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diff --git a/old/68570-0.txt b/old/68570-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 956a3a7..0000000 --- a/old/68570-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,1235 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of College prolongs infancy, by Horace M. -Kallen - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: College prolongs infancy - -Author: Horace M. Kallen - -Release Date: July 19, 2022 [eBook #68570] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Tim Lindell, David E. Brown, and the Online Distributed - Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This book was - produced from images made available by the HathiTrust - Digital Library.) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK COLLEGE PROLONGS -INFANCY *** - - - - - - 25 cents (35 cents in Canada) - - _THE_ JOHN DAY _PAMPHLETS_--No. 16 - - COLLEGE - PROLONGS INFANCY - - _by_ - - HORACE M. KALLEN - - -“... the ideals and methods which are dynamic in our institutions of -higher learning are false. They are false to the students, false to -the social purpose which nourishes them, false to the inward nature of -education itself. They are false because they are irrelevant. And they -are irrelevant because they are for the most part unabsorbed survivals -from a pre-industrial past in an industrial age. - -“Though education is customarily described as ‘preparation for life’, -the ways and works of high schools and colleges are so irrelevant to -‘life’ that their prime achievement remains perforce the prolongation -of infancy. They make adulthood harder to reach, not easier.” - - * * * - - _See back flap for the complete list of_ - THE JOHN DAY PAMPHLETS. - - THE JOHN DAY COMPANY - 386 Fourth Avenue, New York - - - - - COLLEGE PROLONGS INFANCY - - - - - COLLEGE PROLONGS - INFANCY - - by - HORACE M. KALLEN - - _New York_ - THE JOHN DAY COMPANY - - - - - Copyright, 1932, by HORACE M. KALLEN - - Printed in U. S. A. - by The Stratford Press, Inc., - New York City - - -An ironist reviewing higher education in America since 1920 would find -himself struck by three things. - -First, perhaps, he would appreciate the gargantuan inflation of -pedagogic lore, with its elaborate formalism, its pretensions to -precise measurements of mind and character, its blowing up “scientific -method” into a meticulous ceremonial with the efficacy of a church -ritual. Second, the overgrowth of the educational plant might captivate -him: the immense accretion of endowment, the blowsy additions to -properties, and the multiplication by millions of teachers and -students. Lastly, our ironist might admire a wide and spreading unrest -about the effectiveness of the system as an instrument of education. -He would take note of much fuss and ferment respecting “progressive -education” and “adult education.” He would overhear oracles by parents, -teachers, and college presidents on why students do anything but study -and on how to make them study. He would discern how the prescriptions -vary, all the way from Mr. Lowell’s house-system at Harvard University -to Mr. Meiklejohn’s “experimental college” at the University of -Wisconsin. As a popular alternative, the suggestion would intrigue -him that far more students are enrolled than are “fit” for the higher -education, and that this aristocratic privilege should be limited to -the “fit” alone; the “fit,” of course, being those young people who are -shown to be as nearly like their teachers as differences of age, income -and interest permit. - -“The idea that going to college is one of the inherent rights of man,” -President Lowell wails, “seems to have obtained a baseless foothold -in the minds of many of our people. To select the fit and devote our -energies to them is our duty to the public for whose service we exist.” -And President Comfort of Haverford bemoans how the diversions which -are college life “have cut deep into the serious purpose for which the -colleges exist.” - -Obviously the searching of the heart concerning the values of a college -education does not reach to the essentials of the academic tradition. -The ancient notions remain ineffable and inviolable. They presume that -students exist for the sake of the school, not the school for the sake -of the students. Hence the inquiry treats only of who shall be admitted -to the sacred fane and by what steps. That in any issue between -system and student, the system might be wrong is inconceivable. The -pedagogues, like the prohibitionists, find it unbelievable that their -engines of grace can be tools of darkness; that they fail, not because -those to whom they are applied are intransigently bad, but because -their own methods and ideals are intransigently false.... - -As I see them, the ideals and methods which are dynamic in our -institutions of higher learning are false. They are false to the -students, false to the social purpose which nourishes them, false to -the inward nature of education itself. They are false because they -are irrelevant. And they are irrelevant because they are for the most -part unabsorbed survivals from a pre-industrial past in an industrial -age. But in the eyes of the academicians the failure of the colleges -is caused by the deficiencies of the environment, not by their own -inherent incapacities. To save themselves, therefore, they reaffirm -anew the invidious ideals of a bygone social economy, and appeal to -a persisting snobbism to offset their own growing desuetude. So they -complain about the elevation of going to college into an “inherent -right” and about the droves of undergraduates whose heedless ways cut -deep into “the serious purpose” for which college exists. - - -II - -But if a new “inherent right” has been born into the world, if -undergraduate life is in conflict with the “serious purpose” of higher -education, the causes thereof