 1907, p. 43.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-3" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-3" class="label">XVIII-3</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 13.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-4" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-4" class="label">XVIII-4</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 266.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-5" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-5" class="label">XVIII-5</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 343, 362.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-6" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-6" class="label">XVIII-6</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 378.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-7" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-7" class="label">XVIII-7</a></td> - <td class="tdl">W. I. Thomas, <i>Sex and Society</i>, p. 51.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-8" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-8" class="label">XVIII-8</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 182.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-9" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-9" class="label">XVIII-9</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 41.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-10" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-10" class="label">XVIII-10</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 40.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-11" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-11" class="label">XVIII-11</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 41.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-12" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-12" class="label">XVIII-12</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 54.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-13" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-13" class="label">XVIII-13</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 61.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-14" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-14" class="label">XVIII-14</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 65.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-15" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-15" class="label">XVIII-15</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., Ch. II.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-16" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-16" class="label">XVIII-16</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 76.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-17" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-17" class="label">XVIII-17</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 201.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-18" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-18" class="label">XVIII-18</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 418; cf. W. I. Thomas, <i>Sex and Society</i>, University of Chicago Press, 1907, pp. 201–220.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-19" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-19" class="label">XVIII-19</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 629.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-20" href="#missing" class="label">XVIII-20</a></td> - <td class="tdl">A. G. Kellor, <i>Societal Evolution</i>, Macmillan, 1915.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-21" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-21" class="label">XVIII-21</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Edward Westermarck, <i>The Origin and Development of the Moral Ideas</i>, Macmillan, 1906, I:159.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-22" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-22" class="label">XVIII-22</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-23" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-23" class="label">XVIII-23</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 160.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-24" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-24" class="label">XVIII-24</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., Vol. II. p. 740.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-25" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-25" class="label">XVIII-25</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., II:745.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-26" href="#missing" class="label">XVIII-26</a></td> - <td class="tdl">L. T. Hobhouse, <i>Morals in Evolution</i>, Holt, 1919, p. 1.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-27" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-27" class="label">XVIII-27</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 2.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-28" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-28" class="label">XVIII-28</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-29" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-29" class="label">XVIII-29</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 43; cf. Hobhouse, <i>Social Evolution and Political Theory</i>, Lemcke, 1911, pp. 128 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-30" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-30" class="label">XVIII-30</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 60.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-31" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-31" class="label">XVIII-31</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 64.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-32" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-32" class="label">XVIII-32</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Social Evolution and Political Theory</i>, p. 148.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-33" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-33" class="label">XVIII-33</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Morals in Evolution</i>, pp. 130, 71.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-34" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-34" class="label">XVIII-34</a></td> - <td class="tdl">William Wundt, <i>Elements of Folk Psychology</i>, trans. by Schaub, Macmillan, 1916, p. 1.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-35" href="#missing" class="label">XVIII-35</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_500">500</span></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 478.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-36" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-36" class="label">XVIII-36</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 514.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-37" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-37" class="label">XVIII-37</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 515.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-38" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-38" class="label">XVIII-38</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 516.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-39" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-39" class="label">XVIII-39</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Franz Boas, <i>The Mind of Primitive Man</i>, Macmillan, 1911, p. 102.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-40" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-40" class="label">XVIII-40</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Hobhouse, <i>Social Evolution and Political Theory</i>, p. 39.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-41" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-41" class="label">XVIII-41</a></td> - <td class="tdl">W. I. Thomas, <i>Source Book for Social Origins</i>, University of Chicago Press, 1909, p. 18.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-42" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-42" class="label">XVIII-42</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 20.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-43" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-43" class="label">XVIII-43</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 14.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-44" href="#missing" class="label">XVIII-44</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Thomas, <i>Sex and Society</i>, p. 51.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XVIII-45" href="#FNanchor_XVIII-45" class="label">XVIII-45</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Thomas and Znaniecki, <i>The Polish Peasant in Europe and America</i>, University of Chicago Press, 1918, I:22.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2">CHAPTER XIX</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIX-1" href="#FNanchor_XIX-1" class="label">XIX-1</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Francis Galton, <i>Hereditary Genius</i>, Macmillan, 1914.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIX-2" href="#FNanchor_XIX-2" class="label">XIX-2</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Inquiries into the Human Faculty</i>, Dutton, 1908.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIX-3" href="#FNanchor_XIX-3" class="label">XIX-3</a></td> - <td class="tdl">See C. W. Saleeby, <i>The Progress of Eugenics</i>, Funk and Wagnalls, 1914, pp. 1 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIX-4" href="#FNanchor_XIX-4" class="label">XIX-4</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Karl Pearson, <i>The Grammar of Science</i>, Black, 1911, p. 1.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIX-5" href="#FNanchor_XIX-5" class="label">XIX-5</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 6.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIX-6" href="#FNanchor_XIX-6" class="label">XIX-6</a></td> - <td class="tdl">See Saleeby, <i>The Progress of Eugenics</i>, Ch. II.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIX-7" href="#FNanchor_XIX-7" class="label">XIX-7</a></td> - <td class="tdl">See C. B. Davenport, <i>Heredity in Relation to Eugenics</i>, Holt, 1911.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIX-8" href="#missing" class="label">XIX-8</a></td> - <td class="tdl">See Popenoe and Johnson, <i>Applied Eugenics</i>, Macmillan, 1918.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIX-9" href="#FNanchor_XIX-9" class="label">XIX-9</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 213.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIX-10" href="#FNanchor_XIX-10" class="label">XIX-10</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 218, 231.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIX-11" href="#FNanchor_XIX-11" class="label">XIX-11</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., Ch. XVI.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIX-12" href="#FNanchor_XIX-12" class="label">XIX-12</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 381.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIX-13" href="#FNanchor_XIX-13" class="label">XIX-13</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 380.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIX-14" href="#FNanchor_XIX-14" class="label">XIX-14</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Saleeby, <i>The Progress of Eugenics</i>, p. 65.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIX-15" href="#FNanchor_XIX-15" class="label">XIX-15</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Popenoe and Johnson, op. cit., p. 387.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIX-16" href="#FNanchor_XIX-16" class="label">XIX-16</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Hobhouse, <i>Social Evolution and Political Theory</i>, Lemcke, 1911, p. 45.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XIX-17" href="#FNanchor_XIX-17" class="label">XIX-17</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Popenoe and Johnson, op. cit., p. 292.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2">CHAPTER XX</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XX-1" href="#FNanchor_XX-1" class="label">XX-1</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ludwig Gumplowicz, <i xml:lang="de" lang="de">Der Rassenkampf</i>, Innsbruck, 1883, p. 64.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XX-2" href="#FNanchor_XX-2" class="label">XX-2</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Gumplowicz, <i xml:lang="de" lang="de">Grundriss der Sociologie</i>, tr. by Moore, 1885, p. 134.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XX-3" href="#FNanchor_XX-3" class="label">XX-3</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Gumplowicz, <i xml:lang="de" lang="de">Sociologie und Politik</i>, p. 94.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XX-4" href="#FNanchor_XX-4" class="label">XX-4</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Friedrich Nietzsche, <i>Genealogy of Morals</i>, New York, 1897, p. 46.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XX-5" href="#FNanchor_XX-5" class="label">XX-5</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Nietzsche, <i>The Will to Power</i>, 1889, pp. 90, 269, 660 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XX-6" href="#FNanchor_XX-6" class="label">XX-6</a></td> - <td class="tdl">S. N. Patten, <i>A Theory of Social Forces</i>, 1896, Ch. IV.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XX-7" href="#FNanchor_XX-7" class="label">XX-7</a></td> - <td class="tdl">T. N. Carver, <i>Essays in Social Justice</i>, Harvard University Press, 1915, pp. 30, 34.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XX-8" href="#FNanchor_XX-8" class="label">XX-8</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 46.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XX-9" href="#FNanchor_XX-9" class="label">XX-9</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 49, 50.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XX-10" href="#FNanchor_XX-10" class="label">XX-10</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 56.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XX-11" href="#FNanchor_XX-11" class="label">XX-11</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 77.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XX-12" href="#FNanchor_XX-12" class="label">XX-12</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Op. cit.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XX-13" href="#FNanchor_XX-13" class="label">XX-13</a></td> - <td class="tdl">T. N. Carver, <i>Principles of Political Economy</i>, Ginn, 1919, pp. 37 ff. Also see <i>Essays in Social Justice</i>, p. 86.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XX-14" href="#FNanchor_XX-14" class="label">XX-14</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Essays in Social Justice</i>, p. 86.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XX-15" href="#FNanchor_XX-15" class="label">XX-15</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 108.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XX-16" href="#FNanchor_XX-16" class="label">XX-16</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Principles of Political Economy</i>, p. 43.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XX-17" href="#FNanchor_XX-17" class="label">XX-17</a></td> - <td class="tdl">J. Novicow, <i>War and its Alleged Benefits</i>, trans. by Seltzer, Holt, 1911.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XX-18" href="#FNanchor_XX-18" class="label">XX-18</a></td> - <td class="tdl">E. A. Ross, <i>Principles of Sociology</i>, Century, 1920, p. 167.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XX-19" href="#FNanchor_XX-19" class="label">XX-19</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 183.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XX-20" href="#FNanchor_XX-20" class="label">XX-20</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 207, 206.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2">CHAPTER XXI</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXI-1" href="#FNanchor_XXI-1" class="label">XXI-1</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Cf. S. H. Swinny, “Giambatista Vico,” <i>Sociological Review</i>, Jan. 1914, pp. 50–57.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXI-2" href="#missing" class="label">XXI-2</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Peter Kropotkin, <i>Mutual Aid; a Factor in Evolution</i>, Doubleday, Page, 1902, p. 3.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXI-3" href="#FNanchor_XXI-3" class="label">XXI-3</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. VII; cf. Kropotkin, <i>Fields, Factories and Workshops</i>, Putnam, 1901, Ch. 1.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXI-4" href="#FNanchor_XXI-4" class="label">XXI-4</a></td> - <td class="tdl">“<i>The State; Its Historic Role</i>,” London, 1898—reproduced in <i>Man or the State</i> by W. R. Browne, Huebsch, 1919, p. 21.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXI-5" href="#FNanchor_XXI-5" class="label">XXI-5</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Gustav Ratzenhofer, <i xml:lang="de" lang="de">Die sociologische Erkenntniss</i>, Leipzig, 1898, Sect. 22; see A. W. Small. <i>General Sociology</i>, University of Chicago Press, 1905, Ch. XIII.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXI-6" href="#FNanchor_XXI-6" class="label">XXI-6</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i xml:lang="de" lang="de">Soziologie</i>, Leipzig, 1907, pp. 13–17.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXI-7" href="#FNanchor_XXI-7" class="label">XXI-7</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i xml:lang="de" lang="de">Die sociologische Erkenntniss</i>, p. 233.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXI-8" href="#FNanchor_XXI-8" class="label">XXI-8</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Albion W. Small, <i>General Sociology</i>, ibid., p. 196.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXI-9" href="#FNanchor_XXI-9" class="label">XXI-9</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 433 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXI-10" href="#FNanchor_XXI-10" class="label">XXI-10</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 201 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXI-11" href="#FNanchor_XXI-11" class="label">XXI-11</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 217.