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+This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements,
+metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be
+in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES.
+
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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #68570 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/68570)
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-The Project Gutenberg eBook of College prolongs infancy, by Horace M.
-Kallen
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
-of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
-will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before
-using this eBook.
-
-Title: College prolongs infancy
-
-Author: Horace M. Kallen
-
-Release Date: July 19, 2022 [eBook #68570]
-
-Language: English
-
-Produced by: Tim Lindell, David E. Brown, and the Online Distributed
- Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This book was
- produced from images made available by the HathiTrust
- Digital Library.)
-
-*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK COLLEGE PROLONGS
-INFANCY ***
-
-
-
-
-
- 25 cents (35 cents in Canada)
-
- _THE_ JOHN DAY _PAMPHLETS_--No. 16
-
- COLLEGE
- PROLONGS INFANCY
-
- _by_
-
- HORACE M. KALLEN
-
-
-“... the ideals and methods which are dynamic in our institutions of
-higher learning are false. They are false to the students, false to
-the social purpose which nourishes them, false to the inward nature of
-education itself. They are false because they are irrelevant. And they
-are irrelevant because they are for the most part unabsorbed survivals
-from a pre-industrial past in an industrial age.
-
-“Though education is customarily described as ‘preparation for life’,
-the ways and works of high schools and colleges are so irrelevant to
-‘life’ that their prime achievement remains perforce the prolongation
-of infancy. They make adulthood harder to reach, not easier.”
-
- * * *
-
- _See back flap for the complete list of_
- THE JOHN DAY PAMPHLETS.
-
- THE JOHN DAY COMPANY
- 386 Fourth Avenue, New York
-
-
-
-
- COLLEGE PROLONGS INFANCY
-
-
-
-
- COLLEGE PROLONGS
- INFANCY
-
- by
- HORACE M. KALLEN
-
- _New York_
- THE JOHN DAY COMPANY
-
-
-
-
- Copyright, 1932, by HORACE M. KALLEN
-
- Printed in U. S. A.
- by The Stratford Press, Inc.,
- New York City
-
-
-An ironist reviewing higher education in America since 1920 would find
-himself struck by three things.
-
-First, perhaps, he would appreciate the gargantuan inflation of
-pedagogic lore, with its elaborate formalism, its pretensions to
-precise measurements of mind and character, its blowing up “scientific
-method” into a meticulous ceremonial with the efficacy of a church
-ritual. Second, the overgrowth of the educational plant might captivate
-him: the immense accretion of endowment, the blowsy additions to
-properties, and the multiplication by millions of teachers and
-students. Lastly, our ironist might admire a wide and spreading unrest
-about the effectiveness of the system as an instrument of education.
-He would take note of much fuss and ferment respecting “progressive
-education” and “adult education.” He would overhear oracles by parents,
-teachers, and college presidents on why students do anything but study
-and on how to make them study. He would discern how the prescriptions
-vary, all the way from Mr. Lowell’s house-system at Harvard University
-to Mr. Meiklejohn’s “experimental college” at the University of
-Wisconsin. As a popular alternative, the suggestion would intrigue
-him that far more students are enrolled than are “fit” for the higher
-education, and that this aristocratic privilege should be limited to
-the “fit” alone; the “fit,” of course, being those young people who are
-shown to be as nearly like their teachers as differences of age, income
-and interest permit.
-
-“The idea that going to college is one of the inherent rights of man,”
-President Lowell wails, “seems to have obtained a baseless foothold
-in the minds of many of our people. To select the fit and devote our
-energies to them is our duty to the public for whose service we exist.”
-And President Comfort of Haverford bemoans how the diversions which
-are college life “have cut deep into the serious purpose for which the
-colleges exist.”
-
-Obviously the searching of the heart concerning the values of a college
-education does not reach to the essentials of the academic tradition.
-The ancient notions remain ineffable and inviolable. They presume that
-students exist for the sake of the school, not the school for the sake
-of the students. Hence the inquiry treats only of who shall be admitted
-to the sacred fane and by what steps. That in any issue between
-system and student, the system might be wrong is inconceivable. The
-pedagogues, like the prohibitionists, find it unbelievable that their
-engines of grace can be tools of darkness; that they fail, not because
-those to whom they are applied are intransigently bad, but because
-their own methods and ideals are intransigently false....
-
-As I see them, the ideals and methods which are dynamic in our
-institutions of higher learning are false. They are false to the
-students, false to the social purpose which nourishes them, false to
-the inward nature of education itself. They are false because they
-are irrelevant. And they are irrelevant because they are for the most
-part unabsorbed survivals from a pre-industrial past in an industrial
-age. But in the eyes of the academicians the failure of the colleges
-is caused by the deficiencies of the environment, not by their own
-inherent incapacities. To save themselves, therefore, they reaffirm
-anew the invidious ideals of a bygone social economy, and appeal to
-a persisting snobbism to offset their own growing desuetude. So they
-complain about the elevation of going to college into an “inherent
-right” and about the droves of undergraduates whose heedless ways cut
-deep into “the serious purpose” for which college exists.
-
-
-II
-
-But if a new “inherent right” has been born into the world, if
-undergraduate life is in conflict with the “serious purpose” of higher
-education, the causes thereof are better understood and faced than
-ignored or belittled. For they are constant causes, and their scope
-and intensity do not lessen with the days. Though the colleges remain
-tangent to the realities, they have been far from untouched....
-
-Of these realities, one is the constant, if obstructed, drive toward
-democracy, based on the dogma of natural rights which animated the wars
-and works of the founding fathers: free public education is a primary,
-if abated, attainment of this drive. Another is the correlated growth
-of population, cities, and natural resources: the dropsical school
-systems, public and private, are by-products of this increase. In a
-century the wealth of the United States has multiplied by inconceivable
-ratios. Even in 1932, at the very trough of a signal deflation,
-national wealth and income must be stated in figures that have no
-empirical living meaning. They are merely symbols of indefinitely
-extending power--manpower and machine-power; and of the organization of
-this power in dynamic patterns that constitute a social economy.
-
-With this organization, there has come an increase in essential
-security. In spite of the business-cycle, in spite of unemployment,
-social waste, and all the rest of the major evils of industrial
-civilization, its individual citizens are better fed, better housed,
-in better health, and have better times than their pre-industrial
-ancestors. Their average expectation of life has increased from
-forty-seven years to fifty-eight. The society they compose is
-physiologically more adult, more aged, than the society of their
-forbears. More of its members are over forty, fewer of them are under
-seventeen. During the century of industrialization the proportion of
-children to adults has decreased by more than a half. This does not
-mean that the same number of children are born and more die. It means
-that fewer are born and far fewer die.
-
-Far fewer die because all receive a great deal better care than even
-the children of the richest used to get a hundred years ago. This
-care comes only somewhat accidentally and in a disordered way from
-the parents. It comes systematically from the community. The average
-parent of the working class deals with his children much as his own
-parents dealt with him. He in the main realizes that the child requires
-and somehow receives absorbed attention in extreme infancy. Past that
-stage, he leaves it more and more to itself. All that he asks of it
-is to make itself as little troublesome and as largely convenient
-as possible. For the rest, it is out on the street to grow its way
-into adulthood for itself, troubled by only occasional irruptions of
-disciplinary or exploitative parental interest, and by admonitions from
-the cop on the beat.
-
-To the socially-minded part of the community this is a dangerous
-situation. They fear disease and crime. They talk about corner gangs;
-about the break-down of family life. They regard it as of supreme
-importance “to get the children off the street.” Social settlements,
-boys’ clubs, scouting, playgrounds, and other semi-public and public
-enterprises have come up largely as instruments toward this end. But
-the chief instrument has become the school.
-
-Since 1900, the school, more than any other social agency, is conceived
-first as supplementing, then as replacing, the home, and as exercising
-its function. The school authority is established in a practically
-complete jurisdiction over the child. Its field expands from
-indoctrination in the three R’s and patriotism to teaching personal
-hygiene; from teaching personal hygiene to official supervision
-over the details of health--the care of the teeth, ears and eyes,
-the adequacy of diet; and finally to keeping an eye on the personal
-relations of children with their parents themselves. In a word, the
-school invades the home and takes over more and more of its functions.
-By its means the control of the child is “socialized.”
-
-Now on the face of it, this socialization appears unconnected with the
-drive and intent of industry as such. It looks rather like a defense
-against industry. Its animus is humanitarian, not economic; its effect
-is to delay the functional installation of the child in the economic
-system. Child labor is quite properly frowned on and hemmed in with
-rules and restrictions. Schooling is imposed and prolonged to later and
-later years; where it cannot be made exclusive it is made concurrent
-with the work-life by means of the continuation schools. And high
-schools and state universities extend the possibility of schooling as a
-free public function right up to the voting age and beyond. The immense
-national wealth makes this possible and easy; it enables the upkeep and
-expansion of an educational system whose per capita cost is greater
-than that of any other country in the world. Whether any connection
-obtains between these superiorities and the fact that Americans also
-enjoy a corresponding superiority in juvenile delinquency and crime I
-cannot say. The paradox is the more interesting because, as schoolmen
-are likely to boast, the school is often used by the child as a refuge
-from home and the street, as a place of sanctuary and safety.
-
-Explanation is not easy. On the face of it, the socialization of
-child-control tends to defeat its own ends. And it tends to defeat
-its own ends because its instrument is an unnatural environment
-which offers no field for the assumption and discharge of natural
-responsibilities such as develop in the circle of an adequate family
-life. It keeps the young in a state that is tantamount to an artificial
-prolongation of infancy.
-
-
-III
-
-Now, in terms of the mechanics of the social economy, infants are
-parasites upon the body politic. They are sheer consumers, producing
-nothing; and in the world of nature they absorb the time and attention
-of adults only until they are ready to produce for themselves what they
-consume. The more complex the organism, the more highly organized the
-nervous system and the social life of a species, the longer the period
-of gestation, and the more prolonged the dependence of the new-born
-and the young on the parents. A dog will reach adulthood in about a
-year. A human infant takes from eleven to fifteen years, if we mean by
-adulthood what constitutes it biologically--namely, sexual maturity.