are better understood and faced than -ignored or belittled. For they are constant causes, and their scope -and intensity do not lessen with the days. Though the colleges remain -tangent to the realities, they have been far from untouched.... - -Of these realities, one is the constant, if obstructed, drive toward -democracy, based on the dogma of natural rights which animated the wars -and works of the founding fathers: free public education is a primary, -if abated, attainment of this drive. Another is the correlated growth -of population, cities, and natural resources: the dropsical school -systems, public and private, are by-products of this increase. In a -century the wealth of the United States has multiplied by inconceivable -ratios. Even in 1932, at the very trough of a signal deflation, -national wealth and income must be stated in figures that have no -empirical living meaning. They are merely symbols of indefinitely -extending power--manpower and machine-power; and of the organization of -this power in dynamic patterns that constitute a social economy. - -With this organization, there has come an increase in essential -security. In spite of the business-cycle, in spite of unemployment, -social waste, and all the rest of the major evils of industrial -civilization, its individual citizens are better fed, better housed, -in better health, and have better times than their pre-industrial -ancestors. Their average expectation of life has increased from -forty-seven years to fifty-eight. The society they compose is -physiologically more adult, more aged, than the society of their -forbears. More of its members are over forty, fewer of them are under -seventeen. During the century of industrialization the proportion of -children to adults has decreased by more than a half. This does not -mean that the same number of children are born and more die. It means -that fewer are born and far fewer die. - -Far fewer die because all receive a great deal better care than even -the children of the richest used to get a hundred years ago. This -care comes only somewhat accidentally and in a disordered way from -the parents. It comes systematically from the community. The average -parent of the working class deals with his children much as his own -parents dealt with him. He in the main realizes that the child requires -and somehow receives absorbed attention in extreme infancy. Past that -stage, he leaves it more and more to itself. All that he asks of it -is to make itself as little troublesome and as largely convenient -as possible. For the rest, it is out on the street to grow its way -into adulthood for itself, troubled by only occasional irruptions of -disciplinary or exploitative parental interest, and by admonitions from -the cop on the beat. - -To the socially-minded part of the community this is a dangerous -situation. They fear disease and crime. They talk about corner gangs; -about the break-down of family life. They regard it as of supreme -importance “to get the children off the street.” Social settlements, -boys’ clubs, scouting, playgrounds, and other semi-public and public -enterprises have come up largely as instruments toward this end. But -the chief instrument has become the school. - -Since 1900, the school, more than any other social agency, is conceived -first as supplementing, then as replacing, the home, and as exercising -its function. The school authority is established in a practically -complete jurisdiction over the child. Its field expands from -indoctrination in the three R’s and patriotism to teaching personal -hygiene; from teaching personal hygiene to official supervision -over the details of health--the care of the teeth, ears and eyes, -the adequacy of diet; and finally to keeping an eye on the personal -relations of children with their parents themselves. In a word, the -school invades the home and takes over more and more of its functions. -By its means the control of the child is “socialized.” - -Now on the face of it, this socialization appears unconnected with the -drive and intent of industry as such. It looks rather like a defense -against industry. Its animus is humanitarian, not economic; its effect -is to delay the functional installation of the child in the economic -system. Child labor is quite properly frowned on and hemmed in with -rules and restrictions. Schooling is imposed and prolonged to later and -later years; where it cannot be made exclusive it is made concurrent -with the work-life by means of the continuation schools. And high -schools and state universities extend the possibility of schooling as a -free public function right up to the voting age and beyond. The immense -national wealth makes this possible and easy; it enables the upkeep and -expansion of an educational system whose per capita cost is greater -than that of any other country in the world. Whether any connection -obtains between these superiorities and the fact that Americans also -enjoy a corresponding superiority in juvenile delinquency and crime I -cannot say. The paradox is the more interesting because, as schoolmen -are likely to boast, the school is often used by the child as a refuge -from home and the street, as a place of sanctuary and safety. - -Explanation is not easy. On the face of it, the socialization of -child-control tends to defeat its own ends. And it tends to defeat -its own ends because its instrument is an unnatural environment -which offers no field for the assumption and discharge of natural -responsibilities such as develop in the circle of an adequate family -life. It keeps the young in a state that is tantamount to an artificial -prolongation of infancy. - - -III - -Now, in terms of the mechanics of the social economy, infants are -parasites upon the body politic. They are sheer consumers, producing -nothing; and in the world of nature they absorb the time and attention -of adults only until they are ready to produce for themselves what they -consume. The more complex the organism, the more highly organized the -nervous system and the social life of a species, the longer the period -of gestation, and the more prolonged the dependence of the new-born -and the young on the parents. A dog will reach adulthood in about a -year. A human infant takes from eleven to fifteen years, if we mean by -adulthood what constitutes it biologically--namely, sexual maturity. -Birds and animals are ready and able to fend for themselves some time -before sexual maturity sets in, and data are not lacking in the record -that manchildren--like Russia’s _bezprizorny_ or waifs--also can if -need presses. But for all species alike, puberty sets a term. It is -the very latest season for the young to leave the parental nest, to -live their own lives and build their own nests for themselves. This -holds true also for the vast majority of the human young, even under -the protection of industrialized society. At puberty they leave school -and go to work like their fathers before them, and it is not long until -they are entirely on their own, and found families and repeat the cycle -again like their fathers. If the practice of society carries their -social infancy over into their physiological maturity, it does not do -so for very long. In essentials they enter into the heritage, such as -it is, of adulthood, while custom compels the young of the privileged -residual population to remain in personal and social swaddling clothes. - -This compulsion is usually identified with “having advantages.” It is -exercised upon the young of the rich and protected, not of the poor -and unprotected. But because the notion prevails that education is the -chief if not the sole instrument of democracy, and that every man, if -he has a chance, can be as good as his betters and is entitled to the -same rights and privileges, the number whom the compulsion reaches has -increased, since the beginning of the century, well-nigh geometrically. -Thus, between 1900 and 1930 the high school population has multiplied -ten-fold; the total number of pupils today is between five and six -million. And more than a million young men and women are enrolled in -the colleges and universities. High school and college are considered -“advantages,” and the essence of the advantage is a social infantilism -imposed upon a biological maturity. - - -IV - -Though education is customarily described as “preparation for life,” -the ways and works of high schools and colleges are so irrelevant to -“life” that their prime achievement remains perforce the prolongation -of infancy. They make adulthood harder to reach, not easier. - -What, socially, adulthood consists in, varies a good deal from -civilization to civilization and from age to age. But everywhere, and -at all times, it is grounded upon sexual maturity and maintained on -personal responsibility for winning food, clothing, and shelter, and -defending one’s self against enemies and disease. Among primitive -people, adulthood is initiated by puberty and established and -confirmed by means of certain cruel and terrifying rites through which -boys and girls are inducted into the society of men and women. Of -these rites there survives among us today only that form of sadism -and _schadenfreude_ known as hazing, practiced by upperclassmen on -newcomers and by fraternity brothers on neophytes. In the school -tradition these cruelties are meaningless, but in the rites of the -primitive they compose a part, perhaps a major part, of all the formal -direct “education” the young savage ever gets. They impose bitter fear -and exquisite pain which the elders require shall be unflinchingly -endured. During three weeks, more or less, primitives torture their -young. When they have finished, the young are utterly initiate, finally -and completely adults, fully responsible members of their communities. - -Classical antiquity prolonged and rationalized this initiatory period. -Pain and endurance were imposed less directly but, in one way or -another, they were exacted. The boys of Sparta were segregated from -their women folk in their seventh year and made charges of the state. -From their twelfth year to their eighteenth, they were in the constant -company of their elders, often their elders’ favorite company. They -collaborated in purveying food, in hunting and in worship. In what -time remained, they prepared to practise war, the primary vocation -of the citizen. At eighteen, war became their exclusive concern. In -Athens, as in Sparta, formal schooling began at the age of seven and -ended with puberty at about sixteen. Then the boy was presented at -the Agora. He associated freely with his contemporaries and elders, -he trained at the gymnasium, attended the law courts and the theatre. -He was an _ephebus_, and after two years he took the oath of the -_ephebus_ and his name was written on the list of free citizens. He had -thereby left the jurisdiction of his parents for the jurisdiction of -the state. In Rome, a boy entered upon the responsibility of manhood -when he doffed the _toga praetexta_ and put on manhood’s dress. This -was during puberty, at about the age of fifteen. Before then he had -learned at home and in the Forum the arts of war and the law of the -Twelve Tables. After Roman life became Hellenized, schools acquired a -vogue; but unless a boy was destined for public life, schooling ended -at puberty. Otherwise, a boy entered the Rhetoric School and trained -for his vocation. Among the Jews, a boy assumed adult responsibility -(he still does so, though it is now merely religious) upon entering -adolescence. He was then _Bar Mitzvah_. He, and not his father, had -become responsible for his fulfilling the law and the commandments. -He underwent a short, formal, preliminary training, and on the Sabbath -following his birthday his father took him to the synagogue and -formally renounced responsibility for his son’s life and works. - -So, among the primitives and the ancients, physiological maturity was -the occasion for signalizing and establishing social responsibility, -of entering into adulthood. This is still the case among the churches. -Ecclesiastical citizenship is reached at puberty. Puberty is the time -when Catholic boys and girls are initiated by the priests into the -mystery of salvation and are endowed with the responsibilities of the -adult members of the religious community. They undergo confirmation. -Puberty is the time arranged for the young of the evangelical sects -to be convicted of sin, to enter into grace, and to join the church. -Puberty is the time when secularized Jews celebrate _Bar Mitzvah_ as a -merely religious event. In the definition of adulthood, the churches -are at one with the ancients. - -Almost equally so are the military establishments of states. Military -duty comes at a much earlier age than civil responsibility. Modern -industrial nations continue to conscript their young at from sixteen to -eighteen. Also, the taxing power defines the young as self-supporting -members of the economic order at eighteen; at that age exemption on -their account ceases. For tax gatherers and armies, as for religious -sects, adulthood and sexual readiness lie close together. - -And this readiness is recognized in women by custom and law, which set -the “age of consent” at puberty and raise it nowhere beyond sixteen. -Moreover the readiness finds its purpose more largely than we imagine -in marriage. The United States census of 1920 shows that nearly a -quarter of all young people from fifteen to twenty-four were married, -and the proportion has not grown less since then. Nor are these -marriages confined to the poor. The rich signalize their daughters’ -readiness by “presenting them to society” at from sixteen to eighteen; -and there is much rivalry among “debs” about getting married or at -least engaged during their first year “out.” The men of this class, -on the other hand, tend to marry much later, while the average age of -marriage for the “college bred” of both sexes is unnaturally higher. -The whole contrasts sharply with the early marriage age of a hundred -years ago. - - -V - -Personal distinction also seems to go with the assumption of adulthood -soon after puberty. Whether this is attained through some special -attitude or general ability enchannelled by custom, opportunity, -or accident in a particular vocation, makes little difference. -Poets, painters, mathematicians, scientists, engineers, traders of -distinction, assume the professional attitude and the responsibility of -adulthood at an early age. Shelley, Keats, Bryant, Peter Cooper, Thomas -Jefferson, Benjamin Franklin, George Eliot, Thomas Edison, Maxwell, -Galileo, and countless others of the great, all began young. Nelson -went to sea at twelve and commanded a ship at fifteen. His contemporary -captains in the American merchant marine were boys of eighteen and -nineteen. Much of the work of the world continues to be done by men -and women under twenty-five. Prizefighters are old at thirty. It is a -favorite doctrine of representative American employers, such as Henry -Ford, that workingmen over forty are antiquated, and to be scrapped. -Did not the great Osler advise euthanasia for all men over sixty? -Nevertheless, the ruling personages in the ruling classes--the captains -of industry, the masters of finance, the public officials, the judges, -the generals--are progressively older and older now. They are men whose -minds had matured and set while their bodies were young, and whose -policies derive from the unconscious premise that what was modern and -advanced in their youth is necessarily so in their old age. They are -the elder statesmen who in their prolonged infancy rule the world.... - - -VI - -If many of these elder statesmen rule by virtue of distinguished -ability and early adulthood, most do by virtue of a privileged position -that delays adulthood and prolongs infancy more literally. The locus -of this position is the high school and the college, especially the -college. Owing to democracy, there has been a diffusion of some of -the privileges of this status to the children of the masses. One of -its marks is the war against child labor which we have noted, and -the progressively later age at which work certificates are granted; -another is the advancement, already referred to, of the age of consent -and the measures for the protection of girls. Still another, and the -most signal, is the increase of the high school population from the -300,000 of 1890 to the 5,000,000 of 1930, and the corresponding growth -of the body of college students. Nevertheless the difference between -the working young and the young at school remains still the difference -between the responsibility of adulthood and the irresponsibility of -infancy. The difference increases with the income level. The richer the -class, the more likely are the young to be kept in a state of social -infancy, the longer is the time delayed when they are permitted to -assume the responsibilities of adulthood. - -The secondary school and the college are by tradition and practice -instruments pat to the social postponement of adulthood and the -prolongation of social infancy. - -By and large, only those children enter high school who do not need -to work for a living. They enter about the time that children of -the residual world enter life, at puberty. Their attending high -school signalizes an invidious distinction between them and their -contemporaries, for the high school has been from its beginning a mark -of “aristocracy.” Even the “commercial” high school, which is yet of -low esteem beside the high school preparing for college, celebrates -this