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+Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for
+eBook #68219 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/68219)
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-The Project Gutenberg eBook of Decadence, by Arthur James Balfour
-
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
-of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at
-www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you
-will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before
-using this eBook.
-
-Title: Decadence
- Henry Sidgwick memorial lecture
-
-Author: Arthur James Balfour
-
-Release Date: June 1, 2022 [eBook #68219]
-
-Language: English
-
-Produced by: Thomas Frost and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team
- at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images
- generously made available by The Internet Archive)
-
-*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DECADENCE ***
-
-
-
-
-
- CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE,
- C. F. CLAY, MANAGER.
- London: FETTER LANE, E.C.
- Glasgow: 50, WELLINGTON STREET.
-
- [Illustration]
-
- Leipzig: F. A. BROCKHAUS.
- New York: G. P. PUTNAM’S SONS.
- Bombay and Calcutta: MACMILLAN AND CO., LTD.
-
- [_All Rights reserved_]
-
-
-
-
- DECADENCE
-
- _HENRY SIDGWICK MEMORIAL
- LECTURE_
-
- by
-
- THE RIGHT HON.
- ARTHUR JAMES BALFOUR, M.P.
-
- [DELIVERED AT NEWNHAM COLLEGE,
- JANUARY 25, 1908]
-
-
- CAMBRIDGE
- at the University Press
- 1908
-
-
-
-
- Cambridge:
- PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A.
- AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.
-
-
-
-
-DECADENCE.
-
-
-I must begin what I have to say with a warning and an apology. I must
-warn you that the present essay makes no pretence to be an adequate
-treatment of some compact and limited theme; but rather resembles those
-wandering trains of thought, where we allow ourselves the luxury of
-putting wide-ranging questions, to which our ignorance forbids any
-confident reply. I apologise for adopting a course which thus departs
-in some measure from familiar precedent. I admit its perils. But it is
-just possible that when a subject, or group of subjects, is of great
-inherent interest, even a tentative, and interrogative, treatment of it
-may be worth attempting.
-
-My subject, or at least my point of departure, is Decadence. I do
-not mean the sort of decadence often attributed to certain phases of
-artistic or literary development, in which an overwrought technique,
-straining to express sentiments too subtle or too morbid, is deemed to
-have supplanted the direct inspiration of an earlier and a simpler age.
-Whether these autumnal glories, these splendours touched with death,
-are recurring phenomena in the literary cycle: whether, if they be,
-they are connected with other forms of decadence, may be questions well
-worth asking and answering. But they are not the questions with which I
-am at present concerned. The decadence respecting which I wish to put
-questions is not literary or artistic, it is political and national.
-It is the decadence which attacks, or is alleged to attack, great
-communities and historic civilisations: which is to societies of men
-what senility is to man, and is often, like senility, the precursor and
-the cause of final dissolution.
-
-It is curious how deeply imbedded in ordinary discourse are traces
-of the conviction that childhood, maturity, and old age, are stages
-in the corporate, as they are in the individual, life. “A young and
-vigorous nation,” “a decrepit and moribund civilisation”--phrases like
-these, and scores of others containing the same implication, come as
-trippingly from the tongue as if they suggested no difficulty and
-called for no explanation. To Macaulay (unless I am pressing his famous
-metaphor too far) it seemed natural that ages hence a young country
-like New Zealand should be flourishing, but not less natural that an
-old country like England should have decayed. Berkeley, in a well-known
-stanza, tells how the drama of civilisation has slowly travelled
-westwards to find its loftiest development, but also its final
-catastrophe, in the New World. While every man who is weary, hopeless,
-or disillusioned talks as if he had caught these various diseases from
-the decadent epoch in which he was born.
-
-But why _should_ civilisations thus wear out and great communities
-decay? and what evidence is there that in fact they do? These
-questions, though I cannot give to them any conclusive answers, are
-of much more than a merely theoretic interest. For if current modes
-of speech take decadence more or less for granted, with still greater
-confidence do they speak of Progress as assured. Yet if both are
-real they can hardly be studied apart, they must evidently limit and
-qualify each other in actual experience, and they cannot be isolated in
-speculation.
-
-Though antiquity, Pagan and Christian, took a different view, it
-seems easier, _a priori_, to understand Progress than Decadence. Even
-if the former be limited, as presumably it is, by the limitation of
-human faculty, we should expect the ultimate boundary to be capable of
-indefinite approach, and we should _not_ expect that any part of the
-road towards it, once traversed, would have to be retraced. Even in the
-organic world, decay and death, familiar though they be, are phenomena
-that call for scientific explanation. And Weismann has definitely asked
-how it comes about that the higher organisms grow old and die, seeing
-that old age and death are not inseparable characteristics of living
-protoplasm, and that the simplest organisms suffer no natural decay,
-perishing, when they do perish, by accident, starvation, or specific
-disease.
-
-The answer he gives to his own question is that the death of the
-individual is so useful to the race, that Natural Selection has, in
-all but the very lowest species, exterminated the potentially immortal.
-
-One is tempted to enquire, whether this ingenious explanation could be
-so modified as to apply not merely to individuals but to communities.
-Is it needful for the cause of civilisation as a whole, that the
-organised embodiment of each particular civilisation, if and when
-its free development is arrested, should make room for younger and
-more vigorous competitors? And if so can we find in Natural Selection
-the mechanism by which the principle of decay and dissolution shall
-be so implanted in the very nature of human associations that a due
-succession among them shall always be maintained?
-
-To this second question the answer must, I think, be in the negative.
-The struggle for existence between different races and different
-societies has admittedly played a great part in social development. But
-to extend Weismann’s idea from the organic to the social world, would
-imply a prolonged competition between groups of communities in which
-decadence was the rule, and groups in which it was not;--ending in the
-survival of the first, and the destruction of the second. The groups
-whose members suffered periodical decadence and dissolution would be
-the fittest to survive: just as, on Weismann’s theory, those species
-gain in competitive efficiency whom death has unburdened of the old.
-
-Few will say that in the petty fragment of human history which alone
-is open to our inspection, there is satisfactory evidence of any such
-long drawn process. Some may even be disposed to ask whether there
-is adequate evidence of such a phenomenon as decadence at all. And
-it must be acknowledged that the affirmative answer should be given
-with caution. Evidently we must not consider a diminution of national
-power, whether relative or absolute, as constituting by itself a proof
-of national decadence. Holland is not decadent because her place in
-the hierarchy of European Powers is less exalted than it was two
-hundred and fifty years ago. Spain was not necessarily decadent at
-the end of the seventeenth century because she had exhausted herself
-in a contest far beyond her resources either in money or in men. It
-would, I think, be rash even to say that Venice was decadent at the
-end of the eighteenth century, though the growth of other Powers, and
-the diversion of the great trade routes, had shorn her of wealth and
-international influence. These are misfortunes which in the sphere of
-sociology correspond to accident or disease in the sphere of biology.
-And what we are concerned to know is whether in the sphere of sociology
-there is also anything corresponding to the decay of old age--a decay
-which may be hastened by accident or disease, which must be ended by
-accident or disease, but is certainly to be distinguished from both.
-
-However this question should be answered the cases I have cited are
-sufficient to shew where the chief difficulty of the enquiry lies.
-Decadence, even if it be a reality, never acts in isolation. It is
-always complicated with, and often acts through, other more obvious
-causes. It is always therefore possible to argue that to these causes,
-and not to the more subtle and elusive influences collectively
-described as ’decadence,’ the decline and fall of great communities is
-really due.
-
-Yet there are historic tragedies which (as it seems to me) do most
-obstinately refuse to be thus simply explained. It is in vain that
-historians enumerate the public calamities which preceded, and no doubt
-contributed to, the final catastrophe. Civil dissensions, military
-disasters, pestilences, famines, tyrants, tax-gatherers, growing
-burdens, and waning wealth--the gloomy catalogue is unrolled before our
-eyes, yet somehow it does not in all cases wholly satisfy us: we feel
-that some of these diseases are of a kind which a vigorous body politic
-should easily be able to survive, that others are secondary symptoms of
-some obscurer malady, and that in neither case do they supply us with
-the full explanations of which we are in search.
-
-Consider for instance the long agony and final destruction of Roman
-Imperialism in the West, the most momentous catastrophe of which we
-have historic record. It has deeply stirred the imagination of mankind,
-it has been the theme of great historians, it has been much explained
-by political philosophers, yet who feels that either historians or
-philosophers have laid bare the inner workings of the drama? Rome
-fell, and great was the fall of it. But why it fell, by what secret
-mines its defences were breached, and what made its garrison so
-faint-hearted and ineffectual--this is not so clear.
-
-In order to measure adequately the difficulty of the problem let us
-abstract our minds from historical details and compare the position of
-the Empire about the middle of the second century, with its position
-in the middle of the third, or again at the end of the fourth, and
-ask of what forces history gives us an account, sufficient in these
-periods to effect so mighty a transformation. Or, still better, imagine
-an observer equipped with our current stock of political wisdom,
-transported to Rome in the reign of Antoninus Pius or Marcus Aurelius,
-and in ignorance of the event, writing letters to the newspapers on the
-future destinies of the Empire. What would his forecast be?
-
-We might suppose him to examine, in the first place, the military
-position of the State, its probable enemies, its capacities for
-defence. He would note that only on its eastern boundary was there
-an organised military Power capable of meeting Rome on anything like
-equal terms, and this only in the regions adjacent to their common
-frontier. For the rest he would discover no civilised enemy along
-the southern boundary to the Atlantic or along its northern boundary
-from the Black Sea to the German Ocean. Warlike tribes indeed he
-would find in plenty: difficult to crush within the limits of their
-native forests and morasses, formidable it may be in a raid, but
-without political cohesion, military unity, or the means of military
-concentration;--embarrassing therefore rather than dangerous.
-If reminded of Varus and his lost legions, he would ask of what
-importance, in the story of a world-power could be the loss of a
-few thousand men surprised at a distance from their base amid the
-entanglements of a difficult and unknown country. Never, it would seem,
-was Empire more fortunately circumstanced for purposes of home defence.
-
-But (it might be thought) the burden of securing frontiers of such
-length, even against merely tribal assaults, though easy from a
-strictly military point of view, might prove too heavy to be long
-endured. Yet the military forces scattered through the Roman Empire,
-though apparently adequate in the days of her greatness would,
-according to modern ideas, seem hardly sufficient for purposes of
-police, let alone defence. An army corps or less was deemed enough
-to preserve what are now mighty kingdoms, from internal disorder and
-external aggression. And if we compare with this the contributions,
-either in the way of money or of men, exacted from the territories
-subject to Rome before the Empire came into being, or at any period of
-the world’s history since it dissolved away, the comparison must surely
-be entirely in favour of the Empire.
-
-But burdens which seem light, if measured by area, may be heavy if
-measured by ability to pay. Yet when has ability to pay been greater
-in the regions bordering the Southern and Eastern Mediterranean than
-under the Roman Empire? Travel round it in imagination, eastward
-from the Atlantic coast of Morocco till returning westward you reach
-the head of the Adriatic Gulf, and you will have skirted a region,
-still of immense natural wealth, once filled with great cities, and
-fertile farms, better governed during the Empire than it has ever been
-governed since (at least till Algeria became French and Egypt British);
-including among its provinces what were great states before the Roman
-rule, and have been great states since that rule decayed, divided
-by no international jealousies, oppressed by no fear of conquest,
-enterprising, cultured. Remember that to estimate its area of taxation
-and recruiting you must add to these regions Bulgaria, Servia, much
-of Austria and Bavaria, Switzerland, Belgium, Italy, France, Spain,
-and most of Britain, and you have conditions favourable to military
-strength and economic prosperity rarely equalled in the modern world
-and never in the ancient.