-Birds and animals are ready and able to fend for themselves some time
-before sexual maturity sets in, and data are not lacking in the record
-that manchildren--like Russia’s _bezprizorny_ or waifs--also can if
-need presses. But for all species alike, puberty sets a term. It is
-the very latest season for the young to leave the parental nest, to
-live their own lives and build their own nests for themselves. This
-holds true also for the vast majority of the human young, even under
-the protection of industrialized society. At puberty they leave school
-and go to work like their fathers before them, and it is not long until
-they are entirely on their own, and found families and repeat the cycle
-again like their fathers. If the practice of society carries their
-social infancy over into their physiological maturity, it does not do
-so for very long. In essentials they enter into the heritage, such as
-it is, of adulthood, while custom compels the young of the privileged
-residual population to remain in personal and social swaddling clothes.
-
-This compulsion is usually identified with “having advantages.” It is
-exercised upon the young of the rich and protected, not of the poor
-and unprotected. But because the notion prevails that education is the
-chief if not the sole instrument of democracy, and that every man, if
-he has a chance, can be as good as his betters and is entitled to the
-same rights and privileges, the number whom the compulsion reaches has
-increased, since the beginning of the century, well-nigh geometrically.
-Thus, between 1900 and 1930 the high school population has multiplied
-ten-fold; the total number of pupils today is between five and six
-million. And more than a million young men and women are enrolled in
-the colleges and universities. High school and college are considered
-“advantages,” and the essence of the advantage is a social infantilism
-imposed upon a biological maturity.
-
-
-IV
-
-Though education is customarily described as “preparation for life,”
-the ways and works of high schools and colleges are so irrelevant to
-“life” that their prime achievement remains perforce the prolongation
-of infancy. They make adulthood harder to reach, not easier.
-
-What, socially, adulthood consists in, varies a good deal from
-civilization to civilization and from age to age. But everywhere, and
-at all times, it is grounded upon sexual maturity and maintained on
-personal responsibility for winning food, clothing, and shelter, and
-defending one’s self against enemies and disease. Among primitive
-people, adulthood is initiated by puberty and established and
-confirmed by means of certain cruel and terrifying rites through which
-boys and girls are inducted into the society of men and women. Of
-these rites there survives among us today only that form of sadism
-and _schadenfreude_ known as hazing, practiced by upperclassmen on
-newcomers and by fraternity brothers on neophytes. In the school
-tradition these cruelties are meaningless, but in the rites of the
-primitive they compose a part, perhaps a major part, of all the formal
-direct “education” the young savage ever gets. They impose bitter fear
-and exquisite pain which the elders require shall be unflinchingly
-endured. During three weeks, more or less, primitives torture their
-young. When they have finished, the young are utterly initiate, finally
-and completely adults, fully responsible members of their communities.
-
-Classical antiquity prolonged and rationalized this initiatory period.
-Pain and endurance were imposed less directly but, in one way or
-another, they were exacted. The boys of Sparta were segregated from
-their women folk in their seventh year and made charges of the state.
-From their twelfth year to their eighteenth, they were in the constant
-company of their elders, often their elders’ favorite company. They
-collaborated in purveying food, in hunting and in worship. In what
-time remained, they prepared to practise war, the primary vocation
-of the citizen. At eighteen, war became their exclusive concern. In
-Athens, as in Sparta, formal schooling began at the age of seven and
-ended with puberty at about sixteen. Then the boy was presented at
-the Agora. He associated freely with his contemporaries and elders,
-he trained at the gymnasium, attended the law courts and the theatre.
-He was an _ephebus_, and after two years he took the oath of the
-_ephebus_ and his name was written on the list of free citizens. He had
-thereby left the jurisdiction of his parents for the jurisdiction of
-the state. In Rome, a boy entered upon the responsibility of manhood
-when he doffed the _toga praetexta_ and put on manhood’s dress. This
-was during puberty, at about the age of fifteen. Before then he had
-learned at home and in the Forum the arts of war and the law of the
-Twelve Tables. After Roman life became Hellenized, schools acquired a
-vogue; but unless a boy was destined for public life, schooling ended
-at puberty. Otherwise, a boy entered the Rhetoric School and trained
-for his vocation. Among the Jews, a boy assumed adult responsibility
-(he still does so, though it is now merely religious) upon entering
-adolescence. He was then _Bar Mitzvah_. He, and not his father, had
-become responsible for his fulfilling the law and the commandments.
-He underwent a short, formal, preliminary training, and on the Sabbath
-following his birthday his father took him to the synagogue and
-formally renounced responsibility for his son’s life and works.
-
-So, among the primitives and the ancients, physiological maturity was
-the occasion for signalizing and establishing social responsibility,
-of entering into adulthood. This is still the case among the churches.
-Ecclesiastical citizenship is reached at puberty. Puberty is the time
-when Catholic boys and girls are initiated by the priests into the
-mystery of salvation and are endowed with the responsibilities of the
-adult members of the religious community. They undergo confirmation.
-Puberty is the time arranged for the young of the evangelical sects
-to be convicted of sin, to enter into grace, and to join the church.
-Puberty is the time when secularized Jews celebrate _Bar Mitzvah_ as a
-merely religious event. In the definition of adulthood, the churches
-are at one with the ancients.
-
-Almost equally so are the military establishments of states. Military
-duty comes at a much earlier age than civil responsibility. Modern
-industrial nations continue to conscript their young at from sixteen to
-eighteen. Also, the taxing power defines the young as self-supporting
-members of the economic order at eighteen; at that age exemption on
-their account ceases. For tax gatherers and armies, as for religious
-sects, adulthood and sexual readiness lie close together.
-
-And this readiness is recognized in women by custom and law, which set
-the “age of consent” at puberty and raise it nowhere beyond sixteen.
-Moreover the readiness finds its purpose more largely than we imagine
-in marriage. The United States census of 1920 shows that nearly a
-quarter of all young people from fifteen to twenty-four were married,
-and the proportion has not grown less since then. Nor are these
-marriages confined to the poor. The rich signalize their daughters’
-readiness by “presenting them to society” at from sixteen to eighteen;
-and there is much rivalry among “debs” about getting married or at
-least engaged during their first year “out.” The men of this class,
-on the other hand, tend to marry much later, while the average age of
-marriage for the “college bred” of both sexes is unnaturally higher.
-The whole contrasts sharply with the early marriage age of a hundred
-years ago.
-
-
-V
-
-Personal distinction also seems to go with the assumption of adulthood
-soon after puberty. Whether this is attained through some special
-attitude or general ability enchannelled by custom, opportunity,
-or accident in a particular vocation, makes little difference.
-Poets, painters, mathematicians, scientists, engineers, traders of
-distinction, assume the professional attitude and the responsibility of
-adulthood at an early age. Shelley, Keats, Bryant, Peter Cooper, Thomas
-Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, George Eliot, Thomas Edison, Maxwell,
-Galileo, and countless others of the great, all began young. Nelson
-went to sea at twelve and commanded a ship at fifteen. His contemporary
-captains in the American merchant marine were boys of eighteen and
-nineteen. Much of the work of the world continues to be done by men
-and women under twenty-five. Prizefighters are old at thirty. It is a
-favorite doctrine of representative American employers, such as Henry
-Ford, that workingmen over forty are antiquated, and to be scrapped.
-Did not the great Osler advise euthanasia for all men over sixty?
-Nevertheless, the ruling personages in the ruling classes--the captains
-of industry, the masters of finance, the public officials, the judges,
-the generals--are progressively older and older now. They are men whose
-minds had matured and set while their bodies were young, and whose
-policies derive from the unconscious premise that what was modern and
-advanced in their youth is necessarily so in their old age. They are
-the elder statesmen who in their prolonged infancy rule the world....
-
-
-VI
-
-If many of these elder statesmen rule by virtue of distinguished
-ability and early adulthood, most do by virtue of a privileged position
-that delays adulthood and prolongs infancy more literally. The locus
-of this position is the high school and the college, especially the
-college. Owing to democracy, there has been a diffusion of some of
-the privileges of this status to the children of the masses. One of
-its marks is the war against child labor which we have noted, and
-the progressively later age at which work certificates are granted;
-another is the advancement, already referred to, of the age of consent
-and the measures for the protection of girls. Still another, and the
-most signal, is the increase of the high school population from the
-300,000 of 1890 to the 5,000,000 of 1930, and the corresponding growth
-of the body of college students. Nevertheless the difference between
-the working young and the young at school remains still the difference
-between the responsibility of adulthood and the irresponsibility of
-infancy. The difference increases with the income level. The richer the
-class, the more likely are the young to be kept in a state of social
-infancy, the longer is the time delayed when they are permitted to
-assume the responsibilities of adulthood.
-
-The secondary school and the college are by tradition and practice
-instruments pat to the social postponement of adulthood and the
-prolongation of social infancy.
-
-By and large, only those children enter high school who do not need
-to work for a living. They enter about the time that children of
-the residual world enter life, at puberty. Their attending high
-school signalizes an invidious distinction between them and their
-contemporaries, for the high school has been from its beginning a mark
-of “aristocracy.” Even the “commercial” high school, which is yet of
-low esteem beside the high school preparing for college, celebrates
-this invidious distinction. But the real McCoy is the “college
-preparatory.” College sits _in excelsis_. The topmost turn of the
-educational system, it sets the standards and defines the ideal both of
-knowledge and conduct. Secondary-school students consequently prepare
-for college in a far completer way than is recognized. They emulate
-and reproduce the whole pattern and structure of “college life,” with
-its fraternities and other societies, its athletics, its hidden sex
-interests, and all the rest. Indeed, since the “educative process”
-worked by the schools is defined from above downward, the colleges,
-which are for the most part resorts where the well-to-do keep their
-physiologically mature young in a state of personal irresponsibility
-and social-economic dependence, set the standard of education for the
-whole nation.