invidious distinction. But the real McCoy is the “college -preparatory.” College sits _in excelsis_. The topmost turn of the -educational system, it sets the standards and defines the ideal both of -knowledge and conduct. Secondary-school students consequently prepare -for college in a far completer way than is recognized. They emulate -and reproduce the whole pattern and structure of “college life,” with -its fraternities and other societies, its athletics, its hidden sex -interests, and all the rest. Indeed, since the “educative process” -worked by the schools is defined from above downward, the colleges, -which are for the most part resorts where the well-to-do keep their -physiologically mature young in a state of personal irresponsibility -and social-economic dependence, set the standard of education for the -whole nation. - -Practice under this standard maintains a gulf between the curriculum -and student interests. The school work, as the teacher sees it, makes -up the “serious purpose” for which schools and colleges exist. Yet here -is what a boy who believes in this serious purpose writes to the _New -York Times_ about his education: - - “In a few weeks I will be handed a diploma, have my hand shaken by - sundry individuals, and then told that I have been graduated from - high school. I am supposed to be educated. The city has provided me - for some four years with skilled teachers and expensive apparatus and - told me, ‘Be conscientious in your studies and you shall know.’ I - know that I have been sincere, but I will tell a few things I do not - know. - - “I know by heart several slices of Shakespeare and Browning, but - I do not know how to write an ordinary form letter that would be - accepted by any business firm. I know some irregular French verbs but - if I were lost in the streets of Paris I would not be able to ask my - way home. I can, ‘amo, amas, amat,’ also ‘en to oikio ton anthropon - horo,’ but I cannot keep the ledger in my father’s place of business - nor send out his monthly statements. I am a member of the tennis team - and know all the quirks and tricks used in hitting a tennis ball, but - I do not know how to build a woodshed nor shingle a roof. - - “I know how to parse a sentence from Macaulay’s essays, but I do - not know how to light a match in the wind or chop down a tree. I - have studied economics until my head is full of raw theories and - long words, but I do not know the name of the Alderman from our ward - nor the Congressman from our district, nor the political creeds and - platforms they have pledged themselves to uphold. I can prove the - square of the hypothenuse is equal to the sum of the squares of the - base and the perpendicular, but I do not know how to hang a picture, - put in a pane of glass or paint a chair. I have studied chemistry - for a year and have received high marks, but I know nothing of - food values and gorge myself on what pleases my palate. I received - 85 per cent in English literature, but I cannot get $15 per week - writing news for a newspaper, or write an acceptable advertisement, - and my average conversation is on the level of the tabloid. With - the exception of the Mayor, I do not know the names of the other - important officials of the City Government, but I could at random - name about 95 per cent of the prominent movie actresses and actors, - prizefighters and baseball players. - - “Surely, some vital element is wholly missing from our social - system which provided for only a classical but not for a practical - education. I am taught a multitude of subjects, but I am not taught - how to apply them so that I will be able to make a success of myself - in my struggle for and with life. Life so far as I have viewed it - is rose-colored, mellow and delightful, but I know that life is far - different than I see it at present. None of life’s sorrows, pains - or struggles have been my lot to embitter and mature my ambitious - mind. I have been led to regard life as a nut that must be cracked - to succeed, not as a long hard swim with the odds becoming greater - against you every moment and if you stop struggling you sink and are - gone. - - “I was educated according to the ancient formulas for producing a - scholar and a gentleman and I find I have to work for a living. - I have no taste nor love for hard work, no habits for saving, no - disposition to resist temptation and no skill in doing anything the - world is willing to pay for. I am wholly untrained for efficiency, - and before I succeed in life I will have to undo most of what has - been taught to me in school.” - - B. S. - -And this boy is very exceptional. For the school work as the average -student sees it, is the price in boredom and discomfort which the -system exacts and which he somewhat unwillingly pays in return for the -pleasure and excitement of the activities known (and not known) as -extra-curricular. These and not his studies are what touch the life of -the student. And these are what the curriculum excludes and teachers -ignore until they present themselves as disciplinary problems. The age -of high school and college is the age of poignant laboring over the -ever-renewed questions of luck and destiny, good and God and evil, of -groping after first and last things. It is the age of upsurging sexual -energies, of inevitable preoccupation with sex in all its degrees and -forms, from romantic love to promiscuity, from fantasy to perversity. -So far, however, as the mechanisms of curriculum and instruction are -concerned, students are not males, not females, but sheer intellects, -uncontaminated by such a vital propulsion, or by any of the others -whose development, gratification, obstruction, deviation, realization, -or repression, compose the dynamic units of personality in the living -adolescent, determining its timbre, emotional quality and behavior -pattern. - -For the