-
-Our observer however might, very rightly, feel that a far-spreading
-Empire like that of Rome, including regions profoundly differing in
-race, history and religion, would be liable to other dangers than
-those which arise from mere external aggression. One of the first
-questions, therefore, which he would be disposed to ask, is whether
-so heterogeneous a state was not in perpetual danger of dissolution
-through the disintegrating influence of national sentiments. He would
-learn probably, with a strong feeling of surprise, that with the single
-exception of the Jews, the constituent nations, once conquered, were
-not merely content to belong to the Empire, but could scarcely imagine
-themselves doing anything else: that the Imperial system appealed, not
-merely to the material needs of the component populations, but also to
-their imagination and their loyalty; that Gaul, Spain, and Britain,
-though but recently forced within the pale of civilisation, were as
-faithful to the Imperial ideal as the Greek of Athens or the Hellenised
-Orientals of Syria; and that neither historic memories, nor local
-patriotism, neither disputed succession, nor public calamities, nor
-administrative divisions, ever really shook the sentiment in favour of
-Imperial Unity. There might be more than one Emperor: but there could
-only be one Empire. Howsoever our observer might disapprove of the
-Imperial system he would therefore have to admit that the Empire, with
-all its shortcomings, its absolutism and its bureaucracy, had solved
-more successfully than any government, before or since, the problem of
-devising a scheme which equally satisfied the sentiments of East and
-West; which respected local feelings, encouraged local government; in
-which the Celt, the Iberian, the Berber, the Egyptian, the Asiatic,
-the Greek, the Illyrian, the Italian were all at home, and which,
-though based on conquest, was accepted by the conquered as the natural
-organisation of the civilised world.
-
-Rome had thus unique sources of strength. What sources of weakness
-would our observer be likely to detect behind her imposing exterior?
-The diminution of population is the one which has (rightly I think)
-most impressed historians: and it is difficult to resist the evidence,
-either of the fact, or of its disastrous consequences. I hesitate
-indeed to accept without qualification the accounts given us of the
-progressive decay of the native Italian stock from the days of the
-Gracchi to the disintegration of the Empire in the West: and when we
-read how the dearth of men was made good (in so far as it was made
-good) by the increasing inflow of slaves and adventurers from every
-corner of the known world, one wonders _whose_ sons they were who, for
-three centuries and more, so brilliantly led the van of modern European
-culture, as it emerged from the darkness of the early Middle Ages.
-Passing by such collateral issues, however, and admitting depopulation
-to have been both real and serious, we may well ask whether it was not
-the result of Roman decadence rather than its cause, the symptom of
-some deep-seated social malady, not its origin. We are not concerned
-here with the aristocracy of Rome, nor even with the people of Italy.
-We are concerned with the Empire. We are not concerned with a passing
-phase or fashion, but with a process which seems to have gone on with
-increasing rapidity, through good times as well as bad, till the final
-cataclysm. A local disease might have a local explanation, a transient
-one might be due to a chance coincidence. But what can we say of a
-disease which was apparently co-extensive with Imperial civilisation in
-area, and which exceeded it in duration?
-
-I find it hard to believe that either a selfish aversion to matrimony
-or a mystical admiration for celibacy, though at certain periods the
-one was common in Pagan and the other in Christian circles, were
-more than elements in the complex of causes by which the result was
-brought about. Like the plagues which devastated Europe in the second
-and third centuries, they must have greatly aggravated the evil, but
-they are hardly sufficient to account for it. Nor yet can we find
-an explanation of it in the discouragement, the sense of impending
-doom, by which men’s spirits were oppressed long before the Imperial
-power began visibly to wane, for this is one of the things which, if
-historically true, does itself most urgently require explanation.
-
-It may be however that our wandering politician would be too well
-grounded in Malthusian economics to regard a diminution of population
-as in itself an overwhelming calamity. And if he were pressed to
-describe the weak spots in the Empire of the Antonines he would be
-disposed, I think, to look for them on the ethical rather than on the
-military, the economic, or the strictly political sides of social life.
-He would be inclined to say, as in effect Mr Lecky does say, that in
-the institution of slavery, in the brutalities of the gladiatorial
-shows, in the gratuitous distribution of bread to the urban mobs, are
-to be found the corrupting influences which first weakened and then
-destroyed the vigour of the State.
-
-I confess that I cannot easily accept this analysis of the facts. As
-regards the gladiatorial shows, even had they been universal throughout
-the Empire, and had they flourished more rankly as its power declined,
-I should still have questioned the propriety of attributing too
-far-reaching effects to such a cause. The Romans were brutal while they
-were conquering the world: its conquest enabled them to be brutal with
-ostentation; but we must not measure the ill consequences of their
-barbaric tastes by the depth of our own disgusts, nor assume the Gothic
-invasions to be the natural and fitting Nemesis of so much spectacular
-shedding of innocent blood.
-
-As for the public distributions of corn, one would wish to have more
-evidence as to its social effects. But even without fully accepting the
-theory of the latest Roman historian, who believes that, under the then
-prevailing conditions of transport, no very large city could exist in
-Antiquity, if the supply of its food were left to private enterprise,
-we cannot seriously regard this practice, strange as it seems to us, as
-an important element in the problem. Granting for the sake of argument
-that it demoralised the mob of Rome, it must be remembered that Rome
-was not the Empire, nor did the mob of Rome govern the Empire, as once
-it had governed the Republic.
-
-Slavery is a far more important matter. The magnitude of its effects on
-ancient societies, difficult as these are to disentangle, can hardly be
-exaggerated. But with what plausibility can we find in it the cause of
-Rome’s decline, seeing that it was the concomitant also of its rise?
-How can that which in Antiquity was common to every state, have this
-exceptional and malign influence upon one? It would not in any case be
-easy to accept such a theory; but surely it becomes impossible when we
-bear in mind the enormous improvement effected under the Empire both in
-the law and the practice of slavery. Great as were its evils, they were
-diminishing evils--less ruinous as time went on to the character of the
-master, less painful and degrading to the slave. Who can believe that
-this immemorial custom could, in its decline, destroy a civilisation,
-which, in its vigour, it had helped to create?
-
-Of course our observer would see much in the social system he was
-examining which he would rightly regard as morally detestable and
-politically pernicious. But the real question before him would not be
-‘are these things good or bad?’ but ‘are these things getting better
-or getting worse?’ And surely in most cases he would be obliged to
-answer ‘getting better.’ Many things moreover would come under his
-notice fitted to move his admiration in a much less qualified manner.
-Few governments have been more anxious to foster an alien and higher
-culture, than was the Roman Government to foster Greek civilisation.
-In so far as Rome inherited what Alexander conquered, it carried out
-the ideal which Alexander had conceived. In few periods have the rich
-been readier to spend of their private fortunes on public objects.
-There never was a community in which associations for every purpose of
-mutual aid or enjoyment sprang more readily into existence. There never
-was a military monarchy less given to wars of aggression. There never
-was an age in which there was a more rapid advance in humanitarian
-ideals, or a more anxious seeking after spiritual truth. There was much
-discussion, there was, apart from politics, but little intolerance.
-Education was well endowed, and its professors held in high esteem.
-Physical culture was cared for. Law was becoming scientific. Research
-was not forgotten. What more could be reasonably expected?
-
-According to our ordinary methods of analysis it is not easy to say
-what more _could_ be reasonably expected. But plainly much more was
-required. In a few generations from the time of which I am speaking
-the Empire lost its extraordinary power of assimilating alien and
-barbaric elements. It became too feeble either to absorb or to expel
-them: and the immigrants who in happier times might have bestowed
-renewed vigour on the commonwealth, became, in the hour of its decline,
-a weakness and a peril. Poverty grew as population shrank. Municipal
-office, once so eagerly desired, became the most cruel of burdens.
-Associations connected with industry or commerce, which began by freely
-exchanging public service for public privilege, found their members
-subjected to ever increasing obligations, for the due performance of
-which they and their children were liable in person and in property.
-Thus while Christianity, and the other forces that made for mercy, were
-diminishing the slavery of the slave, the needs of the Bureaucracy
-compelled it to trench ever more and more upon the freedom of the
-free. It was each man’s duty (so ran the argument) to serve the
-commonwealth: he could best serve the commonwealth by devoting himself
-to his calling if it were one of public necessity: this duty he should
-be required under penalties to perform, and to devote if necessary to
-its performance, labour to the limits of endurance, fortune to the
-last shilling, and family to the remotest generation. Through this
-crude experiment in socialism, the civilised world seemed to be rapidly
-moving towards a system of universal caste, imposed by no immemorial
-custom, supported by no religious scruple, but forced on an unwilling
-people by the Emperor’s edict and the executioner’s lash.
-
-These things have severally and collectively been regarded as the
-causes why in the West the Imperial system so quickly crumbled into
-chaos. And so no doubt they were. But they obviously require themselves
-to be explained by causes more general and more remote; and what were
-these? If I answer as I feel disposed to answer--Decadence--you will
-properly ask how the unknown becomes less unknown merely by receiving
-a name. I reply that if there be indeed subtle changes in the social
-tissues of old communities which make them, as time goes on, less
-resistant to the external attacks and the internal disturbances by
-which all communities are threatened, overt recognition of the fact
-is a step in advance. We have not an idea of what ‘life’ consists in,
-but if on that account we were to abstain from using the term, we
-should not be better but worse equipped for dealing with the problems
-of physiology; while on the other hand if we could translate life
-into terms of matter and motion to-morrow, we should still be obliged
-to use the word in order to distinguish the material movements which
-constitute life or exhibit it, from those which do not. In like manner
-we are ignorant of the inner character of the cell changes which
-produce senescence. But should we be better fitted to form a correct
-conception of the life-history of complex organisms if we refused to
-recognise any cause of death but accident or disease? I admit, of
-course, that the term ‘decadence’ is less precise than ‘old age’:
-as sociology deals with organisms far less definite than biology. I
-admit also that it explains nothing. If its use is to be justified at
-all, the justification must depend not on the fact that it supplies an
-explanation, but on the fact that it rules out explanations which are
-obvious but inadequate. And this may be a service of some importance.
-The facile generalisations with which we so often season the study of
-dry historic fact; the habits of political discussion which induce us
-to catalogue for purposes of debate the outward signs that distinguish
-(as we are prone to think) the standing from the falling state, hide
-the obscurer, but more potent, forces which silently prepare the
-fate of empires. National character is subtle and elusive; not to be
-expressed in statistics nor measured by the rough methods which suffice
-the practical moralist or statesman. And when through an ancient and
-still powerful state there spreads a mood of deep discouragement, when
-the reaction against recurring ills grows feebler, and the ship rises
-less buoyantly to each succeeding wave, when learning languishes,
-enterprise slackens, and vigour ebbs away, then, as I think, there is
-present some process of social degeneration, which we must perforce
-recognise, and which, pending a satisfactory analysis, may conveniently
-be distinguished by the name of ‘decadence.’
-
-I am well aware that though the space I have just devoted to the
-illustration of my theme provided by Roman history is out of all
-proportion to the general plan of this address, yet the treatment of
-it is inadequate and perhaps unconvincing. But those who are most
-reluctant to admit that decay, as distinguished from misfortune, may
-lower the general level of civilisation, can hardly deny that in many
-cases that level may for indefinite periods shew no tendency to rise.
-If decadence be unknown, is not progress exceptional? Consider the
-changing politics of the unchanging East[1]. Is it not true that there,
-while wars and revolutions, dynastic and religious, have shattered
-ancient states and brought new ones into being, every community, as
-soon as it has risen above the tribal and nomad condition, adopts
-with the rarest exceptions a form of government which, from its
-very generality in Eastern lands, we habitually call an ‘oriental
-despotism’? We may crystallise and re-crystallise a soluble salt as
-often as we please, the new crystals will always resemble the old ones.
-The crystals, indeed, may be of different sizes, their component
-molecules may occupy different positions within the crystalline
-structure, but the structure itself will be of one immutable pattern.
-So it is, or seems to be, with these oriental states. They rise, in
-turn, upon the ruins of their predecessors, themselves predestined
-to perish by a like fate. But whatever their origin or history, they
-are always either autocracies or aggregations of autocracies; and no
-differences of race, of creed, or of language seem sufficient to vary
-the violent monotony of their internal history. In the eighteenth
-century theorists were content to attribute the political servitude of
-the Eastern world to the unscrupulous machinations of tyrants and their
-tools. And such explanations are good as far as they go. But this, in
-truth, is not very far. Intrigue, assassination, ruthless repression,
-the whole machinery of despotism supply particular explanations of
-particular incidents. They do not supply the general explanation of
-the general phenomenon. They tell you how this ruler or that obtained
-absolute power. They do not tell you why every ruler is absolute.