-
-Practice under this standard maintains a gulf between the curriculum
-and student interests. The school work, as the teacher sees it, makes
-up the “serious purpose” for which schools and colleges exist. Yet here
-is what a boy who believes in this serious purpose writes to the _New
-York Times_ about his education:
-
- “In a few weeks I will be handed a diploma, have my hand shaken by
- sundry individuals, and then told that I have been graduated from
- high school. I am supposed to be educated. The city has provided me
- for some four years with skilled teachers and expensive apparatus and
- told me, ‘Be conscientious in your studies and you shall know.’ I
- know that I have been sincere, but I will tell a few things I do not
- know.
-
- “I know by heart several slices of Shakespeare and Browning, but
- I do not know how to write an ordinary form letter that would be
- accepted by any business firm. I know some irregular French verbs but
- if I were lost in the streets of Paris I would not be able to ask my
- way home. I can, ‘amo, amas, amat,’ also ‘en to oikio ton anthropon
- horo,’ but I cannot keep the ledger in my father’s place of business
- nor send out his monthly statements. I am a member of the tennis team
- and know all the quirks and tricks used in hitting a tennis ball, but
- I do not know how to build a woodshed nor shingle a roof.
-
- “I know how to parse a sentence from Macaulay’s essays, but I do
- not know how to light a match in the wind or chop down a tree. I
- have studied economics until my head is full of raw theories and
- long words, but I do not know the name of the Alderman from our ward
- nor the Congressman from our district, nor the political creeds and
- platforms they have pledged themselves to uphold. I can prove the
- square of the hypothenuse is equal to the sum of the squares of the
- base and the perpendicular, but I do not know how to hang a picture,
- put in a pane of glass or paint a chair. I have studied chemistry
- for a year and have received high marks, but I know nothing of
- food values and gorge myself on what pleases my palate. I received
- 85 per cent in English literature, but I cannot get $15 per week
- writing news for a newspaper, or write an acceptable advertisement,
- and my average conversation is on the level of the tabloid. With
- the exception of the Mayor, I do not know the names of the other
- important officials of the City Government, but I could at random
- name about 95 per cent of the prominent movie actresses and actors,
- prizefighters and baseball players.
-
- “Surely, some vital element is wholly missing from our social
- system which provided for only a classical but not for a practical
- education. I am taught a multitude of subjects, but I am not taught
- how to apply them so that I will be able to make a success of myself
- in my struggle for and with life. Life so far as I have viewed it
- is rose-colored, mellow and delightful, but I know that life is far
- different than I see it at present. None of life’s sorrows, pains
- or struggles have been my lot to embitter and mature my ambitious
- mind. I have been led to regard life as a nut that must be cracked
- to succeed, not as a long hard swim with the odds becoming greater
- against you every moment and if you stop struggling you sink and are
- gone.
-
- “I was educated according to the ancient formulas for producing a
- scholar and a gentleman and I find I have to work for a living.
- I have no taste nor love for hard work, no habits for saving, no
- disposition to resist temptation and no skill in doing anything the
- world is willing to pay for. I am wholly untrained for efficiency,
- and before I succeed in life I will have to undo most of what has
- been taught to me in school.”
-
- B. S.
-
-And this boy is very exceptional. For the school work as the average
-student sees it, is the price in boredom and discomfort which the
-system exacts and which he somewhat unwillingly pays in return for the
-pleasure and excitement of the activities known (and not known) as
-extra-curricular. These and not his studies are what touch the life of
-the student. And these are what the curriculum excludes and teachers
-ignore until they present themselves as disciplinary problems. The age
-of high school and college is the age of poignant laboring over the
-ever-renewed questions of luck and destiny, good and God and evil, of
-groping after first and last things. It is the age of upsurging sexual
-energies, of inevitable preoccupation with sex in all its degrees and
-forms, from romantic love to promiscuity, from fantasy to perversity.
-So far, however, as the mechanisms of curriculum and instruction are
-concerned, students are not males, not females, but sheer intellects,
-uncontaminated by such a vital propulsion, or by any of the others
-whose development, gratification, obstruction, deviation, realization,
-or repression, compose the dynamic units of personality in the living
-adolescent, determining its timbre, emotional quality and behavior
-pattern.
-
-For the most part there is no correspondence between what the students
-spontaneously and directly want and what the higher education provides.
-There is no opportunity for the idealistic initiative, for generous
-self-discipline and adventure, and for the accompanying responsibility
-on matters of serious social import such as adolescence craves and
-students do assume in backward cultures like China or India or Russia
-or the countries of continental Europe. Only athletics provides any
-occasion for the play of emotion and the exercise of the responsibility
-proper to an adult. But athletics is formally extra-curricular, is a
-preoccupation of alumni, highly specialized and professional among its
-practitioners, and to the residual mass of the students a spectacle,
-not a vocation or an activity.
-
-In essence, the secondary and tertiary academic establishments impose
-a double life on the students that enter them. One life is defined by
-the so-called “serious purpose” of the higher education: the course of
-study, the examination, the diplomas, the degrees. The other life is
-defined by the psychological traits, the wants and the frustrations of
-young people between the ages of fourteen and twenty-four. One life is
-the life of the classroom. The other life is the life of the fraternity
-or the sorority, the club, the prom, the press, class-politics,
-“contacts” and all the rest, including the “bull sessions.” To these,
-curriculum and professor are mostly irrelevant; president and dean
-affect them only as policemen affect corner gangs. Yet these are
-what is meant by “college life.” In a word, the correlation between
-the “serious purpose” of the academic establishment and the ruling
-passion of the youthful psyche is negative. “College life” and “serious
-purpose” of schools and colleges are in conflict.
-
-Thus, authorities in secondary schools find obscene notes being passed;
-notice masturbation, spy out chanceful or organized petting parties;
-point to unnecessary noises, desultory killing of time, smart-aleckism,
-and especially to cheating. They make elaborate studies of disciplinary
-situations and talk about bad home conditions, natural meanness, and
-the like. But they ignore the fact that they are themselves passing
-judgment on situations in which they are active parties. How can the
-manifestations of the overruling sex-urge be anything but illicit,
-when school life is overtly organized as if sex were either evil or
-non-existent? To whom are unnecessary noises unnecessary? What else can
-one do with time but kill it desultorily, when one’s ruling passions
-are ignored and one is required to pay attention to matters one’s heart
-cannot possibly be in? As for smart-aleckism and cheating--are not
-those who succeed therein heroes in the eyes of their peers? Do they
-not overcome an enemy and put him in his place?
-
-
-VII
-
-Allowing for the small differences of tradition and maturity, the
-situation is the same in the colleges. The ways of an undergraduate
-community are determined by standards which do not apply to men and
-women of the same age who must work for their livings. For example,
-there survives from the Middle Ages an antagonism between gown and
-town. When this began it involved all the members of the academic
-community--faculty even more than students. It turned on conflicts over
-the very structure of the municipal economy in the course of which
-“gownsmen” established and vindicated their autonomous jurisdiction
-over the persons, properties, and actions of their “own.” College or
-university became a city within a city, sovereign over all affairs
-affecting it, and privileged in the national life. Today, faculty is
-for practical purposes a part of “town.” “Gown” consists only of the
-body of undergraduates. These often stand in a predatory relationship
-to the residual community. They may steal signs, fences, garments, and
-whatnot; they may destroy dishes, furniture, and other property not
-their own--academic or lay; they may brawl on the public street and on
-occasion beat up policemen and citizens without being held responsible
-as workers of the same age would be. They may endeavor in every way to
-“beat the game” in relation to their studies--wangle more cuts than
-they are entitled to, hand in work as their own which is not their
-own, cheat at examinations, and in every other possible way “put it
-over” on the faculty. For an undergraduate to be serious about the
-“serious purpose” of college, to be academically law-abiding, to show
-an interest in studies, is at best to be slightly declassé, at worst to
-be a greasy grind. Any manifestation of friendliness to a teacher is
-“boot-licking.” The total impression which undergraduate conduct makes
-in the mass is of an underground class war between student and faculty;
-and the traditional undergraduate code is a warlike code, requiring
-students under all circumstances whatsoever to stand by each other and
-against the faculty. Even under an “honor system” a “squealer” is as
-total a loss among students as among gangsters.
-
-In sum, tradition allows the college man certain privileges and
-protects his abuse of them. Like the infant, he is held not accountable
-for violations of the adult social code. He is maintained in a state
-of infantile irresponsibility. This state is even more significant, if
-not so conspicuous, in the matter of the basic economy of life. For the
-representative undergraduate does not keep himself. He is kept. He does
-not earn his food and clothing and shelter and entertainment. Again,
-like the infant, he is sheer consumer, not producer; Veblen would call
-him an instrument of “conspicuous consumption” and a foremost avatar of
-the leisure class.
-
-As a community of consumers merely, a student body is no more
-homogeneous than a community of producers. Within the frame of
-similarity generated by the condition of dependence there exist both
-the formal academic gradations dividing year and year as rank and rank,
-and the non-academic but “collegiate” gradations of caste and class,
-interest and attitude. Every college, for example, has its tiny liberal
-group, its sparse collection of students who trouble themselves with
-social problems, international relations, disarmament, and the like.
-This group is usually looked upon as a troublemaking nuisance by the
-college administration (the high point of this attitude may be found
-in the University of Pittsburgh), and as “lousy” by the _arbitres
-elegantiae_ of undergraduate opinion. “Political and social agitation,”
-declares a Yale senior who had degraded himself by concern with such
-agitation, “is frowned upon by undergraduate leaders, and consequently
-relegated to the obscurity of almost clandestine off-campus coteries.”
-
-To no small degree such coteries are made up of students who are
-working their way through college, and what is worse, Jews count
-heavily among them. Yet Jews are the exception that prove the rule.
-Between 1920 and 1930, the tradition of a love of learning which they
-brought to college has been dissipated. The adult responsibility
-which they felt for the problems of their own people and of the
-community at large, and which was signalized by their membership in
-such organizations as the Menorah Societies, the Zionist, the Liberal,
-or the Social Questions Clubs, has been destroyed. As their numbers
-grew, their fields of interest and modes of behavior conformed more
-and more to the prevailing conventions of undergraduate life. Although
-excluded by expanding anti-Semitism from participation in that life,
-they reproduce it, heightened, in an academic ghetto of fraternities,
-sororities, and the like. And they emulate the invidious distinctions
-they suffer from by projecting them upon the Jews too proud, too poor,
-or too Jewish to be eligible for “collegiate” secret societies of Jews.