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXI-12" href="#FNanchor_XXI-12" class="label">XXI-12</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 325.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXI-13" href="#FNanchor_XXI-13" class="label">XXI-13</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 389, 390.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXI-14" href="#FNanchor_XXI-14" class="label">XXI-14</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Between Eras, From Capitalism to Democracy</i>, Inter-Collegiate Press, 1913, Ch. XXIII.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXI-15" href="#FNanchor_XXI-15" class="label">XXI-15</a></td> - <td class="tdl">E. A. Ross, <i>Principles of Sociology</i>, Century, 1920, p. 121.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXI-16" href="#FNanchor_XXI-16" class="label">XXI-16</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 135.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXI-17" href="#FNanchor_XXI-17" class="label">XXI-17</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>The Function of Socialization in Social Evolution</i>, Univ. of Chicago Press, 1916.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXI-18" href="#FNanchor_XXI-18" class="label">XXI-18</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ross, op. cit., pp. 257 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXI-19" href="#FNanchor_XXI-19" class="label">XXI-19</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 395.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXI-20" href="#FNanchor_XXI-20" class="label">XXI-20</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_501">501</span></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 405.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXI-21" href="#FNanchor_XXI-21" class="label">XXI-21</a></td> - <td class="tdl">L. T. Hobhouse, <i>Social Evolution and Political Theory</i>, Lemcke, 1911, p. 127.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXI-22" href="#FNanchor_XXI-22" class="label">XXI-22</a></td> - <td class="tdl">C. H. Cooley, <i>Social Process</i>, Scribners, 1918, p. 38.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2">CHAPTER XXII</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-1" href="#FNanchor_XXII-1" class="label">XXII-1</a></td> - <td class="tdl">David Hume, <i>A Treatise of Human Nature</i>, edit. by Selby-Bigge, Oxford, 1896, p. 363.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-2" href="#FNanchor_XXII-2" class="label">XXII-2</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 362.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-3" href="#FNanchor_XXII-3" class="label">XXII-3</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 499, 500.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-4" href="#FNanchor_XXII-4" class="label">XXII-4</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 521.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-5" href="#FNanchor_XXII-5" class="label">XXII-5</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 575 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-6" href="#FNanchor_XXII-6" class="label">XXII-6</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 535.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-7" href="#FNanchor_XXII-7" class="label">XXII-7</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Gabriel Tarde, <i>The Laws of Imitation</i>, tr. by Parsons, Holt, 1903, p. XVII.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-8" href="#FNanchor_XXII-8" class="label">XXII-8</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 59.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-9" href="#FNanchor_XXII-9" class="label">XXII-9</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 146.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-10" href="#FNanchor_XXII-10" class="label">XXII-10</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 74.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-11" href="#FNanchor_XXII-11" class="label">XXII-11</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 78.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-12" href="#FNanchor_XXII-12" class="label">XXII-12</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 87.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-13" href="#FNanchor_XXII-13" class="label">XXII-13</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 114.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-14" href="#FNanchor_XXII-14" class="label">XXII-14</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 39.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-15" href="#FNanchor_XXII-15" class="label">XXII-15</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 141 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-16" href="#FNanchor_XXII-16" class="label">XXII-16</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 213; cf. Tarde, <i>Social Laws</i>, trans. by Warren, Macmillan, 1907, p. 65.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-17" href="#FNanchor_XXII-17" class="label">XXII-17</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>The Laws of Imitation</i>, p. 225.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-18" href="#FNanchor_XXII-18" class="label">XXII-18</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 111.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-19" href="#FNanchor_XXII-19" class="label">XXII-19</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 14.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-20" href="#FNanchor_XXII-20" class="label">XXII-20</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 288.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-21" href="#FNanchor_XXII-21" class="label">XXII-21</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 341 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-22" href="#FNanchor_XXII-22" class="label">XXII-22</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 369.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-23" href="#FNanchor_XXII-23" class="label">XXII-23</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 30.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-24" href="#FNanchor_XXII-24" class="label">XXII-24</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Social Laws</i>, p. 132.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-25" href="#FNanchor_XXII-25" class="label">XXII-25</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Laws of Imitation</i>, p. 169.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-26" href="#FNanchor_XXII-26" class="label">XXII-26</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Social Laws</i>, p. 195.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-27" href="#FNanchor_XXII-27" class="label">XXII-27</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 204.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-28" href="#FNanchor_XXII-28" class="label">XXII-28</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 171; cf. Tarde, <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">La logique sociale</i>, Paris, 1898, Ch. IV.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-29" href="#FNanchor_XXII-29" class="label">XXII-29</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Laws of Imitation</i>, p. 87.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-30" href="#FNanchor_XXII-30" class="label">XXII-30</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 138.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-31" href="#FNanchor_XXII-31" class="label">XXII-31</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 344.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-32" href="#FNanchor_XXII-32" class="label">XXII-32</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid.,</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-33" href="#FNanchor_XXII-33" class="label">XXII-33</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 387.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-34" href="#FNanchor_XXII-34" class="label">XXII-34</a></td> - <td class="tdl">E. A. Ross, <i>Social Psychology</i>, Macmillan, 1908, p. viii.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-35" href="#FNanchor_XXII-35" class="label">XXII-35</a></td> - <td class="tdl">M. M. Davis, Jr., <i>Psychological Interpretations of Society</i>, Longmans, Green, 1909.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-36" href="#FNanchor_XXII-36" class="label">XXII-36</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Tarde, <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">L’opinion et la foule</i>, Paris, 1901, pp. 177 ff. Cf. Sighele, <i xml:lang="fr" lang="fr">Psychologic des sectes</i>, Paris, 1898, pp. 45 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-37" href="#FNanchor_XXII-37" class="label">XXII-37</a></td> - <td class="tdl">F. H. Giddings, <i>Principles of Sociology</i>, Macmillan, 1896, p. 17.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-38" href="#FNanchor_XXII-38" class="label">XXII-38</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 71, 126 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-39" href="#FNanchor_XXII-39" class="label">XXII-39</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 101 ff. Cf. Giddings, <i>Descriptive and Historical Sociology</i>, Macmillan, 1911, Ch. III.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-40" href="#FNanchor_XXII-40" class="label">XXII-40</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Principles of Sociology</i>, p. 109; <i>Descriptive and Historical Sociology</i>, pp. 157 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-41" href="#FNanchor_XXII-41" class="label">XXII-41</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Principles of Sociology</i>, p. 138.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-42" href="#FNanchor_XXII-42" class="label">XXII-42</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 141 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-43" href="#FNanchor_XXII-43" class="label">XXII-43</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 147 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-44" href="#FNanchor_XXII-44" class="label">XXII-44</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Descriptive and Historical Sociology</i>, p. 541. Cf. Giddings, <i>Inductive Sociology</i>, Macmillan, 1914, Part III.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-45" href="#FNanchor_XXII-45" class="label">XXII-45</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>American Journal of Sociology</i>, Vol. XXV, p. 387.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-46" href="#FNanchor_XXII-46" class="label">XXII-46</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 388.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-47" href="#FNanchor_XXII-47" class="label">XXII-47</a></td> - <td class="tdl">J. M. Baldwin, <i>Social and Ethical Interpretations</i>, Macmillan, 1906, p. 15.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-48" href="#FNanchor_XXII-48" class="label">XXII-48</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 18.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXII-49" href="#FNanchor_XXII-49" class="label">XXII-49</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 529 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2">CHAPTER XXIII</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-1" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-1" class="label">XXIII-1</a></td> - <td class="tdl">C. H. Cooley, <i>Social Organization</i>, Scribner, 1909, p. 5.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-2" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-2" class="label">XXIII-2</a></td> - <td class="tdl">C. H. Cooley, <i>Human Nature and the Social Order</i>, Scribner, 1902, p. 3.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-3" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-3" class="label">XXIII-3</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 5.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-4" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-4" class="label">XXIII-4</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 152 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-5" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-5" class="label">XXIII-5</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Social Organization</i>, ibid., p. 11.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-6" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-6" class="label">XXIII-6</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 12.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-7" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-7" class="label">XXIII-7</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 26.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-8" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-8" class="label">XXIII-8</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 28.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-9" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-9" class="label">XXIII-9</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 37.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-10" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-10" class="label">XXIII-10</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 61.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-11" href="#missing" class="label">XXIII-11</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 63.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-12" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-12" class="label">XXIII-12</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 80.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-13" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-13" class="label">XXIII-13</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 103.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-14" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-14" class="label">XXIII-14</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 121.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-15" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-15" class="label">XXIII-15</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Cooley, <i>Social Process</i>, Scribner, 1918, pp. 68 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-16" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-16" class="label">XXIII-16</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Social Organization</i>, ibid., Chs. XVIII, XXV-XXVII.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-17" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-17" class="label">XXIII-17</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 320; cf. <i>Social Process</i>, 297 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-18" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-18" class="label">XXIII-18</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Introduction to Social Psychology</i>, Luce, 1914, pp. 23 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-19" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-19" class="label">XXIII-19</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 268, 322, 279.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-20" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-20" class="label">XXIII-20</a></td> - <td class="tdl">E. A. Ross, <i>Principles of Sociology</i>, Century, 1920, Chs. XXXIV, XXXV. Cf. Ross, <i>Social Control</i>, Macmillan, 1910, Chs. VII, VIII.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-21" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-21" class="label">XXIII-21</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Social Control</i>, ibid., pp. 49 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-22" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-22" class="label">XXIII-22</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., Chs. X ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-23" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-23" class="label">XXIII-23</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 257 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-24" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-24" class="label">XXIII-24</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 411 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-25" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-25" class="label">XXIII-25</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., Ch. XXXI.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-26" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-26" class="label">XXIII-26</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ross, <i>Social Psychology</i>, Macmillan, 1908, Ch. II.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-27" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-27" class="label">XXIII-27</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 70. Cf. McDougall, <i>Introduction to Social Psychology</i>, ibid., Ch. IV.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-28" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-28" class="label">XXIII-28</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ross, <i>Social Psychology</i>, Ch. XVIII.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-29" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-29" class="label">XXIII-29</a></td> - <td class="tdl">See <a href="#Chapter_XVIII">Chapter XVIII</a> of this book.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-30" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-30" class="label">XXIII-30</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ross, <i>Principles of Sociology</i>, Ch. XLII.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-31" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-31" class="label">XXIII-31</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., Ch. XXXVI.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-32" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-32" class="label">XXIII-32</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., Ch. XXXVIII.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-33" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-33" class="label">XXIII-33</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 549 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-34" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-34" class="label">XXIII-34</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 564.