-Nor can I furnish the answer. The fact remains that over large and
-relatively civilised portions of the world popular government is
-profoundly unpopular, in the sense that it is no natural or spontaneous
-social growth. Political absolutism not political freedom is the
-familiar weed of the country. Despots change but despotism remains: and
-if through alien influences, like those exercised by Greek cities in
-Asia, or by British rule in India, the type is modified, it may well be
-doubted whether the modification could long survive the moment when its
-sustaining cause was withdrawn.
-
-Now it would almost seem as if in lands where this political type was
-normal a certain level of culture (not of course the same in each
-case) could not permanently be overpassed. If under the excitement of
-religion or conquest, or else through causes more complicated and more
-obscure, this limit has sometimes been left behind, reaction has always
-followed, and decadence set in. Many people indeed, as I have already
-observed, take this as a matter of course. It seems to them the most
-natural thing in the world that the glories of the Eastern Khalifate
-should decay, and that the Moors in Morocco should lose even the memory
-of the learning and the arts possessed but three centuries ago by the
-Moors in Spain. To me it seems mysterious. But whether it be easy of
-comprehension or difficult, if only it be true, does it not furnish
-food for disquieting reflexion? If there are whole groups of nations
-capable on their own initiative of a certain measure of civilisation,
-but capable apparently of no more, and if below them again there are
-(as I suppose) other races who seem incapable of either creating a
-civilisation of their own, or of preserving unaided a civilisation
-impressed upon them from without, by what right do we assume that
-no impassable limits bar the path of Western progress? Those limits
-may not yet be in sight. Surely they are not. But does not a survey
-of history suggest that somewhere in the dim future they await our
-approach?
-
-It may be replied that the history of Rome, on which I dwelt a moment
-ago, shews that arrested progress, and even decadence, may be but the
-prelude to a new period of vigorous growth. So that even those races
-or nations which seem frozen into eternal immobility may base upon
-experience their hopes of an awakening spring.
-
-I am not sure, however, that this is the true interpretation of the
-facts. There is no spectacle indeed in all history more impressive
-than the thick darkness settling down over Western Europe, blotting
-out all but a faint and distorted vision of Graeco-Roman culture, and
-then, as it slowly rises, unveiling the variety and rich promise of the
-modern world. But I do not think we should make this unique phenomenon
-support too weighty a load of theory. I should not infer from it that
-when some wave of civilisation has apparently spent its force, we
-have a right to regard its withdrawing sweep as but the prelude to a
-new advance. I should rather conjecture that in this particular case
-we should find, among other subtle causes of decadence, some obscure
-disharmony between the Imperial system and the temperament of the West,
-undetected even by those who suffered from it. That system, though
-accepted with contentment and even with pride, though in the days of
-its greatness it brought civilisation, commerce, and security in its
-train, must surely have lacked some elements which are needed to foster
-among Teutons, Celts, and Iberians the qualities, whatever these may
-be, on which sustained progress depends. It was perhaps too oriental
-for the occident, and it certainly became more oriental as time went
-on. In the East it was, comparatively speaking, successful. If there
-was no progress, decadence was slow; and but for what Western Europe
-did, and what it failed to do, during the long struggle with militant
-Mahommedanism, there might still be an Empire in the East, largely
-Asiatic in population, Christian in religion, Greek in culture, Roman
-by political descent.
-
-Had this been the course of events large portions of mankind would
-doubtless have been much better governed than they are. It is not so
-clear that they would have been more ‘progressive.’ Progress is with
-the West: with communities of the European type. And if _their_ energy
-of development is some day to be exhausted, who can believe that there
-remains any external source from which it can be renewed? Where are the
-untried races competent to construct out of the ruined fragments of our
-civilisation a new and better habitation for the spirit of man? They
-do not exist: and if the world is again to be buried under a barbaric
-flood, it will not be like that which fertilised, though it first
-destroyed, the western provinces of Rome, but like that which in Asia
-submerged for ever the last traces of Hellenic culture.
-
-We are thus brought back to the question I put a few moments since.
-What grounds are there for supposing that we can escape the fate to
-which other races have had to submit? If for periods which, measured
-on the historic scale, are of great duration, communities which have
-advanced to a certain point appear able to advance no further; if
-civilisations wear out, and races become effete, why should we expect
-to progress indefinitely, why for us alone is the doom of man to be
-reversed?
-
-To these questions I have no very satisfactory answers to give, nor
-do I believe that our knowledge of national or social psychology
-is sufficient to make a satisfactory answer possible. Some purely
-tentative observations on the point may, however, furnish a fitting
-conclusion to an address which has been tentative throughout, and aims
-rather at suggesting trains of thought, than at completing them.
-
-I assume that the factors which combine to make each generation what
-it is at the moment of its entrance into adult life are in the main
-twofold. The one produces the raw material of society, the process
-of manufacture is effected by the other. The first is physiological
-inheritance, the second is the inheritance partly of external
-conditions of life, partly of beliefs[2], traditions, sentiments,
-customs, laws, and organisation--all that constitute the social
-surroundings in which men grow up to maturity.
-
-I hazard no conjecture as to the share borne respectively by these two
-kinds of cause in producing their joint result. Nor are we likely to
-obtain satisfactory evidence on the subject till, in the interests of
-science, two communities of different blood and different traditions
-consent to exchange their children at birth by a universal process
-of reciprocal adoption. But even in the absence of so heroic an
-experiment, it seems safe to say that the mobility which makes possible
-either progress or decadence, resides rather in the causes grouped
-under the second head than in the physiological material on which
-education, in the widest sense of that ambiguous term, has got to
-work. If, as I suppose, acquired qualities are not inherited, the only
-causes which could fundamentally modify the physiological character of
-any particular community are its intermixture with alien races through
-slavery, conquest, or immigration; or else new conditions which varied
-the relative proportion in which different sections of the population
-contributed to its total numbers. If, for example, the more successful
-members of the community had smaller families than the less successful;
-or if medical administration succeeded in extinguishing maladies to
-which persons of a particular constitution were specially liable; or
-if one strain in a mixed race had a larger birth rate than another--in
-these cases and in others like them, there would doubtless be a change
-in the physiological factor of national character. But such changes
-are not likely, I suppose, to be considerable, except, perhaps, those
-due to the mixture of races;--and that only in new countries whose
-economic opportunities tempt immigrants widely differing in culture,
-and in capacity for culture, from those whose citizenship they propose
-to share.
-
-The flexible element in any society, that which is susceptible of
-progress or decadence, must therefore be looked for rather in the
-physical and psychical conditions affecting the life of its component
-units, than in their inherited constitution. This last rather supplies
-a limit to variations than an element which does itself vary: though
-from this point of view its importance is capital. I at least find
-it quite impossible to believe that any attempt to provide widely
-different races with an identical environment, political, religious,
-educational, what you will, can ever make them alike. They have been
-different and unequal since history began; different and unequal they
-are destined to remain through future periods of comparable duration.
-
-But though the advance of each community is thus limited by its
-inherited aptitudes, I do not suppose that those limits have ever been
-reached by its unaided efforts. In the cases where a forward movement
-has died away, the pause must in part be due to arrested development
-in the variable, not to a fixed resistance in the unchanging factor
-of national character. Either external conditions are unfavourable;
-or the sentiments, customs and beliefs which make society possible
-have hardened into shapes which make its further self-development
-impossible; or through mere weariness of spirit the community resigns
-itself to a contented, or perhaps a discontented, stagnation; or it
-shatters itself in pursuit of impossible ideals, or for other and
-obscurer reasons, flags in its endeavours, and falls short of possible
-achievement.
-
-Now I am quite unable to offer any such general analysis of the causes
-by which these hindrances to progress are produced or removed as would
-furnish a reply to my question. But it may be worth noting that a
-social force has come into being, new in magnitude if not in kind,
-which must favourably modify such hindrances as come under all but the
-last of the divisions in which I have roughly arranged them. This force
-is the modern alliance between pure science and industry. That on this
-we must mainly rely for the improvement of the material conditions
-under which societies live is in my opinion obvious, although no one
-would conjecture it from a historic survey of political controversy.
-Its direct moral effects are less obvious; indeed there are many most
-excellent people who would altogether deny their existence. To regard
-it as a force fitted to rouse and sustain the energies of nations
-would seem to them absurd: for this would be to rank it with those
-other forces which have most deeply stirred the emotions of great
-communities, have urged them to the greatest exertions, have released
-them most effectually from the benumbing fetters of merely personal
-preoccupations,--with religion, patriotism, and politics. Industrial
-expansion under scientific inspiration, so far from deserving praise
-like this, is in their view, at best, but a new source of material
-well-being, at worst the prolific parent of physical ugliness in
-many forms, machine made wares, smoky cities, polluted rivers, and
-desecrated landscapes,--appropriately associated with materialism and
-greed.
-
-I believe this view to be utterly misleading, confounding accident with
-essence, transient accompaniments with inseparable characteristics.
-Should we dream of thus judging the other great social forces of which
-I have spoken? Are we to ignore what religion has done for the world
-because it has been the fruitful excuse for the narrowest bigotries
-and the most cruel persecutions? Are we to underrate the worth of
-politics, because politics may mean no more than the mindless clash of
-factions, or the barren exchange of one set of tyrants or jobbers for
-another? Is patriotism to be despised because its manifestations have
-been sometimes vulgar, sometimes selfish, sometimes brutal, sometimes
-criminal? Estimates like these seem to me worse than useless. All great
-social forces are not merely capable of perversion, they are constantly
-perverted. Yet were they eliminated from our social system, were each
-man, acting on the advice, which Voltaire gave but never followed, to
-disinterest himself of all that goes on beyond the limits of his own
-cabbage garden, decadence I take it, would have already far advanced.
-
-But if the proposition I am defending may be wrongly criticised, it
-is still more likely to be wrongly praised. To some it will commend
-itself as a eulogy on an industrial as distinguished from a military
-civilisation: as a suggestion that in the peaceful pursuit of wealth
-there is that which of itself may constitute a valuable social tonic.
-This may be true, but it is not my contention. In talking of the
-alliance between industry and science my emphasis is at least as much
-on the word science as on the word industry. I am not concerned now
-with the proportion of the population devoted to productive labour,
-or the esteem in which they are held. It is on the effects which I
-believe are following, and are going in yet larger measure to follow,
-from the intimate relation between scientific discovery and industrial
-efficiency, that I most desire to insist.
-
-Do you then, it will be asked, so highly rate the utilitarian aspect
-of research as to regard it as a source, not merely of material
-convenience, but of spiritual elevation? Is it seriously to be ranked
-with religion and patriotism as an important force for raising men’s
-lives above what is small, personal, and self-centred? Does it not
-rather pervert pure knowledge into a new contrivance for making money,
-and give a fresh triumph to the ‘growing materialism of the age’?
-
-I do not myself believe that this age is either less spiritual or more
-sordid than its predecessors. I believe, indeed, precisely the reverse.
-But however this may be, is it not plain that if a society is to be
-moved by the remote speculations of isolated thinkers it can only
-be on condition that their isolation is not complete? Some point of
-contact they must have with the world in which they live, and if their
-influence is to be based on widespread sympathy, the contact must be
-in a region where there can be, if not full mutual comprehension, at
-least a large measure of practical agreement and willing co-operation.
-Philosophy has never touched the mass of men except through religion.
-And, though the parallel is not complete, it is safe to say that
-science will never touch them unaided by its practical applications.