-
-Because the dynamic distinctions within the academic community are
-invidious only. College is not a republic of letters but a plutocracy
-of fraternities, sororities, clubs, and “activities.” Scholarship is
-no attribute of merit for a student. Athletic prowess, especially
-if conspicuous, could be; but the prepotent properties are wealth,
-sectarian affiliations, and “contacts and connections.” These delimit
-members of the fraternities and sororities. Since initiation fees run
-from $50 to $1000, and membership is correspondingly expensive, a rich
-father is the prime qualification for the prospective “pledge.” Before
-pledging, such a prospect is courted like a bride. Pledging is followed
-by initiation, which often lasts months. It begins in hazing and may
-grow into sadistic torture, recalling the rites of the primitives.
-It culminates in a solemn self-dedication with highfalutin’ vows
-whose practical application to the subsequent daily life amounts to
-training in the amenities (à la Emily Post); “loyalty” to “brothers”
-in the competition for the cream in undergraduate activities such as
-class-politics, proms, athletics, and the like; collaboration, mostly
-illicit, with brothers and sisters to insure their passing examinations
-or any other kind of test; and most of all, in the facilitation of
-“contacts.”
-
-Thus the academic aristocracy are indoctrinated in the academic
-“traditions” and equipped to watch over them. These have primarily to
-do with the _mores_ of garb and conduct ordained for freshmen, with the
-prerogatives of upperclassmen, such as wearing shorts and slickers, and
-similar matters reminiscent of the primitives. If they are moved by
-social and political questions at all, it is at times of presidential
-elections, when national committees--Republican, mostly--have been
-known to put a good deal of money into corralling “the college vote.”
-In times of strike, as during the Boston street railway strike, some
-of the better-class Harvard undergraduates had almost as much fun
-strike-breaking as they used to have rioting after a rare football
-victory over Yale. But the record hardly ever shows considered
-idealism, spontaneous, generous giving of goods and self, such as one
-finds among the students in Europe and Asia. The American undergraduate
-makes the impression of a self-centered and selfish creature, absorbed
-in trivialities, comfort-loving, reactionary and irresponsible; in a
-word, infantile.
-
-
-VIII
-
-Graduates, recalling their college life, tend to fall into two groups.
-One group see college as the happiest time of their lives--and why
-should they not? This group composes the backbone of the alumni
-associations, forever whoops it up for “dear ol’ Whatsis,” and proves
-the life of the party at alumni reunions, especially those where good
-liquor is poured out in the hopeless effort to make the man a boy
-again, while he stays a father too.
-
-By the other group, college is recalled as a waste of time. The
-transition from the position of a kept and protected favorite child
-into that of a grown man under the imperative of having to earn his
-own keep has worked a disillusionment. Instead of getting the job he
-believes his degree entitles him to, he finds himself a superfluity in
-the labor market. Employers are likely to speak of him as bumptious,
-immature, undeveloped, a cub. He finds, even for the simplest tasks,
-either that he must unlearn what he has learned, or, if he is lucky,
-that he has no training at all. He begins to regret his college life
-and to consider that college has failed him. Thinking about it, as did
-Philip Wylie, he realizes that “the serious purpose” of college not
-only was not serious to him, but could not have been. For, as the New
-York boy found already in high school, the curriculum offers him no
-momentous living option. The subject matter is irrelevant to all that
-is dynamic in him, it lacks vital links with both the passions of his
-heart and the actual world where, after college, he must live and move
-and have his being. It is presented mostly by persons to whom teaching
-is as much a disagreeable penalty for the amenities of “scholarly” life
-as learning is to the student for the amenities of college life. Hence,
-the student seeks to pay the minimum penalty, which is to pass his
-examination by any means whatsoever. Sometimes the disillusion rises
-during undergraduate years. Then there are editorials in the college
-papers. Administrations are criticized, professors are graded, courses
-are scored, abuses are denounced. Deans and faculties squirm and are
-glad when the student interest in education subsides. Fortunately
-such bursts of interest are rare interludes. For the most part, it is
-faculties, not students, who are agitated about education.
-
-And why should students be agitated about anything still so monastic,
-that isolates nearly all of those who enter upon it from the realities
-among which they expect to spend their lives, and sustains them in a
-state of irresponsibility and irrelevance? At an age when body and mind
-cry out against infancy, “the higher education” prolongs infancy; it
-sets up and maintains a conflict between psychobiological adulthood and
-social childishness. In this conflict “college life” has its fertile
-soil. It nourishes all those psychological expressions which fall
-into the patterns of undergraduate attitudes and behavior that are
-designated by the word “collegiate.”
-
-An apt example of what “collegiate” has come to mean in these United
-States broke into public view during the fall of 1931. The occasion
-was an article from the pen of the editor-in-chief of the _Spectator_,
-which is the student daily paper at Columbia University in New York
-City. The article was a serious and intelligent endeavor by a student
-whose social maturity had by some stroke of chance kept pace with
-his physiological adulthood, to deal seriously with the realities of
-athletics, especially football, at Columbia. It called for the public
-recognition of football as the professional vocation it actually
-is, and for ordaining coaches as reasonably-paid instructors and
-not as super-salaried dictators. Of course the response was anger,
-denunciation, threats against the writer. Among the commentators was
-the alumni secretary. “The editorial is nonsense,” he said. “The matter
-is complicated but there are lots of reasons why the head football
-coach should get a larger salary than a professor. The editor of the
-_Spectator_ is too serious-minded. He should be more collegiate.”
-
-So standard is this usage of “collegiate” that the very students whose
-habits sustain it, admonish each other: “Oh, don’t be so collegiate,”
-and in one of the women’s colleges--women’s, _nota bene_--“Don’t be
-collegiate” is a commandment which upperclassmen deliver from the Sinai
-of their seniority to freshmen entering.
-
-But so long as colleges are managed as they are managed, and college
-teaching continues as and what it is, it is impossible that students
-should not be, in one form or another, collegiate--that is, adults
-conducting themselves like children. For social adulthood consists
-in self-support and self-management, in moral responsibility and
-intellectual integrity. These are facilitated by physiological maturity
-but are by no means identical with it. Physiological maturity comes as
-an instinctive ripening, in the course of nature. Social adulthood is a
-learned mode of behavior in the social environment; a system of habits
-acquired, not a state of the body grown into. This is why bodies may
-grow up and grow old while minds and hearts remain infantile. And this
-is why adulthood cannot be learned in colleges as they are any more
-than swimming can be learned on dry land; the medium is too different,
-too alien. This is why such academic reformations as those at Harvard
-or Wisconsin or Chicago are futile jugglings of the same pieces,
-whereas what is required are new materials and new forms. Antioch
-comes closer to putting the student on his own as a self-supporting,
-self-managing adult, but in Antioch the work on the job and the classes
-in the college are far from the interfusion they require. Nevertheless,
-Antioch points the hopeful direction of change for colleges that desire
-to stop prolonging infancy and to begin educating adults.
-
-
-
-
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-14. H. G. WELLS.
-
- _What Should be Done--Now_: A Memorandum on the World Situation.
-
-15. V. F. CALVERTON.
-
- _For Revolution._
-
-16. HORACE M. KALLEN.
-
- _College Prolongs Infancy._
-
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-<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of College prolongs infancy, by Horace M. Kallen</p>
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-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: College prolongs infancy</p>
-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Horace M. Kallen</p>
-<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: July 19, 2022 [eBook #68570]</p>
-<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p>
- <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: Tim Lindell, David E. Brown, and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This book was produced from images made available by the HathiTrust Digital Library.)</p>
-<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK COLLEGE PROLONGS INFANCY ***</div>
-
-<div class="figcenter hide"><img src="images/cover.jpg" width="450" alt="" /></div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<p class="center">25 cents <span class="gap"> (35 cents in Canada)</span></p>
-
-<p class="center"><i>THE</i> JOHN DAY <i>PAMPHLETS</i>—No. 16</p>
-
-<h1>COLLEGE<br />
-PROLONGS INFANCY</h1>
-
-<p class="center"><i>by</i></p>
-
-<p class="ph1">HORACE M. KALLEN</p>
-
-<p>“... the ideals and methods which
-are dynamic in our institutions of
-higher learning are false. They are false
-to the students, false to the social purpose
-which nourishes them, false to the
-inward nature of education itself. They
-are false because they are irrelevant.
-And they are irrelevant because they
-are for the most part unabsorbed survivals
-from a pre-industrial past in an
-industrial age.</p>
-
-<p>“Though education is customarily described
-as ‘preparation for life’, the
-ways and works of high schools and colleges
-are so irrelevant to ‘life’ that their
-prime achievement remains perforce the
-prolongation of infancy. They make
-adulthood harder to reach, not easier.”</p>
-
-<p class="center">*<span class="gap">*</span><span class="gap">*</span></p>
-
-<p class="center"><i>See back flap for the complete list of</i><br />
-THE JOHN DAY PAMPHLETS.</p>
-
-<p class="ph1">THE JOHN DAY COMPANY</p>
-<p class="center">386 Fourth Avenue, New York</p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<p class="ph2">COLLEGE PROLONGS INFANCY</p>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<div class="figcenter"><img src="images/i_title.jpg" alt="" /></div>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-<div class="titlepage">
-
-<p class="ph2">COLLEGE PROLONGS<br />
-INFANCY</p>
-
-<p>by<br />
-
-HORACE M. KALLEN</p>
-
-<p><i>New York</i><br />
-THE JOHN DAY COMPANY</p>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<p class="center">Copyright, 1932, by <span class="smcap">Horace M. Kallen</span></p>
-
-<p class="center">Printed in U. S. A.<br />
-by The Stratford Press, Inc.,<br />
-New York City</p>
-</div>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[7]</span>
-</div>
-
-<p><span class="xxxlarge">A</span>N IRONIST reviewing higher education in
-America since 1920 would find himself struck by three
-things.</p>
-
-<p>First, perhaps, he would appreciate the gargantuan
-inflation of pedagogic lore, with its elaborate formalism,
-its pretensions to precise measurements of mind and character,
-its blowing up “scientific method” into a meticulous
-ceremonial with the efficacy of a church ritual. Second, the
-overgrowth of the educational plant might captivate him:
-the immense accretion of endowment, the blowsy additions
-to properties, and the multiplication by millions of teachers
-and students. Lastly, our ironist might admire a wide
-and spreading unrest about the effectiveness of the system
-as an instrument of education. He would take note of
-much fuss and ferment respecting “progressive education”
-and “adult education.” He would overhear oracles by
-parents, teachers, and college presidents on why students
-do anything but study and on how to make them study.