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-35" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-35" class="label">XXIII-35</a><span class="pagenum" id="Page_502">502</span></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 590.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-36" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-36" class="label">XXIII-36</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 626.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-37" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-37" class="label">XXIII-37</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-38" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-38" class="label">XXIII-38</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 632.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-39" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-39" class="label">XXIII-39</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 652.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-40" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-40" class="label">XXIII-40</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 653.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-41" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-41" class="label">XXIII-41</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 693.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-42" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-42" class="label">XXIII-42</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Graham Wallas, <i>The Great Society</i>, Macmillan, 1914, p. 11.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-43" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-43" class="label">XXIII-43</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 276.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-44" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-44" class="label">XXIII-44</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 319.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-45" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-45" class="label">XXIII-45</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 368.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-46" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-46" class="label">XXIII-46</a></td> - <td class="tdl">C. A. Ellwood, <i>Sociology in its Psychological Aspects</i>, Appleton, 1912, Ch. IX.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-47" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-47" class="label">XXIII-47</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 100.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-48" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-48" class="label">XXIII-48</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 117.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-49" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-49" class="label">XXIII-49</a></td> - <td class="tdl">G. H. Mead, “Social Consciousness and the Consciousness of Meaning,” <i>Psychological Bulletin</i>, VII: 405.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-50" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-50" class="label">XXIII-50</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ellwood, <i>Sociology in its Psychological Aspects</i>, p. 153. Cf.<i>Introduction to Social Psychology</i>, p. 149.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-51" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-51" class="label">XXIII-51</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ellwood, <i>Sociology in its Psychological Aspects</i>, p. 138.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-52" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-52" class="label">XXIII-52</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ellwood, <i>Introduction to Social Psychology</i>, p. 149.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-53" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-53" class="label">XXIII-53</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 147.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-54" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-54" class="label">XXIII-54</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 151.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-55" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-55" class="label">XXIII-55</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 170.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-56" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-56" class="label">XXIII-56</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ellwood, <i>The Social Problem</i>, Macmillan, 1919, p. 2.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-57" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-57" class="label">XXIII-57</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 4.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-58" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-58" class="label">XXIII-58</a></td> - <td class="tdl">E. C. Hayes, <i>Introduction to the Study of Sociology</i>, Appleton, 1915, p. 586.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-59" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-59" class="label">XXIII-59</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-60" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-60" class="label">XXIII-60</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 586 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-61" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-61" class="label">XXIII-61</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 664 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-62" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-62" class="label">XXIII-62</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 669.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-63" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-63" class="label">XXIII-63</a></td> - <td class="tdl">T. Veblen, <i>The Theory of the Leisure Class</i>, Macmillan, 1912, p. 31.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-64" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-64" class="label">XXIII-64</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 169.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-65" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-65" class="label">XXIII-65</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 68.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-66" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-66" class="label">XXIII-66</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 38.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-67" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-67" class="label">XXIII-67</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Veblen, <i>The Instinct of Workmanship</i>, Macmillan, 1914, p. 349.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-68" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-68" class="label">XXIII-68</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>The Theory of the Leisure Class</i>, p. 15.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-69" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-69" class="label">XXIII-69</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 17.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-70" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-70" class="label">XXIII-70</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Publications of the American Sociological Society, Vol. XII, p. 2.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-71" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-71" class="label">XXIII-71</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 27.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-72" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-72" class="label">XXIII-72</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 59.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-73" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-73" class="label">XXIII-73</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 68.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-74" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-74" class="label">XXIII-74</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 3.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-75" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-75" class="label">XXIII-75</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 6.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIII-76" href="#FNanchor_XXIII-76" class="label">XXIII-76</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 10.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2">CHAPTER XXIV</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIV-1" href="#FNanchor_XXIV-1" class="label">XXIV-1</a></td> - <td class="tdl">For example, see C. R. Henderson, <i>Modern Methods of Charity</i>, Macmillan, 1904.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIV-2" href="#FNanchor_XXIV-2" class="label">XXIV-2</a></td> - <td class="tdl">See Webb, <i>The Prevention of Destitution</i>, Longmans, Green, 1912.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIV-3" href="#FNanchor_XXIV-3" class="label">XXIV-3</a></td> - <td class="tdl">See Devine, <i>Misery and its Causes</i>, Macmillan, 1913; also Devine, <i>The Principles of Relief</i>, Macmillan, 1904.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIV-4" href="#FNanchor_XXIV-4" class="label">XXIV-4</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Also, see Amos G. Warner, <i>American Charities</i>, Crowell, 1919, 3rd. edit.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIV-5" href="#FNanchor_XXIV-5" class="label">XXIV-5</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Henry George, <i>Progress and Poverty</i>, Doubleday, Page, 1916.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIV-6" href="#FNanchor_XXIV-6" class="label">XXIV-6</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Lombroso, <i>Crime, Its Causes and Remedies</i>, Little, Brown, 1911.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIV-7" href="#FNanchor_XXIV-7" class="label">XXIV-7</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Wines and Lane, <i>Punishment and Reformation</i>, Crowell, 1919, Ch. X.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIV-8" href="#FNanchor_XXIV-8" class="label">XXIV-8</a></td> - <td class="tdl">T. M. Osborne, <i>Society and Prisons</i>, Yale University Press, 1916.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIV-9" href="#FNanchor_XXIV-9" class="label">XXIV-9</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Burleigh and Bierstadt, <i>Punishment</i>, Holt, 1916.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIV-10" href="#FNanchor_XXIV-10" class="label">XXIV-10</a></td> - <td class="tdl">See G. B. Mangold, <i>Problems of Child Welfare</i>, Macmillan, 1914.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIV-11" href="#FNanchor_XXIV-11" class="label">XXIV-11</a></td> - <td class="tdl">A. W. Small, <i>Between Eras, From Capitalism to Democracy</i>, Inter-Collegiate Press, 1913.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIV-12" href="#FNanchor_XXIV-12" class="label">XXIV-12</a></td> - <td class="tdl">See W. H. Beveridge, <i>Unemployment</i>, Longmans, Green, 1912.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIV-13" href="#FNanchor_XXIV-13" class="label">XXIV-13</a></td> - <td class="tdl">George Elliott Howard, <i>A History of Matrimonial Institutions</i>, University of Chicago Press, 1904.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIV-14" href="#FNanchor_XXIV-14" class="label">XXIV-14</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Edward Westermarck, <i>History of Human Marriage</i>, Macmillan, 1902.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIV-15" href="#FNanchor_XXIV-15" class="label">XXIV-15</a></td> - <td class="tdl">A. W. Calhoun, <i>A Social History of the American Family</i>, Clark, 1917–1919.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIV-16" href="#FNanchor_XXIV-16" class="label">XXIV-16</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Helen Bosanquet, <i>The Family</i>, Macmillan, 1915.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIV-17" href="#FNanchor_XXIV-17" class="label">XXIV-17</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Willystine Goodsell, <i>A History of the Family as a Social and Educational Institution</i>, Macmillan, 1915.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIV-18" href="#FNanchor_XXIV-18" class="label">XXIV-18</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Booker T. Washington, <i>Up from Slavery</i>, Doubleday, Page, 1901.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIV-19" href="#FNanchor_XXIV-19" class="label">XXIV-19</a></td> - <td class="tdl">W. E. B. DuBois, <i>Darkwater</i>, Harcourt, Brace and Howe, 1920.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIV-20" href="#FNanchor_XXIV-20" class="label">XXIV-20</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Peter Roberts, <i>The Problem of Americanization</i>, Macmillan, 1920.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIV-21" href="#FNanchor_XXIV-21" class="label">XXIV-21</a></td> - <td class="tdl">J. K. Hart, <i>Community Organization</i>, Macmillan, 1920.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXIV-22" href="#FNanchor_XXIV-22" class="label">XXIV-22</a></td> - <td class="tdl">M. C. Elmer, <i>Technique of Social Surveys</i>, World Co., Lawrence, Kansas, 1917.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2">CHAPTER XXV</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXV-1" href="#FNanchor_XXV-1" class="label">XXV-1</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Democracy and Education</i>, Macmillan, 1916, p. 6.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXV-2" href="#FNanchor_XXV-2" class="label">XXV-2</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 16.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXV-3" href="#FNanchor_XXV-3" class="label">XXV-3</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 19.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXV-4" href="#FNanchor_XXV-4" class="label">XXV-4</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 26, 27.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXV-5" href="#FNanchor_XXV-5" class="label">XXV-5</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 41.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXV-6" href="#FNanchor_XXV-6" class="label">XXV-6</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Cf. ibid., p. 416.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXV-7" href="#FNanchor_XXV-7" class="label">XXV-7</a></td> - <td class="tdl">See M. V. O’Shea, <i>Social Development and Education</i>, Houghton Mifflin, 1909; David Snedden, <i>Sociological Determination of Objectives in Education</i>, Lippincott, 1921; W. R. Smith, <i>Educational Sociology</i>, Macmillan, 1917; Irving King, <i>Social Aspects of Education</i>, Macmillan, 1912; also King, <i>Education for Social Efficiency</i>, Appleton, 1913; F. R. Clow, <i>Principles of Sociology with Educational Applications</i>, Macmillan, 1920; G. H. Betts, <i>Social Principles of Education</i>, Scribner, 1913; S. T. Dutton, <i>Social Phases of Education</i>, Macmillan, 1907.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_503">503</span></td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXV-8" href="#FNanchor_XXV-8" class="label">XXV-8</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Smith, <i>Educational Sociology</i>, p. 669.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXV-9" href="#FNanchor_XXV-9" class="label">XXV-9</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Snedden, <i>American Journal of Sociology</i>, 25:132 ff.; see also, Snedden, <i>Sociological Determination of Objectives in Education</i>, Lippincott, 1921, p. 15.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXV-10" href="#FNanchor_XXV-10" class="label">XXV-10</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Snedden, <i>Sociological Determination of Objectives in Education</i>, p. 94.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXV-11" href="#FNanchor_XXV-11" class="label">XXV-11</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 97, 107.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXV-12" href="#FNanchor_XXV-12" class="label">XXV-12</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 109, 267.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXV-13" href="#FNanchor_XXV-13" class="label">XXV-13</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 228.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2">CHAPTER XXVI</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-1" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-1" class="label">XXVI-1</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Gladden, <i>Social Facts and Forces</i>, Putnam, 1897, p. 37.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-2" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-2" class="label">XXVI-2</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 152.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-3" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-3" class="label">XXVI-3</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 81.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-4" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-4" class="label">XXVI-4</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-5" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-5" class="label">XXVI-5</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Gladden, <i>Social Salvation</i>, Houghton Mifflin, 1902, p. 14.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-6" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-6" class="label">XXVI-6</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 7.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-7" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-7" class="label">XXVI-7</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 136; cf. Rauschenbusch, <i>A Theology for the Social Gospel</i>, Macmillan, 1918, pp. 8, 91.