-Its wonders may be catalogued for purposes of education, they may be
-illustrated by arresting experiments, by numbers and magnitudes which
-startle or fatigue the imagination; but they will form no familiar
-portion of the intellectual furniture of ordinary men unless they be
-connected, however remotely, with the conduct of ordinary life. Critics
-have made merry over the naive self-importance which represented
-man as the centre and final cause of the universe, and conceived the
-stupendous mechanism of nature as primarily designed to satisfy his
-wants and minister to his entertainment. But there is another, and an
-opposite, danger into which it is possible to fall. The material world,
-howsoever it may have gained in sublimity, has, under the touch of
-science, lost (so to speak) in domestic charm. Except where it affects
-the immediate needs of organic life, it may seem so remote from the
-concerns of men that in the majority it will rouse no curiosity, while
-of those who are fascinated by its marvels, not a few will be chilled
-by its impersonal and indifferent immensity.
-
-For this latter mood only religion or religious philosophy can supply
-a cure. But for the former, the appropriate remedy is the perpetual
-stimulus which the influence of science on the business of mankind
-offers to their sluggish curiosity. And even now I believe this
-influence to be underrated. If in the last hundred years the whole
-material setting of civilised life has altered, we owe it neither to
-politicians nor to political institutions. We owe it to the combined
-efforts of those who have advanced science and those who have applied
-it. If our outlook upon the Universe has suffered modifications in
-detail so great and so numerous that they amount collectively to a
-revolution, it is to men of science we owe it, not to theologians or
-philosophers. On these indeed new and weighty responsibilities are
-being cast. They have to harmonise and to coordinate, to prevent the
-new from being one-sided, to preserve the valuable essence of what is
-old. But science is the great instrument of social change, all the
-greater because its object is not change but knowledge; and its silent
-appropriation of this dominant function, amid the din of political and
-religious strife, is the most vital of all the revolutions which have
-marked the development of modern civilisation.
-
-It may seem fanciful to find in a single recent aspect of this
-revolution an influence which resembles religion or patriotism in
-its appeals to the higher side of ordinary characters--especially
-since we are accustomed to regard the appropriation by industry of
-scientific discoveries merely as a means of multiplying the material
-conveniences of life. But if it be remembered that this process brings
-vast sections of every industrial community into admiring relation
-with the highest intellectual achievement, and the most disinterested
-search for truth; that those who live by ministering to the common
-wants of average humanity lean for support on those who search among
-the deepest mysteries of Nature; that their dependence is rewarded
-by growing success; that success gives in its turn an incentive to
-individual effort in no wise to be measured by personal expectation of
-gain; that the energies thus aroused may affect the whole character
-of the community, spreading the beneficent contagion of hope and high
-endeavour through channels scarcely known, to workers[3] in fields
-the most remote; if all this be borne in mind it may perhaps seem not
-unworthy of the place I have assigned to it.
-
-But I do not offer this speculation, whatever be its worth, as an
-answer to my original question. It is but an aid to optimism, not a
-reply to pessimism. Such a reply can only be given by a sociology
-which has arrived at scientific conclusions on the life-history of
-different types of society, and has risen above the empirical and
-merely interrogative point of view which, for want of a better, I
-have adopted in this address. No such sociology exists at present, or
-seems likely soon to be created. In its absence the conclusions at
-which I provisionally arrive are that we cannot regard decadence and
-arrested development as less normal in human communities than progress;
-though the point at which the energy of advance is exhausted (if,
-and when it is reached) varies in different races and civilisations:
-that the internal causes by which progress is encouraged, hindered,
-or reversed, lie to a great extent beyond the field of ordinary
-political discussion, and are not easily expressed in current political
-terminology: that the influence which a superior civilisation,
-whether acting by example or imposed by force, may have in advancing
-an inferior one, though often beneficent, is not likely to be self
-supporting; its withdrawal will be followed by decadence, unless the
-character of the civilisation be in harmony both with the acquired
-temperament and the innate capacities of those who have been induced to
-accept it: that as regards those nations which still advance in virtue
-of their own inherent energies, though time has brought perhaps new
-causes of disquiet, it has brought also new grounds of hope; and that
-whatever be the perils in front of us, there are, so far, no symptoms
-either of pause or of regression in the onward movement which for more
-than a thousand years has been characteristic of Western civilisation.
-
-
-
-
-NOTES:
-
-[1] The ‘East’ is a term most loosely used. It does not here include
-China and Japan and _does_ include parts of Africa. The observations
-which follow have no reference either to the Jews or to the commercial
-aristocracies of Phœnician origin.
-
-[2] Beliefs include knowledge.
-
-[3] This remark arises out of a train of thought suggested by two
-questions which are very pertinent to the subject of the Address.
-
-(1) Is a due succession of men above the average in original capacity
-necessary to maintain social progress? and
-
-(2) If so, can we discover any law according to which such men are
-produced?
-
-I entertain no doubt myself that the answer to the first question
-should be in the affirmative. Democracy is an excellent thing; but,
-though quite consistent with progress, it is not progressive _per se_.
-Its value is regulative not dynamic; and if it meant (as it never does)
-substantial uniformity, instead of legal equality, we should become
-fossilised at once. Movement may be controlled or checked by the many;
-it is initiated and made effective by the few. If (for the sake of
-illustration) we suppose mental capacity in all its many forms to be
-mensurable and commensurable, and then imagine two societies possessing
-the same average capacity--but an average made up in one case of equal
-units, in the other of a majority slightly below the average and a
-minority much above it, few could doubt that the second, not the first,
-would show the greatest aptitude for movement. It might go wrong, but
-it would go.
-
-The second question--how is this originality (in its higher
-manifestations called genius) effectively produced? is not so simple.
-
-Excluding education in its narrowest sense--which few would regard as
-having much to do with the matter--the only alternatives seem to be the
-following:
-
-Original capacity may be no more than one of the ordinary variations
-incidental to heredity. A community may breed a minority thus
-exceptionally gifted, as it breeds a minority of men over six feet six.
-There may be an average decennial output of congenital geniuses as
-there is an average decennial output of congenital idiots--though the
-number is likely to be smaller.
-
-But if this be the sole cause of the phenomenon, why does the same race
-_apparently_ produce many men of genius in one generation and few in
-another? Why are years of abundance so often followed by long periods
-of sterility?
-
-The most obvious explanation of this would seem to be that in some
-periods circumstances give many openings to genius, in some periods
-few. The genius is constantly produced; but it is only occasionally
-recognised.
-
-In this there must be some truth. A mob orator in Turkey, a religious
-reformer in seventeenth century Spain, a military leader in the
-Sandwich islands, would hardly get their chance. Yet the theory of
-opportunity can scarcely be reckoned a complete explanation. For it
-leaves unaccounted for the _variety_ of genius which has in some
-countries marked epochs of vigorous national development. Athens in
-the fifth and fourth centuries, Florence in the fifteenth and early
-sixteenth centuries, Holland in the later sixteenth and seventeenth
-centuries, are the typical examples. In such periods the opportunities
-of statesmen, soldiers, orators, and diplomatists, may have been
-specially frequent. But whence came the poets, the sculptors, the
-painters, the philosophers and the men of letters? What peculiar
-opportunities had _they_?
-
-The only explanation, if we reject the idea of a mere coincidence,
-seems to be, that quite apart from opportunity, the exceptional stir
-and fervour of national life evokes or may evoke qualities which in
-ordinary times lie dormant, unknown even to their possessors. The
-potential Miltons are ‘mute’ and ‘inglorious’ not because they cannot
-find a publisher, but because they have nothing they want to publish.
-They lack the kind of inspiration which, on this view, flows from
-social surroundings where great things, though of quite another kind,
-are being done and thought.
-
-If this theory be true (and it is not without its difficulties) one
-would like to know whether these undoubted outbursts of originality
-in the higher and rarer form of genius, are symptomatic of a general
-rise in the number of persons exhibiting original capacity of a more
-ordinary type. If so, then the conclusion would seem to be that some
-kind of widespread exhilaration or excitement is required in order to
-enable any community to extract the best results from the raw material
-transmitted to it by natural inheritance.
-
-
-_Cambridge: Printed at the University Press._
-
-
-
-
-Transcriber’s Note
-
-
-In this file, text in _italics_ is indicated by underscores.
-
-On page 41, “Greek in culture Roman by political descent” was corrected
-to “Greek in culture, Roman by political descent.”
-
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-<p style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of Decadence, by Arthur James Balfour</p>
-<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>
-This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and
-most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions
-whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms
-of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online
-at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you
-are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the
-country where you are located before using this eBook.
-</div>
-
-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: Decadence</p>
-<p style='display:block; margin-left:2em; text-indent:0; margin-top:0; margin-bottom:1em;'>Henry Sidgwick memorial lecture</p>
-<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: Arthur James Balfour</p>
-<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: June 1, 2022 [eBook #68219]</p>
-<p style='display:block; text-indent:0; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</p>
- <p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em; text-align:left'>Produced by: Thomas Frost and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was produced from images generously made available by The Internet Archive)</p>
-<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK DECADENCE ***</div>
-
-
-
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_2">[Pg 2]</span></p>
-
-
-
-
-<p class="center p110">
-CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS WAREHOUSE,<br />
-C. F. CLAY, <span class="smcap">Manager</span>.<br />
-</p>
-
-<p class="center p110">
-<b>London</b>: FETTER LANE, E.C.</p>
-
-<p class="center">
-<b>Glasgow</b>: 50, WELLINGTON STREET.</p>
-
-<div class="figcenter illowp15" id="crest" style="max-width: 8em;">
- <img class="w100" src="images/crest.jpg" alt="Crest" title="Crest" />
-</div>
-
-<p class="center">
-<b>Leipzig</b>: F. A. BROCKHAUS.<br />
-<b>New York</b>: G. P. PUTNAM’S SONS.<br />
-<b>Bombay and Calcutta</b>: MACMILLAN AND CO., <span class="smcap">Ltd.</span></p>
-
-
-
-<p class="center p4">[<span class="italic">All Rights reserved</span>]</p>
-
-
-
-<hr class="full x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_3">[Pg 3]</span></p>
-
-<h1 class="break">DECADENCE</h1>
-
-<p class="center p130 p2"><span class="italic">HENRY SIDGWICK MEMORIAL</span><br />
-<span class="italic">LECTURE</span></p>
-
-
-<p class="p120 center p3">by<br />
-<span class="smcap">The Right Hon.</span><br />
-ARTHUR JAMES BALFOUR, M.P.</p>
-
-
-<p class="p105 p2 center">
-[DELIVERED AT NEWNHAM COLLEGE,<br />
-JANUARY 25, 1908]
-</p>
-
-
-<p class="center p4 p120">
-<span class="smcap">Cambridge</span><br />
-at the University Press<br />
-1908</p>
-
-
-<hr class="full x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_4">[Pg 4]</span></p>
-
-<p class="center break"><b>Cambridge:</b><br />
-<span class="p90">PRINTED BY JOHN CLAY, M.A.<br />
-AT THE UNIVERSITY PRESS.</span>
-</p>
-
-
-
-<hr class="full x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_5">[Pg 5]</span></p>
-
-
-<p class="break">I must begin what I have to say with a
-warning and an apology. I must warn you
-that the present essay makes no pretence to
-be an adequate treatment of some compact
-and limited theme; but rather resembles those
-wandering trains of thought, where we allow
-ourselves the luxury of putting wide-ranging
-questions, to which our ignorance forbids any
-confident reply. I apologise for adopting a
-course which thus departs in some measure
-from familiar precedent. I admit its perils.
-But it is just possible that when a subject, or
-group of subjects, is of great inherent interest,
-even a tentative, and interrogative, treatment
-of it may be worth attempting.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_6">[Pg 6]</span></p>
-
-<p>My subject, or at least my point of departure,
-is Decadence. I do not mean the
-sort of decadence often attributed to certain
-phases of artistic or literary development, in
-which an overwrought technique, straining to
-express sentiments too subtle or too morbid,
-is deemed to have supplanted the direct inspiration
-of an earlier and a simpler age.
-Whether these autumnal glories, these splendours
-touched with death, are recurring phenomena
-in the literary cycle: whether, if they
-be, they are connected with other forms
-of decadence, may be questions well worth
-asking and answering. But they are not the
-questions with which I am at present concerned.