-He would discern how the prescriptions vary, all the way
-from Mr. Lowell’s house-system at Harvard University to
-Mr. Meiklejohn’s “experimental college” at the University
-of Wisconsin. As a popular alternative, the suggestion
-would intrigue him that far more students are enrolled
-than are “fit” for the higher education, and that this
-aristocratic privilege should be limited to the “fit” alone;
-the “fit,” of course, being those young people who are
-shown to be as nearly like their teachers as differences of
-age, income and interest permit.</p>
-
-<p>“The idea that going to college is one of the inherent
-rights of man,” President Lowell wails, “seems to have
-obtained a baseless foothold in the minds of many of our
-people. To select the fit and devote our energies to them
-is our duty to the public for whose service we exist.” And<span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[8]</span>
-President Comfort of Haverford bemoans how the diversions
-which are college life “have cut deep into the serious
-purpose for which the colleges exist.”</p>
-
-<p>Obviously the searching of the heart concerning the
-values of a college education does not reach to the essentials
-of the academic tradition. The ancient notions remain
-ineffable and inviolable. They presume that students exist
-for the sake of the school, not the school for the sake of
-the students. Hence the inquiry treats only of who shall
-be admitted to the sacred fane and by what steps. That in
-any issue between system and student, the system might
-be wrong is inconceivable. The pedagogues, like the prohibitionists,
-find it unbelievable that their engines of grace
-can be tools of darkness; that they fail, not because those
-to whom they are applied are intransigently bad, but because
-their own methods and ideals are intransigently
-false....</p>
-
-<p>As I see them, the ideals and methods which are dynamic
-in our institutions of higher learning are false. They are
-false to the students, false to the social purpose which
-nourishes them, false to the inward nature of education
-itself. They are false because they are irrelevant. And they
-are irrelevant because they are for the most part unabsorbed
-survivals from a pre-industrial past in an industrial
-age. But in the eyes of the academicians the
-failure of the colleges is caused by the deficiencies of the
-environment, not by their own inherent incapacities. To
-save themselves, therefore, they reaffirm anew the invidious
-ideals of a bygone social economy, and appeal to a persisting
-snobbism to offset their own growing desuetude. So
-they complain about the elevation of going to college into
-an “inherent right” and about the droves of undergraduates
-whose heedless ways cut deep into “the serious
-purpose” for which college exists.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[9]</span></p>
-
-<h2>II</h2>
-
-<p>But if a new “inherent right” has been born into the
-world, if undergraduate life is in conflict with the “serious
-purpose” of higher education, the causes thereof are
-better understood and faced than ignored or belittled. For
-they are constant causes, and their scope and intensity do
-not lessen with the days. Though the colleges remain tangent
-to the realities, they have been far from untouched....</p>
-
-<p>Of these realities, one is the constant, if obstructed,
-drive toward democracy, based on the dogma of natural
-rights which animated the wars and works of the founding
-fathers: free public education is a primary, if abated,
-attainment of this drive. Another is the correlated growth
-of population, cities, and natural resources: the dropsical
-school systems, public and private, are by-products of
-this increase. In a century the wealth of the United
-States has multiplied by inconceivable ratios. Even in
-1932, at the very trough of a signal deflation, national
-wealth and income must be stated in figures that have no
-empirical living meaning. They are merely symbols of
-indefinitely extending power—manpower and machine-power;
-and of the organization of this power in dynamic
-patterns that constitute a social economy.</p>
-
-<p>With this organization, there has come an increase in
-essential security. In spite of the business-cycle, in spite
-of unemployment, social waste, and all the rest of the
-major evils of industrial civilization, its individual citizens
-are better fed, better housed, in better health, and
-have better times than their pre-industrial ancestors.
-Their average expectation of life has increased from
-forty-seven years to fifty-eight. The society they compose
-is physiologically more adult, more aged, than the society
-of their forbears. More of its members are over forty,
-fewer of them are under seventeen. During the century of
-industrialization the proportion of children to adults has<span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">[10]</span>
-decreased by more than a half. This does not mean that
-the same number of children are born and more die. It
-means that fewer are born and far fewer die.</p>
-
-<p>Far fewer die because all receive a great deal better
-care than even the children of the richest used to get a
-hundred years ago. This care comes only somewhat accidentally
-and in a disordered way from the parents. It
-comes systematically from the community. The average
-parent of the working class deals with his children much
-as his own parents dealt with him. He in the main realizes
-that the child requires and somehow receives absorbed attention
-in extreme infancy. Past that stage, he leaves it
-more and more to itself. All that he asks of it is to make
-itself as little troublesome and as largely convenient as
-possible. For the rest, it is out on the street to grow its
-way into adulthood for itself, troubled by only occasional
-irruptions of disciplinary or exploitative parental interest,
-and by admonitions from the cop on the beat.</p>
-
-<p>To the socially-minded part of the community this is a
-dangerous situation. They fear disease and crime. They
-talk about corner gangs; about the break-down of family
-life. They regard it as of supreme importance “to get
-the children off the street.” Social settlements, boys’
-clubs, scouting, playgrounds, and other semi-public and
-public enterprises have come up largely as instruments
-toward this end. But the chief instrument has become the
-school.</p>
-
-<p>Since 1900, the school, more than any other social
-agency, is conceived first as supplementing, then as replacing,
-the home, and as exercising its function. The
-school authority is established in a practically complete
-jurisdiction over the child. Its field expands from indoctrination
-in the three R’s and patriotism to teaching personal
-hygiene; from teaching personal hygiene to official
-supervision over the details of health—the care of the
-teeth, ears and eyes, the adequacy of diet; and finally to
-keeping an eye on the personal relations of children with<span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[11]</span>
-their parents themselves. In a word, the school invades
-the home and takes over more and more of its functions.
-By its means the control of the child is “socialized.”</p>
-
-<p>Now on the face of it, this socialization appears unconnected
-with the drive and intent of industry as such.
-It looks rather like a defense against industry. Its animus
-is humanitarian, not economic; its effect is to delay the
-functional installation of the child in the economic system.
-Child labor is quite properly frowned on and hemmed
-in with rules and restrictions. Schooling is imposed and
-prolonged to later and later years; where it cannot be
-made exclusive it is made concurrent with the work-life by
-means of the continuation schools. And high schools and
-state universities extend the possibility of schooling as a
-free public function right up to the voting age and beyond.
-The immense national wealth makes this possible
-and easy; it enables the upkeep and expansion of an educational
-system whose per capita cost is greater than that
-of any other country in the world. Whether any connection
-obtains between these superiorities and the fact that
-Americans also enjoy a corresponding superiority in juvenile
-delinquency and crime I cannot say. The paradox
-is the more interesting because, as schoolmen are likely
-to boast, the school is often used by the child as a refuge
-from home and the street, as a place of sanctuary and
-safety.</p>
-
-<p>Explanation is not easy. On the face of it, the socialization
-of child-control tends to defeat its own ends. And it
-tends to defeat its own ends because its instrument is an
-unnatural environment which offers no field for the assumption
-and discharge of natural responsibilities such
-as develop in the circle of an adequate family life. It keeps
-the young in a state that is tantamount to an artificial
-prolongation of infancy.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[12]</span></p>
-
-<h2>III</h2>
-
-<p>Now, in terms of the mechanics of the social economy,
-infants are parasites upon the body politic. They are
-sheer consumers, producing nothing; and in the world of
-nature they absorb the time and attention of adults only
-until they are ready to produce for themselves what they
-consume. The more complex the organism, the more highly
-organized the nervous system and the social life of a
-species, the longer the period of gestation, and the more
-prolonged the dependence of the new-born and the young
-on the parents. A dog will reach adulthood in about a
-year. A human infant takes from eleven to fifteen years,
-if we mean by adulthood what constitutes it biologically—namely,
-sexual maturity. Birds and animals are ready
-and able to fend for themselves some time before sexual
-maturity sets in, and data are not lacking in the record
-that manchildren—like Russia’s <i>bezprizorny</i> or waifs—also
-can if need presses. But for all species alike, puberty
-sets a term. It is the very latest season for the young to
-leave the parental nest, to live their own lives and build
-their own nests for themselves. This holds true also for the
-vast majority of the human young, even under the protection
-of industrialized society. At puberty they leave
-school and go to work like their fathers before them, and
-it is not long until they are entirely on their own, and
-found families and repeat the cycle again like their fathers.
-If the practice of society carries their social infancy
-over into their physiological maturity, it does not
-do so for very long. In essentials they enter into the heritage,
-such as it is, of adulthood, while custom compels
-the young of the privileged residual population to remain
-in personal and social swaddling clothes.</p>
-
-<p>This compulsion is usually identified with “having advantages.”
-It is exercised upon the young of the rich and
-protected, not of the poor and unprotected. But because
-the notion prevails that education is the chief if not the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[13]</span>
-sole instrument of democracy, and that every man, if he
-has a chance, can be as good as his betters and is entitled
-to the same rights and privileges, the number whom the
-compulsion reaches has increased, since the beginning of
-the century, well-nigh geometrically. Thus, between 1900
-and 1930 the high school population has multiplied ten-fold;
-the total number of pupils today is between five and
-six million. And more than a million young men and
-women are enrolled in the colleges and universities. High
-school and college are considered “advantages,” and the
-essence of the advantage is a social infantilism imposed
-upon a biological maturity.</p>
-
-<h2>IV</h2>
-
-<p>Though education is customarily described as “preparation
-for life,” the ways and works of high schools and
-colleges are so irrelevant to “life” that their prime
-achievement remains perforce the prolongation of infancy.