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-8" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-8" class="label">XXVI-8</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Strong, <i>The New Era</i>, Baker and Taylor, 1893, p. 121.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-9" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-9" class="label">XXVI-9</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 124.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-10" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-10" class="label">XXVI-10</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ely, <i>Social Aspects of Christianity</i>, Crowell, 1889, p. 17.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-11" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-11" class="label">XXVI-11</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 65.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-12" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-12" class="label">XXVI-12</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 73.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-13" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-13" class="label">XXVI-13</a></td> - <td class="tdl">See Peabody, <i>Jesus Christ and the Social Question</i>, Macmillan, 1900.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-14" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-14" class="label">XXVI-14</a></td> - <td class="tdl">See Mathews, <i>The Social Teachings of Jesus</i>, Macmillan, 1897; <i>The Church and the Changing Order</i>, Macmillan, 1907; <i>The Gospel and the Modern Man</i>, Macmillan, 1910.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-15" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-15" class="label">XXVI-15</a></td> - <td class="tdl">See Rauschenbusch, <i>Christianity and the Social Crisis</i>, Macmillan, 1913; <i>Christianizing the Social Order</i>, Macmillan, 1912; <i>A Theology for the Social Gospel</i>, Macmillan, 1918.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-16" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-16" class="label">XXVI-16</a></td> - <td class="tdl">See Batten, <i>The Social Task of Christianity</i>, Revell, 1911.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-17" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-17" class="label">XXVI-17</a></td> - <td class="tdl">See Ward, <i>The New Social Order</i>, Macmillan, 1919.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-18" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-18" class="label">XXVI-18</a></td> - <td class="tdl">See H. A. Atkinson, <i>The Church and the People’s Play</i>, Pilgrim Press, 1915.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-19" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-19" class="label">XXVI-19</a></td> - <td class="tdl">See John Ryan, <i>Distributive Justice</i>, Macmillan, 1910; and <i>Social Reconstruction</i>, Macmillan, 1920.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-20" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-20" class="label">XXVI-20</a></td> - <td class="tdl">See Charles Stelzle, <i>The Workingman and Social Problems</i>, Revell, 1903.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-21" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-21" class="label">XXVI-21</a></td> - <td class="tdl">See <i>Religion in Social Action</i>, Dodd, Mead, 1913.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-22" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-22" class="label">XXVI-22</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Christianity and the Social Crisis</i>, supra, p. xiii.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-23" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-23" class="label">XXVI-23</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 145.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-24" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-24" class="label">XXVI-24</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 147.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-25" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-25" class="label">XXVI-25</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 149.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-26" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-26" class="label">XXVI-26</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 201 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-27" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-27" class="label">XXVI-27</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 33.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-28" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-28" class="label">XXVI-28</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 91.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-29" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-29" class="label">XXVI-29</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 74.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-30" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-30" class="label">XXVI-30</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 342.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-31" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-31" class="label">XXVI-31</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 386.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-32" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-32" class="label">XXVI-32</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>Christianizing the Social Order</i>, p. 1.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-33" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-33" class="label">XXVI-33</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 2.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-34" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-34" class="label">XXVI-34</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 125.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-35" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-35" class="label">XXVI-35</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 320.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-36" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-36" class="label">XXVI-36</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 113, 114.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-37" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-37" class="label">XXVI-37</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., pp. 121, 122.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-38" href="#missing" class="label">XXVI-38</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>A Theology for a Social Gospel</i>, pp. 4, 5, 48.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-39" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-39" class="label">XXVI-39</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 182.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-40" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-40" class="label">XXVI-40</a></td> - <td class="tdl">“Social Reconstruction,” Nat’l Catholic War Council, Washington, 1919, p. 22.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-41" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-41" class="label">XXVI-41</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Loc. cit.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-42" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-42" class="label">XXVI-42</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 24.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-43" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-43" class="label">XXVI-43</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ward, <i>The New Social Order</i>, p. 74.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-44" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-44" class="label">XXVI-44</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 112.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-45" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-45" class="label">XXVI-45</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 114.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-46" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-46" class="label">XXVI-46</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 121.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-47" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-47" class="label">XXVI-47</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 125.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-48" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-48" class="label">XXVI-48</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Loc. cit.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-49" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-49" class="label">XXVI-49</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-50" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-50" class="label">XXVI-50</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 143.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-51" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-51" class="label">XXVI-51</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 159.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-52" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-52" class="label">XXVI-52</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 287.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-53" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-53" class="label">XXVI-53</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 363.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-54" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-54" class="label">XXVI-54</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 21.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-55" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-55" class="label">XXVI-55</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 25.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-56" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-56" class="label">XXVI-56</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Coe, <i>Psychology of Religion</i>, University of Chicago Press, 1916, p. xiv.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVI-57" href="#FNanchor_XXVI-57" class="label">XXVI-57</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Coe, <i>A Social Theory of Religious Education</i>, Scribner, 1917, pp. 59, 58.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2">CHAPTER XXVII</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVII-1" href="#missing" class="label">XXVII-1</a></td> - <td class="tdl">De Greef, <i>Introduction a la Sociologie</i>, Paris, 1911, T. I., pp. 189, 202.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVII-2" href="#FNanchor_XXVII-2" class="label">XXVII-2</a></td> - <td class="tdl"><i>General Sociology</i>, pp. 718 ff.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVII-3" href="#FNanchor_XXVII-3" class="label">XXVII-3</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Ibid., p. 442.</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdc chap" colspan="2">CHAPTER XXVIII</td> -</tr> -<tr> - <td class="tdr"><a id="Footnote_XXVIII-1" href="#FNanchor_XXVIII-1" class="label">XXVIII-1</a></td> - <td class="tdl">Blackmar and Gillin’s <i>Outlines of Sociology</i> is one of the best textbooks in sociology.</td> -</tr> -</table> - -</div></div> - -<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" /> - -<div class="chapter"><div class="index"> -<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_504">504</span></p> - -<h2 class="nobreak" id="toclink_504"><a id="index">INDEX</a></h2> - -<ul class="index"> -<li class="ifrst">A</li> - -<li class="indx">Abstract thinking, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Achievement, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Acquisitiveness, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Adaptation, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Addams, Jane, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Aeschylus, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">African social proverbs, <a href="#Page_23">23</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Aggregation, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Alcoholism, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Amaurote, island of, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">American Sociological Society, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Americanization, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Amos, <a href="#Page_59">59</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Amusements, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Anarchism, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Anthropology, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Anticipation, principle of, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Aquinas, Thomas, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Applied sociology, <a href="#Page_423">423</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Arabian social proverbs, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Aristophanes, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Aristotle and social thought, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>, <a href="#Page_101">101</a> ff., <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Association, laws of, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_338">338</a>, <a href="#Page_383">383</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Associations, productive, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Assyrian social thought, <a href="#Page_42">42</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Astronomy, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Augustine, Saint, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Aurelius, Marcus, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Australian social proverbs, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">B</li> - -<li class="indx">Babeuf, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Babylonian social thought, <a href="#Page_29">29</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bacon, Francis, <a href="#Page_167">167</a>, <a href="#Page_174">174</a>, <a href="#Page_175">175</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bagehot, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bakunin, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Balance, principle of, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Baldwin, J. M., <a href="#Page_386">386</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Beccaria, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Behavior, pluralistic, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bellamy, Edward, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bentham, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Berkeley, George, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Biology, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Birth control, <a href="#Page_207">207</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Birth rate, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Blackmar and Gillin, <a href="#Page_503">503</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Blackstone, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Blanc, <a href="#Page_228">228</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Boas, Franz, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bodin, <a href="#Page_246">246</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bolshevism, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bosanquet, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Brinton, D. G., <a href="#Page_353">353</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">British Labor Party, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Brockway, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Brotherhood of man, <a href="#Page_122">122</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bücher, <a href="#Page_482">482</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Buckle, <a href="#Page_246">246</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Buddhism, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Bulgarian social proverbs, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Burgess, E. W., <a href="#Page_363">363</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Burke, Edmund, <a href="#Page_191">191</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Business, theory of, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">C</li> - -<li class="indx">Caesar, Julius, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Calculus, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Calhoun, A. W., <a href="#Page_436">436</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Callicles, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cameralism, <a href="#Page_188">188</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Campanella, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Canons, social, <a href="#Page_415">415</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Capital punishment, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Capitalism, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Carlyle, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Carver, T. N., <a href="#Page_207">207</a>, <a href="#Page_345">345</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Caucasian, <a href="#Page_235">235</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Catholic War Council, <a href="#Page_462">462</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Censorship, <a href="#Page_93">93</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Chapin, F. S., <a href="#Page_419">419</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_505">505</span>Chemistry, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Chinese social thought, <a href="#Page_45">45</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Chinese social proverbs, <a href="#Page_49">49</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Chivalry, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Christianity, social, <a href="#Page_121">121</a> ff., <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Church fathers, the, <a href="#Page_146">146</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cicero, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cingalese