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diff --git a/old/67101-0.txt b/old/67101-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index e1ea673..0000000 --- a/old/67101-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,21260 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of The North Americans of Antiquity, by -John Thomas Short - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: The North Americans of Antiquity - Their origin, migrations, and type of civilization considered - -Author: John Thomas Short - -Release Date: January 5, 2022 [eBook #67101] - -Language: English - -Produced by: Turgut Dincer, Robert Tonsing and the Online Distributed - Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was - produced from images generously made available by The - Internet Archive) - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NORTH AMERICANS OF -ANTIQUITY *** - - - -[Illustration: COURT AND TOWER OF THE PALACE, PALENQUE. (After - Waldeck.)] - - - - - THE - NORTH AMERICANS - OF - ANTIQUITY - - _THEIR ORIGIN, MIGRATIONS, AND TYPE OF - CIVILIZATION CONSIDERED_ - - BY JOHN T. SHORT - - THIRD EDITION - - [Illustration] - - NEW YORK - HARPER & BROTHERS, PUBLISHERS - FRANKLIN SQUARE - 1882 - - - Copyright, 1879, by JOHN T. SHORT. - - - - - PREFACE. - - -The growing interest in the origin, migrations and life of the races of -American Antiquity has led me to believe that the subjects considered -in these pages would meet with the favorable attention of the public -and of the specialist in this field. With such a conviction I present -this volume, realizing the difficulties which attend any efforts to -elucidate such dark problems. Yet I cannot conceal my satisfaction -that the age of North American Antiquity is not all darkness, but on -the contrary is rapidly growing radiant with light, while a host of -patient searchers for its truths roll up the obscuring curtain. The -recent discoveries by Geo. Smith, Cesnola, and Schliemann naturally -cause us to turn with national pride to the rich antiquarian fields -in our own land. Very satisfactory results have been obtained within -a few years in the exploration of Mound-works and the Cliff-dwellings -of the West. A just view of the civilization of the builders of these -remains, however, requires that it be considered in connection with the -traditional history and civilization of the ancient races of Mexico and -Central America, so marked was the influence of the ancient peoples of -this continent upon each other. - -Regarding this to be important, I have endeavored to present a -comprehensive view of the civilization of the Mound-builders, -Cliff-dwellers, and Pueblos, and to bring to the attention of the -reader the traditional history and architectural remains of the Mayas -of Yucatan and the Nahuas of Mexico. Only the probable origin and -the most remote period of the growth of these latter peoples could -receive attention within the limits prescribed for this work, since it -is my design that this volume shall serve as a manual of information -relating to the earliest period of North-American Antiquity, and as -an introduction to Ancient American History. My material relating to -the Mound-builders has been drawn almost entirely from the Smithsonian -Reports, the Proceedings of scientific societies, and private memoirs. -Still it is but justice to one honored co-laborer in the same field, -Col. J. W. Foster, to say that his excellent work, _The Pre-Historic -Races of the U. S._, has been of great service in our investigation -of this subject. Although his sources of information have been, with -few exceptions, before me, my appreciation of his work is attested -by my constant reference to it. Nevertheless, the wonderful advances -which have been made in Mound-exploration since the issue of the -_Pre-Historic Races_, called for a fresh treatment of the subject. - -On the Mayas and Nahuas the following manuscript works in the -possession of the Congressional Library at Washington were consulted, -and yielded valuable material: - -_Las Casas_: Historia Apologética de las Indias occidentals, 4 vols. - folio. - -_Las Casas_: Historia de Indias, 4 vols. folio. - -_Panes_ (_D. Diego_): Fragmentos de Historia de Nueva España, folio. - -_Echevarria y Veitia_: Historia del origen de gentes que poblaron la - America Septentrional, 1755, 3 vols. folio (about one-fourth of the - work is published in Kingsborough’s Mex. Antiq., vol. viii). - -_Escalante in Teniente_ (_Jose Cortes_): Memoria sobre las Provincias - del Norte de Nueva España 1799, folio. - -_Duran_ (_Diego_): Historia Antigua de la Nueva España 1585, 3 vols. - folio (part of the work has been published in Mexico). - -These, together with the large number of printed books relating to -America in the Congressional Library added to works in my possession, -afforded an ample field for research. - -I must express my appreciation of the courteous attentions of the -accomplished Librarian of Congress, the Hon. A. R. Spofford, who -together with his assistants did everything possible to facilitate -my investigations. To the uniform and friendly interest which Mr. -Spofford has manifested in my work, its successful completion is -largely due. The substantial assistance which I received from the -lamented Professor Joseph Henry—the record of whose kindly offices -to his fellowmen can never be written—was invaluable to me. Besides -placing the latest material at my disposal, he generously furnished -most of the engravings in this work relating to the Mound-builders. -Dr. Charles Rau, also of the _Smithsonian Institution_, has placed -me under obligations for valued services. To Professor F. V. Hayden -and to the painstaking offices of Mr. James Stevenson of the _U. S. -Geological and Geographical Survey of the Territories_, I am indebted -for the engravings as well as the sources of information relating to -the Cliff-dwellers. The Hon. J. R. Bartlett, of Providence, R. I., with -equal generosity has conferred like favors. Prof. F. W. Putnam, of the -Peabody Museum of American Archæology and Ethnology at Cambridge, -Mass., and his courteous assistants, Mr. Carr and Miss Smith, have -provided me with valuable engravings and reports. Robert Clarke, -Esq., and Mr. E. Gest, of Cincinnati, have also sent me engravings, -and the former in particular has conferred frequent favors. Professor -Ph. Valentini, of Albion, N. Y., with rare liberality, contributed -interesting material relating to the Nahua Calendar. To Mr. Stephen -Salisbury, Jr., of Worcester, Mass., Dr. R. J. Farquharson, of the -Davenport Academy of Sciences, Rev. S. D. Peet, editor of the _American -Antiquarian_, Cleveland, O., and to A. J. Conant, Esq., of St. Louis, -Mo., I am indebted for the interest they have manifested, and for the -material which they have brought to my attention. - -Señor Orozco y Berra, of the City of Mexico, the distinguished author -of the _Geografía de las lenguas Mexicanas_, has from time to time -freely made important suggestions concerning some of the problems under -consideration. To my friend the Rev. John W. Butler, of the City of -Mexico, whose intelligent efforts in my behalf have been unremitting, -I have special reason to be thankful. To all these generous friends I -must be permitted here to express my deep sense of gratitude for their -favors. - -However, this pleasant task would be but half performed were I to -omit the recognition of the unselfish friendship of the justly -eminent author of the _Native Races of the Pacific States_. Mr. -Hubert Howe Bancroft, whose rare erudition and breadth of thought are -only surpassed by his magnanimity of nature and manliness of spirit, -with a liberality which has scarce a parallel in authorship, sent me -the majority of the engravings illustrative of the Maya and Nahua -architecture and sculpture, used in the fourth volume of the _Native -Races_. To this I may add the no less valuable encouragement which -he so heartily gave during the progress of my work. Although some -of my investigations were prosecuted before the publication of the -_Native Races_, and though all of Mr. Bancroft’s sources relating to -subjects which have received our mutual attention were before me and -underwent a critical examination at my hands, it is but fair to state -that the assistance which I derived from the _Native Races_ has been -of incalculable service in the preparation of this volume. If in any -place I have omitted to render full credit to Mr. Bancroft, and to -that imperishable monument of learning and industry, his great work, -the omission has been due to inadvertence rather than intention. My -obligations to Mr. Bancroft can never be discharged, nor can the kind -attentions of Mr. Henry L. Oak, of the Bancroft Library, San Francisco, -be forgotten. - -Still my examination of the sources has not always led me to the same -conclusions as were reached by the author of the _Native Races_. This -may be owing to our different standpoints of observation, or possibly -to an inappreciable bias in my own mind. It is, however, but justice to -myself to say that this work has been prosecuted to its completion with -the spirit of inquiry rather than of advocacy, and is the embodiment of -an honest search for the truth. - - THE AUTHOR. - - COLUMBUS, O., _November, 1879_. - - - - - PREFACE TO THIRD EDITION. - - -This, the third edition of “The North Americans of Antiquity,” has been -carefully revised and new facts incorporated. In this connection I -take the opportunity of thankfully acknowledging the kindly reception -and marked consideration which this work has enjoyed at the hands of -specialists, of learned Societies in both America and Europe, and from -the University of Leipzig. - - J. T. S. - - COLUMBUS, OHIO, _September, 1881_. - - - - - CONTENTS. - - - CHAPTER I. - - ANCIENT INHABITANTS OF THE UNITED STATES. - - The Aborigines — Antiquity of the Red Indian — The Mound-builders - — Geographical Distribution of Mound-works — Frontier - Defences of the Mound-builders — Michigan Mounds — Mounds - in the North-west — On the Upper Missouri — In Dakota — - Animal Mounds of Wisconsin — Elephant Mound — Discoveries - at Davenport, Iowa — Davenport Tablet — Heart of the - Mound-builder Country — Cahokia — Resemblances to Mexico — - St. Louis and Cincinnati Works — Cincinnati Tablet — Works - in Ohio — Fortified Places — Fort Ancient — Signal Systems — - Works at Newark — The Ohio Valley — Explorations in Tennessee - — Burial in Stone Coffins — Mound Colonies in the South-east - — Mr. Anderson’s Calendar Stone — Mounds of the Lower - Mississippi Valley — Seltzertown Mound — Alabama and Georgia - Mounds — Pyramid of Kolee-Mokee — Explorations in Missouri - — Sun-dried Bricks — Remains in the South-west — Direction - of the Migration — Architectural Progress — Altar Mounds — - Mounds of Sepulture — Ancient Copper Mines — Astronomical - Knowledge. - - - CHAPTER II. - - ANTIQUITY OF MAN ON THE WESTERN CONTINENT. - - Antiquity of the Mounds — No Tradition of the Mound-builders - — Vegetation Covering the Mounds — Age of Mound Crania — - Probable Date of the Abandonment of the Mounds — Ancient - Shell-heaps — Man’s Influence on Nature — Supposed Testimony - of Geology — Agassiz on the Floridian Jaw-bone — Remains - on Santos River — The Natchez Bone — Remains on Petit - Anse Island — Brazilian Bone caves — Dr. Koch’s Pretended - Discoveries — Ancient Hearths — Age of the Mississippi Delta - — Dr. Dowler’s Discovery at New Orleans — Dr. Abbott’s - Discoveries in New Jersey — Discoveries in California — - Inter-Glacial Relics in Ohio — Crania from Mounds in the - North-west — No Evidences as yet Discovered Proving Man’s - Great Antiquity in America. - - - CHAPTER III. - - DIVERSITY OF OPINION AS TO THE ORIGIN OF THE ANCIENT - AMERICANS. - - Conflict of Discovery and Dogmatism — Arabic Learning in the - VIIIth Century — Spirit of the Early Writers on America — - Common Opinion as to the Origin of the Americans — Father - Duran — Lost Tribes of Israel — Garcia — Lascarbot — - Villagutierre — Torquemada — Pineda, etc. — Abbé Domenech — - Modern Views — Pre-Columbian Colonization — Plato’s Atlantis - — Kingsborough — The “Book of Mormon” — Phœnicians — George - Jones — Greek and Egyptian Theories — The Tartars — Japanese - and Chinese Theories — Fusang — The Mongol Theory — Traces of - Buddhism — White-Man’s Land — The Northmen — The Welsh Claim. - - - CHAPTER IV. - - ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS AS VIEWED FROM THE STANDPOINT - OF SCIENCE. - - Origin Theories — Indigenous Origin — Separate Creation Theory - — Dr. Morton’s Theory — Agassiz’s Views — Dr. Morton’s - Cranial Measurements — Dr. Morton’s Theory of Ethnic Unity - Groundless — Ethnic Relationships — Typical Mound-skull — - Crania from the River Rouge — Dr. Farquharson’s Measurements - — Crania from Kentucky — Researches in Tennessee by Prof. - Jones — Measurements — Prof. Putnam’s Collection of Crania - from Tennessee Mounds — Low Type Crania from the Mounds — - Development Observable in Mound Crania — Head-Flattening - Derived from Asia — Diseases of the Mound-builders — - Physiognomy of the Ancient Americans — Languages — Evolution - and its Bearing on the Origin of the Americans — Darwin - and Hæckel on the Indigenous American — The Autochthonic - Hypothesis Groundless — Unity of the Human Family — Accepted - Chronology Faulty. - - - CHAPTER V. - - TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN OF THE MAYA - NATIONS. - - Ancient Civilization of Tabasco and Chiapas — The Tradition of - Votan — The First Immigrants to America — The City of Nachan - — The Votanic Document — Ordoñez — Brasseur and Cabrera on - the Tzendal Document — The Empire of the Chanes — The Oldest - Civilization — The Earliest Home of the Mayas — The Quichés — - Their Origin Tradition — The Quiché Cosmogony — The Creation - of Man — The Quiché Migration — Tulan — Mt. Hacavitz — Human - Sacrifices Instituted — Four Tulans — Association of the - Mayas and Nahuas — Heroic Period of the Quichés — Xibalba and - its Downfall — Exploits of the Quiché Chieftains — War of - the Sects — Xibalba and Palenque the Same — Mayas of Yucatan - and their Traditions — Culture-heroes — Zamna and Cukulcan — - Christ Myth. - - - CHAPTER VI. - - TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN OF THE NAHUA - NATIONS. - - The Early Inhabitants of Mexico — Quinames — Miztecs and Zapotecs - — Totonacs and Huastecs — Olmecs and Xicalancas — The Nahuas - — The Cholula Pyramid — Its Origin Explained by Duran — No - Relation to a Flood — Ixtlilxochitl’s Deluge Tradition — - The first Toltecs — The Codex Chimalpopoca Account — The - Discovery of Maize — Sahagun’s Origin of the Nahuas — They - came from Florida — Their Settlement in Tamoanchan — Their - Migrations — Hue Hue Tlapalan — Its location, according to - the Sources — Not Identical with Tlapallan de Cortés — Not - in Central America — Probably in the Mississippi Valley — - Beginning of the Toltec Annals — The Chichimecs not Nahuas - — The Nahuatlacas — The Aztecs — Aztlan — As Described by - Early Writers — Aztec Migration — Aztec Maps — Señor Ramirez - on Migration Maps — The seven Caves — Three Claims for the - Location of Aztlan — The culture Hero, Quetzalcoatl. - - - CHAPTER VII. - - THE ANCIENT PUEBLOS AND CLIFF-DWELLERS. - - The Casas Grandes of Chihuahua — Ruins in the Casas Grandes and - Janos Valleys — Casa Grande of the Rio Gila — Ruins in the - Gila Valley — Also in the Valley of the Rio Salado — Ruins - in the Cañon of the Colorado — In the Valley of the Colorado - Chiquito — Pueblos of the Zuñi River — Zuñi and the “Seven - Cities of Cibola” — “El Moro” — Pueblos of the Chaco Valley - — Cliff-dwellers — Mr. Jackson’s Discoveries in the Valley - of the Rio San Juan — Cliff-houses of the Rio Mancos — - Cliff-dwellings on the McElmo — Traditional Origin and Fate - of the Cliff-dwellers — Ancestors of the Moquis — Remarkable - Discoveries by Mr. Holmes — The Seven Moqui Towns — The - Montezuma Legend. - - - CHAPTER VIII. - - ANCIENT AMERICAN CIVILIZATION AND SUPPOSED OLD WORLD - ANALOGIES. — ARCHITECTURE, SCULPTURE, AND HIEROGLYPHICS. - - Analogies, Real and Fancied — MAYA ARCHITECTURE — The American - Pyramid — The Palace of Palenque — The French Roof at - Palenque — The Trefoil Arch — Yucatanic Architecture — Uxmal - — The Casa de Monjas — Kabah — Casa Grande of Zayi — QUICHÉ - ARCHITECTURE — Copan — Circus of Copan — Description by - Fuentes — Utatlan — NAHUA ARCHITECTURE — Remains in Oajaca - — Mitla — Grecques at Mitla — Remains in the State of Vera - Cruz — Cholula — Pyramid of Xochicalco — The Temple of Mexico - — Teotihuacan — Los Edificios of Quemada — Maya and Nahua - Architecture Compared — Old World Analogies — SCULPTURE — Of - the Mounds — At Palenque — At Uxmal — Of the Nahuas — Ancient - American Art and its Old World Analogies — Egyptian Tau at - Palenque — Serpent Sculpture — Nahua Symbolism probably - Asiatic — HIEROGLYPHICS — Maya MSS. and Books — Landa’s - Alphabet — Attempts at the Interpretation of Maya MSS. by - Bollaert, Charencey, and Rosny — Rosny’s Classification of - the Hieroglyphics — Hopes that a Key has been Discovered — - The Mexican Picture-writing — Aztec Migration Maps. - - - CHAPTER IX. - - CHRONOLOGY, CALENDAR SYSTEMS, AND RELIGIOUS - ANALOGIES. - - No Mound-builder Chronology Known — Maya Calendar — Landa on - the Calendar — Maya Days — Maya Months — The Katun — The - Ahau Katun or Great Cycle — The Maya System Adjusted to our - Chronology — The Adjustment by Perez — Intercalary Days — - The Nahua Calendar — The Sources — Divisions of the Mexican - Calendar — The Aztec Year — The Nemontemi — Aztec Months — - Aztec Days — Nahua Ritual Calendar — Mexican Calendar Stone - — Sources of Interpretation — History of the Stone — Its - Interpretation — Date