-They make adulthood harder to reach, not easier.</p>
-
-<p>What, socially, adulthood consists in, varies a good
-deal from civilization to civilization and from age to age.
-But everywhere, and at all times, it is grounded upon
-sexual maturity and maintained on personal responsibility
-for winning food, clothing, and shelter, and defending
-one’s self against enemies and disease. Among primitive
-people, adulthood is initiated by puberty and established
-and confirmed by means of certain cruel and terrifying
-rites through which boys and girls are inducted into the
-society of men and women. Of these rites there survives
-among us today only that form of sadism and <i>schadenfreude</i>
-known as hazing, practiced by upperclassmen on
-newcomers and by fraternity brothers on neophytes. In
-the school tradition these cruelties are meaningless, but in
-the rites of the primitive they compose a part, perhaps
-a major part, of all the formal direct “education” the
-young savage ever gets. They impose bitter fear and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[14]</span>
-exquisite pain which the elders require shall be unflinchingly
-endured. During three weeks, more or less, primitives
-torture their young. When they have finished, the
-young are utterly initiate, finally and completely adults,
-fully responsible members of their communities.</p>
-
-<p>Classical antiquity prolonged and rationalized this
-initiatory period. Pain and endurance were imposed less
-directly but, in one way or another, they were exacted.
-The boys of Sparta were segregated from their women
-folk in their seventh year and made charges of the state.
-From their twelfth year to their eighteenth, they were in
-the constant company of their elders, often their elders’
-favorite company. They collaborated in purveying food,
-in hunting and in worship. In what time remained, they
-prepared to practise war, the primary vocation of the
-citizen. At eighteen, war became their exclusive concern.
-In Athens, as in Sparta, formal schooling began at the
-age of seven and ended with puberty at about sixteen.
-Then the boy was presented at the Agora. He associated
-freely with his contemporaries and elders, he trained at
-the gymnasium, attended the law courts and the theatre.
-He was an <i>ephebus</i>, and after two years he took the oath
-of the <i>ephebus</i> and his name was written on the list of
-free citizens. He had thereby left the jurisdiction of his
-parents for the jurisdiction of the state. In Rome, a boy
-entered upon the responsibility of manhood when he doffed
-the <i>toga praetexta</i> and put on manhood’s dress. This was
-during puberty, at about the age of fifteen. Before then
-he had learned at home and in the Forum the arts of war
-and the law of the Twelve Tables. After Roman life became
-Hellenized, schools acquired a vogue; but unless a
-boy was destined for public life, schooling ended at puberty.
-Otherwise, a boy entered the Rhetoric School and
-trained for his vocation. Among the Jews, a boy assumed
-adult responsibility (he still does so, though it is now
-merely religious) upon entering adolescence. He was then
-<i>Bar Mitzvah</i>. He, and not his father, had become responsible<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[15]</span>
-for his fulfilling the law and the commandments. He
-underwent a short, formal, preliminary training, and on
-the Sabbath following his birthday his father took him to
-the synagogue and formally renounced responsibility for
-his son’s life and works.</p>
-
-<p>So, among the primitives and the ancients, physiological
-maturity was the occasion for signalizing and
-establishing social responsibility, of entering into adulthood.
-This is still the case among the churches. Ecclesiastical
-citizenship is reached at puberty. Puberty is the time
-when Catholic boys and girls are initiated by the priests
-into the mystery of salvation and are endowed with the
-responsibilities of the adult members of the religious community.
-They undergo confirmation. Puberty is the time
-arranged for the young of the evangelical sects to be convicted
-of sin, to enter into grace, and to join the church.
-Puberty is the time when secularized Jews celebrate <i>Bar
-Mitzvah</i> as a merely religious event. In the definition of
-adulthood, the churches are at one with the ancients.</p>
-
-<p>Almost equally so are the military establishments of
-states. Military duty comes at a much earlier age than
-civil responsibility. Modern industrial nations continue to
-conscript their young at from sixteen to eighteen. Also,
-the taxing power defines the young as self-supporting
-members of the economic order at eighteen; at that age
-exemption on their account ceases. For tax gatherers and
-armies, as for religious sects, adulthood and sexual readiness
-lie close together.</p>
-
-<p>And this readiness is recognized in women by custom
-and law, which set the “age of consent” at puberty and
-raise it nowhere beyond sixteen. Moreover the readiness
-finds its purpose more largely than we imagine in marriage.
-The United States census of 1920 shows that nearly
-a quarter of all young people from fifteen to twenty-four
-were married, and the proportion has not grown less since
-then. Nor are these marriages confined to the poor. The
-rich signalize their daughters’ readiness by “presenting<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[16]</span>
-them to society” at from sixteen to eighteen; and there is
-much rivalry among “debs” about getting married or at
-least engaged during their first year “out.” The men of
-this class, on the other hand, tend to marry much later,
-while the average age of marriage for the “college bred”
-of both sexes is unnaturally higher. The whole contrasts
-sharply with the early marriage age of a hundred years
-ago.</p>
-
-<h2>V</h2>
-
-<p>Personal distinction also seems to go with the assumption
-of adulthood soon after puberty. Whether this is
-attained through some special attitude or general ability
-enchannelled by custom, opportunity, or accident in a particular
-vocation, makes little difference. Poets, painters,
-mathematicians, scientists, engineers, traders of distinction,
-assume the professional attitude and the responsibility
-of adulthood at an early age. Shelley, Keats, Bryant,
-Peter Cooper, Thomas Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin,
-George Eliot, Thomas Edison, Maxwell, Galileo, and
-countless others of the great, all began young. Nelson
-went to sea at twelve and commanded a ship at fifteen. His
-contemporary captains in the American merchant marine
-were boys of eighteen and nineteen. Much of the work of
-the world continues to be done by men and women under
-twenty-five. Prizefighters are old at thirty. It is a favorite
-doctrine of representative American employers, such as
-Henry Ford, that workingmen over forty are antiquated,
-and to be scrapped. Did not the great Osler advise euthanasia
-for all men over sixty? Nevertheless, the ruling personages
-in the ruling classes—the captains of industry,
-the masters of finance, the public officials, the judges, the
-generals—are progressively older and older now. They are
-men whose minds had matured and set while their bodies
-were young, and whose policies derive from the unconscious
-premise that what was modern and advanced in<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">[17]</span>
-their youth is necessarily so in their old age. They are the
-elder statesmen who in their prolonged infancy rule the
-world....</p>
-
-<h2>VI</h2>
-
-<p>If many of these elder statesmen rule by virtue of distinguished
-ability and early adulthood, most do by virtue
-of a privileged position that delays adulthood and prolongs
-infancy more literally. The locus of this position is
-the high school and the college, especially the college.
-Owing to democracy, there has been a diffusion of some of
-the privileges of this status to the children of the masses.
-One of its marks is the war against child labor which we
-have noted, and the progressively later age at which work
-certificates are granted; another is the advancement, already
-referred to, of the age of consent and the measures
-for the protection of girls. Still another, and the most
-signal, is the increase of the high school population from
-the 300,000 of 1890 to the 5,000,000 of 1930, and the
-corresponding growth of the body of college students.
-Nevertheless the difference between the working young and
-the young at school remains still the difference between
-the responsibility of adulthood and the irresponsibility of
-infancy. The difference increases with the income level.
-The richer the class, the more likely are the young to be
-kept in a state of social infancy, the longer is the time
-delayed when they are permitted to assume the responsibilities
-of adulthood.</p>
-
-<p>The secondary school and the college are by tradition
-and practice instruments pat to the social postponement
-of adulthood and the prolongation of social infancy.</p>
-
-<p>By and large, only those children enter high school who
-do not need to work for a living. They enter about the
-time that children of the residual world enter life, at
-puberty. Their attending high school signalizes an invidious
-distinction between them and their contemporaries,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">[18]</span>
-for the high school has been from its beginning a mark of
-“aristocracy.” Even the “commercial” high school, which
-is yet of low esteem beside the high school preparing for
-college, celebrates this invidious distinction. But the real
-McCoy is the “college preparatory.” College sits <i>in excelsis</i>.
-The topmost turn of the educational system, it sets
-the standards and defines the ideal both of knowledge and
-conduct. Secondary-school students consequently prepare
-for college in a far completer way than is recognized. They
-emulate and reproduce the whole pattern and structure of
-“college life,” with its fraternities and other societies, its
-athletics, its hidden sex interests, and all the rest. Indeed,
-since the “educative process” worked by the schools is
-defined from above downward, the colleges, which are for
-the most part resorts where the well-to-do keep their
-physiologically mature young in a state of personal irresponsibility
-and social-economic dependence, set the
-standard of education for the whole nation.</p>
-
-<p>Practice under this standard maintains a gulf between
-the curriculum and student interests. The school work, as
-the teacher sees it, makes up the “serious purpose” for
-which schools and colleges exist. Yet here is what a boy
-who believes in this serious purpose writes to the <i>New
-York Times</i> about his education:</p>
-
-<div class="blockquot">
-
-<p>“In a few weeks I will be handed a diploma, have my
-hand shaken by sundry individuals, and then told that I
-have been graduated from high school. I am supposed to
-be educated. The city has provided me for some four years
-with skilled teachers and expensive apparatus and told me,
-‘Be conscientious in your studies and you shall know.’ I
-know that I have been sincere, but I will tell a few things
-I do not know.</p>
-
-<p>“I know by heart several slices of Shakespeare and
-Browning, but I do not know how to write an ordinary
-form letter that would be accepted by any business firm.
-I know some irregular French verbs but if I were lost in
-the streets of Paris I would not be able to ask my way<span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">[19]</span>
-home. I can, ‘amo, amas, amat,’ also ‘en to oikio ton
-anthropon horo,’ but I cannot keep the ledger in my
-father’s place of business nor send out his monthly statements.