-The decadence respecting which I wish to
-put questions is not literary or artistic, it is
-political and national. It is the decadence
-which attacks, or is alleged to attack, great
-communities and historic civilisations: which<span class="pagenum" id="Page_7">[Pg 7]</span>
-is to societies of men what senility is to man,
-and is often, like senility, the precursor and
-the cause of final dissolution.</p>
-
-<p>It is curious how deeply imbedded in
-ordinary discourse are traces of the conviction
-that childhood, maturity, and old age,
-are stages in the corporate, as they are in
-the individual, life. “A young and vigorous
-nation,” “a decrepit and moribund civilisation”—phrases
-like these, and scores of others
-containing the same implication, come as trippingly
-from the tongue as if they suggested
-no difficulty and called for no explanation.
-To Macaulay (unless I am pressing his famous
-metaphor too far) it seemed natural that ages
-hence a young country like New Zealand should
-be flourishing, but not less natural that an old
-country like England should have decayed.
-Berkeley, in a well-known stanza, tells how the
-drama of civilisation has slowly travelled westwards<span class="pagenum" id="Page_8">[Pg 8]</span>
-to find its loftiest development, but also
-its final catastrophe, in the New World. While
-every man who is weary, hopeless, or disillusioned
-talks as if he had caught these
-various diseases from the decadent epoch in
-which he was born.</p>
-
-<p>But why <em>should</em> civilisations thus wear out
-and great communities decay? and what evidence
-is there that in fact they do? These
-questions, though I cannot give to them any
-conclusive answers, are of much more than
-a merely theoretic interest. For if current
-modes of speech take decadence more or less
-for granted, with still greater confidence do
-they speak of Progress as assured. Yet if
-both are real they can hardly be studied apart,
-they must evidently limit and qualify each
-other in actual experience, and they cannot
-be isolated in speculation.</p>
-
-<p>Though antiquity, Pagan and Christian,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_9">[Pg 9]</span>
-took a different view, it seems easier, <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">a priori</i>,
-to understand Progress than Decadence. Even
-if the former be limited, as presumably it is,
-by the limitation of human faculty, we should
-expect the ultimate boundary to be capable
-of indefinite approach, and we should <em>not</em>
-expect that any part of the road towards it,
-once traversed, would have to be retraced.
-Even in the organic world, decay and death,
-familiar though they be, are phenomena that
-call for scientific explanation. And Weismann
-has definitely asked how it comes about that
-the higher organisms grow old and die, seeing
-that old age and death are not inseparable
-characteristics of living protoplasm, and that
-the simplest organisms suffer no natural decay,
-perishing, when they do perish, by accident,
-starvation, or specific disease.</p>
-
-<p>The answer he gives to his own question is
-that the death of the individual is so useful to<span class="pagenum" id="Page_10">[Pg 10]</span>
-the race, that Natural Selection has, in all but
-the very lowest species, exterminated the potentially
-immortal.</p>
-
-<p>One is tempted to enquire, whether this ingenious
-explanation could be so modified as to
-apply not merely to individuals but to communities.
-Is it needful for the cause of civilisation
-as a whole, that the organised embodiment of
-each particular civilisation, if and when its free
-development is arrested, should make room for
-younger and more vigorous competitors? And
-if so can we find in Natural Selection the
-mechanism by which the principle of decay
-and dissolution shall be so implanted in the
-very nature of human associations that a due
-succession among them shall always be maintained?</p>
-
-<p>To this second question the answer must,
-I think, be in the negative. The struggle for
-existence between different races and different<span class="pagenum" id="Page_11">[Pg 11]</span>
-societies has admittedly played a great part in
-social development. But to extend Weismann’s
-idea from the organic to the social world, would
-imply a prolonged competition between groups
-of communities in which decadence was the rule,
-and groups in which it was not;—ending in the
-survival of the first, and the destruction of the
-second. The groups whose members suffered
-periodical decadence and dissolution would be
-the fittest to survive: just as, on Weismann’s
-theory, those species gain in competitive efficiency
-whom death has unburdened of the old.</p>
-
-<p>Few will say that in the petty fragment of
-human history which alone is open to our inspection,
-there is satisfactory evidence of any
-such long drawn process. Some may even be
-disposed to ask whether there is adequate
-evidence of such a phenomenon as decadence
-at all. And it must be acknowledged that the
-affirmative answer should be given with caution.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_12">[Pg 12]</span>
-Evidently we must not consider a diminution of
-national power, whether relative or absolute,
-as constituting by itself a proof of national
-decadence. Holland is not decadent because
-her place in the hierarchy of European Powers
-is less exalted than it was two hundred and fifty
-years ago. Spain was not necessarily decadent
-at the end of the seventeenth century because
-she had exhausted herself in a contest far beyond
-her resources either in money or in men. It
-would, I think, be rash even to say that Venice
-was decadent at the end of the eighteenth
-century, though the growth of other Powers,
-and the diversion of the great trade routes, had
-shorn her of wealth and international influence.
-These are misfortunes which in the sphere of
-sociology correspond to accident or disease in
-the sphere of biology. And what we are concerned
-to know is whether in the sphere of
-sociology there is also anything corresponding<span class="pagenum" id="Page_13">[Pg 13]</span>
-to the decay of old age—a decay which may be
-hastened by accident or disease, which must be
-ended by accident or disease, but is certainly to
-be distinguished from both.</p>
-
-<p>However this question should be answered
-the cases I have cited are sufficient to shew
-where the chief difficulty of the enquiry lies.
-Decadence, even if it be a reality, never acts
-in isolation. It is always complicated with, and
-often acts through, other more obvious causes.
-It is always therefore possible to argue that
-to these causes, and not to the more subtle
-and elusive influences collectively described as
-’decadence,’ the decline and fall of great
-communities is really due.</p>
-
-<p>Yet there are historic tragedies which (as
-it seems to me) do most obstinately refuse
-to be thus simply explained. It is in vain
-that historians enumerate the public calamities
-which preceded, and no doubt contributed to,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_14">[Pg 14]</span>
-the final catastrophe. Civil dissensions, military
-disasters, pestilences, famines, tyrants, tax-gatherers,
-growing burdens, and waning wealth—the
-gloomy catalogue is unrolled before our
-eyes, yet somehow it does not in all cases wholly
-satisfy us: we feel that some of these diseases
-are of a kind which a vigorous body politic
-should easily be able to survive, that others are
-secondary symptoms of some obscurer malady,
-and that in neither case do they supply us with
-the full explanations of which we are in search.</p>
-
-<p>Consider for instance the long agony and
-final destruction of Roman Imperialism in the
-West, the most momentous catastrophe of which
-we have historic record. It has deeply stirred the
-imagination of mankind, it has been the theme
-of great historians, it has been much explained
-by political philosophers, yet who feels that
-either historians or philosophers have laid bare
-the inner workings of the drama? Rome fell,<span class="pagenum" id="Page_15">[Pg 15]</span>
-and great was the fall of it. But why it fell, by
-what secret mines its defences were breached,
-and what made its garrison so faint-hearted and
-ineffectual—this is not so clear.</p>
-
-<p>In order to measure adequately the difficulty
-of the problem let us abstract our minds from
-historical details and compare the position of the
-Empire about the middle of the second century,
-with its position in the middle of the third, or
-again at the end of the fourth, and ask of what
-forces history gives us an account, sufficient in
-these periods to effect so mighty a transformation.
-Or, still better, imagine an observer
-equipped with our current stock of political
-wisdom, transported to Rome in the reign of
-Antoninus Pius or Marcus Aurelius, and in
-ignorance of the event, writing letters to the
-newspapers on the future destinies of the Empire.
-What would his forecast be?</p>
-
-<p>We might suppose him to examine, in the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_16">[Pg 16]</span>
-first place, the military position of the State, its
-probable enemies, its capacities for defence. He
-would note that only on its eastern boundary
-was there an organised military Power capable
-of meeting Rome on anything like equal terms,
-and this only in the regions adjacent to their
-common frontier. For the rest he would discover
-no civilised enemy along the southern
-boundary to the Atlantic or along its northern
-boundary from the Black Sea to the German
-Ocean. Warlike tribes indeed he would find
-in plenty: difficult to crush within the limits of
-their native forests and morasses, formidable it
-may be in a raid, but without political cohesion,
-military unity, or the means of military concentration;—embarrassing
-therefore rather than
-dangerous. If reminded of Varus and his lost
-legions, he would ask of what importance, in
-the story of a world-power could be the loss
-of a few thousand men surprised at a distance<span class="pagenum" id="Page_17">[Pg 17]</span>
-from their base amid the entanglements of
-a difficult and unknown country. Never, it
-would seem, was Empire more fortunately circumstanced
-for purposes of home defence.</p>
-
-<p>But (it might be thought) the burden of
-securing frontiers of such length, even against
-merely tribal assaults, though easy from a
-strictly military point of view, might prove
-too heavy to be long endured. Yet the
-military forces scattered through the Roman
-Empire, though apparently adequate in the
-days of her greatness would, according to
-modern ideas, seem hardly sufficient for purposes
-of police, let alone defence. An army
-corps or less was deemed enough to preserve
-what are now mighty kingdoms, from internal
-disorder and external aggression. And if we
-compare with this the contributions, either in
-the way of money or of men, exacted from the
-territories subject to Rome before the Empire<span class="pagenum" id="Page_18">[Pg 18]</span>
-came into being, or at any period of the world’s
-history since it dissolved away, the comparison
-must surely be entirely in favour of the Empire.</p>
-
-<p>But burdens which seem light, if measured
-by area, may be heavy if measured by ability
-to pay. Yet when has ability to pay been
-greater in the regions bordering the Southern
-and Eastern Mediterranean than under the
-Roman Empire? Travel round it in imagination,
-eastward from the Atlantic coast of
-Morocco till returning westward you reach the
-head of the Adriatic Gulf, and you will have
-skirted a region, still of immense natural
-wealth, once filled with great cities, and fertile
-farms, better governed during the Empire than
-it has ever been governed since (at least till
-Algeria became French and Egypt British);
-including among its provinces what were great
-states before the Roman rule, and have been
-great states since that rule decayed, divided by<span class="pagenum" id="Page_19">[Pg 19]</span>
-no international jealousies, oppressed by no fear
-of conquest, enterprising, cultured. Remember
-that to estimate its area of taxation and recruiting
-you must add to these regions Bulgaria,
-Servia, much of Austria and Bavaria, Switzerland,
-Belgium, Italy, France, Spain, and most
-of Britain, and you have conditions favourable
-to military strength and economic prosperity
-rarely equalled in the modern world and never
-in the ancient.</p>
-
-<p>Our observer however might, very rightly,
-feel that a far-spreading Empire like that of
-Rome, including regions profoundly differing
-in race, history and religion, would be liable to
-other dangers than those which arise from mere
-external aggression. One of the first questions,
-therefore, which he would be disposed to ask,
-is whether so heterogeneous a state was not
-in perpetual danger of dissolution through the
-disintegrating influence of national sentiments.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_20">[Pg 20]</span>
-He would learn probably, with a strong feeling
-of surprise, that with the single exception of
-the Jews, the constituent nations, once conquered,
-were not merely content to belong to
-the Empire, but could scarcely imagine themselves
-doing anything else: that the Imperial
-system appealed, not merely to the material
-needs of the component populations, but also to
-their imagination and their loyalty; that Gaul,
-Spain, and Britain, though but recently forced
-within the pale of civilisation, were as faithful
-to the Imperial ideal as the Greek of Athens or
-the Hellenised Orientals of Syria; and that
-neither historic memories, nor local patriotism,
-neither disputed succession, nor public calamities,
-nor administrative divisions, ever really
-shook the sentiment in favour of Imperial Unity.
-There might be more than one Emperor: but
-there could only be one Empire. Howsoever
-our observer might disapprove of the Imperial<span class="pagenum" id="Page_21">[Pg 21]</span>
-system he would therefore have to admit that
-the Empire, with all its shortcomings, its absolutism
-and its bureaucracy, had solved more
-successfully than any government, before or
-since, the problem of devising a scheme which
-equally satisfied the sentiments of East and
-West; which respected local feelings, encouraged
-local government; in which the Celt,
-the Iberian, the Berber, the Egyptian, the
-Asiatic, the Greek, the Illyrian, the Italian
-were all at home, and which, though based on
-conquest, was accepted by the conquered as
-the natural organisation of the civilised world.</p>
-
-<p>Rome had thus unique sources of strength.