of the Origin of the Calendar Stone - — Date of the Nahua Migration — Analogies with the Nahua - Calendar — RELIGIOUS ANALOGIES — Jewish Analogies — Deluge - Traditions — Supposed Parallels in Jewish and Mexican History - — Analogies of Doctrine — Analogies of Ceremonial Law — - Yucatanic Trinity Myth — Mexican and Asiatic Analogies — - Buddhism in the New World — Scandinavian Analogies — Mexican - and Greek Analogies — Brasseur de Bourbourg’s Comparisons. - - - CHAPTER X. - - LANGUAGE AND ITS RELATION TO NORTH AMERICA - MIGRATIONS. - - Diversity of Languages in America — Causes of Diversity — - Richness of American Languages — Polysynthesis — Grimm’s - Law — The Maya-Quiché Languages — Stability of the Maya — - Oldest American Language — The Maya compared to the Greek, - the Hebrew, the North European, the Basque, West African, - and the Quichua Languages — Epitome of Maya Grammar — The - Mizteco-Zapotec Languages — The Nahua or Aztec — The Classic - Tongue — Ancient and Modern Nahua — Epitome of Aztec Grammar - — Geographical Extension of the Aztec — In the South — In - the North-west — Buschmann’s Researches — The Sonora Family - — Opata-Tarahumar-Pima Family — Moqui and Aztec Elements - — Aztec in the Shoshone and in the Languages of Oregon - and the Columbian Region — Line of Aztec Elements — The - Nahua probably the Language of the Mound-builders — The - Otomi — Supposed Chinese Analogies — Japanese Analogies — - Geographical Names. - - - CHAPTER XI. - - PROBABILITIES THAT AMERICA WAS PEOPLED FROM THE OLD WORLD - CONSIDERED GEOGRAPHICALLY AND PHYSICALLY. - - Legends of Atlantis — Brasseur de Bourbourg’s Theory — The - Subject Examined in the Light of Science — Retzius’ View — Le - Plongeon’s Observations — Identity of European and American - Plant Types — Revelations of the _Dolphin_ and _Challenger_ - Expeditions — The Atlantic Floor — Challenger and Dolphin - Ridges — “Challenger Plateau” probably once Dry Land — - Identity of European and South American Fauna — Elevation and - Depression of Coast Level — Of Greenland, the United States, - and South America — The Gulf Stream — Equatorial Current — - The Trade-Winds — Accidental Discovery of Brazil — America - Probably Reached by Ancient Navigators — The Caras — Atolls - of the Pacific Ocean — A Pacific Continent — Contiguity - of the Continents at the North — Aleutian Islands — The - Kuro-Suvo — Behring’s Straits — Inviting Appearance of the - American Shore — Remoteness of the Migration — Prof. Grote’s - View — Prof. Asa Gray’s Observations — Conditions Favorable - to a Migration — Mr. John H. Becker’s Observations. - - - CHAPTER XII. - - CONCLUSION - - - APPENDIX. - - A. MADISONVILLE EXPLORATIONS. - B. ELEPHANT PIPE. - C. CHARNAY EXPLORATION. - D. HOUSE ARCHITECTURE OF THE MOUND-BUILDERS AND PUEBLOS. - - - INDEX - - - - - THE - NORTH-AMERICANS - OF - ANTIQUITY. - - - - - CHAPTER I. - - ANCIENT INHABITANTS OF THE UNITED STATES. - - The Aborigines — Antiquity of the Red Indian — The Mound-builders - — Geographical Distribution of Mound-works — Frontier Defences - of the Mound-builders — Michigan Mounds — Mounds in the - North-west — On the Upper Missouri — In Dakota — Animal Mounds - of Wisconsin — Elephant Mound — Discoveries at Davenport, - Iowa — Davenport Tablet — Heart of the Mound-builder Country - — Cahokia — Resemblances to Mexico — St. Louis and Cincinnati - Works — Cincinnati Tablet — Works in Ohio — Fortified Places - — Fort Ancient — Signal Systems — Works at Newark — The Ohio - Valley — Explorations in Tennessee — Burial in Stone Coffins - — Mound Colonies in the South-east — Mr. Anderson’s Calendar - Stone — Mounds of the Lower Mississippi Valley — Seltzertown - Mound — Alabama and Georgia Mounds — Pyramid of Kolee-Mokee - — Explorations in Missouri — Sun-dried Bricks — Remains in - the South-west — Direction of the Migration — Architectural - Progress — Altar Mounds — Mounds of Sepulture — Ancient Copper - Mines — Astronomical Knowledge. - - -On that eventful morning nearly four centuries ago, when the spell -of uncertainty and mystery which enshrouded the Atlantic was broken, -and the darkness of the deep vanished with the darkness of the night, -the illustrious admiral discovered a world populated with beings -like himself. They were male and female, with all the physical -characteristics common to the rest of mankind, and differed from the -Spaniards only in that their skin was of a copper hue, and their cheek -bones more prominent. They were tattooed and wore their straight black -hair, cut short above the ears, with a few unshorn locks falling upon -their shoulders.[1] These naked uncivilized men and women were the -same in their physical type with those discovered subsequently on the -islands and the main land by the Cabots, Vespucius, Verrezano, and -Cartier. To rehearse their descriptions of the natives whom they first -met would be but to repeat the experience and observations of Columbus. -Nearly five centuries earlier the Norse adventurer Thorwald Ericson -(1002 A.D.) encountered natives on the New England coast, corresponding -in appearance, habits, and condition to those who occupied the country -when colonized by the first settlers. To these natives they gave the -name of _Skrellings_, from _skraekja_, a name which they had previously -applied to the Eskimo, meaning _to cry out_.[2] Thorfin Karlsefne, who -also reached the New England coast four years later than Thorwald, -describes the natives as sallow-colored and ill-looking, having ugly -heads of hair, large eyes and broad cheeks. They came in canoes to -his ships for the purposes of trade, and though peaceable at first, -soon exhibited hostility and treachery.[3] It is probable that these -Skrellings were North American Indians, who had interbred with the -Atlantic Coast Eskimo. How long the red man’s occupation of the -country antedated its discovery by the Scandinavians is uncertain. -His traditions are worthless on that subject. His chronology of moons -and cycles is an incoherent and contradictory jumble. Nor does he -know any more certainly from whence he came. It would seem that his -race came by installments, if it came at all, and that he was just -as far advanced in the arts of hunting and war and domestic life -on the day in which he first possessed himself of the soil, as on -that in which he was driven from it by the European. Only under the -fostering care of the white man has he shown any improvement, and that -has been of such an uncertain character as to amount to proof of his -incapacity for self-civilization. The Indian, measured by his low -condition in the scale of progress from the extremest barbarism towards -semi-civilization, belongs to what is known as the flint age (old-stone -or Palæolithic) in Europe, in which the rudest flint implements seem -to have been the chief auxiliaries which he possessed with which to -supplement and assist his hands in securing a livelihood or to protect -his person and family from ferocious beasts. Perhaps we may more -properly place him in a position midway between the flint and the -stone ages (new-stone or Neolithic), for he no doubt was possessed of -polished stone implements of a limited number and variety. Whether made -by his own hands or by those of his predecessors is uncertain.[4] In -thus assigning the Indian his place in the scale by which man’s state -of barbarism or degree of civilization has been measured by scholars in -Europe, we do not pretend to claim for him the antiquity of the man of -the flint age in any other part of the globe.[5] - -[Illustration: Arrow Heads in the National Museum (Washington).] - -[Illustration: Methods Employed by Indians of Hafting Stone Weapons.] - -[Illustration: Indian and Mound-builder Spear-Heads.] - -Dr. Abbott, of New Jersey, in an extended treatment of the _Stone Age_ -in his own State, has shown many evidences of the protracted occupancy -of the Atlantic States by a people whose weapons resemble those of -ancient man in Europe. Col. Charles Whittlesey has called attention -to the discovery of Indian remains in the “Shelter Cave,” near -Elyria, Ohio, and also in a cave near Louisville, Kentucky, where the -conditions seemed to point to an interment as long ago as two thousand -years, but the evidences both as to the remains having been those of -the red man and the period of burial are too uncertain to be of any -service in the construction of a theory.[6] - -The eras or ages which have been observed to mark the different stages -of the development of pre-historic man in Europe (in the manufacture -of implements and the construction of places of abode), are apparently -reversed in America. - -The Neolithic and Bronze ages preceded the Palæolithic at least in -the Mississippi Basin—not that the last inhabitants deteriorated and -lost the higher arts which are well known to have been cultivated upon -the same soil occupied by them, but that they were preceded by a race -possessed of no inferior civilization, who were not their ancestors, -but a distinct people with a capacity for progress, for the exercise of -government, for the erection of magnificent architectural monuments, -and possessed of a respectable knowledge of geometrical principles. -The remains of this mysterious people known as the mound-builders -are spread over thousands of square miles of the United States, and -it is a question whether the antiquarian is more surprised at the -greatness of their number than in many instances at the immensity -of their proportions. The entire valley region of the Missouri, -Mississippi and Ohio rivers with that of their affluents was occupied -by this remarkable people—presenting us with a parallel to the ancient -civilization which flourished in the earliest times on the watercourses -of the old world. The geographical distribution of these mounds may be -described in general terms with a view to the territory occupied by -them in the United States, as central, western, and southern. - -The publication of the valuable works of Squier and Davis, of Dr. -Lapham and those of Mr. Squier alone, in which the remains of these -regions are described, was like a revelation which brought to light -the wonders of an entombed civilization.[7] In treating of the mounds -geographically, we find no evidences of this people having reached the -Atlantic seaboard, unless we except the great shell-heaps found in -various localities on the coast, and of which we will speak further on. -It is true that in South Carolina a few vestiges of their residence -are found on the Wateree River near Camden, and in the mountainous -regions of North Carolina,[8] where they wrought mica mines for the -mineral which they prized as precious, and which so often accompanies -the remains of their dead. No _authentic_ remains of the Mound-Builders -are found in the New England States, nor even in the State of New -York. In the former, we have an isolated mound in the valley of the -Kennebec in Maine, and dim outlines of enclosures near Sanborn and -Concord in New Hampshire, but there is no certainty of their being the -work of this people.[9] In the latter, it was at first supposed that -the remains found in the western portion of the State were uniform -in their plan of construction with the works of the Ohio valley; but -Mr. Squier pronounces them to be purely the work of Red Indians. -This conclusion should not be viewed as final, even though Cusick’s -vague statement (in _Schoolcraft_, vol. v) that the Iroquois “were -compelled to build fortifications in order to save themselves from -the devouring monsters” lends it an air of plausibility. Either people -may have been their builders. Col. Whittlesey would assign these -fort-like structures, differing from the more southern enclosures in -that they were surrounded by trenches on their outside, while the -latter uniformly have the trench on the inside of the enclosure, to -a people anterior to the Red Indian and perhaps contemporaneous with -the Mound-builders, but distinct from either.[10] A quite reasonable -view is that of Dr. Foster, that they are the _frontier_ works of the -Mound-builders, adapted to the purposes of defence against the sudden -irruptions of hostile tribes. He remarks, “If our country were to -become a desolation, the future antiquary would find the sea-coast -studded with fortifications of a complex form, and as he penetrated -to the interior they would disappear altogether.”[11] It is probable -that these defences belong to the last period of the Mound-builders’ -residence on the lakes, and were erected when the more warlike peoples -of the North who drove them from their cities first made their -appearance. Passing along the boundary of the Mound-builders’ territory -towards the west, we find the great lakes in all cases to have served -as its limit on the north. Mr. Henry Gillman has described in several -publications[12] his exploration of mounds in Michigan and the lakes. -One of the richest mounds in relics and human remains is known as “the -Great Mound of the River Rouge,” situated on the stream from which it -takes its name, near the Detroit River and about four and a half miles -from the centre of the city of Detroit. The mound now measures twenty -feet in height, and must originally have measured 300 feet in length -by 200 in width, though the removal of large quantities of sand from -it has greatly reduced its proportions and destroyed many valuable -relics. Many other mounds surrounding it have also been removed. The -most remarkable result of the exploration was the discovery of tibiæ -flattened to an extreme degree, such as is peculiar to platycnemic -man. A circular mound in the vicinity yielded even more remarkable -specimens of this singular flattening or compression. Two specimens -presented unprecedented proportions; the transverse diameter of one -shaft being 0.42 and the other 0.40 of the antero-posterior diameter. -The circular mound yielded eleven skeletons besides a large number of -burial vases and stone implements of all descriptions peculiar to the -mounds. Of the crania from this mound we shall speak in Chapter IV. -In 1872, Mr. Gillman examined a remarkable group of tumuli situated -at the head of St. Clair River. These mostly stand on the shores of -Lake Huron. The relics, besides human remains, consisted of pieces of -mica, and necklaces of beads of the teeth of the moose alternating with -well-wrought beads of copper. The same peculiarity of flattened _tibiæ_ -was markedly prominent in the remains.[13] The same investigator has -examined mounds at Ottawa Point, Michigan, near the mouth of the Oqueoc -River, at Point La Barbe in the Straits of Mackinac, and at Beaver -Harbor on Beaver Island in Lake Michigan. Excepting ancient copper -mines, no known works extend as far north as Lake Superior anywhere in -the central region. Farther to the North-west, however, the works of -the same people are comparatively numerous. Dr. Foster quotes a British -Columbia newspaper, without giving either name or date, as authority -for the discovery of a large number of mounds, seemingly the works of -the same people who built farther east and south.[14] On the Butte -Prairies of Oregon Wilkes and his exploring expedition discovered -thousands of similar mounds.[15] - -[Illustration: Great Serpent, Adams Co., O.] - -Lewis and Clarke, in the Journal of their expedition up the Missouri -River, describe the remains of fortifications on Bonhomme Islands at -as early a date as 1804–5–6, but until recently their statements have -been received with a degree of doubt.[16] This doubt has, however, -been fully set at rest by the members of the United States Geological -Surveying Expedition of 1872. Not only has it been shown that works -exist at Bonhomme’s Island, but all the way up through the Yellowstone -region and on the upper tributaries of the Missouri mounds are found -in profusion.[17] Dr. C. Thomas, of the above-named expedition, made -interesting discoveries in Dakota Territory, near the Northern Pacific -Railroad crossing of the James River. Mounds were examined giving -evidence of perhaps greater antiquity than those common in the interior -of the country, if their contents be depended upon as furnishing a -means of test.[18] The Missouri valley seems to have been one of the -most populous branches of the wide-spread Mound-builder country. The -valleys of its affluents, the Platte and Kansas rivers, also furnish -evidence that these streams served as the channels into which flowed -a part of the tide of population which either descended or ascended -the Missouri. The Mississippi and Ohio river valleys, however, formed -the great central arteries of the Mound-builder domain. In Wisconsin -we find the northern central limit of their works; occasionally on the -western shores of Lake Michigan, but in great numbers in the southern -counties of the State, and especially on the lower Wisconsin River. -The peculiar and fantastic forms of most of these mounds have led some -writers to suppose that they belonged to a different race from that -which occupied the valleys to the south. Instead of the usual type -of the pyramid and circle, these remains mostly represent animals, -or birds, or men. Still Dr. Lapham, who has described them fully in -his admirable work[19] on the _Antiquities of Wisconsin_, concluded -that sufficient resemblances between these remains and those of the -south exist to ascribe to them a common origin. A few instances of the -circle and square are found in association with the animal mounds, -while in Ohio, on Brush Creek in Adams County, the “Great Serpent,” -and the “Alligator” in Licking County furnish proof that either the -same people built them or at least the same impulses, religious or -otherwise, actuated the people of both districts. The former of the -above figures is well described by its name, “with its head conforming -to the crest of a hill, and its body winding back for 700 feet in -graceful undulations, terminating in a triple coil at the tail.” -The length of the latter “from the point of the nose following the -curves of the tail to the tip, is about 250 feet, the breadth of the -body forty feet and the length of the legs or paws each thirty-six -feet.”