-I am a member of the tennis team and know all
-the quirks and tricks used in hitting a tennis ball, but I
-do not know how to build a woodshed nor shingle a roof.</p>
-
-<p>“I know how to parse a sentence from Macaulay’s
-essays, but I do not know how to light a match in the
-wind or chop down a tree. I have studied economics until
-my head is full of raw theories and long words, but I do
-not know the name of the Alderman from our ward nor
-the Congressman from our district, nor the political
-creeds and platforms they have pledged themselves to
-uphold. I can prove the square of the hypothenuse is
-equal to the sum of the squares of the base and the perpendicular,
-but I do not know how to hang a picture, put
-in a pane of glass or paint a chair. I have studied chemistry
-for a year and have received high marks, but I know
-nothing of food values and gorge myself on what pleases
-my palate. I received 85 per cent in English literature,
-but I cannot get $15 per week writing news for a newspaper,
-or write an acceptable advertisement, and my average
-conversation is on the level of the tabloid. With the exception
-of the Mayor, I do not know the names of the
-other important officials of the City Government, but I
-could at random name about 95 per cent of the prominent
-movie actresses and actors, prizefighters and baseball
-players.</p>
-
-<p>“Surely, some vital element is wholly missing from our
-social system which provided for only a classical but not
-for a practical education. I am taught a multitude of subjects,
-but I am not taught how to apply them so that I
-will be able to make a success of myself in my struggle
-for and with life. Life so far as I have viewed it is rose-colored,
-mellow and delightful, but I know that life is far
-different than I see it at present. None of life’s sorrows,
-pains or struggles have been my lot to embitter and mature
-my ambitious mind. I have been led to regard life as
-a nut that must be cracked to succeed, not as a long hard
-swim with the odds becoming greater against you every<span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">[20]</span>
-moment and if you stop struggling you sink and are gone.</p>
-
-<p>“I was educated according to the ancient formulas for
-producing a scholar and a gentleman and I find I have
-to work for a living. I have no taste nor love for hard
-work, no habits for saving, no disposition to resist temptation
-and no skill in doing anything the world is willing to
-pay for. I am wholly untrained for efficiency, and before
-I succeed in life I will have to undo most of what has been
-taught to me in school.”</p>
-
-<p class="right">B. S.</p>
-</div>
-
-<p>And this boy is very exceptional. For the school work
-as the average student sees it, is the price in boredom
-and discomfort which the system exacts and which he
-somewhat unwillingly pays in return for the pleasure and
-excitement of the activities known (and not known) as
-extra-curricular. These and not his studies are what touch
-the life of the student. And these are what the curriculum
-excludes and teachers ignore until they present themselves
-as disciplinary problems. The age of high school
-and college is the age of poignant laboring over the ever-renewed
-questions of luck and destiny, good and God and
-evil, of groping after first and last things. It is the age
-of upsurging sexual energies, of inevitable preoccupation
-with sex in all its degrees and forms, from romantic love
-to promiscuity, from fantasy to perversity. So far, however,
-as the mechanisms of curriculum and instruction are
-concerned, students are not males, not females, but sheer
-intellects, uncontaminated by such a vital propulsion, or
-by any of the others whose development, gratification, obstruction,
-deviation, realization, or repression, compose
-the dynamic units of personality in the living adolescent,
-determining its timbre, emotional quality and behavior
-pattern.</p>
-
-<p>For the most part there is no correspondence between
-what the students spontaneously and directly want and
-what the higher education provides. There is no opportunity<span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">[21]</span>
-for the idealistic initiative, for generous self-discipline
-and adventure, and for the accompanying responsibility
-on matters of serious social import such as
-adolescence craves and students do assume in backward
-cultures like China or India or Russia or the countries of
-continental Europe. Only athletics provides any occasion
-for the play of emotion and the exercise of the responsibility
-proper to an adult. But athletics is formally extra-curricular,
-is a preoccupation of alumni, highly specialized
-and professional among its practitioners, and to the
-residual mass of the students a spectacle, not a vocation
-or an activity.</p>
-
-<p>In essence, the secondary and tertiary academic establishments
-impose a double life on the students that enter
-them. One life is defined by the so-called “serious purpose”
-of the higher education: the course of study, the
-examination, the diplomas, the degrees. The other life is
-defined by the psychological traits, the wants and the
-frustrations of young people between the ages of fourteen
-and twenty-four. One life is the life of the classroom. The
-other life is the life of the fraternity or the sorority, the
-club, the prom, the press, class-politics, “contacts” and
-all the rest, including the “bull sessions.” To these, curriculum
-and professor are mostly irrelevant; president and
-dean affect them only as policemen affect corner gangs.
-Yet these are what is meant by “college life.” In a word,
-the correlation between the “serious purpose” of the academic
-establishment and the ruling passion of the youthful
-psyche is negative. “College life” and “serious purpose” of
-schools and colleges are in conflict.</p>
-
-<p>Thus, authorities in secondary schools find obscene
-notes being passed; notice masturbation, spy out chanceful
-or organized petting parties; point to unnecessary
-noises, desultory killing of time, smart-aleckism, and especially
-to cheating. They make elaborate studies of disciplinary
-situations and talk about bad home conditions,
-natural meanness, and the like. But they ignore the fact<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">[22]</span>
-that they are themselves passing judgment on situations
-in which they are active parties. How can the manifestations
-of the overruling sex-urge be anything but illicit,
-when school life is overtly organized as if sex were either
-evil or non-existent? To whom are unnecessary noises unnecessary?
-What else can one do with time but kill it
-desultorily, when one’s ruling passions are ignored and
-one is required to pay attention to matters one’s heart
-cannot possibly be in? As for smart-aleckism and cheating—are
-not those who succeed therein heroes in the eyes
-of their peers? Do they not overcome an enemy and put
-him in his place?</p>
-
-<h2>VII</h2>
-
-<p>Allowing for the small differences of tradition and maturity,
-the situation is the same in the colleges. The ways
-of an undergraduate community are determined by standards
-which do not apply to men and women of the same
-age who must work for their livings. For example, there
-survives from the Middle Ages an antagonism between
-gown and town. When this began it involved all the members
-of the academic community—faculty even more than
-students. It turned on conflicts over the very structure of
-the municipal economy in the course of which “gownsmen”
-established and vindicated their autonomous jurisdiction
-over the persons, properties, and actions of their “own.”
-College or university became a city within a city, sovereign
-over all affairs affecting it, and privileged in the
-national life. Today, faculty is for practical purposes a
-part of “town.” “Gown” consists only of the body of
-undergraduates. These often stand in a predatory relationship
-to the residual community. They may steal signs,
-fences, garments, and whatnot; they may destroy dishes,
-furniture, and other property not their own—academic or
-lay; they may brawl on the public street and on occasion
-beat up policemen and citizens without being held responsible<span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">[23]</span>
-as workers of the same age would be. They may
-endeavor in every way to “beat the game” in relation to
-their studies—wangle more cuts than they are entitled
-to, hand in work as their own which is not their own, cheat
-at examinations, and in every other possible way “put it
-over” on the faculty. For an undergraduate to be serious
-about the “serious purpose” of college, to be academically
-law-abiding, to show an interest in studies, is at best to
-be slightly declassé, at worst to be a greasy grind. Any
-manifestation of friendliness to a teacher is “boot-licking.”
-The total impression which undergraduate conduct makes
-in the mass is of an underground class war between student
-and faculty; and the traditional undergraduate code
-is a warlike code, requiring students under all circumstances
-whatsoever to stand by each other and against the
-faculty. Even under an “honor system” a “squealer” is as
-total a loss among students as among gangsters.</p>
-
-<p>In sum, tradition allows the college man certain privileges
-and protects his abuse of them. Like the infant, he
-is held not accountable for violations of the adult social
-code. He is maintained in a state of infantile irresponsibility.
-This state is even more significant, if not so conspicuous,
-in the matter of the basic economy of life. For the
-representative undergraduate does not keep himself. He
-is kept. He does not earn his food and clothing and shelter
-and entertainment. Again, like the infant, he is sheer consumer,
-not producer; Veblen would call him an instrument
-of “conspicuous consumption” and a foremost
-avatar of the leisure class.</p>
-
-<p>As a community of consumers merely, a student body
-is no more homogeneous than a community of producers.
-Within the frame of similarity generated by the condition
-of dependence there exist both the formal academic gradations
-dividing year and year as rank and rank, and the
-non-academic but “collegiate” gradations of caste and
-class, interest and attitude. Every college, for example,
-has its tiny liberal group, its sparse collection of students<span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">[24]</span>
-who trouble themselves with social problems, international
-relations, disarmament, and the like. This group is usually
-looked upon as a troublemaking nuisance by the college
-administration (the high point of this attitude may be
-found in the University of Pittsburgh), and as “lousy” by
-the <i>arbitres elegantiae</i> of undergraduate opinion. “Political
-and social agitation,” declares a Yale senior who had
-degraded himself by concern with such agitation, “is
-frowned upon by undergraduate leaders, and consequently
-relegated to the obscurity of almost clandestine off-campus
-coteries.”</p>
-
-<p>To no small degree such coteries are made up of students
-who are working their way through college, and
-what is worse, Jews count heavily among them. Yet Jews
-are the exception that prove the rule. Between 1920 and
-1930, the tradition of a love of learning which they
-brought to college has been dissipated. The adult responsibility
-which they felt for the problems of their own
-people and of the community at large, and which was
-signalized by their membership in such organizations as
-the Menorah Societies, the Zionist, the Liberal, or the
-Social Questions Clubs, has been destroyed. As their numbers
-grew, their fields of interest and modes of behavior
-conformed more and more to the prevailing conventions
-of undergraduate life. Although excluded by expanding
-anti-Semitism from participation in that life, they reproduce
-it, heightened, in an academic ghetto of fraternities,
-sororities, and the like. And they emulate the invidious
-distinctions they suffer from by projecting them upon the
-Jews too proud, too poor, or too Jewish to be eligible for
-“collegiate” secret societies of Jews.</p>
-
-<p>Because the dynamic distinctions within the academic
-community are invidious only. College is not a republic of
-letters but a plutocracy of fraternities, sororities, clubs,
-and “activities.” Scholarship is no attribute of merit for
-a student. Athletic prowess, especially if conspicuous,
-could be; but the prepotent properties are wealth, sectarian<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">[25]</span>
-affiliations, and “contacts and connections.” These
-delimit members of the fraternities and sororities. Since
-initiation fees run from $50 to $1000, and membership is
-correspondingly expensive, a rich father is the prime qualification
-for the prospective “pledge.” Before pledging,
-such a prospect is courted like a bride. Pledging is followed
-by initiation, which often lasts months. It begins in
-hazing and may grow into sadistic torture, recalling the
-rites of the primitives. It culminates in a solemn self-dedication
-with highfalutin’ vows whose practical application
-to the subsequent daily life amounts to training in
-the amenities (à la Emily Post); “loyalty” to “brothers”
-in the competition for the cream in undergraduate activities
-such as class-politics, proms, athletics, and the like;
-collaboration, mostly illicit, with brothers and sisters to
-insure their passing examinations or any other kind of
-test; and most of all, in the facilitation of “contacts.”</p>
-
-<p>Thus the academic aristocracy are indoctrinated in the
-academic “traditions” and equipped to watch over them.