social proverbs, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cities of refuge, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Citizenship, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_491">491</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">City planning, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Civilization, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>, <a href="#Page_385">385</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Classes, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Class conflict, <a href="#Page_251">251</a>, <a href="#Page_457">457</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Classification of the sciences, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cleisthenes, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Climate, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Code of Hammurapi, <a href="#Page_40">40</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Coe, G. A., <a href="#Page_472">472</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Colbert, <a href="#Page_187">187</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Commercialization, <a href="#Page_401">401</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Commercialized religion, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Communication, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Communism, <a href="#Page_103">103</a>, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Communist manifesto, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Comte, Auguste, <a href="#Page_209">209</a> ff., <a href="#Page_282">282</a>, <a href="#Page_485">485</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Concrete thinking, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Conation, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Conflict of races, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Conflict theories, <a href="#Page_338">338</a> ff., <a href="#Page_383">383</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Confucius, <a href="#Page_45">45</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Conjugal love, <a href="#Page_290">290</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Consanguineal love, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Consciousness, <a href="#Page_390">390</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Consciousness of kind, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Control, concept of, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Cooley, C. H., <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_365">365</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a> ff., <a href="#Page_445">445</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Co-operation, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_259">259</a> ff., <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Crawford, Daniel, <a href="#Page_25">25</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Crime, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Crises, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Crusades, the, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Custom imitation, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Customs, control of, <a href="#Page_22">22</a>, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">D</li> - -<li class="indx">Danish social proverbs, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Darwin, <a href="#Page_258">258</a>, <a href="#Page_315">315</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Davenport, C. B., <a href="#Page_326">326</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Deception, <a href="#Page_286">286</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Definition of social thought, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">De Greef, <a href="#Page_484">484</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Delinquency, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Deluge, account of, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Democracy, <a href="#Page_69">69</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a>, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>, <a href="#Page_375">375</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Democratization of social thought, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Desire, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Determinism, <a href="#Page_346">346</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Deuteronomic Code, <a href="#Page_64">64</a>, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Devine, E. T., <a href="#Page_425">425</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Dewey, John, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Dickens, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Discussion, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">DuBois, W. E. B., <a href="#Page_438">438</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Duprat, G. L., <a href="#Page_381">381</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">E</li> - -<li class="indx">Earliest social thought, <a href="#Page_20">20</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Early Christian social thought, <a href="#Page_121">121</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Education, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_93">93</a> ff., <a href="#Page_110">110</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>, <a href="#Page_421">421</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Educational sociology, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Efficiency, <a href="#Page_466">466</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Egyptian social thought, <a href="#Page_36">36</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ellwood, C. A., <a href="#Page_407">407</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Elmira reformatory, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ely, R. T., <a href="#Page_415">415</a>, <a href="#Page_455">455</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Engels, <a href="#Page_482">482</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">English social proverbs, <a href="#Page_33">33</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Environment, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_444">444</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Epaminondas, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Epicurus, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Epictetus, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Equality, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Equality of races, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ethnocentrism, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ethnology, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Esthetic forces, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Eugenics, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Euripides, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Evolution, <a href="#Page_262">262</a>, <a href="#Page_301">301</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">F</li> - -<li class="indx">Family, the, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_141">141</a>, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Fashion imitation, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_376">376</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Fear, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_506">506</span>Federal Council of the Churches, <a href="#Page_461">461</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Feminism, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ferguson, <a href="#Page_186">186</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Fetishism, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Feudalism, <a href="#Page_148">148</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Fichte, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Filipino social proverbs, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Fiske, John, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>, <a href="#Page_268">268</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Folk psychology, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Folk thinking, <a href="#Page_21">21</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Folkways, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Food supply, <a href="#Page_201">201</a>, ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Fourier, <a href="#Page_227">227</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Francis, Saint, <a href="#Page_149">149</a>, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Froebel, <a href="#Page_443">443</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Functional analogies, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">G</li> - -<li class="indx">Galton, <a href="#Page_325">325</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Genealogy, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Genius, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Geographic social thought, <a href="#Page_246">246</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">George, Henry, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Giddings, F. H., <a href="#Page_381">381</a>, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>, <a href="#Page_446">446</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gladden, Washington, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">God, kingdom of, <a href="#Page_122">122</a> ff., <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Godwin, William, <a href="#Page_198">198</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Golden Rule, the, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Goodsell, W., <a href="#Page_436">436</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Government, <a href="#Page_103">103</a> ff., <a href="#Page_283">283</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gaunt, John, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Great Society, the, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Grecian social thought, <a href="#Page_74">74</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gregariousness, <a href="#Page_219">219</a>, <a href="#Page_269">269</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Grotius, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Group loyalty of Hebrews, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Groups, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Guardians, Plato’s, <a href="#Page_83">83</a>, <a href="#Page_86">86</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Guild socialism, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Gumplowicz, <a href="#Page_339">339</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">H</li> - -<li class="indx">Habit, <a href="#Page_323">323</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hammurapi, <a href="#Page_40">40</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Harrington, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hayes, E. C., <a href="#Page_414">414</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hebrew social thought, <a href="#Page_54">54</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hegel, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Henderson, C. R., <a href="#Page_423">423</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Heredity, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Herodetus, <a href="#Page_76">76</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hesiod, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">High school sociology, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hippocrates, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">History of social movement, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hobbes, <a href="#Page_177">177</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hobhouse, <a href="#Page_316">316</a> ff., <a href="#Page_322">322</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_364">364</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hosea, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Housing problems, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Howard, George Elliott, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Howard, John, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Humanitarianism, <a href="#Page_225">225</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Humboldt, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Hume, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Huntington, E., <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">I</li> - -<li class="indx">Ibn Khaldun, <a href="#Page_151">151</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ideals, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Illegitimacy, <a href="#Page_424">424</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Imitation, laws of, <a href="#Page_272">272</a>, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Immigration, <a href="#Page_437">437</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Immorality, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>, <a href="#Page_314">314</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Individualism, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>, <a href="#Page_173">173</a> ff., <a href="#Page_389">389</a>, <a href="#Page_478">478</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Individualization, <a href="#Page_405">405</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Individual responsibility, <a href="#Page_448">448</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Industry, <a href="#Page_473">473</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Industrial democracy, <a href="#Page_362">362</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Industrial thought, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>, <a href="#Page_170">170</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Industrial Workers of the World, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Innovation, <a href="#Page_297">297</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Instinct, <a href="#Page_396">396</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Insurance, social, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Institutions, social, <a href="#Page_312">312</a>, <a href="#Page_394">394</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Intellectual forces, <a href="#Page_294">294</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Interest, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_486">486</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Intemperance, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Intermarriage of races, <a href="#Page_304">304</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Internationalism, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>, <a href="#Page_275">275</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_460">460</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Invention, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Iron law of wages, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Isaiah, <a href="#Page_60">60</a>, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">J</li> - -<li class="indx">Jahweh, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_70">70</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">James, the apostle, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Japanese social proverbs, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Jeremiah, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Jesus, <a href="#Page_121">121</a> ff., <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_471">471</a>, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_507">507</span>Job, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">John, the apostle, <a href="#Page_143">143</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Justice, <a href="#Page_58">58</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_99">99</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Juvenile court, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Juvenile delinquency, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">K</li> - -<li class="indx">Kant, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Kellor, A. G., <a href="#Page_315">315</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Kelsey, Carl, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Kent, C. F., <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Kingdom of God, <a href="#Page_122">122</a> ff., <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Kropotkin, <a href="#Page_240">240</a>, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">L</li> - -<li class="indx">Labor conditions, <a href="#Page_163">163</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>, <a href="#Page_432">432</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Labor strikes, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Laissez faire theories, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_266">266</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lamarck, <a href="#Page_257">257</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Land equalization, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_147">147</a>, <a href="#Page_242">242</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Langland, William, <a href="#Page_152">152</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Language, <a href="#Page_391">391</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lao-tse, <a href="#Page_48">48</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lassalle, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Law, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_159">159</a>, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lazarus and Steinthal, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">League of Nations, <a href="#Page_469">469</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Le Bon, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Legal science, <a href="#Page_119">119</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Leisure, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Le Play, <a href="#Page_481">481</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lewes, George Henry, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Liebknecht, <a href="#Page_236">236</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lilienfeld, von, <a href="#Page_270">270</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lindsey, Ben