[20] Until recently no effigy mounds were believed exist further -south than Ohio; however, Mr. C. C. Jones, Jr., in the _Smithsonian -Report_ for 1877 has shown this to be a mistake. Mr. Jones describes -an eagle-shaped stone mound north of Eatonton, in Putnam Co., Georgia, -of the following dimensions: Height of tumulus at the breast of the -bird, seven or eight feet; length from the top of the head to the -extremity of the tail, 102 feet; distance from tip to tip of the wings, -120 feet; greatest expanse of tail, 38 feet. A careful regard to the -proportions of the bird are shown. A similar stone mound, of nearly the -same proportions, was found near Lawrence Ferry on the Oconee River -in Putnam County. In this instance a circle of stones encloses the -effigy. At Trenton, Wisconsin, and in many other places examined by -Dr. Lapham, cruciform works were found, some of which were constructed -with the arms extending toward the cardinal points.[21] Instances of -extinct or unknown animal forms occur occasionally: one instance is -that of an animal somewhat resembling a monkey, having a body of about -160 feet in length, while the tail describes a semicircle and measures -alone 320 feet.[22] The most remarkable instance of the kind, however, -is that of the big elephant mound found a few miles below the mouth -of the Wisconsin River, so perfect in its proportions and complete in -its representations of an elephant that its builders must have been -well acquainted with all the physical characteristics of the animal -which they delineated.[23] This fact suggests the inquiry whether these -people were Asiatic in origin and penetrated to the interior of the -country before their recollections of the elephant were forgotten, -or whether they were contemporaneous with the mastodon of North -America? In the remarkable works at Aztlan, Dr. Lapham finds not only -resemblances to the Ohio antiquities, but striking analogies with those -of Mexico.[24] - -[Illustration: Elephant Mound, Wisconsin.] - -Across the Mississippi in Minnesota and Iowa, the predominant type -of circular tumuli prevail, extending throughout the latter State to -the Missouri. There are evidences that the Upper Missouri region was -connected with that of the Upper Mississippi by settlements occupying -the intervening country. Mounds are found even in the valley of the Red -River of the North.[25] - -Eastern Iowa, especially in the neighborhood of Davenport, has -furnished some of the most interesting mounds that have yet been -examined. Several gentlemen—especially Rev. Mr. Gass—of the Davenport -Academy of Sciences have within a couple of years recovered a number of -fine specimens of copper axes, nearly all wrapped in Mound-builder’s -cloth. This cloth had been “preserved by the antiseptic action of -the salts of copper, in all probability of the carbonates. In all -specimens one thread of the warp is double or twisted, and there are -about four to the one-fourth of an inch.”[26] Stone pipes of excellent -workmanship carved to represent various animals were found. Pottery, -copper beads in considerable numbers, mica and sea-shells (Pyrula and -Cassis), one which had an internal capacity of 152 cubic inches, or -five and one-half pints, were among the relics recovered. Most of the -human remains were much decayed; although some, among them a skull, -were preserved. The character of the Altar mound in this group is -rather unusual. Within the mound hewn rectangular stones were laid upon -one another with perfect regularity, so as to break joints, forming -something resembling the exterior appearance of a chimney. We are not -aware of any similarly shaped altar ever having been discovered in the -mounds. The most remarkable discovery of all, however, was made January -10, 1877, by Rev. Mr. Gass and his assistants in one of the mounds -which previously had been examined in part. Two tablets of coal slate -covered with a variety of figures and hieroglyphics were found.[27] One -of these, the larger, is of a most interesting character. On one side, -as will be seen in the accompanying cut, a number of persons with hands -joined have formed a semicircle around a mound, upon which a fire has -been kindled, probably for the purpose of sacrifice, or for converting -into a hardened and water-proof covering the layer of clay which may -have been spread over the remains of some distinguished personage -beneath. The presence of a layer of baked clay above human remains -in so many Ohio mounds leads to this conjecture. The three prostrate -human figures may be those of wives or servants of the deceased, to be -sacrificed upon his grave, as has been the custom from the remotest -times in India and among many savage tribes. The conspicuousness of -the sun, moon, and stars, suggest even a sadder thought, that perhaps -it may be purely a religious ceremony in which human victims are being -offered to the heavenly bodies. Sabine worship, which spread throughout -the entire length of the continent, is known to have been accompanied -with the most horrid rites. Above the arch of the firmament are -hieroglyphics which if deciphered no doubt would tell of the nature of -this and other similar scenes. On the reverse side of the tablet is a -rude representation of a hunting scene in which various animals, such -as the buffalo cow, deer, bear, etc., etc., are figured. It has been -conjectured that a large animal in the upper left-hand corner may be a -mammoth, but there is little ground for the supposition. The scene is -probably a representation of the exploits of the person buried in the -mound. The smaller tablet is evidently a calendar stone with signs of -the zodiac regularly marked upon it; of this calendar we shall speak in -a future chapter. The above conjectures as to the significance of the -representations on these tablets are based upon the supposition that -they are genuine and not the work of an impostor, of which we cannot -refrain from expressing a slight suspicion. That Rev. Mr. Gass has -given a true account of his discovery there cannot be the slightest -doubt—that he and his co-laborers in the work of excavation believe -them to be genuine is equally certain. - -[Illustration: The Davenport Tablet.] - -Descending to the interior, we find the heart of the Mound-builder -country in Illinois, Indiana and Ohio. It is uncertain whether its -vital centre was in Southern Illinois or in Ohio—probably the former -because of its geographical situation with reference to the mouths of -the Missouri and Ohio Rivers. To enter upon a detailed description -of the antiquities of this remarkable region would alone more than -occupy the entire limits which we have prescribed for this work. This -undertaking has already been well performed by Atwater, Squier and -Davis, Foster, Baldwin, and many others. We shall therefore confine -our remarks to notices of the most conspicuous remains and the general -peculiarities of Mound-builder architecture. This people possessed -a due appreciation of the physical advantages of certain localities -for their cities. The site of St. Louis was formerly covered with -mounds, one of which was thirty-five feet high, while in the American -bottom on the Illinois side of the river their number approximates two -hundred. In a group of sixty or more, lying between Alton and East St. -Louis, stands the most magnificent of all the Mound-builders’ works, -the great Mound of Cahokia, which rises to a height of ninety-seven -feet and extends its huge mass in the form of a parallelogram, with -sides measuring 700 and 500 feet respectively. On the south-west there -was a terrace 160 by 300 feet, reached by means of a graded way. The -summit of the pyramid is truncated, affording a platform of 200 by 450 -feet. Upon this platform stands a conical mound ten feet high. Dr. -Foster remarks: “It is probable that upon this platform was reared a -capacious temple, within whose walls the high-priests gathered from -different quarters at stated seasons, celebrating their mystic rites, -whilst the swarming multitude below looked up with mute adoration.”[28] -When we consider the analogy between the general features of this -pyramid and that on which the temple of Mexico was situated, it is not -unnatural to reflect that Cahokia may have served as the prototype of -the more magnificent structure which was so often deluged with the -blood of its thousands of human victims. The temple of Mexico and many -others of its type may have been the embodiment of the same principles -of architecture employed at Cahokia, but carried to greater perfection -under the more favorable conditions afforded in the valley of Anahuac, -or precisely the reverse may be true. Such speculations are, however, -more easily set forth than sustained. Dr. Foster, through a mistake, -states that the monster mound has been removed. This, we are happy to -say, is not the case.[29] - -[Illustration: Drilled Ceremonial Weapons. (Nat. Mus.)] - -Numerous interesting explorations have been conducted recently in -Illinois with rich results. Among the most notable of these are the -discoveries of Mr. Henry R. Howland, reported in a paper read before -the Buffalo Society of Natural Sciences, March, 1877 (_Bulletin of the -Buffalo Soc. of Nat. Sc._, vol. iii., p. 204 _et seq._). In January, -1876, Mr. Howland witnessed the removal of a mound near Mitchell -Station in the American Bottom. In a stratum four or five feet from the -base, composed chiefly of human bones, a large quantity of matting and -a number of copper relics were disclosed to view. The matting was a -coarse vegetable cane-like fibre simply woven, without twisting. Among -the articles wrapped in the matting were several miniature tortoise -shells formed of copper. They were of beaten copper of one sixty-fourth -of an inch in thickness, the largest being but two and one-eighth -inches in length. “A narrow flange or rim, about five thirty-secondths -of an inch in width, is neatly turned at the base, and over the entire -outer surface the curious markings peculiar to the tortoise shell are -carefully produced by indentation—the entire workmanship evincing -a delicate skill of which we have never before found traces in any -discovered remains of the arts of the Mound-builders.” These shells -were covered with several wrappings, the first and nearest to the -shell proving to be of vegetable fibre, the second of a dark-brown -color; when placed under the microscope and examined by Dr. G. J. -Engleman and Sir Joseph Hooker, proved to be a very fine cloth woven -from animal hair—of the rabbit and possibly of the deer. The third -envelope was made from the intestine of some animal. The lower jaws of -deer were discovered in which the forward part containing the teeth -were encased in thin copper and wrapped in the fine hair-cloth just -described. From holes bored in the back of each jaw, it is inferred -that the articles were suspended from the neck as totems or badges -of authority. Three wooden spool-like objects were found in the same -place, partially plated with thin copper. Copper rods or needles from -fourteen to eighteen inches in length, a beautiful shell necklace, and -a spear head of chert a foot long, were also discovered. Among the rest -were several sea-shells (_Busycon Perversum_), evidently brought from -the Gulf a thousand miles distant. In the summer of 1874, Mr. H. R. -Enoch, of Rockford, Ill., discovered a tablet in a mound situated on -the bank of Rock River, five miles south of Rockford. The “Rockford -Tablet” created quite a sensation at first because it was thought to -bear upon its face several symbols found upon the Mexican Calendar -stone. However, a thorough investigation of its claims prove it to be -a fraud, no doubt placed in the mound where discovered for the purpose -of deception. Mr. J. Moody of Mendota, Ill., in referring to the twelve -symbols of the tablet said to be Mexican, remarks: “Six are nearly -exact counterparts of that number of Lybian characters which I find -represented in Priest’s _American Antiquities_. * * * From a comparison -of the Rockford Tablet with the plates in the work referred to above, -the inference is almost irresistible that the engraver had a copy of -Priest’s _American Antiquities_ before him while doing his work.” (See -_Congrès International des Américanistes, Luxembourg_, 1877. Tome ii, -p. 160.) - -The same sagacity which chose the neighborhood of St. Louis for these -works, covered the site of Cincinnati with an extensive system of -circumvallations and mounds. Almost the entire space now occupied by -the city was utilized by the mysterious builders in the construction -of embankments and tumuli built upon the most accurate geometrical -principles, and evincing keen military foresight.[30] Dr. Daniel Drake -described these works in 1815, and many others subsequently.[31] The -most important discovery made among these remains was that of the -“Cincinnati Tablet” in 1841. This singular relic was taken from a large -mound formerly thirty-five feet high, removed at the above date from -the extension of Mound Street across Fifth Street. When found, it was -lying on a level with the original surface under the skull of a much -decayed skeleton, with two polished, pointed bones about seven inches -long, and a bed of charcoal and ashes. This stone in all probability -served the double purpose of a record of the calendar and a scale -for measurement.[32] Mr. E. Gest, the courteous owner of the tablet, -provided the accompanying cuts expressly for this work, regarding them -as the first correct representations of the stone. - -[Illustration: Cincinnati Tablet. (Front.)] - -[Illustration: Cincinnati Tablet. (Back.)] - -[Illustration: Dagger ½ Size. (Nat. Mus.)] - -The vast number as well as the magnitude of the works found in the -State of Ohio, have surprised the most careless and indifferent -observers. It is estimated by the most conservative, and Messrs. -Squier and Davis among them, that the number of tumuli in Ohio equals -10,000, and the number of enclosures 1000 or 1500. In Ross County -alone, 100 enclosures and upwards of 500 mounds have been examined. -Some of the works exhibit fine engineering skill; such, for instance, -are those near Liberty, Ohio, where two embankments, each forming a -perfect circle, are found in conjunction with a perfect square. The -larger circle measures 1700 feet in diameter and contains forty acres, -while the smaller has a diameter of 800 feet. The square contains -twenty-seven acres and measures 1080 feet on each side. One set of -works in Pike County consists of a circle enclosing a square, the -four corners of which each touch the circular embankment. The opening -or doorway through the circle is opposite the opening in the square. -Prof. E. B. Andrews found a conical mound enclosed by a circle, the -base of the mound reaching to the edge of the ditch outside of which -is the circular wall. The mound was located on the Hocking River, -nine miles northward of Lancaster, Ohio (see _Tenth Ann. Rep. of -Peabody Mus. of Arch. and Eth._, p. 51). The works at Hopetown, near -Chillicothe, present several combinations of the square and circle. -The two principal figures of these works are a square and circle—each -containing exactly twenty acres. The discovery of these geometrical -combinations—executed with such precision—in many parts of the country, -lead to the belief that the Mound-builders were one people spread over -a large territory, possessed of the same institutions, religion, and -perhaps one government. These facts are highly important as shedding -light upon the degree of their civilization. The evidence is ample -that they were possessed of regular scales of measurement, of the means -of determining angles and of computing the area to be enclosed by a -square and circle, so that the space enclosed by these figures standing -side by side might exactly correspond. In a word, their scientific and -mathematical knowledge was of a very respectable order. - -[Illustration: Works in Liberty Township, Ross County, Ohio.] - -[Illustration: Celts. (Nat. Mus.) - - The large celt, upper line, from a mound (Tenn.). The others Surface - Finds.] - -[Illustration: Aboriginal Chisels, Gouges and Adzes. (Nat. Mus.) - Surface Finds.] - -The military works of the Mound-builders, other than those previously -mentioned as existing on the Lakes and in Western New York State, -are of a twofold character, consisting first of fortified eminences, -of which an instance is found in Butler County, Ohio, where 16³⁄₁₀ -acres are walled in on the summit of a hill, and the entrance to the -enclosure guarded by a complicated system of covered ways. On Paint -Creek, Ross County, a remarkable stone work encloses 140 acres, in -the centre of which was an artificial lake, probably to supply water -in case of a siege. Perhaps the most remarkable fortification left -by the Mound-builders is that known as Fort Ancient, Ohio, on the -Little Miami River, forty-two miles north-east of Cincinnati. The -specialist is already familiar with the oft-quoted description of the -Survey by Prof. Locke, made in 1843. We will therefore only refer to -a few of the measurements contained in that description. “The work -occupies a terrace on the left bank of the river, two hundred and -thirty feet above its waters. The place is naturally a strong one, -being a peninsula defended by two ravines, which, originating on