-These have primarily to do with the <i>mores</i> of garb and
-conduct ordained for freshmen, with the prerogatives of
-upperclassmen, such as wearing shorts and slickers, and
-similar matters reminiscent of the primitives. If they are
-moved by social and political questions at all, it is at times
-of presidential elections, when national committees—Republican,
-mostly—have been known to put a good deal of
-money into corralling “the college vote.” In times of
-strike, as during the Boston street railway strike, some
-of the better-class Harvard undergraduates had almost
-as much fun strike-breaking as they used to have rioting
-after a rare football victory over Yale. But the record
-hardly ever shows considered idealism, spontaneous, generous
-giving of goods and self, such as one finds among
-the students in Europe and Asia. The American undergraduate
-makes the impression of a self-centered and
-selfish creature, absorbed in trivialities, comfort-loving,
-reactionary and irresponsible; in a word, infantile.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">[26]</span></p>
-
-<h2>VIII</h2>
-
-<p>Graduates, recalling their college life, tend to fall into
-two groups. One group see college as the happiest time of
-their lives—and why should they not? This group composes
-the backbone of the alumni associations, forever
-whoops it up for “dear ol’ Whatsis,” and proves the life
-of the party at alumni reunions, especially those where
-good liquor is poured out in the hopeless effort to make
-the man a boy again, while he stays a father too.</p>
-
-<p>By the other group, college is recalled as a waste of
-time. The transition from the position of a kept and protected
-favorite child into that of a grown man under the
-imperative of having to earn his own keep has worked a
-disillusionment. Instead of getting the job he believes his
-degree entitles him to, he finds himself a superfluity in the
-labor market. Employers are likely to speak of him as
-bumptious, immature, undeveloped, a cub. He finds, even
-for the simplest tasks, either that he must unlearn what
-he has learned, or, if he is lucky, that he has no training
-at all. He begins to regret his college life and to consider
-that college has failed him. Thinking about it, as did
-Philip Wylie, he realizes that “the serious purpose” of
-college not only was not serious to him, but could not
-have been. For, as the New York boy found already in
-high school, the curriculum offers him no momentous living
-option. The subject matter is irrelevant to all that is
-dynamic in him, it lacks vital links with both the passions
-of his heart and the actual world where, after college, he
-must live and move and have his being. It is presented
-mostly by persons to whom teaching is as much a disagreeable
-penalty for the amenities of “scholarly” life as learning
-is to the student for the amenities of college life.
-Hence, the student seeks to pay the minimum penalty,
-which is to pass his examination by any means whatsoever.
-Sometimes the disillusion rises during undergraduate
-years. Then there are editorials in the college papers.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">[27]</span>
-Administrations are criticized, professors are graded,
-courses are scored, abuses are denounced. Deans and faculties
-squirm and are glad when the student interest in
-education subsides. Fortunately such bursts of interest are
-rare interludes. For the most part, it is faculties, not
-students, who are agitated about education.</p>
-
-<p>And why should students be agitated about anything
-still so monastic, that isolates nearly all of those who
-enter upon it from the realities among which they expect
-to spend their lives, and sustains them in a state of irresponsibility
-and irrelevance? At an age when body and
-mind cry out against infancy, “the higher education” prolongs
-infancy; it sets up and maintains a conflict between
-psychobiological adulthood and social childishness. In this
-conflict “college life” has its fertile soil. It nourishes all
-those psychological expressions which fall into the patterns
-of undergraduate attitudes and behavior that are
-designated by the word “collegiate.”</p>
-
-<p>An apt example of what “collegiate” has come to mean
-in these United States broke into public view during the
-fall of 1931. The occasion was an article from the pen
-of the editor-in-chief of the <i>Spectator</i>, which is the student
-daily paper at Columbia University in New York
-City. The article was a serious and intelligent endeavor
-by a student whose social maturity had by some stroke
-of chance kept pace with his physiological adulthood, to
-deal seriously with the realities of athletics, especially
-football, at Columbia. It called for the public recognition
-of football as the professional vocation it actually is,
-and for ordaining coaches as reasonably-paid instructors
-and not as super-salaried dictators. Of course the response
-was anger, denunciation, threats against the writer.
-Among the commentators was the alumni secretary. “The
-editorial is nonsense,” he said. “The matter is complicated
-but there are lots of reasons why the head football coach
-should get a larger salary than a professor. The editor<span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">[28]</span>
-of the <i>Spectator</i> is too serious-minded. He should be
-more collegiate.”</p>
-
-<p>So standard is this usage of “collegiate” that the very
-students whose habits sustain it, admonish each other:
-“Oh, don’t be so collegiate,” and in one of the women’s
-colleges—women’s, <i>nota bene</i>—“Don’t be collegiate” is a
-commandment which upperclassmen deliver from the Sinai
-of their seniority to freshmen entering.</p>
-
-<p>But so long as colleges are managed as they are managed,
-and college teaching continues as and what it is, it
-is impossible that students should not be, in one form or
-another, collegiate—that is, adults conducting themselves
-like children. For social adulthood consists in self-support
-and self-management, in moral responsibility and intellectual
-integrity. These are facilitated by physiological maturity
-but are by no means identical with it. Physiological
-maturity comes as an instinctive ripening, in the course
-of nature. Social adulthood is a learned mode of behavior
-in the social environment; a system of habits acquired,
-not a state of the body grown into. This is why bodies
-may grow up and grow old while minds and hearts remain
-infantile. And this is why adulthood cannot be learned in
-colleges as they are any more than swimming can be
-learned on dry land; the medium is too different, too alien.
-This is why such academic reformations as those at Harvard
-or Wisconsin or Chicago are futile jugglings of the
-same pieces, whereas what is required are new materials
-and new forms. Antioch comes closer to putting the student
-on his own as a self-supporting, self-managing adult,
-but in Antioch the work on the job and the classes in the
-college are far from the interfusion they require. Nevertheless,
-Antioch points the hopeful direction of change for
-colleges that desire to stop prolonging infancy and to
-begin educating adults.</p>
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-
-<p class="center">25 cents <span class="gap"> (35 cents in Canada)</span></p>
-
-<p class="center"><i>THE</i> JOHN DAY <i>PAMPHLETS</i></p>
-</div>
-
-<div class="poetry-container">
-<div class="poetry">
-<div class="hangingindent">
-<p> &#160; 1. REBECCA WEST.<br />
-
-
-
-<i>Arnold Bennett Himself.</i></p>
-
-
-<p> &#160; 2. STUART CHASE.<br />
-
-
-
-<i>Out of the Depression—and After: A<br />
-Prophecy.</i></p>
-
-
-<p> &#160; 3. JOSEPH V. STALIN.<br />
-
-
-
-<i>The New Russian Policy (June 23, 1931).</i></p>
-
-
-<p> &#160; 4. NORMAN E. HIMES.<br />
-
-
-
-<i>The Truth About Birth Control.</i></p>
-
-
-<p> &#160; 5. WALTER LIPPMANN.<br />
-
-
-
-<i>Notes on the Crisis.</i></p>
-
-
-<p> &#160; 6. CHARLES A. BEARD.<br />
-
-
-
-<i>The Myth of Rugged American Individualism.</i></p>
-
-
-<p> &#160; 7. REXFORD GUY TUGWELL.<br />
-
-
-
-<i>Mr. Hoover’s Economic Policy.</i></p>
-
-
-<p> &#160; 8. HERMANN HAGEDORN.<br />
-
-
-
-<i>The Three Pharaohs.</i></p>
-
-
-<p> &#160; 9. M. H. HEDGES.<br />
-
-
-
-<i>A Strikeless Industry.</i></p>
-
-
-<p>10. GILBERT SELDES.<br />
-
-
-
-<i>Against Revolution.</i></p>
-
-
-<p>11. GEORGE S. COUNTS.<br />
-
-
-
-<i>Dare the School Build a New Social<br />
-Order?</i> (Special, 64 pages.)</p>
-
-
-<p>12. HENDRIK WILLEM VAN LOON.<br />
-
-
-
-<i>To Have or to Be—Take Your Choice.</i></p>
-
-
-<p>13. NORMAN THOMAS.<br />
-
-
-
-<i>The Socialist Cure for a Sick Society.</i></p>
-
-
-<p>14. H. G. WELLS.<br />
-
-
-
-<i>What Should be Done—Now</i>:<br />
-A Memorandum on the World Situation.</p>
-
-
-<p>15. V. F. CALVERTON.<br />
-
-
-
-<i>For Revolution.</i></p>
-
-
-<p>16. HORACE M. KALLEN.<br />
-
-
-
-<i>College Prolongs Infancy.</i></p>
-</div></div></div>
-
-<p class="ph1">THE JOHN DAY COMPANY</p>
-
-<p class="center">386 Fourth Avenue, New York</p>
-
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