-What sources of weakness would our observer
-be likely to detect behind her imposing exterior?
-The diminution of population is the
-one which has (rightly I think) most impressed
-historians: and it is difficult to resist the
-evidence, either of the fact, or of its disastrous<span class="pagenum" id="Page_22">[Pg 22]</span>
-consequences. I hesitate indeed to accept
-without qualification the accounts given us of
-the progressive decay of the native Italian
-stock from the days of the Gracchi to the disintegration
-of the Empire in the West: and
-when we read how the dearth of men was
-made good (in so far as it was made good) by
-the increasing inflow of slaves and adventurers
-from every corner of the known world, one
-wonders <em>whose</em> sons they were who, for three
-centuries and more, so brilliantly led the van
-of modern European culture, as it emerged
-from the darkness of the early Middle Ages.
-Passing by such collateral issues, however,
-and admitting depopulation to have been
-both real and serious, we may well ask
-whether it was not the result of Roman decadence
-rather than its cause, the symptom
-of some deep-seated social malady, not its
-origin. We are not concerned here with<span class="pagenum" id="Page_23">[Pg 23]</span>
-the aristocracy of Rome, nor even with the
-people of Italy. We are concerned with
-the Empire. We are not concerned with a
-passing phase or fashion, but with a process
-which seems to have gone on with increasing
-rapidity, through good times as well as bad,
-till the final cataclysm. A local disease might
-have a local explanation, a transient one might
-be due to a chance coincidence. But what can
-we say of a disease which was apparently co-extensive
-with Imperial civilisation in area,
-and which exceeded it in duration?</p>
-
-<p>I find it hard to believe that either a selfish
-aversion to matrimony or a mystical admiration
-for celibacy, though at certain periods the one
-was common in Pagan and the other in Christian
-circles, were more than elements in the
-complex of causes by which the result was
-brought about. Like the plagues which devastated
-Europe in the second and third<span class="pagenum" id="Page_24">[Pg 24]</span>
-centuries, they must have greatly aggravated
-the evil, but they are hardly sufficient to
-account for it. Nor yet can we find an explanation
-of it in the discouragement, the sense
-of impending doom, by which men’s spirits
-were oppressed long before the Imperial power
-began visibly to wane, for this is one of the
-things which, if historically true, does itself
-most urgently require explanation.</p>
-
-<p>It may be however that our wandering
-politician would be too well grounded in
-Malthusian economics to regard a diminution
-of population as in itself an overwhelming
-calamity. And if he were pressed to describe
-the weak spots in the Empire of the
-Antonines he would be disposed, I think, to
-look for them on the ethical rather than on the
-military, the economic, or the strictly political
-sides of social life. He would be inclined to
-say, as in effect Mr Lecky does say, that in the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_25">[Pg 25]</span>
-institution of slavery, in the brutalities of the
-gladiatorial shows, in the gratuitous distribution
-of bread to the urban mobs, are to be found the
-corrupting influences which first weakened and
-then destroyed the vigour of the State.</p>
-
-<p>I confess that I cannot easily accept this
-analysis of the facts. As regards the gladiatorial
-shows, even had they been universal
-throughout the Empire, and had they flourished
-more rankly as its power declined, I should still
-have questioned the propriety of attributing too
-far-reaching effects to such a cause. The
-Romans were brutal while they were conquering
-the world: its conquest enabled them
-to be brutal with ostentation; but we must not
-measure the ill consequences of their barbaric
-tastes by the depth of our own disgusts, nor
-assume the Gothic invasions to be the natural
-and fitting Nemesis of so much spectacular
-shedding of innocent blood.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_26">[Pg 26]</span></p>
-
-<p>As for the public distributions of corn, one
-would wish to have more evidence as to its
-social effects. But even without fully accepting
-the theory of the latest Roman historian, who
-believes that, under the then prevailing conditions
-of transport, no very large city could exist
-in Antiquity, if the supply of its food were left
-to private enterprise, we cannot seriously regard
-this practice, strange as it seems to us, as an
-important element in the problem. Granting
-for the sake of argument that it demoralised
-the mob of Rome, it must be remembered that
-Rome was not the Empire, nor did the mob
-of Rome govern the Empire, as once it had
-governed the Republic.</p>
-
-<p>Slavery is a far more important matter.
-The magnitude of its effects on ancient
-societies, difficult as these are to disentangle,
-can hardly be exaggerated. But with what
-plausibility can we find in it the cause of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_27">[Pg 27]</span>
-Rome’s decline, seeing that it was the concomitant
-also of its rise? How can that
-which in Antiquity was common to every state,
-have this exceptional and malign influence upon
-one? It would not in any case be easy to
-accept such a theory; but surely it becomes
-impossible when we bear in mind the enormous
-improvement effected under the Empire both
-in the law and the practice of slavery. Great
-as were its evils, they were diminishing evils—less
-ruinous as time went on to the character
-of the master, less painful and degrading to the
-slave. Who can believe that this immemorial
-custom could, in its decline, destroy a civilisation,
-which, in its vigour, it had helped to
-create?</p>
-
-<p>Of course our observer would see much in
-the social system he was examining which he
-would rightly regard as morally detestable and
-politically pernicious. But the real question<span class="pagenum" id="Page_28">[Pg 28]</span>
-before him would not be ‘are these things good
-or bad?’ but ‘are these things getting better
-or getting worse?’ And surely in most cases
-he would be obliged to answer ‘getting better.’
-Many things moreover would come under his
-notice fitted to move his admiration in a much
-less qualified manner. Few governments have
-been more anxious to foster an alien and higher
-culture, than was the Roman Government to
-foster Greek civilisation. In so far as Rome
-inherited what Alexander conquered, it carried
-out the ideal which Alexander had conceived.
-In few periods have the rich been readier to
-spend of their private fortunes on public objects.
-There never was a community in which associations
-for every purpose of mutual aid
-or enjoyment sprang more readily into existence.
-There never was a military monarchy
-less given to wars of aggression. There never
-was an age in which there was a more rapid<span class="pagenum" id="Page_29">[Pg 29]</span>
-advance in humanitarian ideals, or a more
-anxious seeking after spiritual truth. There
-was much discussion, there was, apart from
-politics, but little intolerance. Education was
-well endowed, and its professors held in high
-esteem. Physical culture was cared for. Law
-was becoming scientific. Research was not
-forgotten. What more could be reasonably
-expected?</p>
-
-<p>According to our ordinary methods of
-analysis it is not easy to say what more <em>could</em>
-be reasonably expected. But plainly much more
-was required. In a few generations from the
-time of which I am speaking the Empire lost
-its extraordinary power of assimilating alien and
-barbaric elements. It became too feeble either
-to absorb or to expel them: and the immigrants
-who in happier times might have bestowed
-renewed vigour on the commonwealth, became,
-in the hour of its decline, a weakness and a<span class="pagenum" id="Page_30">[Pg 30]</span>
-peril. Poverty grew as population shrank.
-Municipal office, once so eagerly desired, became
-the most cruel of burdens. Associations
-connected with industry or commerce, which
-began by freely exchanging public service for
-public privilege, found their members subjected
-to ever increasing obligations, for the due performance
-of which they and their children were
-liable in person and in property. Thus while
-Christianity, and the other forces that made for
-mercy, were diminishing the slavery of the slave,
-the needs of the Bureaucracy compelled it to
-trench ever more and more upon the freedom
-of the free. It was each man’s duty (so ran
-the argument) to serve the commonwealth: he
-could best serve the commonwealth by devoting
-himself to his calling if it were one of public
-necessity: this duty he should be required
-under penalties to perform, and to devote if
-necessary to its performance, labour to the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_31">[Pg 31]</span>
-limits of endurance, fortune to the last shilling,
-and family to the remotest generation. Through
-this crude experiment in socialism, the civilised
-world seemed to be rapidly moving towards a
-system of universal caste, imposed by no immemorial
-custom, supported by no religious
-scruple, but forced on an unwilling people by
-the Emperor’s edict and the executioner’s lash.</p>
-
-<p>These things have severally and collectively
-been regarded as the causes why in the West
-the Imperial system so quickly crumbled into
-chaos. And so no doubt they were. But they
-obviously require themselves to be explained
-by causes more general and more remote; and
-what were these? If I answer as I feel disposed
-to answer—Decadence—you will properly
-ask how the unknown becomes less
-unknown merely by receiving a name. I reply
-that if there be indeed subtle changes in the
-social tissues of old communities which make<span class="pagenum" id="Page_32">[Pg 32]</span>
-them, as time goes on, less resistant to the
-external attacks and the internal disturbances
-by which all communities are threatened, overt
-recognition of the fact is a step in advance.
-We have not an idea of what ‘life’ consists in,
-but if on that account we were to abstain from
-using the term, we should not be better but
-worse equipped for dealing with the problems
-of physiology; while on the other hand if we
-could translate life into terms of matter and
-motion to-morrow, we should still be obliged to
-use the word in order to distinguish the material
-movements which constitute life or exhibit it,
-from those which do not. In like manner we
-are ignorant of the inner character of the cell
-changes which produce senescence. But should
-we be better fitted to form a correct conception
-of the life-history of complex organisms if we
-refused to recognise any cause of death but
-accident or disease? I admit, of course, that<span class="pagenum" id="Page_33">[Pg 33]</span>
-the term ‘decadence’ is less precise than ‘old
-age’: as sociology deals with organisms far
-less definite than biology. I admit also that it
-explains nothing. If its use is to be justified at
-all, the justification must depend not on the
-fact that it supplies an explanation, but on the
-fact that it rules out explanations which are
-obvious but inadequate. And this may be a
-service of some importance. The facile generalisations
-with which we so often season the
-study of dry historic fact; the habits of political
-discussion which induce us to catalogue for
-purposes of debate the outward signs that distinguish
-(as we are prone to think) the standing
-from the falling state, hide the obscurer, but
-more potent, forces which silently prepare the
-fate of empires. National character is subtle
-and elusive; not to be expressed in statistics
-nor measured by the rough methods which
-suffice the practical moralist or statesman. And<span class="pagenum" id="Page_34">[Pg 34]</span>
-when through an ancient and still powerful
-state there spreads a mood of deep discouragement,
-when the reaction against recurring ills
-grows feebler, and the ship rises less buoyantly
-to each succeeding wave, when learning languishes,
-enterprise slackens, and vigour ebbs
-away, then, as I think, there is present some
-process of social degeneration, which we must
-perforce recognise, and which, pending a satisfactory
-analysis, may conveniently be distinguished
-by the name of ‘decadence.’</p>
-
-<p>I am well aware that though the space I
-have just devoted to the illustration of my
-theme provided by Roman history is out of all
-proportion to the general plan of this address,
-yet the treatment of it is inadequate and perhaps
-unconvincing. But those who are most reluctant
-to admit that decay, as distinguished
-from misfortune, may lower the general level
-of civilisation, can hardly deny that in many<span class="pagenum" id="Page_35">[Pg 35]</span>
-cases that level may for indefinite periods shew
-no tendency to rise. If decadence be unknown,
-is not progress exceptional? Consider the
-changing politics of the unchanging East<a id="FNanchor_1" href="#Footnote_1" class="fnanchor">[1]</a>. Is
-it not true that there, while wars and revolutions,
-dynastic and religious, have shattered ancient
-states and brought new ones into being, every
-community, as soon as it has risen above the
-tribal and nomad condition, adopts with the rarest
-exceptions a form of government which, from its
-very generality in Eastern lands, we habitually
-call an ‘oriental despotism’? We may crystallise
-and re-crystallise a soluble salt as often
-as we please, the new crystals will always
-resemble the old ones. The crystals, indeed,
-may be of different sizes, their component<span class="pagenum" id="Page_36">[Pg 36]</span>
-molecules may occupy different positions within
-the crystalline structure, but the structure itself
-will be of one immutable pattern. So it is, or
-seems to be, with these oriental states. They
-rise, in turn, upon the ruins of their predecessors,
-themselves predestined to perish by a like fate.