the -east side, near to each other, diverging and sweeping around, enter -the Miami, the one above, the other below the work. The Miami itself, -with its precipitous bank of two hundred feet, defends the western -side.” * * * “The whole circuit of this work is between four and five -miles. The number of cubic yards of excavation may be approximately -estimated at 628,800”. The embankment stands in many places twenty feet -in perpendicular height. The most interesting and valuable paper on -this work is that by Mr. L. M. Hosea, of Cincinnati, in the _Quarterly -Journal of Science_ (Cincinnati), October, 1874, p. 289 _et seq._ This -writer observes that it has often been remarked that the form of Fort -Ancient resembles a rude outline of the continent of North and South -America. None of the mounds contained in the enclosure have yielded -any relics of special interest. The greatest possible diversity of -opinion exists concerning the antiquity of the abandonment of the -works. Judges Dunlevy and Force, the latter in his memoir on the -_Mound-builders_,[33] estimate the period as a thousand years, while -Mr. Hosea thinks several thousand years would be required to produce -the numerous little hillocks and depressions which mark the spot where -trees have grown, fallen and decayed. Reasoning from other data, we are -inclined to the more conservative opinion of Judge Force as altogether -the safer. Fort Ancient, which could have held a garrison of 60,000 men -with their families and provisions, was one of a line of fortifications -which extend across the State and served to check the incursion of the -savages of the North in their descent upon the Mound-builder country. - -The second class of military works, which are exceedingly numerous on -all the watercourses—existing not only on the Ohio and Mississippi, but -on all their tributaries, especially on the Muskingum, Scioto, Miami, -Wabash, Illinois, Kentucky, and minor streams—are mounds which served -as outlooks. These were always placed in positions to command extended -views, and from which signals could be given to still others of the -same character, or probably to settlements remote from the watercourses. - -[Illustration: Square Mound, Marietta.] - -A system of these works no doubt formerly existed on the Great Miami -River extending north of Dayton, Ohio, southward to the Ohio River, -and connected with the great settlement on the site of Cincinnati -and with the high bluffs on the Kentucky shore. The great Mound -at Miamisburgh, ten miles south of Dayton, formed a part of this -chain. This monster mound is sixty-eight feet high and 852 feet in -circumference, and may have served the double purpose of a signal -station and the base of a small edifice devoted to astronomical or -religious purposes. There is little doubt that the Mound-builders in -the latter period of their occupancy of this region, when apprehensive -of danger from their enemies, employed a system of signal telegraph -by which communication was had, through means of the watch-fire or -the torch, between localities as distant as those now occupied by -Cincinnati and Dayton. Only a few minutes were necessary by means of -such a perfected system in which to transmit a signal fifty or one -hundred miles. Squier and Davis remark on this subject: “There seems -to have existed a system of defences extending from the sources of the -Alleghany and Susquehanna in New York, diagonally across the country, -through Central and Northern Ohio to the Wabash. Within this range the -works which are regarded as defensive are largest and most numerous.” -The signal system we have reason to believe was employed throughout the -entire extent of this range of works. The majority of the enclosures -found in the Ohio and Mississippi valleys are presumed not to have -been designed for military purposes, since the trench is usually -_inside_ of the embankment. However, instances of the trench being -outside of the parapet occur in Southern Ohio.[34] The most magnificent -Mound-builder remains in Ohio are the extensive and intricate works -near Newark in Licking County. The survey made by Col. Whittlesey and -published in the _Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley_, is -the most reliable as well as the fullest source of our information -concerning their magnitude, though the plan has been corrected -considerably by more recent surveys. These works occupy an area of two -miles square, and formerly consisted of twelve miles of embankment. -The spacious gateways—one of which has embankments on both sides -measuring thirty-five feet in height from the bottom of the interior -trench—the labyrinthine system of avenues, the strangely-shaped mounds, -one of which resembles a huge bird-track with a middle toe 155 feet -in length and the remaining two each 110 feet in length—together with -the solitude of the ancient forest which entombed this buried city, -we confess impressed us with a sense of wonderment and that strange -perplexity which an insoluble mystery exercises over the mind. We -can appreciate the remark of Mr. Squier in his description: “Here -covered with the gigantic trees of a primitive forest, the work -truly presents a grand and impressive appearance; and in entering -the ancient avenue for the first time, the visitor does not fail to -experience a sensation of awe, such as he might feel in passing the -portals of an Egyptian temple, or in gazing upon the ruins of Petra of -the Desert.” It is estimated that a force of thousands of men assisted -by modern appliances and implements as well as horse-power, which the -Mound-builder did not possess, would require several months in which -to construct these works.[35] At Marietta a most interesting system of -works exist, covering an area three-fourths of a mile long and half -a mile broad. These occupy the river terrace or second bottom at the -confluence of the Muskingum River with the Ohio, and present analogies -with the works further south and with those of Mexico.[36] Two -irregular squares inclose fifty and twenty-seven acres respectively. -The walls of the larger are between five and six feet high and from -twenty to thirty feet wide at the base. Within an enclosure are four -truncated pyramids or platforms, one of which, the largest, is 188 feet -long, 132 feet wide, and only 10 feet high, with a graded way reaching -to its summit, as have also two of the other pyramids. No one can look -at these structures without seeing the force of Lewis H. Morgan’s -Pueblo theory,[37] which makes these mounds or flattened pyramidal -elevations the foundation for edifices of a perishable nature; -constructed perhaps of hewn wood, but not of a combination of the adobe -and wood as he supposes, since no material for such a combination is -found in the Ohio valley.[38] The most elevated of the Marietta works -is an elliptical mound thirty feet high, enclosed by an embankment. - -[Illustration: Graded Way near Piketon, Ohio.] - -The most recent and satisfactory exploration of mounds in Ohio, was -that conducted by Prof. E. B. Andrews for the Peabody Museum of -American Archæology and Ethnology, and published in the Tenth Annual -Report of the Trustees (Cambridge, 1877). The mounds examined are in -Fairfield, Perry, Athens, and Hocking Counties. In Fairfield County -they were all located upon hills and commanded extensive views. Their -contents indicated great age, being much decayed. At New Lexington in -Perry County, ancient flint diggings, unquestionably worked by the -Mound-builders, were examined, many of the pits being six to eight feet -deep. In Athens County, on Wolf Plain, situated in Athens and Dover -Townships, several circles and nineteen conical mounds are found. One -of the latter measures forty feet high, with a diameter of 170 feet, -and contains 437.742 cubic feet. Another, known as the Beard Mound, was -excavated, and the interesting fact discovered that in its construction -the dirt had been “thrown down in small quantities—averaging about a -peck—as if from a basket.” Prof. Andrews is of the opinion that the -mound was a long time in building, “for we find,” he remarks, “at -many different levels, the proof that grasses and other vegetation -grew rankly upon the earth heap and were buried by the dirt.” In a -neighboring mound known as the George Connett Mound, under a bed of -charcoal five feet below the summit, a skeleton was found in a box or -coffin, enclosed by timbers. The upper part of the coffin and middle of -the body had been destroyed by fire. A circle of five hundred copper -beads was found around the body. A copper instrument resembling a -calker’s chisel, measuring 141 mm. in length, width at flattened end, -52 mm., diameter of cylindrical part, 20 mm. The instrument was formed -from sheet copper, beaten with such care that no traces of the hammer -are visible. “The edges are brought together and united very closely -by a slight overlap.” Professor Andrews describes and figures a piece -of leather ornamented with oval copper beads taken from a point eight -feet below the surface of a mound designated as the “school-house -mound.” The original piece measured eight or ten inches square, but -unfortunately fell into the hands of bystanders, who tore it in pieces -for relics. The Professor regards the curiosity as of Mound-builder -origin, and thinks it belonged to an ornamented dress. We cannot -detail these interesting explorations here, and must dismiss them with -the deduction that in certain cases the cremation of the bodies found -in mounds was accidental, caused by the heat penetrating through a -layer of earth on which a fire had been kindled. In other instances, -the body seems to have been burned intentionally, and the ashes and -charred bones heaped together in the centre of the mound. Some clay and -stone tubes of fine workmanship were obtained. The same document above -cited contains a valuable paper by Mr. Lucian Carr on his interesting -exploration of a mound in Lee County, Virginia. - -Grave Creek Mound, situated twelve miles below Wheeling in West -Virginia, is the Monster work of the Ohio Valley. It measures seventy -feet in height and nine hundred feet in circumference. Its form is that -of a truncated cone, the flattened area on the top being fifty feet in -diameter.[39] The States of Indiana[40] and Illinois formed with Ohio -a portion of the great centre of the Mound-builder country, as the -remains found on the watercourses of both States testify. The valleys -of the Wabash, Kankakee, Illinois and Saline Rivers were the once -populous dwelling-places of a thrifty and industrious people who have -left thousands of structures behind them.[41] The Alleghany Mountains, -the natural limit of the great Mississippi basin, appears to have -served as the eastern and south-eastern boundary of the Mound-builder -country. In Western New York, Western Pennsylvania, West Virginia, -and in all of Kentucky and Tennessee, their remains are numerous -and in some instances imposing. In Tennessee especially, the works -of the Mound-builders are of the most interesting character. Prof. -Joseph Jones, of the University of New Orleans, has by his thorough -and recent explorations under the patronage of the Smithsonian -Institution, brought to light very interesting materials for the study -of the history of this people. The works of defence in the shape -of stone forts, by some thought to be peculiar to New York and the -lake boundaries, with occasional exceptions in the Ohio Valley, have -been found to abound in Coffee and other counties. One very perfect -example of this kind of fortification, but very imperfectly described -and figured by Haywood,[42] is that known as the stone fort near -Manchester, Tenn. This enclosure, containing over fifty-four acres, has -been minutely described by Prof. Jones.[43] In the accompanying cut -the reader will obtain a pretty clear idea of the form of this fort. -The wall, which varies from four to ten feet in height, is composed -of loose rocks gathered apparently from the bed of the streams below, -and the vicinity. The ditch shown in the cut at the rear of the works -was probably designed to convey water from one creek to the other. -The entrance is quite complicated and constitutes the most remarkable -feature of the fortification. - -[Illustration: Pendants and Sinkers. (Nat. Mus.) Surface Finds.] - -[Illustration: STONE FORT.] - -One peculiarity of burial noticeable in this locality, and one -which evidently indicates progression when we come to compare these -people with those farther north, is the fact that the ancient race of -Tennessee buried their dead in rude stone coffins or cists, constructed -of flat pieces of limestone or slaty sandstone which abound in the -central portions of the State. In most of the mounds this mode of -burial prevailed, but was not confined to them, for outside of the -mounds in many enclosures a large number of stone graves occur. Of -the class of “Stone-grave Burial Mounds”, one situated twelve miles -from Nashville, near Brentwood, is worthy of mention. This mound was -about forty-five feet in diameter by twelve feet high, and contained -one hundred skeletons. These were mostly in stone graves, which were -constructed in ranges one above another, three or four deep. The lower -graves were short and square, containing bones that had apparently -been deposited after the flesh had been removed. The upper graves -were full length and contained remains in which the bones occupied -their natural relation to each other. The workmanship both of the -mound and stone cists was of the most perfect character. The lids -of the upper stone cists were so arranged as to present a perfectly -rounded, sloping rock surface. The mound was situated on the eastern -slope of a beautiful hill, covered with a heavy growth of the native -forest. In a large and carefully constructed stone tomb, Prof. Jones -discovered the skeleton of an aged individual of immense length, having -toothless jaw bones. In a grave occupied by a skeleton of a female, -a small compartment or stone box was found near the head, separated -from the main coffin by stone slabs, in which was the skeleton of an -infant. It should be added that in the square or short graves so often -met with, the skull was placed in the centre and the other bones -arranged around it.[44] Numerous stone graves not covered by mounds -were found on the Cumberland River opposite the mouth of Lick Branch, -surrounding a chain of four mounds. A similar graveyard was found -on the same bank of the Cumberland, a mile and a half farther down. -Others were met with on White Creek, nine miles from Nashville, at -Sycamore in Cheatham County; at Brentwood, in White County near Sparta, -and along the tributaries of the Cumberland and Tennessee Rivers at -short intervals. At Oldtown on the Big Harpeth, is an extensive and -remarkable collection of stone graves. All these burial grounds seem -to be those of the people who constructed the mounds, for most of the -mounds examined contained stone graves, not in their upper strata, but -on the level of the surrounding land. A mound opposite Nashville, on -the east bank of the Cumberland River, of great interest, was examined. -Prof. Jones is convinced that it formerly served as the site or base -of a temple. Its dimensions were one hundred feet in diameter by only -ten feet high. In the centre of the mound and only three feet from its -surface the Professor uncovered a large sacrificial vase or altar, -forty-three inches in diameter, composed of a mixture of clay and -river-shells. The rim of this flat earthen vessel or sacrificial altar -was three inches in height and appeared mathematically circular. The -surface of the “altar” was covered by a layer of ashes about one inch -in thickness. The antlers and jaw-bone of a deer were found resting on -the surface of the altar, and it is probable that part of the animal -had been consumed as a sacrifice. The whole had been carefully covered -with three feet of earth and the ashes preserved. In this mound rude -sarcophagi were ranged around this sacred centre with the heads toward -the altar and the feet toward the circumference of the circle, while -the directions of the bodies were those of radii. Those bodies near -the altar were ornamented with numerous beads of sea-shell and bone. -In a carefully constructed stone sarcophagus, in which the face of -the skeleton was turned toward the setting sun, the beautiful shell -ornament shown in the cut, measuring 4.4 inches in diameter, was found -lying on the breast-bone of the skeleton. It was made from some large -shell derived from the sea-coast. Of the numerous interesting places -examined by Prof. Jones, the site of Oldtown, on the Big Harpeth River, -about six miles south-west of Franklyn, Tennessee, is worthy of special -attention. The plan of the works and their general dimensions will be -seen in the cut. At present, the crescent-shaped wall of 2470 feet in -extent is but from two to six feet in height, having been reduced to -its present condition by the plowshare. Thirty years ago it is said -to have been so steep that it was impossible to ride a horse over -it. Within the enclosure are two pyramidal mounds; the larger is one -hundred and twelve by sixty-five feet and eleven feet high, and the -smaller, seventy by sixty feet by nine feet high; also a small burial -mound measuring thirty by twenty feet and 2.5 feet high. Another burial -mound is covered by the residence of the owner, Mr. Thomas Brown. Many -curiously-shaped clay vessels were obtained at these works by the -explorers. Some of the vases were fashioned into effigies of frogs and -various animals, and one vase obtained by Mr. Brown in excavating for -the foundation for his residence, had a neck terminating in two human -heads. Some of the vessels from Oldtown are figured in the cut. - -[Illustration: Clay Image from a Stone Grave in Burial Mound near - Brentwood, Tennessee.] - -[Illustration: “Stone Sword” from Ancient Earthwork on Big Harpeth - River, Tennessee. ¼ Natural Size.] - -[Illustration: Shell Ornament from the Breast of a Skeleton found in a - carefully constructed Stone Coffin in a Mound near Nashville, Tenn.] - -[Illustration: Plan of Oldtown Works.] - -[Illustration: Stone Pipe, Murfreesboro, Tenn. ¼ Natural Size.] - -[Illustration: Pottery from Oldtown, Tenn.] - -[Illustration: Black Vase from an Aboriginal Cemetery, Nine Miles from - Nashville.] - -The art of painting seems to have been extensively practised by the -mound people of Tennessee, not only in the decoration of pottery, but -in representing ideal conceptions, which they spread out in extensive -pictures upon the smooth faces of rocky walls overhanging the rivers. -The material generally used was _red ochre_. Prof. Jones says: “The -painting representing the sun on the rocks overhanging the Big Harpeth -River, about three miles below the road which crosses this stream -and connects Nashville and Charlotte, can be seen for a distance -of four miles, and it is probable that the worshippers of the sun -assembled before this high place for the performance of their sacred -rites.”