most part there is no correspondence between what the students -spontaneously and directly want and what the higher education provides. -There is no opportunity for the idealistic initiative, for generous -self-discipline and adventure, and for the accompanying responsibility -on matters of serious social import such as adolescence craves and -students do assume in backward cultures like China or India or Russia -or the countries of continental Europe. Only athletics provides any -occasion for the play of emotion and the exercise of the responsibility -proper to an adult. But athletics is formally extra-curricular, is a -preoccupation of alumni, highly specialized and professional among its -practitioners, and to the residual mass of the students a spectacle, -not a vocation or an activity. - -In essence, the secondary and tertiary academic establishments impose -a double life on the students that enter them. One life is defined by -the so-called “serious purpose” of the higher education: the course of -study, the examination, the diplomas, the degrees. The other life is -defined by the psychological traits, the wants and the frustrations of -young people between the ages of fourteen and twenty-four. One life is -the life of the classroom. The other life is the life of the fraternity -or the sorority, the club, the prom, the press, class-politics, -“contacts” and all the rest, including the “bull sessions.” To these, -curriculum and professor are mostly irrelevant; president and dean -affect them only as policemen affect corner gangs. Yet these are -what is meant by “college life.” In a word, the correlation between -the “serious purpose” of the academic establishment and the ruling -passion of the youthful psyche is negative. “College life” and “serious -purpose” of schools and colleges are in conflict. - -Thus, authorities in secondary schools find obscene notes being passed; -notice masturbation, spy out chanceful or organized petting parties; -point to unnecessary noises, desultory killing of time, smart-aleckism, -and especially to cheating. They make elaborate studies of disciplinary -situations and talk about bad home conditions, natural meanness, and -the like. But they ignore the fact that they are themselves passing -judgment on situations in which they are active parties. How can the -manifestations of the overruling sex-urge be anything but illicit, -when school life is overtly organized as if sex were either evil or -non-existent? To whom are unnecessary noises unnecessary? What else can -one do with time but kill it desultorily, when one’s ruling passions -are ignored and one is required to pay attention to matters one’s heart -cannot possibly be in? As for smart-aleckism and cheating--are not -those who succeed therein heroes in the eyes of their peers? Do they -not overcome an enemy and put him in his place? - - -VII - -Allowing for the small differences of tradition and maturity, the -situation is the same in the colleges. The ways of an undergraduate -community are determined by standards which do not apply to men and -women of the same age who must work for their livings. For example, -there survives from the Middle Ages an antagonism between gown and -town. When this began it involved all the members of the academic -community--faculty even more than students. It turned on conflicts over -the very structure of the municipal economy in the course of which -“gownsmen” established and vindicated their autonomous jurisdiction -over the persons, properties, and actions of their “own.” College or -university became a city within a city, sovereign over all affairs -affecting it, and privileged in the national life. Today, faculty is -for practical purposes a part of “town.” “Gown” consists only of the -body of undergraduates. These often stand in a predatory relationship -to the residual community. They may steal signs, fences, garments, and -whatnot; they may destroy dishes, furniture, and other property not -their own--academic or lay; they may brawl on the public street and on -occasion beat up policemen and citizens without being held responsible -as workers of the same age would be. They may endeavor in every way to -“beat the game” in relation to their studies--wangle more cuts than -they are entitled to, hand in work as their own which is not their -own, cheat at examinations, and in every other possible way “put it -over” on the faculty. For an undergraduate to be serious about the -“serious purpose” of college, to be academically law-abiding, to show -an interest in studies, is at best to be slightly declassé, at worst to -be a greasy grind. Any manifestation of friendliness to a teacher is -“boot-licking.” The total impression which undergraduate conduct makes -in the mass is of an underground class war between student and faculty; -and the traditional undergraduate code is a warlike code, requiring -students under all circumstances whatsoever to stand by each other and -against the faculty. Even under an “honor system” a “squealer” is as -total a loss among students as among gangsters. - -In sum, tradition allows the college man certain privileges and -protects his abuse of them. Like the infant, he is held not accountable -for violations of the adult social code. He is maintained in a state -of infantile irresponsibility. This state is even more significant, if -not so conspicuous, in the matter of the basic economy of life. For the -representative undergraduate does not keep himself. He is kept. He does -not earn his food and clothing and shelter and entertainment. Again, -like the infant, he is sheer consumer, not producer; Veblen would call -him an instrument of “conspicuous consumption” and a foremost avatar of -the leisure class. - -As a community of consumers merely, a student body is no more -homogeneous than a community of producers. Within the frame of -similarity generated by