B., <a href="#Page_429">429</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Locke, John, <a href="#Page_79">79</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lombroso, <a href="#Page_427">427</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Love, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_123">123</a> ff., <a href="#Page_290">290</a>, <a href="#Page_366">366</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lucretius, <a href="#Page_114">114</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Luke, Saint, <a href="#Page_124">124</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Luxury, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Lycurgus, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">M</li> - -<li class="indx">Machiavelli, <a href="#Page_173">173</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mackenzie, J. S., <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Maine, Henry, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Malthus, <a href="#Page_200">200</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Malthusianism, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a> ff., <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_243">243</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mann, Horace, <a href="#Page_144">144</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Marcus Aurelius, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Manu, laws of, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Marriage, institutions of, <a href="#Page_65">65</a>, <a href="#Page_202">202</a>, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>, <a href="#Page_330">330</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Plato’s conception of, <a href="#Page_90">90</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Aristotle’s conception of, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Jesus’ conception of, <a href="#Page_131">131</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Marx, <a href="#Page_234">234</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Martineau, Harriet, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Materialism, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mathematics, <a href="#Page_217">217</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Maternal love, <a href="#Page_291">291</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">McDougall, William, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mead, G. H., <a href="#Page_409">409</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Meliorism, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mencius, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mendelian laws, <a href="#Page_327">327</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mental defectiveness, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mercantilism, <a href="#Page_187">187</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Metaphysics, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Methodology, <a href="#Page_487">487</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Micah, <a href="#Page_61">61</a>, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Middle classes, the, <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_465">465</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Militarism, <a href="#Page_215">215</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mill, James, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mill, John Stuart, <a href="#Page_194">194</a>, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Miscegenation, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Monasteries, <a href="#Page_150">150</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Money, love of, <a href="#Page_162">162</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Money-making, <a href="#Page_287">287</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Monotheism, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Montesquieu, <a href="#Page_184">184</a>, <a href="#Page_247">247</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">More, Thomas, <a href="#Page_155">155</a> ff., <a href="#Page_173">173</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Morris, William, <a href="#Page_168">168</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Moses, <a href="#Page_55">55</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Moral restraint, <a href="#Page_208">208</a>, <a href="#Page_430">430</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Morality, <a href="#Page_293">293</a>, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mores, <a href="#Page_313">313</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Morley, John, <a href="#Page_212">212</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Motives, <a href="#Page_307">307</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Mutation, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">N</li> - -<li class="indx">Natural selection, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_410">410</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Newton, Isaac, <a href="#Page_368">368</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Nietzsche, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_341">341</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_508">508</span>Negro, <a href="#Page_335">335</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Novicow, <a href="#Page_249">249</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">O</li> - -<li class="indx">Old Testament social thought, <a href="#Page_55">55</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Oligarchy, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Opposition, <a href="#Page_373">373</a>, <a href="#Page_377">377</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Orano, P., <a href="#Page_381">381</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Organic analogies, <a href="#Page_365">365</a> ff., <a href="#Page_478">478</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Organization, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Osborne. T. M., <a href="#Page_429">429</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Owen, Robert, <a href="#Page_230">230</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">P</li> - -<li class="indx">Pain economy, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Paine, T., <a href="#Page_187">187</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Parental negligence, <a href="#Page_431">431</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Patten. S. N., <a href="#Page_343">343</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Patriotism, Hebrew, <a href="#Page_71">71</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Paul, Saint, <a href="#Page_138">138</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Peace, universal, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Penn, William, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Penology, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pearson, Karl, <a href="#Page_326">326</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pericles, <a href="#Page_77">77</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Personality, <a href="#Page_336">336</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>, <a href="#Page_392">392</a>, <a href="#Page_467">467</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Persian social thought, <a href="#Page_52">52</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pestalozzi, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Petrarch, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pharaoh, <a href="#Page_57">57</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Philosophical thought, <a href="#Page_16">16</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Physical education, <a href="#Page_96">96</a>, <a href="#Page_110">110</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Physics, <a href="#Page_218">218</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Physiocrats, <a href="#Page_181">181</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pittsburg Survey, <a href="#Page_483">483</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Plato, <a href="#Page_74">74</a> ff., <a href="#Page_203">203</a>, <a href="#Page_367">367</a>, <a href="#Page_476">476</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pleasure economy, <a href="#Page_344">344</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pluralistic behavior, <a href="#Page_386">386</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Polybius, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Polygamy, <a href="#Page_38">38</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Polytheism, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Poor-laws, <a href="#Page_204">204</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Popenoe, P., <a href="#Page_326">326</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Population theories, <a href="#Page_199">199</a> ff., <a href="#Page_250">250</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Portuguese social proverbs, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Positivism, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_477">477</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pound, Roscoe, <a href="#Page_197">197</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Poverty, <a href="#Page_59">59</a> ff., <a href="#Page_91">91</a> ff., <a href="#Page_107">107</a>, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_155">155</a>, <a href="#Page_190">190</a>, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>, <a href="#Page_442">442</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Practicalism, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Prevision, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Priestcraft, <a href="#Page_288">288</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Primitive people, <a href="#Page_20">20</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Prisons, <a href="#Page_428">428</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Profitism, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>, <a href="#Page_434">434</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Progress, <a href="#Page_281">281</a>, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Proletariat, <a href="#Page_237">237</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Property, <a href="#Page_102">102</a>, <a href="#Page_132">132</a>, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_234">234</a>, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Proudhon, <a href="#Page_229">229</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Proverbs, Book of, <a href="#Page_169">169</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Proverbs, social, <a href="#Page_23">23</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Psychology, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Public health, <a href="#Page_109">109</a>, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Public opinion, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Punishment, <a href="#Page_94">94</a>, <a href="#Page_166">166</a>, <a href="#Page_429">429</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Pure sociology, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Q</li> - -<li class="indx">Quetelet, <a href="#Page_480">480</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">R</li> - -<li class="indx">Race equality, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>, <a href="#Page_321">321</a>, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Racial conflicts, <a href="#Page_305">305</a>, <a href="#Page_438">438</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Racial intermarriage, <a href="#Page_303">303</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Rationalism, <a href="#Page_213">213</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Rauschenbusch, <a href="#Page_455">455</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ratzel, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ratzenhofer, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Reform, social, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Religion, <a href="#Page_97">97</a>, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Religious education, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Religious thought, <a href="#Page_15">15</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Renaissance, <a href="#Page_173">173</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Republic, Plato’s, <a href="#Page_74">74</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Reproductive forces, <a href="#Page_289">289</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Revolution, social, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ripley, <a href="#Page_255">255</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Rochdale pioneers, the, <a href="#Page_355">355</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Rodbertus, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Roman social thought, <a href="#Page_114">114</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Roosevelt, <a href="#Page_24">24</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ross, E. A., <a href="#Page_62">62</a>, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_400">400</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Rousseau, <a href="#Page_182">182</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Russia, <a href="#Page_238">238</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">S</li> - -<li class="indx">Sabotage, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Saleeby, C. W., <a href="#Page_326">326</a>, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Salvation, social, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Schaeffle, <a href="#Page_271">271</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_509">509</span>Schmidkunz, H., <a href="#Page_380">380</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Scholasticism, <a href="#Page_150">150</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sciences, classification of, <a href="#Page_216">216</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Scientific management, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Selection, natural, <a href="#Page_259">259</a>, <a href="#Page_328">328</a>, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Self, <a href="#Page_387">387</a>, <a href="#Page_389">389</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Self interest, <a href="#Page_340">340</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Semple, E. C., <a href="#Page_78">78</a>, <a href="#Page_254">254</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Seneca, <a href="#Page_116">116</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sentiments, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Service, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sex, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_332">332</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sex immortality, <a href="#Page_66">66</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sex inequality, <a href="#Page_292">292</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sighele, <a href="#Page_381">381</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Simulation, <a href="#Page_404">404</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sin, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_140">140</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Single tax, <a href="#Page_241">241</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Slavery, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_464">464</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Slums, <a href="#Page_453">453</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Small, A. W., <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_359">359</a>, <a href="#Page_433">433</a>, <a href="#Page_486">486</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Smith, Adam, <a href="#Page_89">89</a>, <a href="#Page_199">199</a>, <a href="#Page_308">308</a>, <a href="#Page_370">370</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Smith, W. R., <a href="#Page_447">447</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Snedden, D., <a href="#Page_448">448</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sociability, <a href="#Page_353">353</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social anthropology, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social case work, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social centers, <a href="#Page_160">160</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social change, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social Christianity, <a href="#Page_121">121</a> ff., <a href="#Page_232">232</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>, <a href="#Page_472">472</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social control, <a href="#Page_104">104</a>, <a href="#Page_398">398</a>, <a href="#Page_414">414</a>, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social delinquency, <a href="#Page_26">26</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social democracy, <a href="#Page_130">130</a>, <a href="#Page_233">233</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social dynamics, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>, <a href="#Page_296">296</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social evolution, <a href="#Page_224">224</a>, <a href="#Page_284">284</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social improvement, <a href="#Page_222">222</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social injustice, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>, <a href="#Page_129">129</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social institutions, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social insurance, <a href="#Page_334">334</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social laws, <a href="#Page_221">221</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social process, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>, <a href="#Page_393">393</a>, <a href="#Page_395">395</a>, <a href="#Page_487">487</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social progress, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social proverbs, <a href="#Page_23">23</a> ff.</li> -<li class="isub1">African, <a href="#Page_24">24</a> ff.