[45] The Professor’s vast collection of relics in stone and -clay, including several images, we cannot here describe. We refer the -reader to the Memoir itself. The Professor has clearly shown that the -Mound-builder people and the Indians were distinct, and has set at -rest a question upon which some few doubts were still entertained by -a certain school of Archæologists, which has really never been very -strong. The connection with or identity of the Mound-builders and the -Toltics or the same family of people is also shown satisfactorily. We -will add that the Professor is disposed to consider the Natchez as the -connecting link between the Mound-builders and the Nahuas. We regard -the Memoir one of the most important which has ever appeared on the -subject of mound exploration. The rich collection of crania will be -referred to in a future chapter. - -In September, 1877, Prof. F. W. Putnam and Mr. Edwin Curtiss, also -a party under Major Powell excavated a large number of mounds and -stone graves, mostly in the neighborhood of Nashville, Tennessee. The -results were substantially the same as those obtained by Prof. Jones. -Prof. Putnam found within an earthwork near Lebanon, in Wilson County, -sixty miles east of Nashville, what he considers to be the remains of -dwellings of the Mound-builders. There were circular ridges of earth -varying from a few inches to a little over three feet in height, with -diameters ranging from ten to fifty feet. Within these enclosures, a -few inches below the surface, hard floors, upon which fires had been -made, were discovered. Under these floors, in many instances, infants -and children had been buried, while the adults had been interred in a -neighboring mound. Accompanying the skeletons of the children, many -beautiful vessels of strange and artistic forms were found (cuts of -three of these were kindly furnished by Prof. Putnam for this work), -all evincing the tenderness with which the offspring of this people -were regarded. Prof. Putnam examined nineteen of the earth-circles, -which he adds, “proved to my satisfaction that the ridges were formed -by the decay of the walls of a circular dwelling. * * * These houses -had probably consisted of a frail circular structure, the decay of -which would only leave a slight elevation, the formation of the ridge -being assisted by the refuse from the house.”[46] - -[Illustration: Painted Jar from Child’s Grave (Tennessee). - - (Prof. Putnam’s Exploration.)] - -[Illustration: Dish from Child’s Grave (Tennessee). - - (Prof. Putnam’s Exploration.)] - -Colonies of Mound-builders seem to have passed the great natural -barrier into North Carolina and left remains in Marion County, while -still others penetrated into South Carolina and built on the Wateree -River. In March, 1873, Mr. Jas. R. Page examined several mounds in -Washington and Issaquena Counties in the State of Mississippi. One -mound explored in Washington County on the old bank of the Mississippi -River, was a truncated cone eighty feet in diameter by forty feet -high. A mound in the neighborhood, only eleven feet high, yielded -rich returns for the labors of excavation. A white oak on its summit -measured thirty-six inches in diameter. This mound yielded twelve -skeletons with their crania. The group was in a sitting posture around -a circle, with their faces looking toward its centre. Directly in -front of the mouth of each skeleton were placed two or three vessels -of pottery, beautifully ornamented with etchings and graceful lines. -The object of the vessels, placed in such near proximity to the mouths -of the buried remains, can only be conjectured. We regret that no -measurements of the crania are given, and what is more, we deplore the -loss of most of the crania in the course of their transportation.[47] -Mr. W. Marshall Anderson, of Circleville, Ohio, examined Mounds in -Issaquena County, Miss., with interesting results; in one mound -opened, not far from its outer edge, three skeletons were found -buried in a standing position, as though they had acted as the guards -of a more distinguished person deposited in the centre. Penetrating -the mound still farther by means of a trench, Mr. Anderson reached a -large deposit of ashes and burnt earth. Near the centre of the mound -and five feet above the level of the earth, upwards of twenty-five -unbroken specimens of fine pottery were discovered. At the very centre -three individuals had been buried apparently in great state, with -all the insignia of their important positions in life. These were -ornaments, urns, vases, beads, and arrow-points; while adjoining the -heads of each were food and drinking vessels. Not far removed from -these, two skeletons were found with bowls placed upon their heads -like helmets. Mr. Anderson is the possessor of a very remarkable stone -disk obtained for him by Dr. Robinson from a Issaquena mound near -Lake Washington, Miss. The disk is nearly eight and a half inches -in diameter and three-quarters of an inch thick, of fine-grained -sandstone. The device which it bears upon its face is composed of two -entwined rattlesnakes. A trifling ornamental border is graven on the -reverse side of the disk. When found it was broken in two pieces. Mr. -Anderson, in comparing its strange device to the Aztec Calendar Stone, -remarks: “Here are the eighteen pipes of the border corresponding to -the eighteen months of the year, but the twenty days of the month and -the five intercalaries are not to be found. The thirteen hieroglyphical -figures, and the four zodiacal signs, which as multiples give the -fifty-two years of the Aztec cycle, are also absent on the Mississippi -stone.”[48] The serpent-symbol appears to have played its part among -the Mound-builders, as well as in Mexico and Central America. The great -serpent of Adams County, Ohio, is the most extensive delineation of -the all-important symbol on the continent. Out of eighteen engraved -circular plates made of the shell of the Pyrula and taken from -Brakebill and Lick Creek Mounds in East Tennessee (and now deposited -in the Peabody Museum of Archæology) thirteen bear the device of a -rattlesnake. In one of the mounds of “Mound City,” Ross County, Ohio, -several small tablets representing the rattlesnake were unearthed, -while other mounds in the same locality yielded pipes bearing the same -representation.[49] - -[Illustration: Jar from Child’s Grave (Tennessee). - - (Prof. Putnam’s Exploration.)] - -[Illustration: Works in Washington County, Miss.] - -[Illustration: Aboriginal Shuttle-like Tablets. (Nat. Mus.) Surface - Finds.] - -On the Southern Mississippi, in the area embraced between the -termination of the Cumberland Mountains near Florence and Tuscumbia in -Alabama and the mouth of Big Black River, this people left numerous -works, many of which were of a remarkable character.[50] The whole -region bordering on the tributaries of the Tombigbee, the country -through which the Wolf River flows and that watered by the Yazoo River -and its affluents, was densely populated by the same people who built -mounds in the Ohio Valley. Mr. Fontaine describes the mounds of this -region and of the Tennessee River Valley as being most frequently of -the truncated pyramidal type, and refers to one (seen by him in 1847) -seventy feet high, covering an acre of ground. It is remarkable that -the entire valley of the great river from Cairo to the mouth of Pointe -à la Hache, fifty miles below New Orleans, is thickly studded with -mounds.[51] As at Cahokia the Monarch Mound occupied a space equal -to six acres, so at Seltzertown, Mississippi, we have another immense -mound covering nearly the same area. Its dimensions are: length, about -six hundred feet; breadth, four hundred feet at the base; height, -forty feet, with a summit nearly four acres in area, reached by means -of a graded way. The structure lies with its greatest length nearly -due east and west. Upon the platform summit are three conical mounds, -one at each end and the third in the centre. The mound at the western -extremity of the summit rises to a height of nearly forty feet, while -the one at the opposite extreme does not fall far short of the same -altitude. This would give a total height of eighty feet above the level -of the base. Both of these mounds are truncated. Eight other mounds of -minor proportions are observable. The most remarkable feature connected -with this mound is a wall of sun-dried bricks, built two feet thick, as -its support on the northern side. These were filled with grass rushes -and leaves, while some of the bricks of great size used in angular -tumuli which mark the corners of the mound, retain the impressions of -human hands.[52] The Mound-builders were certainly numerous in the -Gulf States east of the Mississippi. On the Etowah River in Alabama a -mound seventy-five feet high and twelve hundred feet in diameter at the -base, has a graded avenue leading to its flattened summit. It has close -affinities to the Mexican and Yucatan mounds.[53] M. F. Stephenson -describes a group of ten mounds near Cartersville, Georgia, on the -Etowah River, the principal one of which is eighty feet high and one -hundred and fifty feet square on the top. A stone idol, gold beads, -mica mirrors, translucent quartz beautifully wrought, and many relics -of interest were here discovered. He also describes three chambers hewn -out of the solid rock at the falls of Little River, near the Alabama -line; while at Nacooche the crest of a conical hill was cut off at -fifty feet from its base, leaving a platform top with an area of an -acre and a half. Two sides are quite precipitous, but the others are -protected by a ditch and wall. Two other instances of the stone wall -are mentioned. First at Yond Mountain, four thousand feet high of solid -granite, and perpendicular on all sides except a small space which -is protected by a stone wall of artificial construction. The second -instance is quite similar, occurring at Stone Mountain, which reaches a -height of 2360 feet.[54] These natural eminences no doubt were utilized -for the purposes of worship or observation, just as many natural hills -in Mexico were graded and shaped symmetrically to serve similar uses. - -Wm. McKinley, Esq., has described and surveyed additional works in -Georgia of quite a remarkable character, on Sapelio Island in McIntosh -County and on Dry Creek in Sacred Grove, Early County. But the most -lofty work of all, the giant of the mounds, is the pyramid of Kolee -Mokee in the same county, reaching a height of ninety-five feet and -having a circumference at its base of 1128 feet. Its form is that of -a parallelogram, 350 feet long and 214 wide. The plane on the summit -measures 181 feet in length by 82½ feet in width.[55] In Florida the -works of the Mound-builders have been extensively examined by Prof. -Jeffries Wyman, to whose labors we shall refer in the next chapter. -Dr. A. Mitchell made some interesting explorations in 1848 on Amelia -Island, and was rewarded by the recovery of some well-marked mound -crania.[56] - -Returning to the confluence of the Missouri with the Mississippi, -the point at which we left the western boundary of the Mound-builder -country in order to treat the characteristics of its central region, -we find mounds, as we previously stated, in great numbers in the -neighborhood of St. Louis. In the valley of the St. Francis River, -mounds that have been explored have yielded many rich relics, artistic -water vessels, vases and statuettes. In Green County, Missouri, N. Lat. -37° 20´ and 16° Long, west of Washington City, is a very remarkable -truncated conical mound which has only been externally surveyed. This -mound is 60 feet high, 350 feet in diameter at the base, and 130 feet -in diameter on the top. It is surrounded by a trench (except about -twenty feet at the north) about two hundred feet wide and four feet -deep. On the north the excavation is seven or eight feet deep.[57] -These trenches served a double purpose—that of furnishing material for -the construction of the mound, and when completed, of providing an -impassable moat filled with water, that neither enemies nor the rabble -might approach the sacred mount.[58] In Phillips County, Prof. Cox -discovered an ancient fortification near Helena, built like a part of -the Seltzertown mound, of sun-dried bricks; stems and leaves of the -cane were used instead of straw in making the bricks.[59] - -Professor Swallow, in company with a number of scientific gentlemen, -opened a large mound in Lewis’ Prairie, west of New Madrid, Missouri -(in December, 1856), in which he found a great collection of earthen -dishes and vases. The mound was elliptical in form, measuring 900 -feet in periphery at the base, 570 feet at the top and twenty feet in -height. The remarkable feature of the mound was that it contained a -room formed of poles, lathed with split cane and plastered with clay -both inside and out, forming a solid mass. “Over this room was built -the earthwork of the mound, so that when it was completed the room was -in its centre. The earthwork was then coated with the plaster, and -over all nature formed a soil. This mud plastering was left rough on -the outside of the room, but smooth on the inside, which was painted -with red ochre.”[60] Some of the plastering was burned as red and hard -as brick, while other parts were only sun-dried. Professor Swallow -believes the mounds of the region to be very ancient. On mounds -and neighboring embankments a sycamore tree twenty-eight feet in -circumference, three feet above the ground, a black-walnut twenty-six -feet in circumference, a white ash twelve feet and a chestnut oak -eleven feet in circumference were observed. In addition to these -evidences of age, the Professor states that six feet of stratified -sands and clays have formed around the mounds since they were deserted. -(See Eighth _Annual Report of Peabody Museum_, pp. 16 _et seq._ -Cambridge, 1875.) - -Mr. A. J. Conant, in a very able paper published in the _Transactions -of the St. Louis Academy of Sciences_ for April 5, 1876, has more fully -described the mound works near New Madrid. On the western bank of the -Bayou St. John, partly in a cypress swamp covered with heavy timber -and partly on adjacent prairie land, an earthwork encloses an area of -about fifty acres. In this enclosure are three large mounds, one of -which is pyramidal in form and still has traces of a graded way. An -ancient well is discernible near it. A circular mound at the opposite -end of the enclosure is estimated by Mr. Conant to have afforded a -place of burial for a thousand individuals. The bodies were buried with -their heads pointing toward the centre of the mound. A gourd-shaped -vase, a small jug or drinking vessel, and an earthen pan or platter -was found with each skeleton. The mouths of the vases were fashioned -into the form of the head of some bird or the figure of some animal or -of a human female. In depressions about three feet deep, within the -enclosure, remains of burnt clay ovens were found. Fire-places were -disclosed, as well as fragments of earthen vessels capable of holding -ten or twelve gallons. The veritable kitchens of the Mound-builders, -with their furniture, seem to have been brought to light. In front of -the enclosure and projecting out into the bayou, are tongues of land -about thirty feet long by ten or fifteen feet in width, and about the -same distance apart, “resembling upon a small scale the wharves of a -seaport town.” Mr. Conant pronounces them artificial, and that when -employed by these builders, the present cypress swamp was the channel -of a river. The multitude of mound works which are scattered over the -entire south-eastern portion of Missouri indicate that the region “was -once inhabited by a population so numerous, that in comparison its -present occupants are only as the scattered pioneers of a newly-settled -country.”