-But whatever their origin or history, they are
-always either autocracies or aggregations of
-autocracies; and no differences of race, of
-creed, or of language seem sufficient to vary
-the violent monotony of their internal history.
-In the eighteenth century theorists were content
-to attribute the political servitude of the
-Eastern world to the unscrupulous machinations
-of tyrants and their tools. And such explanations
-are good as far as they go. But this,
-in truth, is not very far. Intrigue, assassination,
-ruthless repression, the whole machinery
-of despotism supply particular explanations of
-particular incidents. They do not supply the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_37">[Pg 37]</span>
-general explanation of the general phenomenon.
-They tell you how this ruler or that obtained
-absolute power. They do not tell you why
-every ruler is absolute. Nor can I furnish the
-answer. The fact remains that over large and
-relatively civilised portions of the world popular
-government is profoundly unpopular, in the
-sense that it is no natural or spontaneous social
-growth. Political absolutism not political freedom
-is the familiar weed of the country.
-Despots change but despotism remains: and
-if through alien influences, like those exercised
-by Greek cities in Asia, or by British rule in
-India, the type is modified, it may well be
-doubted whether the modification could long
-survive the moment when its sustaining cause
-was withdrawn.</p>
-
-<p>Now it would almost seem as if in lands
-where this political type was normal a certain
-level of culture (not of course the same in each<span class="pagenum" id="Page_38">[Pg 38]</span>
-case) could not permanently be overpassed. If
-under the excitement of religion or conquest,
-or else through causes more complicated and
-more obscure, this limit has sometimes been
-left behind, reaction has always followed, and
-decadence set in. Many people indeed, as I
-have already observed, take this as a matter
-of course. It seems to them the most natural
-thing in the world that the glories of the
-Eastern Khalifate should decay, and that the
-Moors in Morocco should lose even the memory
-of the learning and the arts possessed but three
-centuries ago by the Moors in Spain. To me
-it seems mysterious. But whether it be easy
-of comprehension or difficult, if only it be true,
-does it not furnish food for disquieting reflexion?
-If there are whole groups of nations
-capable on their own initiative of a certain
-measure of civilisation, but capable apparently
-of no more, and if below them again there are<span class="pagenum" id="Page_39">[Pg 39]</span>
-(as I suppose) other races who seem incapable
-of either creating a civilisation of their own, or
-of preserving unaided a civilisation impressed
-upon them from without, by what right do we
-assume that no impassable limits bar the path
-of Western progress? Those limits may not
-yet be in sight. Surely they are not. But
-does not a survey of history suggest that
-somewhere in the dim future they await our
-approach?</p>
-
-<p>It may be replied that the history of Rome,
-on which I dwelt a moment ago, shews that
-arrested progress, and even decadence, may
-be but the prelude to a new period of vigorous
-growth. So that even those races or nations
-which seem frozen into eternal immobility may
-base upon experience their hopes of an awakening
-spring.</p>
-
-<p>I am not sure, however, that this is the
-true interpretation of the facts. There is no<span class="pagenum" id="Page_40">[Pg 40]</span>
-spectacle indeed in all history more impressive
-than the thick darkness settling down over
-Western Europe, blotting out all but a faint
-and distorted vision of Graeco-Roman culture,
-and then, as it slowly rises, unveiling the variety
-and rich promise of the modern world. But
-I do not think we should make this unique
-phenomenon support too weighty a load of
-theory. I should not infer from it that when
-some wave of civilisation has apparently spent
-its force, we have a right to regard its withdrawing
-sweep as but the prelude to a new
-advance. I should rather conjecture that in
-this particular case we should find, among other
-subtle causes of decadence, some obscure disharmony
-between the Imperial system and the
-temperament of the West, undetected even by
-those who suffered from it. That system,
-though accepted with contentment and even
-with pride, though in the days of its greatness<span class="pagenum" id="Page_41">[Pg 41]</span>
-it brought civilisation, commerce, and security
-in its train, must surely have lacked some
-elements which are needed to foster among
-Teutons, Celts, and Iberians the qualities,
-whatever these may be, on which sustained
-progress depends. It was perhaps too oriental
-for the occident, and it certainly became more
-oriental as time went on. In the East it was,
-comparatively speaking, successful. If there
-was no progress, decadence was slow; and but
-for what Western Europe did, and what it
-failed to do, during the long struggle with
-militant Mahommedanism, there might still be
-an Empire in the East, largely Asiatic in population,
-Christian in religion, Greek in culture,
-Roman by political descent.</p>
-
-<p>Had this been the course of events large
-portions of mankind would doubtless have been
-much better governed than they are. It is
-not so clear that they would have been more<span class="pagenum" id="Page_42">[Pg 42]</span>
-‘progressive.’ Progress is with the West: with
-communities of the European type. And if
-<em>their</em> energy of development is some day to
-be exhausted, who can believe that there remains
-any external source from which it can
-be renewed? Where are the untried races
-competent to construct out of the ruined
-fragments of our civilisation a new and better
-habitation for the spirit of man? They do not
-exist: and if the world is again to be buried
-under a barbaric flood, it will not be like that
-which fertilised, though it first destroyed, the
-western provinces of Rome, but like that which
-in Asia submerged for ever the last traces of
-Hellenic culture.</p>
-
-<p>We are thus brought back to the question
-I put a few moments since. What grounds
-are there for supposing that we can escape the
-fate to which other races have had to submit?
-If for periods which, measured on the historic<span class="pagenum" id="Page_43">[Pg 43]</span>
-scale, are of great duration, communities which
-have advanced to a certain point appear able to
-advance no further; if civilisations wear out,
-and races become effete, why should we expect
-to progress indefinitely, why for us alone is the
-doom of man to be reversed?</p>
-
-<p>To these questions I have no very satisfactory
-answers to give, nor do I believe that
-our knowledge of national or social psychology
-is sufficient to make a satisfactory answer
-possible. Some purely tentative observations
-on the point may, however, furnish a fitting
-conclusion to an address which has been tentative
-throughout, and aims rather at suggesting
-trains of thought, than at completing them.</p>
-
-<p>I assume that the factors which combine
-to make each generation what it is at the
-moment of its entrance into adult life are in
-the main twofold. The one produces the raw
-material of society, the process of manufacture<span class="pagenum" id="Page_44">[Pg 44]</span>
-is effected by the other. The first is physiological
-inheritance, the second is the inheritance
-partly of external conditions of life, partly of
-beliefs<a id="FNanchor_2" href="#Footnote_2" class="fnanchor">[2]</a>, traditions, sentiments, customs, laws,
-and organisation—all that constitute the social
-surroundings in which men grow up to maturity.</p>
-
-<p>I hazard no conjecture as to the share borne
-respectively by these two kinds of cause in producing
-their joint result. Nor are we likely to
-obtain satisfactory evidence on the subject till,
-in the interests of science, two communities of
-different blood and different traditions consent
-to exchange their children at birth by a universal
-process of reciprocal adoption. But even in the
-absence of so heroic an experiment, it seems safe
-to say that the mobility which makes possible
-either progress or decadence, resides rather
-in the causes grouped under the second head
-than in the physiological material on which<span class="pagenum" id="Page_45">[Pg 45]</span>
-education, in the widest sense of that ambiguous
-term, has got to work. If, as
-I suppose, acquired qualities are not inherited,
-the only causes which could fundamentally
-modify the physiological character of any particular
-community are its intermixture with
-alien races through slavery, conquest, or immigration;
-or else new conditions which varied
-the relative proportion in which different
-sections of the population contributed to its
-total numbers. If, for example, the more successful
-members of the community had smaller
-families than the less successful; or if medical
-administration succeeded in extinguishing maladies
-to which persons of a particular constitution
-were specially liable; or if one strain in a
-mixed race had a larger birth rate than another—in
-these cases and in others like them, there
-would doubtless be a change in the physiological
-factor of national character. But such changes<span class="pagenum" id="Page_46">[Pg 46]</span>
-are not likely, I suppose, to be considerable,
-except, perhaps, those due to the mixture of
-races;—and that only in new countries whose
-economic opportunities tempt immigrants widely
-differing in culture, and in capacity for culture,
-from those whose citizenship they propose to
-share.</p>
-
-<p>The flexible element in any society, that
-which is susceptible of progress or decadence,
-must therefore be looked for rather in the
-physical and psychical conditions affecting the
-life of its component units, than in their inherited
-constitution. This last rather supplies a limit
-to variations than an element which does itself
-vary: though from this point of view its importance
-is capital. I at least find it quite
-impossible to believe that any attempt to provide
-widely different races with an identical
-environment, political, religious, educational,
-what you will, can ever make them alike.<span class="pagenum" id="Page_47">[Pg 47]</span>
-They have been different and unequal since
-history began; different and unequal they are
-destined to remain through future periods of
-comparable duration.</p>
-
-<p>But though the advance of each community
-is thus limited by its inherited aptitudes, I do
-not suppose that those limits have ever been
-reached by its unaided efforts. In the cases
-where a forward movement has died away, the
-pause must in part be due to arrested development
-in the variable, not to a fixed resistance
-in the unchanging factor of national character.
-Either external conditions are unfavourable; or
-the sentiments, customs and beliefs which make
-society possible have hardened into shapes which
-make its further self-development impossible;
-or through mere weariness of spirit the community
-resigns itself to a contented, or perhaps
-a discontented, stagnation; or it shatters itself
-in pursuit of impossible ideals, or for other and<span class="pagenum" id="Page_48">[Pg 48]</span>
-obscurer reasons, flags in its endeavours, and
-falls short of possible achievement.</p>
-
-<p>Now I am quite unable to offer any such
-general analysis of the causes by which these
-hindrances to progress are produced or removed
-as would furnish a reply to my question.
-But it may be worth noting that a social force
-has come into being, new in magnitude if not
-in kind, which must favourably modify such
-hindrances as come under all but the last of the
-divisions in which I have roughly arranged
-them. This force is the modern alliance
-between pure science and industry. That on
-this we must mainly rely for the improvement
-of the material conditions under which societies
-live is in my opinion obvious, although no one
-would conjecture it from a historic survey of
-political controversy. Its direct moral effects
-are less obvious; indeed there are many most
-excellent people who would altogether deny<span class="pagenum" id="Page_49">[Pg 49]</span>
-their existence. To regard it as a force fitted
-to rouse and sustain the energies of nations
-would seem to them absurd: for this would
-be to rank it with those other forces which have
-most deeply stirred the emotions of great communities,
-have urged them to the greatest
-exertions, have released them most effectually
-from the benumbing fetters of merely personal
-preoccupations,—with religion, patriotism, and
-politics. Industrial expansion under scientific
-inspiration, so far from deserving praise like
-this, is in their view, at best, but a new
-source of material well-being, at worst the
-prolific parent of physical ugliness in many
-forms, machine made wares, smoky cities,
-polluted rivers, and desecrated landscapes,—appropriately
-associated with materialism and
-greed.</p>
-
-<p>I believe this view to be utterly misleading,
-confounding accident with essence, transient accompaniments<span class="pagenum" id="Page_50">[Pg 50]</span>
-with inseparable characteristics.
-Should we dream of thus judging the other
-great social forces of which I have spoken?
-Are we to ignore what religion has done for the
-world because it has been the fruitful excuse for
-the narrowest bigotries and the most cruel persecutions?