</li> -<li class="isub1">Arabian, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Australian, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Bulgarian, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Chinese, <a href="#Page_49">49</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Cingalese, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Danish, <a href="#Page_30">30</a>, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">English, <a href="#Page_33">33</a> ff.</li> -<li class="isub1">Filipino, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social psychology, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>, <a href="#Page_380">380</a>, <a href="#Page_397">397</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social reconstruction, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social reform, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social responsibility, <a href="#Page_68">68</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social revolution, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social salvation, <a href="#Page_73">73</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social service, <a href="#Page_138">138</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social service director, <a href="#Page_473">473</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social statics, <a href="#Page_200">200</a>, <a href="#Page_280">280</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social technology, <a href="#Page_423">423</a>, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>, <a href="#Page_440">440</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social telesis, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social thought,</li> -<li class="isub1">Japanese, <a href="#Page_28">28</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Mexican, <a href="#Page_32">32</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Portuguese, <a href="#Page_31">31</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Assyrian, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Babylonian, <a href="#Page_29">29</a> ff.</li> -<li class="isub1">Chinese, <a href="#Page_45">45</a> ff.</li> -<li class="isub1">Christian, <a href="#Page_121">121</a> ff.</li> -<li class="isub1">Confucian, <a href="#Page_46">46</a> ff.</li> -<li class="isub1">Definition of, <a href="#Page_13">13</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Demands upon, <a href="#Page_17">17</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Democratization of, <a href="#Page_11">11</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Earliest, <a href="#Page_20">20</a> ff.</li> -<li class="isub1">Early Christian, <a href="#Page_121">121</a> ff.</li> -<li class="isub1">Egyptian, <a href="#Page_36">36</a> ff.</li> -<li class="isub1">Eugenic, <a href="#Page_325">325</a> ff.</li> -<li class="isub1">Grecian, <a href="#Page_74">74</a> ff.</li> -<li class="isub1">Hebrew, <a href="#Page_54">54</a> ff.</li> -<li class="isub1">Individualistic, <a href="#Page_173">173</a> ff.</li> -<li class="isub1">Nature of, <a href="#Page_14">14</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Primitive, <a href="#Page_20">20</a> ff.</li> -<li class="isub1">Persian, <a href="#Page_52">52</a> ff.</li> -<li class="isub1">Roman, <a href="#Page_114">114</a> ff.</li> -<li class="isub1">Scope of, <a href="#Page_18">18</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Stoic, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a> ff.</li> -<li class="isub1">Vedic, <a href="#Page_42">42</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social values, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Social variations, <a href="#Page_223">223</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Socialization, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>, <a href="#Page_363">363</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Socialism, <a href="#Page_206">206</a>, <a href="#Page_226">226</a> ff., <a href="#Page_244">244</a>, <a href="#Page_403">403</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sociocracy, <a href="#Page_299">299</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sociology, <a href="#Page_209">209</a>, <a href="#Page_361">361</a>.</li> -<li class="isub1">Applied, <a href="#Page_423">423</a> ff.</li> -<li class="isub1">Educational, <a href="#Page_447">447</a>, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sociological investigation, <a href="#Page_475">475</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Socrates, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>, <a href="#Page_79">79</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Soil fertility, <a href="#Page_248">248</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Solidarity, <a href="#Page_468">468</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Solon, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sophists, <a href="#Page_75">75</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx"><span class="pagenum" id="Page_510">510</span>Sorel, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sparta, <a href="#Page_111">111</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Spencer, Herbert, <a href="#Page_195">195</a>, <a href="#Page_214">214</a>, <a href="#Page_258">258</a> ff., <a href="#Page_339">339</a>, <a href="#Page_371">371</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Spencer and Gillen, <a href="#Page_27">27</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Spinoza, <a href="#Page_178">178</a>, <a href="#Page_354">354</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Standards, <a href="#Page_402">402</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">State, doctrine of, <a href="#Page_193">193</a>, <a href="#Page_357">357</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Statistics, <a href="#Page_482">482</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Stoicism, <a href="#Page_112">112</a>, <a href="#Page_115">115</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Strong, Josiah, <a href="#Page_451">451</a>, <a href="#Page_454">454</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Suggestion, <a href="#Page_399">399</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sumner, W. G., <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_306">306</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Superman, <a href="#Page_342">342</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Success, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Sympathy, <a href="#Page_185">185</a>, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Syndicalism, <a href="#Page_239">239</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Syphogrants, <a href="#Page_157">157</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">T</li> - -<li class="indx">Tainted money, <a href="#Page_452">452</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Tarde, <a href="#Page_350">350</a>, <a href="#Page_372">372</a> ff., <a href="#Page_400">400</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Teaching sociology, <a href="#Page_489">489</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Telesis, social, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a>, <a href="#Page_298">298</a>, <a href="#Page_441">441</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Theocracy, <a href="#Page_70">70</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Theory, need of, <a href="#Page_12">12</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Thomas, W. I., <a href="#Page_301">301</a>, <a href="#Page_322">322</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Thrasymachus, <a href="#Page_78">78</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Timocracy, <a href="#Page_98">98</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Traditions, <a href="#Page_384">384</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Trotter, W., <a href="#Page_397">397</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Tuberculosis, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>, <a href="#Page_439">439</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">U</li> - -<li class="indx">Unemployment, <a href="#Page_435">435</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Universal peace, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Utilitarianism, <a href="#Page_192">192</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Utopia, More’s, <a href="#Page_156">156</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">V</li> - -<li class="indx">Values, social, <a href="#Page_311">311</a>, <a href="#Page_324">324</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Vanity, <a href="#Page_310">310</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Veblen, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>, <a href="#Page_415">415</a> ff.</li> - -<li class="indx">Vedic social thought, <a href="#Page_44">44</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Venereal disease, <a href="#Page_333">333</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Vice, <a href="#Page_369">369</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Vico, <a href="#Page_351">351</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Vocational education, <a href="#Page_449">449</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">W</li> - -<li class="indx">Wages fund theory, <a href="#Page_232">232</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wallas, Graham, <a href="#Page_406">406</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">War, <a href="#Page_108">108</a>, <a href="#Page_164">164</a>, <a href="#Page_165">165</a>, <a href="#Page_283">283</a>, <a href="#Page_331">331</a>, <a href="#Page_347">347</a>, <a href="#Page_356">356</a>, <a href="#Page_358">358</a>, <a href="#Page_417">417</a>, <a href="#Page_420">420</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ward, H. F., <a href="#Page_461">461</a>, <a href="#Page_463">463</a> ff., <a href="#Page_478">478</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Ward, Lester F., <a href="#Page_196">196</a>, <a href="#Page_267">267</a>, <a href="#Page_277">277</a> ff., <a href="#Page_371">371</a>, <a href="#Page_409">409</a>, <a href="#Page_479">479</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Washington, B. T., <a href="#Page_438">438</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wealth, <a href="#Page_91">91</a>, <a href="#Page_133">133</a>, <a href="#Page_142">142</a>, <a href="#Page_161">161</a>, <a href="#Page_250">250</a>, <a href="#Page_416">416</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Webbs, the, <a href="#Page_425">425</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Webster, Hutton, <a href="#Page_419">419</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Weismann, <a href="#Page_329">329</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wells, H. G., <a href="#Page_171">171</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Westermarck, <a href="#Page_316">316</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Western civilization, <a href="#Page_411">411</a>, <a href="#Page_436">436</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wisdom teachers, <a href="#Page_67">67</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Woman, <a href="#Page_309">309</a>, <a href="#Page_432">432</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Work, <a href="#Page_285">285</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Workmanship, <a href="#Page_418">418</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">World empire, <a href="#Page_320">320</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">World peace, <a href="#Page_72">72</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">World war, <a href="#Page_412">412</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Worms, Renê, <a href="#Page_273">273</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Wundt, <a href="#Page_319">319</a>.</li> - -<li class="ifrst">Z</li> - -<li class="indx">Zephaniah, <a href="#Page_63">63</a>.</li> - -<li class="indx">Zoroaster, <a href="#Page_52">52</a>.</li> -</ul> -</div></div> - -<div class="chapter"><div class="transnote"> -<h2 class="nobreak" id="Transcribers_Notes">Transcriber’s Notes</h2> - -<p>Punctuation, hyphenation, and spelling were made -consistent when a predominant preference was found -in the original book; otherwise they were not changed.</p> - -<p>Simple typographical errors were corrected; unbalanced -quotation marks were remedied when the change was -obvious, and otherwise left unbalanced.</p> - -<p>Incorrect page references in the <a href="#CONTENTS">Table of Contents</a> were corrected.</p> - -<p>The <a href="#index">index</a> was not checked for proper alphabetization -or correct page references.</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_78">Page 78</a>: “fifty century” probably is an error for “Fifth century”.</p> - -<p><a href="#Page_287">Page 287</a>: Quotation beginning “the spur of all” -has no ending quotation mark.</p> - -<p class="p2">Footnote numbers in this eBook were made -unique by prefixing the original -Arabic numbers with the Roman chapter numbers.</p> - -<h3 id="missing" class="p2 in0 larger">FOOTNOTE ERRATA</h3> - -<p>There are many mismatches and omissions between -the footnote anchors in the text and the footnotes -themselves. Some of them remain unresolved; the -Transcriber changed these:</p> - -<ul> -<li> -<a href="#Page_94">Page 94:</a> “2” ➝ “53”</li> -<li><a href="#Page_99">Page 99:</a> “78” ➝ “76”</li> -<li><a href="#Page_137">Page 137:</a> added “30”</li> -<li><a href="#Page_166">Page 166:</a> “25” ➝ “26”</li> -<li><a href="#Page_223">Page 223:</a> “32” ➝ “23”</li> -<li><a href="#Page_402">Page 402:</a> “12” ➝ “32”</li> -<li><a href="#Page_403">Page 403:</a> “38” ➝ “37”</li> -<li><a href="#Page_450">Page 450:</a> “14” ➝ “13”</li> -<li><a href="#Page_460">Page 460:</a> first “37” ➝ “36”</li> -<li><a href="#Page_462">Page 462:</a> “50” ➝ “40”</li> -<li><a href="#Page_466">Page 466:</a> second “43” ➝ “44” -</li> -</ul> - -<p>These anchors appear to be either deliberate -duplicates or uncorrectable typographical or -placement errors:</p> - -<ul> -<li> -<a href="#Page_27">Page 27</a>: “5” refers to a non-existent Footnote</li> -<li><a href="#Page_70">Page 70</a>: “8”</li> -<li>Pages <a href="#Page_175">175</a> and <a href="#Page_177">177</a>: duplicate “4”</li> -<li><a href="#Page_285">Page 285</a>: “23”; <a href="#Page_288">page 288</a> is missing “23”</li> -<li>Pages <a href="#Page_459">459</a> and <a href="#Page_460">460</a>: “35” and “34” occur in reversed order</li> -<li><a href="#Page_460">Page 460</a>: “37” -</li> -</ul> - -<p>These anchors are missing and no likely positions for them -could be identified:</p> - -<ul> -<li><a href="#Chapter_IV">Chapter IV</a>: “7”, “9”</li> -<li><a href="#Chapter_V">Chapter V</a>: “11”</li> -<li><a href="#Chapter_VIII">Chapter VIII</a>: “5”</li> -<li><a href="#Chapter_XI">Chapter XI</a>: “10”</li> -<li><a href="#Chapter_XIII">Chapter XIII</a>: “11”</li> -<li><a href="#Chapter_XIV">Chapter XIV</a>: “9”</li> -<li><a href="#Chapter_XVI">Chapter XVI</a>: “8”, “11”</li> -<li><a href="#Chapter_XVII">Chapter XVII</a>: “20”, “39”</li> -<li><a href="#Chapter_XVIII">Chapter XVIII</a>: “20”, “26”, “35”, “44”</li> -<li><a href="#Chapter_XIX">Chapter XIX</a>: “8”</li> -<li><a href="#Chapter_XXIII">Chapter XXIII</a>: “11”</li> -<li><a href="#Chapter_XXVI">Chapter XXVI</a>: “38”</li> -<li><a href="#Chapter_XXVII">Chapter XXVII</a>: “1”</li> -</ul> - -<p>These apparent footnote errors were corrected:</p> - -<ul> -<li> -Page 498, <a href="#Chapter_XIII">Chapter XIII</a>: second Footnote “14” ➝ “15”</li> -<li>Page 499, <a href="#Chapter_XVI">Chapter XVI</a>: second Footnote “16” ➝ “17”</li> -<li>Page 503, <a href="#Chapter_XXVI">Chapter XXVI</a>: first Footnote “16” ➝ “15” -</li> -</ul> - -<p>This footnote error was uncorrectable:</p> - -<ul> -<li> -<a href="#Page_501">Page 501</a>, <a href="#Chapter_XXII">Chapter XXII</a>: Footnote 32 is missing a page reference. -</li> -</ul> - -</div></div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A HISTORY OF SOCIAL THOUGHT ***</div> -<div style='text-align:left'> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will -be renamed. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg™ electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG™ -concept and trademark. Project Gutenberg is a registered trademark, -and may not be used if you charge for an eBook, except by following -the terms of the trademark license, including paying royalties for use -of the Project Gutenberg trademark. If you do not charge anything for -copies of this eBook, complying with the trademark license is very -easy. You may use this eBook for nearly any purpose such as creation -of derivative works, reports, performances and research. Project -Gutenberg eBooks may be modified and printed and given away—you may -do practically ANYTHING in the United States with eBooks not protected -by U.S. copyright law. Redistribution is subject to the trademark -license, especially commercial redistribution. -</div> - -<div style='margin-top:1em; font-size:1.1em; text-align:center'>START: FULL LICENSE</div> -<div style='text-align:center;font-size:0.9em'>THE FULL PROJECT GUTENBERG LICENSE</div> -<div style='text-align:center;font-size:0.9em'>PLEASE READ THIS BEFORE YOU DISTRIBUTE OR USE THIS WORK</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -To protect the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting the free -distribution of electronic works, by using or distributing this work -(or any other work associated in any way with the phrase “Project -Gutenberg”), you agree to comply with all the terms of the Full -Project Gutenberg™ License available with this file or online at -www.gutenberg.org/license. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; font-size:1.1em; margin:1em 0; font-weight:bold'> -Section 1. General Terms of Use and Redistributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.A. By reading or using any part of this Project Gutenberg™ -electronic work, you indicate that you have read, understand, agree to -and accept all the terms of this license and intellectual property -(trademark/copyright) agreement. If you do not agree to abide by all -the terms of this agreement, you must cease using and return or -destroy all copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in your -possession. If you paid a fee for obtaining a copy of or access to a -Project Gutenberg™ electronic work and you do not agree to be bound -by the terms of this agreement, you may obtain a refund from the person -or entity to whom you paid the fee as set forth in paragraph 1.E.8. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.B. “Project Gutenberg” is a registered trademark. It may only be -used on or associated in any way with an electronic work by people who -agree to be bound by the terms of this agreement. There are a few -things that you can do with most Project Gutenberg™ electronic works -even without complying with the full terms of this agreement. See -paragraph 1.C below. There are a lot of things you can do with Project -Gutenberg™ electronic works if you follow the terms of this -agreement and help preserve free future access to Project Gutenberg™ -electronic works. See paragraph 1.E below. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.C. The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation (“the -Foundation” or PGLAF), owns a compilation copyright in the collection -of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works. Nearly all the individual -works in the collection are in the public domain in the United -States. If an individual work is unprotected by copyright law in the -United States and you are located in the United States, we do not -claim a right to prevent you from copying, distributing, performing, -displaying or creating derivative works based on the work as long as -all references to Project Gutenberg are removed. Of course, we hope -that you will support the Project Gutenberg™ mission of promoting -free access to electronic works by freely sharing Project Gutenberg™ -works in compliance with the terms of this agreement for keeping the -Project Gutenberg™ name associated with the work. You can easily -comply with the terms of this agreement by keeping this work in the -same format with its attached full Project Gutenberg™ License when -you share it without charge with others. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.D. The copyright laws of the place where you are located also govern -what you can do with this work. Copyright laws in most countries are -in a constant state of change. If you are outside the United States, -check the laws of your country in addition to the terms of this -agreement before downloading, copying, displaying, performing, -distributing or creating derivative works based on this work or any -other Project Gutenberg™ work. The Foundation makes no -representations concerning the copyright status of any work in any -country other than the United States. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E. Unless you have removed all references to Project Gutenberg: -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.1. The following sentence, with active links to, or other -immediate access to, the full Project Gutenberg™ License must appear -prominently whenever any copy of a Project Gutenberg™ work (any work -on which the phrase “Project Gutenberg” appears, or with which the -phrase “Project Gutenberg” is associated) is accessed, displayed, -performed, viewed, copied or distributed: -</div> - -<blockquote> - <div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> - This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and most - other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions - whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms - of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online - at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you - are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws - of the country where you are located before using this eBook. - </div> -</blockquote> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.2. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is -derived from texts not protected by U.S. copyright law (does not -contain a notice indicating that it is posted with permission of the -copyright holder), the work can be copied and distributed to anyone in -the United States without paying any fees or charges. If you are -redistributing or providing access to a work with the phrase “Project -Gutenberg” associated with or appearing on the work, you must comply -either with the requirements of paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 or -obtain permission for the use of the work and the Project Gutenberg™ -trademark as set forth in paragraphs 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.3. If an individual Project Gutenberg™ electronic work is posted -with the permission of the copyright holder, your use and distribution -must comply with both paragraphs 1.E.1 through 1.E.7 and any -additional terms imposed by the copyright holder. Additional terms -will be linked to the Project Gutenberg™ License for all works -posted with the permission of the copyright holder found at the -beginning of this work. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.4. Do not unlink or detach or remove the full Project Gutenberg™ -License terms from this work, or any files containing a part of this -work or any other work associated with Project Gutenberg™. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.5. Do not copy, display, perform, distribute or redistribute this -electronic work, or any part of this electronic work, without -prominently displaying the sentence set forth in paragraph 1.E.1 with -active links or immediate access to the full terms of the Project -Gutenberg™ License. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.6. You may convert to and distribute this work in any binary, -compressed, marked up, nonproprietary or proprietary form, including -any word processing or hypertext form. However, if you provide access -to or distribute copies of a Project Gutenberg™ work in a format -other than “Plain Vanilla ASCII” or other format used in the official -version posted on the official Project Gutenberg™ website -(www.gutenberg.org), you must, at no additional cost, fee or expense -to the user, provide a copy, a means of exporting a copy, or a means -of obtaining a copy upon request, of the work in its original “Plain -Vanilla ASCII” or other form. Any alternate format must include the -full Project Gutenberg™ License as specified in paragraph 1.E.1. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.7. Do not charge a fee for access to, viewing, displaying, -performing, copying or distributing any Project Gutenberg™ works -unless you comply with paragraph 1.E.8 or 1.E.9. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.8. You may charge a reasonable fee for copies of or providing -access to or distributing Project Gutenberg™ electronic works -provided that: -</div> - -<div style='margin-left:0.7em;'> - <div style='text-indent:-0.7em'> - • You pay a royalty fee of 20% of the gross profits you derive from - the use of Project Gutenberg™ works calculated using the method - you already use to calculate your applicable taxes. The fee is owed - to the owner of the Project Gutenberg™ trademark, but he has - agreed to donate royalties under this paragraph to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation. Royalty payments must be paid - within 60 days following each date on which you prepare (or are - legally required to prepare) your periodic tax returns. Royalty - payments should be clearly marked as such and sent to the Project - Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation at the address specified in - Section 4, “Information about donations to the Project Gutenberg - Literary Archive Foundation.” - </div> - - <div style='text-indent:-0.7em'> - • You provide a full refund of any money paid by a user who notifies - you in writing (or by e-mail) within 30 days of receipt that s/he - does not agree to the terms of the full Project Gutenberg™ - License. You must require such a user to return or destroy all - copies of the works possessed in a physical medium and discontinue - all use of and all access to other copies of Project Gutenberg™ - works. - </div> - - <div style='text-indent:-0.7em'> - • You provide, in accordance with paragraph 1.F.3, a full refund of - any money paid for a work or a replacement copy, if a defect in the - electronic work is discovered and reported to you within 90 days of - receipt of the work. - </div> - - <div style='text-indent:-0.7em'> - • You comply with all other terms of this agreement for free - distribution of Project Gutenberg™ works. - </div> -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.E.9. If you wish to charge a fee or distribute a Project -Gutenberg™ electronic work or group of works on different terms than -are set forth in this agreement, you must obtain permission in writing -from the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the manager of -the Project Gutenberg™ trademark. Contact the Foundation as set -forth in Section 3 below. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.F. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.F.1. Project Gutenberg volunteers and employees expend considerable -effort to identify, do copyright research on, transcribe and proofread -works not protected by U.S. copyright law in creating the Project -Gutenberg™ collection. Despite these efforts, Project Gutenberg™ -electronic works, and the medium on which they may be stored, may -contain “Defects,” such as, but not limited to, incomplete, inaccurate -or corrupt data, transcription errors, a copyright or other -intellectual property infringement, a defective or damaged disk or -other medium, a computer virus, or computer codes that damage or -cannot be read by your equipment. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.F.2. LIMITED WARRANTY, DISCLAIMER OF DAMAGES - Except for the “Right -of Replacement or Refund” described in paragraph 1.F.3, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation, the owner of the Project -Gutenberg™ trademark, and any other party distributing a Project -Gutenberg™ electronic work under this agreement, disclaim all -liability to you for damages, costs and expenses, including legal -fees. YOU AGREE THAT YOU HAVE NO REMEDIES FOR NEGLIGENCE, STRICT -LIABILITY, BREACH OF WARRANTY OR BREACH OF CONTRACT EXCEPT THOSE -PROVIDED IN PARAGRAPH 1.F.3. YOU AGREE THAT THE FOUNDATION, THE -TRADEMARK OWNER, AND ANY DISTRIBUTOR UNDER THIS AGREEMENT WILL NOT BE -LIABLE TO YOU FOR ACTUAL, DIRECT, INDIRECT, CONSEQUENTIAL, PUNITIVE OR -INCIDENTAL DAMAGES EVEN IF YOU GIVE NOTICE OF THE POSSIBILITY OF SUCH -DAMAGE. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.F.3. LIMITED RIGHT OF REPLACEMENT OR REFUND - If you discover a -defect in this electronic work within 90 days of receiving it, you can -receive a refund of the money (if any) you paid for it by sending a -written explanation to the person you received the work from. If you -received the work on a physical medium, you must return the medium -with your written explanation. The person or entity that provided you -with the defective work may elect to provide a replacement copy in -lieu of a refund. If you received the work electronically, the person -or entity providing it to you may choose to give you a second -opportunity to receive the work electronically in lieu of a refund. If -the second copy is also defective, you may demand a refund in writing -without further opportunities to fix the problem. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.F.4. Except for the limited right of replacement or refund set forth -in paragraph 1.F.3, this work is provided to you ‘AS-IS’, WITH NO -OTHER WARRANTIES OF ANY KIND, EXPRESS OR IMPLIED, INCLUDING BUT NOT -LIMITED TO WARRANTIES OF MERCHANTABILITY OR FITNESS FOR ANY PURPOSE. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.F.5. Some states do not allow disclaimers of certain implied -warranties or the exclusion or limitation of certain types of -damages. If any disclaimer or limitation set forth in this agreement -violates the law of the state applicable to this agreement, the -agreement shall be interpreted to make the maximum disclaimer or -limitation permitted by the applicable state law. The invalidity or -unenforceability of any provision of this agreement shall not void the -remaining provisions. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -1.F.6. INDEMNITY - You agree to indemnify and hold the Foundation, the -trademark owner, any agent or employee of the Foundation, anyone -providing copies of Project Gutenberg™ electronic works in -accordance with this agreement, and any volunteers associated with the -production, promotion and distribution of Project Gutenberg™ -electronic works, harmless from all liability, costs and expenses, -including legal fees, that arise directly or indirectly from any of -the following which you do or cause to occur: (a) distribution of this -or any Project Gutenberg™ work, (b) alteration, modification, or -additions or deletions to any Project Gutenberg™ work, and (c) any -Defect you cause. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; font-size:1.1em; margin:1em 0; font-weight:bold'> -Section 2. Information about the Mission of Project Gutenberg™ -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Project Gutenberg™ is synonymous with the free distribution of -electronic works in formats readable by the widest variety of -computers including obsolete, old, middle-aged and new computers. It -exists because of the efforts of hundreds of volunteers and donations -from people in all walks of life. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Volunteers and financial support to provide volunteers with the -assistance they need are critical to reaching Project Gutenberg™’s -goals and ensuring that the Project Gutenberg™ collection will -remain freely available for generations to come. In 2001, the Project -Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation was created to provide a secure -and permanent future for Project Gutenberg™ and future -generations. To learn more about the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation and how your efforts and donations can help, see -Sections 3 and 4 and the Foundation information page at www.gutenberg.org. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; font-size:1.1em; margin:1em 0; font-weight:bold'> -Section 3. Information about the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -The Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation is a non-profit -501(c)(3) educational corporation organized under the laws of the -state of Mississippi and granted tax exempt status by the Internal -Revenue Service. The Foundation’s EIN or federal tax identification -number is 64-6221541. Contributions to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation are tax deductible to the full extent permitted by -U.S. federal laws and your state’s laws. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -The Foundation’s business office is located at 809 North 1500 West, -Salt Lake City, UT 84116, (801) 596-1887. Email contact links and up -to date contact information can be found at the Foundation’s website -and official page at www.gutenberg.org/contact -</div> - -<div style='display:block; font-size:1.1em; margin:1em 0; font-weight:bold'> -Section 4. Information about Donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary Archive Foundation -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Project Gutenberg™ depends upon and cannot survive without widespread -public support and donations to carry out its mission of -increasing the number of public domain and licensed works that can be -freely distributed in machine-readable form accessible by the widest -array of equipment including outdated equipment. Many small donations -($1 to $5,000) are particularly important to maintaining tax exempt -status with the IRS. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -The Foundation is committed to complying with the laws regulating -charities and charitable donations in all 50 states of the United -States. Compliance requirements are not uniform and it takes a -considerable effort, much paperwork and many fees to meet and keep up -with these requirements. We do not solicit donations in locations -where we have not received written confirmation of compliance. To SEND -DONATIONS or determine the status of compliance for any particular state -visit <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org/donate/">www.gutenberg.org/donate</a>. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -While we cannot and do not solicit contributions from states where we -have not met the solicitation requirements, we know of no prohibition -against accepting unsolicited donations from donors in such states who -approach us with offers to donate. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -International donations are gratefully accepted, but we cannot make -any statements concerning tax treatment of donations received from -outside the United States. U.S. laws alone swamp our small staff. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Please check the Project Gutenberg web pages for current donation -methods and addresses. Donations are accepted in a number of other -ways including checks, online payments and credit card donations. To -donate, please visit: www.gutenberg.org/donate -</div> - -<div style='display:block; font-size:1.1em; margin:1em 0; font-weight:bold'> -Section 5. General Information About Project Gutenberg™ electronic works -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Professor Michael S. Hart was the originator of the Project -Gutenberg™ concept of a library of electronic works that could be -freely shared with anyone. For forty years, he produced and -distributed Project Gutenberg™ eBooks with only a loose network of -volunteer support. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Project Gutenberg™ eBooks are often created from several printed -editions, all of which are confirmed as not protected by copyright in -the U.S. unless a copyright notice is included. Thus, we do not -necessarily keep eBooks in compliance with any particular paper -edition. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Most people start at our website which has the main PG search -facility: <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This website includes information about Project Gutenberg™, -including how to make donations to the Project Gutenberg Literary -Archive Foundation, how to help produce our new eBooks, and how to -subscribe to our email newsletter to hear about new eBooks. -</div> - -</div> -</body> -</html> diff --git a/old/68889-h/images/cover.jpg b/old/68889-h/images/cover.jpg Binary files differdeleted file mode 100644 index b9e933c..0000000 --- a/old/68889-h/images/cover.jpg +++ /dev/null |