[61] - -[Illustration: Discoidal Stones. (Nat. Mus.) - - Central figure, upper line, from Illinois Mound.] - -Prof. C. G. Forshey in _Foster’s Pre-Historic Races_, presents most -valuable information relative to the mounds in the south-west. His -observations convince us that the State of Louisiana and the valleys of -the Arkansas and Red Rivers were not only the most thickly populated -wing of the Mound-builder domain, but also furnish us with remains -presenting affinities with the great works of Mexico so striking that -no doubt can longer exist that the same people were the architects -of both. He describes works, some of them of immense proportions, on -the Mississippi fifty miles above Vicksburg; on Walnut Bayou; the -south-west bend of Lake St. Joseph, and at Trinity in the parish of -Catahoula, Louisiana. On the east bank of the Little River, a couple of -miles above its mouth, where it empties into Lake Ocalohoola, stands a -bluff walled with roughly hewn stone. The same writer observed a mound -near Natchez twenty-five feet high, standing isolated in a swamp. This -mound is one among many in different parts of the lower Mississippi -region surmounted by comparatively younger trees than are found on the -remains farther north. Works occur in the Atchafalaya basin, in the -rear of Baton Rouge, on the uplands of Lake Pontchartrain and on the -banks of Bayou Gros Tête. A remarkable group of truncated pyramids, -peculiarly Mexican in their style of architecture, exist in Madison -Parish, Louisiana, and are figured in Squier and Davis and copied -by Foster.[62] It is needless to discuss the fact that the works of -the Mound-builders exist in considerable numbers in Texas, extending -across the Rio Grande into Mexico, establishing an unmistakable -relationship as well as actual union between the truncated pyramids -of the Mississippi Valley and the Tocalli of Mexico and the countries -further south.[63] There can be no doubt as to the unity of the origin -of the works in both countries. There are evidences also that the most -recent works of Louisiana and Texas do not compare in antiquity with -any found in the Ohio Valley, showing it to be altogether probable -that the Mound-builders occupied the Lower Mississippi Valley and -Gulf coast for a considerable period after they were driven from the -northern and central region by their enemies.[64] Several recent -writers, with no more proof than that obsidian from Mexico has been -found in the mounds, have confidently expressed the belief that the -Mound-builders entered the Mississippi Valley and the Central Region -from the South. This was based also on the assumption that no remains -were found in the North-west. It, however, is proper to note here the -marks of architectural progression observable in the geographical -distribution of ancient works. Men all around the world have been -mound or pyramid builders. To attempt to demonstrate this well-known -fact to an intelligent reader by citing the customs of antiquity and -the works of the present great Asiatic nations, would seem little -less than pedantry rather than the work of serious investigation. The -religious idea in man, whether observed in the darkest heathenism or -partially enlightened civilization, has always associated a place of -sanctuary with the conditions of elevation and separateness. It matters -not whether you apply the rule to the practices of the most obscure -antiquity, where a hill or natural eminence was the sanctuary of an -idol, the residence of a god, or examine the motives which prompt the -erection of the dome of a St. Paul or a St. Peter’s, or coming nearer -home, analyze the reasons for the construction of the ordinary church -spire, the same inexplicable intuition is found at the bottom of them -all. The simple mound so common in the northern and central region -of the United States, represents probably the first attempts at the -imitation of nature in providing a place of worship. In the absence -of hills and natural eminences on great plains like the prairies of -the North-west (for instance in such cases as are cited on pages 28 -and 29), nothing would be more natural than the construction of an -artificial hillock, especially if the elements and nature were the -objects of worship. The next step might have been again a copy or an -imitation, but instead of choosing a subject from inanimate nature, -an advance is made in the artistic scale, and the animal kingdom -furnishes not only one but varied models for reproduction. The custom -among savage tribes of personifying the deity, of dressing him up in -some form, tangible and visible, was especially characteristic of the -mythology of the Nahua nations of Mexico. It is not necessary to go to -Egypt, or India, or China to find animals of various kinds dedicated -to and associated with the national gods, for in the Maya and Nahua -mythologies, as well as in the traditions of some of the wild tribes of -the Pacific coast, the serpent, the coyote, the beaver and the buzzard -play an active part. The erection of religious structures representing -animals no doubt sacred to the Mound-builders, was carried on to a -remarkable extent in Wisconsin. These strange works probably indicate -the second step in their scale of architectural progression. In the -Ohio Valley, while the ordinary mound is found in great numbers, and a -few instances of animal mounds occur, three new architectural features -present themselves in marked prominence, all of which are artistically -in advance of those existing in the North and North-west. These are -the enclosures, the truncated mounds, and principally the truncated -pyramids, all of which are a departure from the strict imitation of -nature, and exhibit the gradual growth of the architectural idea and -the outcropping of the notion of utility. South of the Ohio Valley -the animal mounds disappear altogether and the truncated mounds grow -less common, while the truncated pyramid, the highest artistic form, -with its complicated system of graded ways and its nice geometrical -proportions, becomes the all predominant type of structure. In the -Lower Mississippi Valley, in some cases, as we have observed, dried -brick were used in the walls and angles of pyramids of the most -perfect type. Stone was also employed in a few instances. Here we find -the transition to Southern Mexico complete. No break exists in the -architectural chain. - -[Illustration: Stone Plates. ⅙ Natural Size. (Nat. Mus.) - - The left and central figures from an Alabama Mound.] - -Squier and Davis (and Foster as well as most other writers have -followed their example) classified the works of the Mound-builders as -follows: - - {_For Defence._ - I. ENCLOSURES {_Sacred._ - {_Miscellaneous._ - - {_Of Sacrifice._ - II. MOUNDS {_For Temple-Sites._ - {_Of Sepulture._ - {_Of Observation._ - -To this some have added mounds for residence. - -It does not fall within the scope of this work to treat of the specific -character and uses of the works of the Mound-builders, but rather -to note their extent and indications of age with relation to their -bearing on the antiquity of man in this country. Some of the arts and -manufactures of the Mound-builders are set forth in the illustrations -interspersed throughout the chapter.[65] A few of the cuts figure -objects found upon the surface. Yet it is not improbable that a due -proportion of these objects were of Mound-builder origin. - -The domestic arts appear the most advanced of any among this ancient -people. Pottery of respectable quality and of varied patterns is -abundant among their remains. Coarse cloth woven of vegetable fibre, -and in some instances partly made of hair, has been discovered in -mounds in several localities. Shell and copper beads for the purposes -of ornamentation were made in great numbers. Copper axes of good -quality have occasionally been exhumed. Copper and bone needles with -well-drilled eyes were made by them. They wove baskets and coarse -matting. They carved pipes in stone or moulded them in clay, sometimes -in fantastic forms, while again they fashioned them with rare skill -into the perfect effigies of animals and birds, or possibly ornamented -them with likenesses of their own faces. With the exception of a -few observations on the altar and sepulchral mounds, we refrain from -a further treatment of the works above classified, as having no -particular bearing on the question in hand, and refer the reader to -the works of Squier and Davis, and also to that of Dr. Foster, already -often quoted. Of the Altar or Sacrificial Mounds, the first-named -authors remark: The general characteristics of this class of mounds -are: 1. That they occur only within the vicinity of the enclosures -or sacred places; 2. That they are stratified; 3. That they contain -symmetrical altars of burned clay or stone, on which were deposited -various remains which in all cases have been more or less subjected to -the action of fire.[66] The same authors present the following section -of a mound examined by them at Mound City, near Chillicothe, Ohio, -which is a fair sample of the usual stratification observed in altar -mounds.[67] The altar which this mound contained was a parallelogram -measuring 8 × 10 feet at its base and 4 × 6 feet at its top. It was -only eighteen inches in height, and contained a basin with a dip of -nine inches. In this basin were found fine ashes, fragments of pottery -and shell beads. A reference to the figure shows that the sand-stratum -is semicircular, with its extremities resting on the outer sides of -the altar. The skeleton shown in the figure designates a point three -feet below the apex of the mound where two well-preserved skeletons -were found. The strata were disturbed for their burial evidently at -a considerable period after the construction of the mound. This is a -fair example of the “intrusive burial” practised in the mounds by Red -Indians. The same authors found some of these altars rich in relics; -one especially in the vicinity of the above-described mound contained -nearly two hundred pipes carved in stone. Also a considerable number -of pearl and shell beads and copper ornaments covered with silver. It -is quite probable that the copper was from their Lake Superior mines, -as they alone are known to yield deposits of silver with copper. The -same peculiarity was observed with reference to the copper ornaments -and implements found in the Marietta works. The pipes secured in this -mound were much calcined by heat, and considerable copper had been -fused in the basin of the altar. In some of the mounds examined large -collections were obtained, and in some instances, articles made of -obsidian, which it is believed could be procured nowhere nearer than -the Mexican mountains of Cerro Gordo, or the region west of the Rocky -Mountains.[68] - -[Illustration: Pestles and Mullers. (Nat. Mus.) Surface Finds.] - -[Illustration: Section of Altar Mound. (After Squier and Davis.)] - -[Illustration: Vase from an Ohio Mound.] - -The evidences are abundant that some mysterious rites were performed -at the altar mounds; cremation only may have been practised, but we -fear that even more awful and heart-sickening ceremonies took place -upon these altars as well as upon the high temple sites in which human -victims may have been offered to appease the elements or the sun or -moon by their death agonies. What splendid ceremonial, what mystic -rites administered by a national priesthood in the presence of a devout -multitude may have accompanied these horrible sacrifices, are beyond -even the limits of conjecture. Besides cremation, inhumation was also -practised extensively. Multitudes of mounds were devoted either -partly or exclusively to such uses. Mr. Tomlinson, the owner of the -Grave Creek Mound, who sank a shaft from its original summit to its -centre, and intercepted it by a tunnel along the surface of the ground, -speaking of the latter excavation, remarks: “At the distance of one -hundred and eleven feet we came to a vault, which had been excavated -before the mound was commenced, eight by twelve feet and seven in -depth. Along each side and across the ends, upright timbers had been -placed, which supported timbers thrown across the vault as a ceiling. -These timbers were covered with loose unhewn stone, common to the -neighborhood. The timbers had rotted and tumbled into the vault. * * * -In this vault were two human skeletons, one of which had no ornaments, -the other was surrounded by six hundred and fifty ivory (shell) beads, -and an ivory (bone) ornament six inches long.” Thirty-five feet above -the bottom vault another was found containing a skeleton decorated with -copper rings, plates of mica and shell disks. The number of disks cut -from the shell known as the _Buscycon perversum_ and collected by the -excavators was 2350; of mica 250 specimens, and of the little shell -known as _Marginella apicina_, 500; all of which had been pierced and -strung as beads. Ten skeletons were subsequently found together upon -enlarging the horizontal tunnel. Ashes, charcoal and burnt bones were -also discovered in large masses. Though this was the largest of this -class of mounds, still the general characteristics of the contents are -the same in all of them, and are usually disposed in the same relative -position to each other.[69] One of the most interesting explorations of -sepulchral mounds was that conducted in the autumn of 1865 by Professor -O. C. Marsh, assisted by Mr. Geo. P. Russell, of Salem, Mass., in -what is known as the “Taylor Mound,” situated two and a half miles -south of Newark, Ohio. The mound was ten feet high and eighty feet in -diameter, and was surmounted by a forest of oak trees ranging from two -and a half to eight feet in thickness, while the decaying trunks of -a former growth were lying upon the ground. The mound was excavated -from the apex downward. Five feet from the surface a pipe and a tube -of stone unknown in Ohio were found. Seven feet from the top, in a -thin white layer of earth, a string of more than one hundred beads of -native copper were found around the neck of a child about three years -old. The salts of the copper had preserved the cord of vegetable fibre -on which they were strung. The beads were about one-fourth of an inch -in length and one-third in diameter. They evidently had been hammered -out of the metal in its original state, and the workmanship displayed -no inferior skill. One foot deeper the remains of two adults, male and -female, were found carefully buried in layers of bark, their heads -towards the east, and the body of the female resting upon that of -the male skeleton. Immediately above these were found a considerable -number of charred human bones and the evidences of cremation or human -sacrifice in honor to the couple (probably man and wife) below. The -Professor even expresses the fear that the wife—who appears to have -been about thirty years of age—may have been put to death and buried -above the remains of her deceased consort. A foot deeper the party -found another layer of charcoal, ashes and charred bones, similar to -the above, and immediately beneath it a carefully-buried skeleton, much -decomposed, lying in a white layer of earth, and with its head toward -the east. A few inches below this skeleton several carelessly-buried -skeletons were found near the natural level of the earth. Below the -natural surface a cist six feet long, three feet wide and two feet deep -was found containing the remains of eight or more skeletons, which seem -to have been imperfect when buried. The remains had been thrown into -the grave in a careless and perhaps hasty manner. In the grave were -found nine lance and arrow-heads of flint. Six small hand-axes, one of -them of hematite and the others of compact greenstone or diorite, a -small hatchet of hematite, a flint chisel and scraper, fine needles or -bodkins made of the metatarsal bones of the common deer, a whistle made -from the tooth of a young bear, and spoons cut from the shells of river -mussels. A rude vessel of clay was found, but broken, while several -bones of animals, all but two of existing species in Ohio at present, -were discovered; though it is worthy of remark that the remains of -the deer were of a size seldom attained by the species at the present -day. All the skulls found in the mound were broken, and all but two so -badly decayed that no effort was made to preserve them. These two were -of small size showing the vertical occiput, prominent vertex and large -inter-parietal diameter. There is abundant evidence that the mound had -never been disturbed by Indians.[70] - -[Illustration: Stone Pipes from Ohio Mounds.] - -One of the best evidences which we have of the systematic government -and habits of the Mound-builders, together with the comparatively -advanced state of the practical arts among them, is found in the -ancient copper mines of the Lake Superior Region so extensively -operated by them at quite a remote period.