the condition of dependence there exist both -the formal academic gradations dividing year and year as rank and rank, -and the non-academic but “collegiate” gradations of caste and class, -interest and attitude. Every college, for example, has its tiny liberal -group, its sparse collection of students who trouble themselves with -social problems, international relations, disarmament, and the like. -This group is usually looked upon as a troublemaking nuisance by the -college administration (the high point of this attitude may be found -in the University of Pittsburgh), and as “lousy” by the _arbitres -elegantiae_ of undergraduate opinion. “Political and social agitation,” -declares a Yale senior who had degraded himself by concern with such -agitation, “is frowned upon by undergraduate leaders, and consequently -relegated to the obscurity of almost clandestine off-campus coteries.” - -To no small degree such coteries are made up of students who are -working their way through college, and what is worse, Jews count -heavily among them. Yet Jews are the exception that prove the rule. -Between 1920 and 1930, the tradition of a love of learning which they -brought to college has been dissipated. The adult responsibility -which they felt for the problems of their own people and of the -community at large, and which was signalized by their membership in -such organizations as the Menorah Societies, the Zionist, the Liberal, -or the Social Questions Clubs, has been destroyed. As their numbers -grew, their fields of interest and modes of behavior conformed more -and more to the prevailing conventions of undergraduate life. Although -excluded by expanding anti-Semitism from participation in that life, -they reproduce it, heightened, in an academic ghetto of fraternities, -sororities, and the like. And they emulate the invidious distinctions -they suffer from by projecting them upon the Jews too proud, too poor, -or too Jewish to be eligible for “collegiate” secret societies of Jews. - -Because the dynamic distinctions within the academic community are -invidious only. College is not a republic of letters but a plutocracy -of fraternities, sororities, clubs, and “activities.” Scholarship is -no attribute of merit for a student. Athletic prowess, especially -if conspicuous, could be; but the prepotent properties are wealth, -sectarian affiliations, and “contacts and connections.” These delimit -members of the fraternities and sororities. Since initiation fees run -from $50 to $1000, and membership is correspondingly expensive, a rich -father is the prime qualification for the prospective “pledge.” Before -pledging, such a prospect is courted like a bride. Pledging is followed -by initiation, which often lasts months. It begins in hazing and may -grow into sadistic torture, recalling the rites of the primitives. -It culminates in a solemn self-dedication with highfalutin’ vows -whose practical application to the subsequent daily life amounts to -training in the amenities (à la Emily Post); “loyalty” to “brothers” -in the competition for the cream in undergraduate activities such as -class-politics, proms, athletics, and the like; collaboration, mostly -illicit, with brothers and sisters to insure their passing examinations -or any other kind of test; and most of all, in the facilitation of -“contacts.” - -Thus the academic aristocracy are indoctrinated in the academic -“traditions” and equipped to watch over them. These have primarily to -do with the _mores_ of garb and conduct ordained for freshmen, with the -prerogatives of upperclassmen, such as wearing shorts and slickers, and -similar matters reminiscent of the primitives. If they are moved by -social and political questions at all, it is at times of presidential -elections, when national committees--Republican, mostly--have been -known to put a good deal of money into corralling “the college vote.” -In times of strike, as during the Boston street railway strike, some -of the better-class Harvard undergraduates had almost as much fun -strike-breaking as they used to have rioting after a rare football -victory over Yale. But the record hardly ever shows considered -idealism, spontaneous, generous giving of goods and self, such as one -finds among the students in Europe and Asia. The American undergraduate -makes the impression of a self-centered and selfish creature, absorbed -in trivialities, comfort-loving, reactionary and irresponsible; in a -word, infantile. - - -VIII - -Graduates, recalling their college life, tend to fall into two groups. -One group see college as the happiest time of their lives--and why -should they not? This group composes the backbone of the alumni -associations, forever whoops it up for “dear ol’ Whatsis,” and proves -the life of the party at alumni reunions, especially those where good -liquor is poured out in the hopeless effort to make the man a boy -again, while he stays a father too. - -By the other group, college is recalled as a waste of time. The -transition from the position of a kept and protected favorite child -into that of a grown man under the imperative of having to earn his -own keep has worked a disillusionment. Instead of getting the job he -believes his degree entitles him to, he finds himself a superfluity in -the labor market. Employers are likely to speak of him as bumptious, -immature, undeveloped, a cub. He finds, even for the simplest tasks, -either that he must unlearn what he has learned, or, if he is lucky, -that he has no training at all. He begins to regret his college life -and to consider that college has failed him. Thinking about it, as did -Philip Wylie, he realizes that “the serious purpose” of college not -only was not serious to him, but could not have been. For, as the New -York boy found already in high school, the curriculum offers him no -momentous living option. The subject matter is irrelevant to