-Are we to underrate the worth of
-politics, because politics may mean no more than
-the mindless clash of factions, or the barren
-exchange of one set of tyrants or jobbers for
-another? Is patriotism to be despised because
-its manifestations have been sometimes vulgar,
-sometimes selfish, sometimes brutal, sometimes
-criminal? Estimates like these seem to me
-worse than useless. All great social forces
-are not merely capable of perversion, they are
-constantly perverted. Yet were they eliminated
-from our social system, were each man, acting
-on the advice, which Voltaire gave but never
-followed, to disinterest himself of all that goes<span class="pagenum" id="Page_51">[Pg 51]</span>
-on beyond the limits of his own cabbage garden,
-decadence I take it, would have already far
-advanced.</p>
-
-<p>But if the proposition I am defending may
-be wrongly criticised, it is still more likely to
-be wrongly praised. To some it will commend
-itself as a eulogy on an industrial as distinguished
-from a military civilisation: as a
-suggestion that in the peaceful pursuit of wealth
-there is that which of itself may constitute a
-valuable social tonic. This may be true, but
-it is not my contention. In talking of the
-alliance between industry and science my emphasis
-is at least as much on the word science
-as on the word industry. I am not concerned
-now with the proportion of the population
-devoted to productive labour, or the esteem
-in which they are held. It is on the effects
-which I believe are following, and are going
-in yet larger measure to follow, from the<span class="pagenum" id="Page_52">[Pg 52]</span>
-intimate relation between scientific discovery
-and industrial efficiency, that I most desire
-to insist.</p>
-
-<p>Do you then, it will be asked, so highly rate
-the utilitarian aspect of research as to regard it
-as a source, not merely of material convenience,
-but of spiritual elevation? Is it seriously to
-be ranked with religion and patriotism as an
-important force for raising men’s lives above
-what is small, personal, and self-centred? Does
-it not rather pervert pure knowledge into a
-new contrivance for making money, and give a
-fresh triumph to the ‘growing materialism of
-the age’?</p>
-
-<p>I do not myself believe that this age is
-either less spiritual or more sordid than its
-predecessors. I believe, indeed, precisely the
-reverse. But however this may be, is it not
-plain that if a society is to be moved by the
-remote speculations of isolated thinkers it can<span class="pagenum" id="Page_53">[Pg 53]</span>
-only be on condition that their isolation is not
-complete? Some point of contact they must
-have with the world in which they live, and
-if their influence is to be based on widespread
-sympathy, the contact must be in a region where
-there can be, if not full mutual comprehension,
-at least a large measure of practical agreement
-and willing co-operation. Philosophy has never
-touched the mass of men except through
-religion. And, though the parallel is not complete,
-it is safe to say that science will never
-touch them unaided by its practical applications.
-Its wonders may be catalogued for purposes of
-education, they may be illustrated by arresting
-experiments, by numbers and magnitudes which
-startle or fatigue the imagination; but they will
-form no familiar portion of the intellectual furniture
-of ordinary men unless they be connected,
-however remotely, with the conduct of ordinary
-life. Critics have made merry over the naive<span class="pagenum" id="Page_54">[Pg 54]</span>
-self-importance which represented man as the
-centre and final cause of the universe, and
-conceived the stupendous mechanism of nature
-as primarily designed to satisfy his wants and
-minister to his entertainment. But there is
-another, and an opposite, danger into which it
-is possible to fall. The material world, howsoever
-it may have gained in sublimity, has,
-under the touch of science, lost (so to speak) in
-domestic charm. Except where it affects the
-immediate needs of organic life, it may seem
-so remote from the concerns of men that in the
-majority it will rouse no curiosity, while of
-those who are fascinated by its marvels, not a
-few will be chilled by its impersonal and
-indifferent immensity.</p>
-
-<p>For this latter mood only religion or religious
-philosophy can supply a cure. But for
-the former, the appropriate remedy is the
-perpetual stimulus which the influence of<span class="pagenum" id="Page_55">[Pg 55]</span>
-science on the business of mankind offers to
-their sluggish curiosity. And even now I
-believe this influence to be underrated. If
-in the last hundred years the whole material
-setting of civilised life has altered, we owe it
-neither to politicians nor to political institutions.
-We owe it to the combined efforts of those
-who have advanced science and those who
-have applied it. If our outlook upon the
-Universe has suffered modifications in detail so
-great and so numerous that they amount collectively
-to a revolution, it is to men of science
-we owe it, not to theologians or philosophers.
-On these indeed new and weighty responsibilities
-are being cast. They have to harmonise
-and to coordinate, to prevent the new from
-being one-sided, to preserve the valuable essence
-of what is old. But science is the great instrument
-of social change, all the greater because
-its object is not change but knowledge;<span class="pagenum" id="Page_56">[Pg 56]</span>
-and its silent appropriation of this dominant
-function, amid the din of political and religious
-strife, is the most vital of all the revolutions
-which have marked the development of modern
-civilisation.</p>
-
-<p>It may seem fanciful to find in a single recent
-aspect of this revolution an influence which
-resembles religion or patriotism in its appeals
-to the higher side of ordinary characters—especially
-since we are accustomed to regard
-the appropriation by industry of scientific discoveries
-merely as a means of multiplying the
-material conveniences of life. But if it be
-remembered that this process brings vast sections
-of every industrial community into admiring relation
-with the highest intellectual achievement,
-and the most disinterested search for truth;
-that those who live by ministering to the
-common wants of average humanity lean for
-support on those who search among the deepest<span class="pagenum" id="Page_57">[Pg 57]</span>
-mysteries of Nature; that their dependence is
-rewarded by growing success; that success
-gives in its turn an incentive to individual
-effort in no wise to be measured by personal
-expectation of gain; that the energies thus
-aroused may affect the whole character of
-the community, spreading the beneficent contagion
-of hope and high endeavour through
-channels scarcely known, to workers<a id="FNanchor_3" href="#Footnote_3" class="fnanchor">[3]</a> in fields
-the most remote; if all this be borne in mind it
-may perhaps seem not unworthy of the place
-I have assigned to it.</p>
-
-<p>But I do not offer this speculation, whatever
-be its worth, as an answer to my original
-question. It is but an aid to optimism, not
-a reply to pessimism. Such a reply can only
-be given by a sociology which has arrived
-at scientific conclusions on the life-history of
-different types of society, and has risen above<span class="pagenum" id="Page_58">[Pg 58]</span>
-the empirical and merely interrogative point of
-view which, for want of a better, I have adopted
-in this address. No such sociology exists at
-present, or seems likely soon to be created.
-In its absence the conclusions at which I
-provisionally arrive are that we cannot regard
-decadence and arrested development as less
-normal in human communities than progress;
-though the point at which the energy of advance
-is exhausted (if, and when it is reached) varies
-in different races and civilisations: that the
-internal causes by which progress is encouraged,
-hindered, or reversed, lie to a great extent
-beyond the field of ordinary political discussion,
-and are not easily expressed in current
-political terminology: that the influence which a
-superior civilisation, whether acting by example
-or imposed by force, may have in advancing
-an inferior one, though often beneficent, is not
-likely to be self supporting; its withdrawal will<span class="pagenum" id="Page_59">[Pg 59]</span>
-be followed by decadence, unless the character
-of the civilisation be in harmony both with the
-acquired temperament and the innate capacities
-of those who have been induced to accept it:
-that as regards those nations which still advance
-in virtue of their own inherent energies, though
-time has brought perhaps new causes of disquiet,
-it has brought also new grounds of hope; and
-that whatever be the perils in front of us, there
-are, so far, no symptoms either of pause or of
-regression in the onward movement which for
-more than a thousand years has been characteristic
-of Western civilisation.</p>
-
-
-<hr class="chap x-ebookmaker-drop" />
-
-<div class="chapter">
-<h2 class="nobreak p130" id="NOTES">Notes:</h2>
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_1" href="#FNanchor_1">[1]</a> The ‘East’ is a term most loosely used. It does not here
-include China and Japan and <em>does</em> include parts of Africa. The
-observations which follow have no reference either to the Jews
-or to the commercial aristocracies of Phœnician origin.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_2" href="#FNanchor_2">[2]</a> Beliefs include knowledge.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-<div class="footnote">
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_60">[Pg 60]</span></p>
-
-<p><a id="Footnote_3" href="#FNanchor_3">[3]</a> This remark arises out of a train of thought suggested
-by two questions which are very pertinent to the subject
-of the Address.</p>
-
-<p>(1) Is a due succession of men above the average
-in original capacity necessary to maintain social progress?
-and</p>
-
-<p>(2) If so, can we discover any law according to which
-such men are produced?</p>
-
-<p>I entertain no doubt myself that the answer to the first
-question should be in the affirmative. Democracy is an excellent
-thing; but, though quite consistent with progress, it
-is not progressive <i lang="la" xml:lang="la">per se</i>. Its value is regulative not dynamic;
-and if it meant (as it never does) substantial uniformity,
-instead of legal equality, we should become fossilised at once.
-Movement may be controlled or checked by the many; it
-is initiated and made effective by the few. If (for the
-sake of illustration) we suppose mental capacity in all its
-many forms to be mensurable and commensurable, and
-then imagine two societies possessing the same average
-capacity—but an average made up in one case of equal
-units, in the other of a majority slightly below the average
-and a minority much above it, few could doubt that the
-second, not the first, would show the greatest aptitude for
-movement. It might go wrong, but it would go.</p>
-
-<p>The second question—how is this originality (in its
-higher manifestations called genius) effectively produced?
-is not so simple.</p>
-
-<p>Excluding education in its narrowest sense—which few
-would regard as having much to do with the matter—the
-only alternatives seem to be the following:</p>
-
-<p>Original capacity may be no more than one of the
-ordinary variations incidental to heredity. A community
-may breed a minority thus exceptionally gifted, as it breeds
-a minority of men over six feet six. There may be an
-average decennial output of congenital geniuses as there is
-an average decennial output of congenital idiots—though
-the number is likely to be smaller.</p>
-
-<p><span class="pagenum" id="Page_61">[Pg 61]</span></p>
-
-<p>But if this be the sole cause of the phenomenon,
-why does the same race <em>apparently</em> produce many men
-of genius in one generation and few in another? Why
-are years of abundance so often followed by long periods
-of sterility?</p>
-
-<p>The most obvious explanation of this would seem to
-be that in some periods circumstances give many openings
-to genius, in some periods few. The genius is constantly
-produced; but it is only occasionally recognised.</p>
-
-<p>In this there must be some truth. A mob orator in
-Turkey, a religious reformer in seventeenth century Spain,
-a military leader in the Sandwich islands, would hardly get
-their chance. Yet the theory of opportunity can scarcely
-be reckoned a complete explanation. For it leaves unaccounted
-for the <em>variety</em> of genius which has in some
-countries marked epochs of vigorous national development.
-Athens in the fifth and fourth centuries, Florence in the
-fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries, Holland in the later
-sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, are the typical examples.
-In such periods the opportunities of statesmen, soldiers,
-orators, and diplomatists, may have been specially frequent.
-But whence came the poets, the sculptors, the painters,
-the philosophers and the men of letters? What peculiar
-opportunities had <em>they</em>?</p>
-
-<p>The only explanation, if we reject the idea of a mere
-coincidence, seems to be, that quite apart from opportunity,
-the exceptional stir and fervour of national life evokes or
-may evoke qualities which in ordinary times lie dormant,
-unknown even to their possessors. The potential Miltons<span class="pagenum" id="Page_62">[Pg 62]</span>
-are ‘mute’ and ‘inglorious’ not because they cannot find
-a publisher, but because they have nothing they want to
-publish. They lack the kind of inspiration which, on this
-view, flows from social surroundings where great things,
-though of quite another kind, are being done and thought.</p>
-
-<p>If this theory be true (and it is not without its
-difficulties) one would like to know whether these undoubted
-outbursts of originality in the higher and rarer
-form of genius, are symptomatic of a general rise in the
-number of persons exhibiting original capacity of a more
-ordinary type. If so, then the conclusion would seem to
-be that some kind of widespread exhilaration or excitement
-is required in order to enable any community to extract
-the best results from the raw material transmitted to it by
-natural inheritance.</p>
-
-</div>
-
-
-<p class="center p2"><span class="italic">Cambridge: Printed at the University Press.</span></p>
-
-<div class="transnote p3">
-<p class="center">
-<b>Transcriber’s Note</b></p>
-
-
-<p>The formatting of the notes was substantially altered for this edition.</p>
-
-<p>On page 41, “Greek in culture Roman by political descent” was corrected
-to “Greek in culture, Roman by political descent.”</p></div>
-
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