[71] These were first -discovered by Mr. S. O. Knapp, agent of the Minnesota Mining Company, -in 1848. One excavation explored by this gentleman was thirty feet -deep, filled with clay and a mass of mouldering vegetable matter. -Eighteen feet from the surface he found a mass of copper ten feet long, -three feet wide and two feet thick, weighing over six tons. By digging -around this great lump of metal, he observed that it was resting on “a -cob-work of round logs or skids six or eight inches in diameter, the -ends of which showed plainly the strokes of a small axe or cutting tool -about two and a half inches in width”. The wood, from its exposure to -moisture, had lost all its consistency, and opposed no more resistance -to a knife-blade than would ordinary peat. After having raised the -mass of copper over five feet along the foot wall of the lode on the -timbers by means of wedges, the ancient miners had abandoned the task. -The walls of the mine still show the marks of fire; charcoal and stone -mauls were taken from this and similar excavations. The largest of -these mauls weighed thirty-six pounds and was encircled by a double -groove around its centre. Withes were probably wound in these grooves -by which two men could wield the maul very effectively. The number of -smaller hammers of greenstone and porphyry removed from these works by -Mr. Knapp exceeded ten cart-loads. In one of the pits a rude oak ladder -was found, made by trimming the branches of a tree at a distance from -the trunk to leave a sufficient foothold. Wooden levers, preserved -beneath the water, were also of frequent occurrence. A copper maul, -shaped by pounding in a cold state, and weighing upwards of twenty -pounds, was found in this locality, as well as many well-formed copper -implements designed for various purposes. Upon a mound of rubbish near -one of the excavations, Messrs. Foster and Whitney saw a pine stump ten -feet in circumference—the trunk having been broken fifteen feet from -the ground—which must have grown and died after the earth was thrown -up. Mr. Knapp mentions a hemlock which he found growing on a heap of -rubbish which had 395 rings of annual growth. Fallen and decayed trees -of a previous generation were found lying across the pits. In front -of the Waterbury mine are blocks of stone weighing two and three tons -which had been removed by the ancient miners from the shaft, and when -observed by Colonel Whittlesey, they were covered by a forest growth of -the full size and kind common to the neighboring region. Under a pile -of rubbish the remains of a trough of cedar bark was brought to light -and had been used to carry off water baled from the mine by means of -wooden bowls, some of which were preserved by water in the mines. Mr. -S. W. Hill communicated to Dr. Foster in 1872 the discovery of mining -pits in Isle Royal, measuring fifty feet in depth.[72] In the Ontonagon -region for thirty miles traces of the ancient miners abound. The idea -that the Indians formerly worked these mines was abandoned shortly -after their discovery. They possess no tradition of copper mines, nor -did their ancestors visited by the Jesuit Fathers in the early part of -the seventeenth century obtain any intelligence of mines, though they -penetrated this region in 1660. They often mention the occurrence of -loose masses of copper found in the shape of boulders, but could learn -nothing from the Indians as to their origin. It is quite certain that -no traditions were current among them on the subject. “Instead,” says -Col. Whittlesey, “of viewing copper as an object of every day use, they -regarded it as a sacred Manitou, and carefully preserved pieces of it -wrapped up in skin in their lodges for many years; and this custom has -been continued to modern times.”[73] Father Allouez, in his _Relation_, -has described this custom.[74] Father Dablon, who shortly afterward -visited the Lake Superior tribes, has described their superstitions -concerning an island where the missionaries first met with copper.[75] -That the Mound-builders were these ancient miners, there is abundant -evidence. Col. Whittlesey has described a collection of copper -implements from Carp River containing pieces of native silver, such as -have often been found in the Ohio mounds.[76] We have already referred -to this peculiarity of the Lake Superior copper. The use of copper by -the Mound-builders was very general all the way from Wisconsin to the -Gulf, and the labor involved in a journey of a thousand miles from the -Ohio Valley to the copper regions, the toil of the summer’s mining, -and the tedious transportation of the metal to their homes upon their -backs, and by means of an imperfect system of navigation, indicates -either industry and resolution such as no savage Indian ever possessed, -or a condition of servitude in which thousands occupied a position of -abject slavery. - -[Illustration: Aboriginal Stone Axes. Surface Finds.] - -[Illustration: Stone Mauls and Hammers. Surface Finds.] - -[Illustration: Copper Celts—the smaller from a Mound near Savannah, - Tennessee. (Nat. Mus.)] - -No permanent abodes were erected by the miners in this region, no -mounds were constructed, but the indications all point to a summer’s -residence only and a return to the south with the accumulation of -their toil when the severities of winter approached. Frederick von -Hellwald expresses it as his opinion that the Mexicans obtained all -their copper from the Lake Superior mines, and adds that no evidences -exist that copper was mined in Mexico or Central America prior to the -Spanish Conquest.[77] Humboldt affirms that various metals were mined -by the Mexicans, but does not specify copper.[78] Col. Whittlesey and -Prof. Andrews estimate that in the ancient Lake Superior mines worked -by the Mound-builders, the removed metal would aggregate a length of -one hundred and fifty miles in veins of varying thickness. This fact -certainly indicates that great supplies were transported southward. - -This remarkable people was evidently possessed of the beginnings of -science; at least if the Davenport and Cincinnati tablets are genuine, -astronomy must have received considerable attention at their hands. In -the former tablet we observe a cycle divided into twelve months (which, -however, is so modern and coincides so strictly with our division -as to excite suspicion of fraud), while in the latter we have the -number 368 as the sum of the products of the longer and shorter lines, -suggestive of an approximation to the number of days in a year. Other -supposed astronomical instruments have been discovered in the mounds -of Ohio, and several of these, _antique tubes, telescope devices_, -were discovered in the course of excavations made in 1842 in the most -easterly of the Elizabethtown group, West Virginia. Mr. Schoolcraft -makes the following statement concerning them: “Several tubes of stone -were disclosed, the precise object of which has been the subject of -various opinions. The longest measured twelve inches, the shortest -eight. Three of them were carved out of steatite, being skillfully cut -and polished. The diameter of the tube externally was one inch and -four-tenths; the bore eight-tenths of an inch. By placing the eye at -the diminished end, the extraneous light is shut from the pupil, and -distant objects are more clearly discerned.”[79] A silver figure found -in Peru represents a man in the act of studying the heavens through one -of these tubes, and Captain Dupaix saw a stone in Mexico bearing the -figure of a man sculptured on its side in the act of using a similar -tube.[80] - -[Illustration: Clay Vessels from Mounds in the Mississippi Valley. ¼ - Size. (Nat. Mus.)] - -[Illustration: Clay Tube from an Ohio Mound. ½ Natural Size. (Peabody - Mus.)] - -With reference to the civilization of the Mound-builders, however -much writers may differ, we think the following conclusions may be -safely accepted: That they came into the country in comparatively -small numbers at first (if they were not Autochthones, and there is -no substantial proof that the Mound-builders were such), and during -their residence in the territory occupied by the United States they -became extremely populous. Their settlements were widespread, as the -extent of their remains indicate. The magnitude of their works, some of -which approximate the proportions of Egyptian pyramids, testify to the -architectural talent of the people and the fact that they had developed -a system of government which controlled the labor of multitudes, -whether of subjects or slaves. They were an agricultural people, as the -extensive ancient garden-beds found in Wisconsin and Missouri indicate. -Their manufactures afford proof that they had attained a respectable -degree of advancement, and show that they understood the advantages of -the division of labor.[81] Their domestic utensils, the cloth of which -they made their clothing, and the artistic vessels met with everywhere -in the mounds, point to the development of home culture and domestic -industry. There is no reason for believing that the people who wrought -stone and clay into perfect effigies of animals have not left us -sculptures of their own faces in the images exhumed from the mounds. - -[Illustration: Large Clay Vessel from Milledgeville, Georgia. Size 14 - Inches High and 13 Inches across Aperture. (Nat. Mus.)] - -They mined copper, which they wrought into implements of war, into -ornaments and articles for domestic use. They quarried mica for mirrors -and other purposes.[82] They furthermore worked flint and salt mines. -They probably possessed some astronomical knowledge, though to what -extent is unknown. - -Their trade, as Dr. Rau has shown, was widespread, extending probably -from Lake Superior to the Gulf, and possibly to Mexico.[83] They -constructed canals by which lake systems were united, a fact which -Mr. Conant has recently shown to be well established in Missouri.[84] -Their defences were numerous and constructed with reference to -strategic principles, while their system of signals placed on lofty -summits, visible from their settlements and communicating with the -great watercourses at immense distances, rival the signal systems in -use at the beginning of the present century. Their religion seems to -have been attended with the same ceremonies in all parts of their -domain. That its rites were celebrated with great demonstrations is -certain. The sun and moon probably were the all-important deities, to -whom sacrifices (possibly human) were offered. We have already alluded -to the development in architecture and art which marked the possible -transition of this people from north to south. Here we see but the -rude beginnings of a civilization which no doubt subsequently unfolded -in its fuller glory in the valley of Anahuac, and spreading southward -engrafted a new life upon the wreck of Xibalba. Though there is no -evidence that the Mound-builders were indigenous, we must admit that -their civilization was purely such—the natural product of climate and -the conditions surrounding them.[85] - -[Illustration: Copper Relics from Wisconsin. - - (From photos furnished by Prof. Butler.)] - - - - - CHAPTER II. - - ANTIQUITY OF MAN ON THE WESTERN CONTINENT. - - Antiquity of the Mounds — No Tradition of the Mound-builders — - Vegetation Covering the Mounds — Age of Mound Crania — Probable - Date of the Abandonment of the Mounds — Ancient Shell-heaps — - Man’s Influence on Nature — Supposed Testimony of Geology — - Agassiz on the Floridian Jaw-bone — Remains on Santos River — - The Natchez Bone — Remains on Petit Anse Island — Brazilian - Bone caves — Dr. Koch’s Pretended Discoveries — Ancient Hearths - — Age of the Mississippi Delta — Dr. Dowler’s Discovery at New - Orleans — Dr. Abbott’s Discoveries in New Jersey — Discoveries - in California — Inter-Glacial Relics in Ohio — Crania from - Mounds in the North-west — No Evidences as yet Discovered - Proving Man’s Great Antiquity in America. - - -At the opening of the preceding chapter we made some allusions to -the supposed antiquity of the Red Indian, a subject of growing -archæological significance, though as yet it affords us rather -unsatisfactory evidence, scientifically considered, relative to -the problem of man’s antiquity on this continent. Quite different, -however, is the estimate which we place on data left us by the people -of the mounds. The question of the antiquity of the Mound-builders -is one which cannot be accurately determined; no chronometric scale -can be applied to the uncertain record which they have left behind -them. Their history is a sealed book, and the approximate date of -their first occupancy of the Mississippi Basin is as uncertain as -the period of man’s origin. However, certain data present themselves -for our consideration which lead us to conclude that a few thousand -years, three or four perhaps, and possibly even less time, is all -that is required in which to account for their growth into a nation -and the moderate advancement which they made toward civilization. As -to when the Mound-builders left this country, is another question, -and can be approximated more closely. It is a well-known fact that -no tradition was ever found among the Indians as to the origin or the -purpose for which the mounds were constructed. They described them as -having been found by their ancestors in the same condition in which -we now see them, and clothed, if not with the same, at least with a -growth of vegetation similar to that which covers them to-day. It is -true the Iroquois, who are supposed to have reached the lake regions -and the Ohio Valley some time previous to the Algonquins, had certain -vague traditions of a people whom they called the “Allighewi;” but -there seems to be nothing in those indefinite allusions which would -associate that unknown people with the mounds. Still, Indian tradition -is nearly valueless in determining this question, since any fact, -however grave, was soon forgotten by a people so savage and unsettled. -The tribes of the lake region, says Dr. Lapham in his _Antiquities_, -so soon forgot the visit of the Jesuit Fathers that their descendants -a few generations later had no tradition of the event. The same is -true of the Indians of the Mississippi Valley with reference to De -Soto’s expedition, “which must,” remarks Dr. Foster, “have impressed -their ancestors with dread at the sight of horses ridden by men, and -the sound of fire-arms, which they must have likened to thunder. Sir -John Lubbock states that the New Zealanders at the time of Captain -Cook’s visit had forgotten altogether Tasman’s visit, made less than -one hundred and thirty years before.”[86] Another argument for the -construction of the mounds at a remote period, and which is certainly -of little more value than Indian tradition, is that which supposes -the Mound-builders to have erected works on the lowest of the river -terraces existing at the time of their occupancy of the country. -Much stress has been laid on the fact that no works have been found -on the lowest-formed of the river terraces which mark the subsidence -of the western rivers. “And as there is no good reason,” remarks Mr. -Baldwin, “why their builders should have avoided erecting them on -that terrace while they raised them promiscuously on all the others, -it follows, not unreasonably, that this terrace has been formed since -the works were erected.”[87] To any one familiar with the great rise -and fall which takes place annually in the water-level of the Ohio -and Mississippi and all of their tributaries, the fallacy of such -an argument is at once apparent. We must at least allow that the -Mound-builders learned by experience, just as animals do, even if we -could deny them a very high order of intelligence. Little time could -have elapsed after their advent to these valleys before they observed -the impracticability of erecting mounds or enclosures on most of the -alluvial bottoms bordering these streams. The raging torrents which -sometimes sweep through the valleys of the central basin, uprooting -the largest trees, carrying away natural embankments, forming immense -deposits of new alluvium, submerging miles of adjacent country, and -in many ways changing its physical conformation, would in a few years -obliterate any traces of earthworks built within their reach.[88] Far -more certain data, however, is furnished in the arborescent vegetation -which covers many of the works, with which to measure part of the -period during which they have remained unoccupied, though we are left -in uncertainty as to the remoteness of their abandonment. The annular -rings of a tree present us indisputable evidence as to its age.[89] It -is evident that the forests which cover these remains have grown up -since they were vacated, as no difference exists between them and the -surrounding vegetation—no break exists in the density of the forests -in the immediate vicinity of the works. The oldest of the trees found -upon the works present eight hundred annual rings, indicating as many -years of growth.[90] This cannot, however, be set down as the limit of -the period of their abandonment, since, as it seems that this country -was open and mostly unwooded in the sections thickly settled by the -Mound-builders, a considerable time would be requisite for the slow -encroachments of a forest, even when the trees which now stand upon -the mounds may have been preceded by trees of other species or by -two or three generations of their own.[91] The age of the trees on -the mound-works in the Ohio Valley or farther north, rarely exceeds -five hundred or six hundred years, and such cases as that cited by Sir -Charles Lyell are the exceptions. Farther south, in the Mississippi -Valley and near the Gulf, they are still younger than those at the -north.[92] So noticeable is this that we are led to think the Gulf -coast may have been occupied by the Mound-builders for a couple of -centuries after they were driven by their enemies from the country -north of the mouths of the Missouri and Ohio Rivers. The condition of -skeletons found in the mounds indicate an antiquity which they furnish -us no means of measuring. It is not to be presumed that all human -remains discovered in excavating the works were interred immediately -previous to the abandonment of the country. Some of them may belong -to the middle or beginning of the period of their residence in the -territory occupied by the United States. Human remains taken from the -mounds, perhaps furnish us better evidence of the long residence of the -Mound-builders in this country than any other data in our possession. -It suffices to say that few Mound-builder crania have been recovered in -a condition to be of any service to science; although of late years, -several valuable collections have been made. The preservation of the -skeletons depends greatly on the composition of the soil in which they -are found. The Loess has afforded well-preserved remains, however, -with the gelatinous matter leached out. The crania of the sandy loam -of river bottoms, on the other hand, are in all cases so far decayed -upon discovery that the greatest precautions fail to prevent them from -crumbling to dust when exposed to the light and air. Mastodon bones, -on the contrary, recovered from peat swamps, and much older than any -of the remains of the Mound-builders, are found to have retained so -much of their gelatinous matter as to furnish a nourishing soup.