all that -is dynamic in him, it lacks vital links with both the passions of his -heart and the actual world where, after college, he must live and move -and have his being. It is presented mostly by persons to whom teaching -is as much a disagreeable penalty for the amenities of “scholarly” life -as learning is to the student for the amenities of college life. Hence, -the student seeks to pay the minimum penalty, which is to pass his -examination by any means whatsoever. Sometimes the disillusion rises -during undergraduate years. Then there are editorials in the college -papers. Administrations are criticized, professors are graded, courses -are scored, abuses are denounced. Deans and faculties squirm and are -glad when the student interest in education subsides. Fortunately -such bursts of interest are rare interludes. For the most part, it is -faculties, not students, who are agitated about education. - -And why should students be agitated about anything still so monastic, -that isolates nearly all of those who enter upon it from the realities -among which they expect to spend their lives, and sustains them in a -state of irresponsibility and irrelevance? At an age when body and mind -cry out against infancy, “the higher education” prolongs infancy; it -sets up and maintains a conflict between psychobiological adulthood and -social childishness. In this conflict “college life” has its fertile -soil. It nourishes all those psychological expressions which fall -into the patterns of undergraduate attitudes and behavior that are -designated by the word “collegiate.” - -An apt example of what “collegiate” has come to mean in these United -States broke into public view during the fall of 1931. The occasion -was an article from the pen of the editor-in-chief of the _Spectator_, -which is the student daily paper at Columbia University in New York -City. The article was a serious and intelligent endeavor by a student -whose social maturity had by some stroke of chance kept pace with -his physiological adulthood, to deal seriously with the realities of -athletics, especially football, at Columbia. It called for the public -recognition of football as the professional vocation it actually -is, and for ordaining coaches as reasonably-paid instructors and -not as super-salaried dictators. Of course the response was anger, -denunciation, threats against the writer. Among the commentators was -the alumni secretary. “The editorial is nonsense,” he said. “The matter -is complicated but there are lots of reasons why the head football -coach should get a larger salary than a professor. The editor of the -_Spectator_ is too serious-minded. He should be more collegiate.” - -So standard is this usage of “collegiate” that the very students whose -habits sustain it, admonish each other: “Oh, don’t be so collegiate,” -and in one of the women’s colleges--women’s, _nota bene_--“Don’t be -collegiate” is a commandment which upperclassmen deliver from the Sinai -of their seniority to freshmen entering. - -But so long as colleges are managed as they are managed, and college -teaching continues as and what it is, it is impossible that students -should not be, in one form or another, collegiate--that is, adults -conducting themselves like children. For social adulthood consists -in self-support and self-management, in moral responsibility and -intellectual integrity. These are facilitated by physiological maturity -but are by no means identical with it. Physiological maturity comes as -an instinctive ripening, in the course of nature. Social adulthood is a -learned mode of behavior in the social environment; a system of habits -acquired, not a state of the body grown into. This is why bodies may -grow up and grow old while minds and hearts remain infantile. And this -is why adulthood cannot be learned in colleges as they are any more -than swimming can be learned on dry land; the medium is too different, -too alien. This is why such academic reformations as those at Harvard -or Wisconsin or Chicago are futile jugglings of the same pieces, -whereas what is required are new materials and new forms. Antioch -comes closer to putting the student on his own as a self-supporting, -self-managing adult, but in Antioch the work on the job and the classes -in the college are far from the interfusion they require. Nevertheless, -Antioch points the hopeful direction of change for colleges that desire -to stop prolonging infancy and to begin educating adults. - - - - - 25 cents (35 cents in Canada) - -_THE_ JOHN DAY _PAMPHLETS_ - - -1. REBECCA WEST. - - _Arnold Bennett Himself._ - -2. STUART CHASE. - - _Out of the Depression--and After: A Prophecy._ - -3. JOSEPH V. STALIN. - - _The New Russian Policy (June 23, 1931)._ - -4. NORMAN E. HIMES. - - _The Truth About Birth Control._ - -5. WALTER LIPPMANN. - - _Notes on the Crisis._ - -6. CHARLES A. BEARD. - - _The Myth of Rugged American Individualism._ - -7. REXFORD GUY TUGWELL. - - _Mr. Hoover’s Economic Policy._ - -8. HERMANN HAGEDORN. - - _The Three Pharaohs._ - -9. M. H. HEDGES. - - _A Strikeless Industry._ - -10. GILBERT SELDES. - - _Against Revolution._ - -11. GEORGE S. COUNTS. - - _Dare the School Build a New Social Order?_ (Special, 64 pages.) - -12. HENDRIK WILLEM VAN LOON. - - _To Have or to Be--Take Your Choice._ - -13. NORMAN THOMAS. - - _The Socialist Cure for a Sick Society._ - -14. H. G. WELLS. - - _What Should be Done--Now_: A Memorandum on the World Situation. - -15. V. F. CALVERTON. - - _For Revolution._ - -16. HORACE M. KALLEN. - - _College Prolongs Infancy._ - - - THE JOHN DAY COMPANY - 386 Fourth Avenue, New York - - - - -TRANSCRIBER’S NOTE: - - - Italicized text is surrounded by underscores: _italics_. - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK COLLEGE PROLONGS INFANCY *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. 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