[93] -To these evidences may be added the testimony derived from the ancient -ruins which points to long-continued occupation and to a considerable -lapse of time since their abandonment. - -How long the Mound-builders occupied the country north of the Gulf of -Mexico it is impossible in the present state of science to determine. -Some authors conjecture that they were here two thousand years; that -we think would be time enough, though after all it is but conjecture. -It seems to us, however, that the time of the abandonment of their -works may be more closely approximated. A thousand or two years may -have elapsed since they vacated the Ohio Valley, and a period embracing -seven or eight centuries may have passed since they retired from the -Gulf coast. As an evidence of a large population having existed in this -country at a former period, we have immense shell-heaps artificially -collected, extending along the Atlantic coast from Nova Scotia to -Florida, on the Gulf coast and up the river valleys through nearly -all of the Southern States. It is difficult to assign the formation -of these vast remains to any definite period or to any particular -people. Though of the same character as the _Kjökken-Möddings_ -(Kitchen-Middens) of the Danish, they furnish no indications of so -great an antiquity. This has been shown by Dr. Jeffries Wyman in his -researches in Maine and Massachusetts.[94] Sir Charles Lyell made an -examination of a shell-bank on St. Simon’s Island, near the mouth of -the Allamaha River, Georgia, so extensive that it covers ten acres to -a depth varying from five to ten feet.[95] Dr. Brinton has described -immense accumulations in Florida. On Amelia Island, shells exist to -the depth of three feet over an area 150 yards wide and a quarter of a -mile long. Notable instances of a similar kind are Turtle Mound near -Smyrna—a mass of oyster shells thirty feet thick—and a shell-bank -on Crystal River four miles from its mouth, reaching a height of -forty feet.[96] Dr. Wyman carefully examined many of the fresh-water -shell-heaps of Florida and obtained pretty satisfactory results.[97] -Near the Silver spring upon a shell-heap covering nearly twenty acres, -stand several live-oaks of immense size, the largest of which measured -between twenty-six and twenty-seven feet in circumference. Excavations -under this monster, taken together with its position on the side of -the shell-bank, proved it to be of more recent origin than the latter. -Prof. Wyman, by allowing twelve rings to the inch and granting it a -semi-diameter of fifty inches, estimated that it was not less than -six hundred years old. Of course the shell-bank may have existed a -long time before any vegetation appeared upon it. The crania of -the shell-banks of Florida differ from those of the Mound-builders -in greater thickness as well as greater mean capacity.[98] In his -_Fresh-water Shell-Mounds of the St. John’s River_, and in his memoir -on _Human Remains in the Shell-heaps of the St. John’s River_ (_Seventh -Annual Report of Peabody Museum_, pp. 26 _et seq._), Dr. Wyman reports -having discovered the startling fact that cannibalism prevailed among -the barbarous people of the shell-banks. In the Peabody Museum a -collection of human bones taken from the shell-banks by Dr. Wyman are -arranged to illustrate this sad discovery. It is possible that this -people had some relationship to the Caribs. Prof. Forshey has described -in brief the vast extent and proportions of the marine shell-banks of -the Gulf coast, and the shores of the bayous, lakes and lagoons where -Guathodon shells are found. Those of Louisiana, especially near New -Orleans, are remarkable, but have yielded no remains, except broken -pottery, flint flakes and stone hatchets. A shell-bank at Grand -Lake, on the Teche, however, upon which great live-oaks are growing, -situated fifteen miles inland, from which the sea has receded since -its formation, “yielded unique specimens of axes of hæmatitic iron-ore -and glazed pottery.”[99] Probably the most remote shell-bank from -the sea containing marine shells, occurs on the Alabama River, fifty -miles inland.[100] Fresh-water shell-banks, other than those examined -in Florida, furnish evidences of slow accumulation and indicate -a comparatively remote antiquity for their origin. On Stalling’s -Island, in the Savannah River, two hundred miles above its mouth, is -a shell-bank three hundred feet in length by one hundred and twenty -feet in width, with an average depth of over fifteen feet.[101] In -the American Bottom and on many of the tributaries of the Mississippi, -shell-banks occur, composed of varieties of the Unios and Anodons. A -remarkable example of such accumulation is the well-known shell-bank a -mile and a half south of New Harmony, Indiana, and situated on a high -hill 170 feet above the level of an arm of the Wabash River. The bank -covers an area of a quarter of an acre, and has attracted the attention -of eminent scientists like Leasure, Say, Lyell and others, but nothing -of value was developed that would refer the construction of this and -similar banks to any people more ancient than the Mound-builders.[102] -On the Pacific coast, great numbers of shell-banks exist, but contain -nothing different from those in other parts of the country. (See -Researches in the Kjökken Möddings of the Coast of Oregon and of the -Santa Barbara Islands and Adjacent Mainland, by Paul Schumacher. -_Bulletin of U. S. Geol. and Geog. Survey_, vol. iii, No. 1.) There can -be little doubt but these strange and vast accumulations indicating the -presence of an extinct population, had a remote beginning, and have -been added to from time to time by different peoples, removed from each -other both by the diversities of race and the lapse of time. - -A trifle more than a decade ago the treatment of the subject of this -chapter would have called for a discussion of the antiquity of the -magnificent architectural remains of Southern Mexico, and of the still -older ruins of the Maya civilization in Yucatan, and the branches of -that people in Central America; but the indefatigable labor which has -been bestowed by several eminent antiquarians upon the ancient history -of the civilized nations of the New World previous to its discovery by -Europeans, has transferred this part of the subject to another field; -has elevated it from the uncertain position it occupied in archæology -to a place in the realm of history. It is true that it is difficult -to draw the line between tradition and history, and especially so in -this case; but as tradition does not conflict with archæology in its -bearing on the ancient civilization of Tropical America, it is better -than nothing; certainly archæology thus far has amounted to little -more than nothing in revealing the approximate period of the origin of -these remains. While it has done much towards verifying tradition and -assisted largely in its interpretation, it has not been adequate to the -task of solving the age of these remains. Tradition, on the contrary, -and we might almost say history, carries us back three thousand years, -if not farther, as the period when man—whether the first here or -not—appeared upon the Western Continent. The discussion of this part of -our subject will be given in a future chapter. Too much doubt exists -with reference to the stupendous remains of Peru, especially in the -neighborhood of Lake Titicaca, Tiahuanaco, Old Huanaco, and Grau-Chimu, -as to whether they antedated the arrival of the Incas by a great lapse -of time, to admit of a serious discussion here. Nothing of a scientific -character is available as yet upon which even to base conjecture. -Rivero and Tschudi, it is true, have treated the subject, and their -work has been often quoted, but after all it amounts to but little -more than a description of the remains, which serves the good end of -exciting interest in the subject. The antiquities and legendary history -of the Peruvians have so recently been treated with such ability by Mr. -E. G. Squier, that the South American civilization needs no attention -in this connection. - -In considering the question as to how long man has inhabited this -continent, his influence upon nature cannot be overlooked. In the -animal kingdom, certain animals were domesticated by the aborigines -from so remote a period that scarcely any of their species, as in the -case of the lama of Peru, were to be found in a state of unrestrained -freedom at the advent of the Spaniards. In the vegetable kingdom more -abundant testimony of the same nature is presented. A plant must be -subjected to the transforming influences of cultivation for a long -time before it becomes so changed as no longer to be identified with -the wild species, and infinitely longer before it becomes entirely -dependent upon cultivation for propagation. Yet we find that both -of these facts have been accomplished with reference to the maize, -tobacco, cotton, quinoa and mandico plants; and the only species -of palm cultivated by the South American Indians, that known as the -_Gulielma speciosa_, has lost through that culture its original -nut-like seed, and is dependent upon the hands of its cultivators -for its life.[103] Alluding to the above-named plants, Dr. Brinton -remarks: “Several are sure to perish unless fostered by human care. -What numberless ages does this suggest? How many centuries elapsed ere -man thought of cultivating Indian corn? How many more ere it had spread -over nearly a hundred degrees of latitude and lost all resemblance -to its original form?”[104] Certainly this class of evidence, though -furnishing no chronometric scale, points us to an antiquity for man on -this continent more venerable than that suggested either by tumuli or -architectural remains. The peculiar value of this argument rests in the -fact that with the exception of cotton, none of the plants indicated -have ever been cultivated by any other people than the aborigines of -America, and could not have matured their characteristics of dependence -in the old world, and been brought hither through the channel of -immigration. - -Back of the age of man’s monuments of an architectural character, -beyond the beginning of the first existing shell-heap, and at a time -probably more remote than the first cultivation of maize, it has been -supposed that man occupied the Western Continent as a contemporary with -the mastodon, megalonyx and other extinct animals. Our information -in this department is entirely dependent upon the revelations of -geological science. Unfortunately very little data which may be termed -truly scientific has been brought to light. While considerable seeming -testimony to man’s antiquity on this continent has been produced -from a geologic quarter, still it mostly has been of an unscientific -character. Fossils and human remains are said to have been discovered -in localities and in associations that if the statements of those who -found them could be relied on, would give man an antiquity here as -great as in the valley of the Somme or in the bone caves of Belgium, -France, and England. In the instances alluded to, it is not so often -feared that the veracity of discoverers is doubtful as that their -general lack of acquaintance with the science should make them liable -to error. Where a competent geologist is not present to examine a -fossil _in situ_, and report intelligently upon its position and -surroundings, the case must remain open to suspicion. Unfortunately -for science, this is precisely the weak point in most of the reputed -“finds” which are cited as evidence in this field. In 1848, Count -Pourtales found in Florida, according to Agassiz, a human jaw and -teeth, and bones of the foot, embedded in a calcareous conglomerate -forming a part of a coral reef. This reef, according to Agassiz, may -be 135,000 years old, and the human remains at least ten thousand -years.[105] This statement has been accepted as reliable by Sir Charles -Lyell,[106] Daniel Wilson,[107] and other noted scientific gentlemen. -Count Pourtales, however, makes a statement which materially alters -the case. He says: “The human jaws and other bones found by myself in -Florida in 1848, were not in a coral formation, but in a fresh-water -sandstone on the shore of Lake Monroe, associated with fresh-water -shells or species still living in the lakes (Paulina, Ampullaria, -etc.). No date can be assigned to the formation of that deposit, at -least from present observation.”[108] Human remains were found a number -of years ago embedded in the solid rock in the island of Guadaloupe. -“But more careful investigation proved the rock to be a concretionary -limestone formed from the detritus of corals and shells.”[109] This -rock was ascertained to have been one of very rapid formation. - -Sir Charles Lyell, in his _Travels in America_ in 1842, expressed the -opinion that certain human remains found embedded in the solid rock -near the town of St. Paul on the Santos River, Brazil, were of great -antiquity.[110] Subsequently referring to the memoir of Dr. Meigs on -the shell-heap of which the rock was a part,[111] he expresses the -opinion that shells were brought to the place and heaped up over the -remains, and “were bound together in a solid stone by the infiltration -of carbonate of lime, and the mound may therefore be of no higher -antiquity than those above alluded to on the Ohio.”[112] In a few -instances it has been alleged that the remains of man have been found -associated with the remains of the mastodon and other extinct animals. -More than thirty years ago Dr. Dickson of Natchez discovered the -pelvic bone of a man, the _os innominatum_, mingled with the bones of -extinct animals (megalonyx and mylodon). This discovery was made two -and one-half miles from Natchez, at the bottom of what is known as -Bernard’s Bayou, an immense ravine from thirty to sixty feet deep and -several miles long, formed by the convulsions of the earthquake of -1811–12. This bone is now in the possession of the Academy of Natural -Sciences of Philadelphia. Sir Charles Lyell visited the spot where it -was discovered in 1846, and made a careful examination of the bone -then in the possession of Dr. Dickson, and also explored the “Mammoth -Ravine.” He discusses the case as follows: “It appeared to be quite in -the same state of preservation and was of the same black color as the -other fossils, and was believed to have come like them from a depth of -about thirty feet from the surface. In my _Second Visit to America_ in -1846,[113] I suggested as a possible explanation of this association of -a human bone with remains of a mastodon and megalonyx, that the former -may possibly have been derived from the vegetable soil at the top of -the cliff, where, as the remains of extinct mammalia were dislodged -from a lower position, and both may have fallen into the same heap or -talus at the bottom of the ravine, the pelvic bone might, I conceived, -have acquired its black color from having lain for years or centuries -in a dark superficial peaty soil common in that region. I was informed -that there were many human bones in old Indian graves in the same -district stained of as black a dye.” * * * “No doubt, had the pelvic -bone belonged to any recent mammifier other than man, such a theory -would never have been resorted to; but so long as we have only one -isolated case, and are without the testimony of a geologist who was -present to behold the bone when still engaged in the matrix, and to -extract it with his own hands, it is allowable to suspend our judgment -as to the high antiquity of the fossil”.[114] Both Dr. Joseph Leidy[115] -and Prof. C. G. Forshey,[116] who have examined the case, agree with -the above. A few years ago a fragment of matting composed of the outer -bark of the southern cane (_Arundinaria macrosperma_) was discovered -on Petit Anse Island in Vermillion Bay, Louisiana, in connection with -the remains of a fossil elephant. This island, containing about five -thousand acres, is the locality of an extraordinary mine of rock salt, -discovered and worked considerably during the late rebellion. The salt -is found in nearly all parts of the island at the depth of fifteen or -twenty feet below the surface of the soil. The matting was discovered -near the surface of the salt, and about two feet above it were the -remains of an elephant, including the tusks. Prof. Henry was the first -to call public attention to the matter in a notice based on the verbal -statements of T. F. Cleu, Esq., who presented a specimen of the matting -to the Smithsonian Institution.[117] In 1867, Prof. E. W. Hilgard and -Dr. E. Fontaine, secretary of the New Orleans Academy of Sciences, -examined the locality. We regret to say that the report made by the -latter is so confused in its use of terms and so conflicting in its -statements as to be of no service to science.[118] Prof. Hilgard is, on -the contrary, clear on the subject. He considers the heap in which the -matting, elephant bones, and subsequently pottery in great profusion, -were found, “A mass of detritus washed down from the surrounding -hills.” “The pottery,” he remarks, “at some points form veritable -strata three and six inches thick.” He then adds in a note that “it -is very positively stated that mastodon bones were found considerably -_above_ some of the human relics. In a detrital mass, however, this -cannot be considered a crucial test.”[119] Dr. Foster, after citing the -above, interposes the objection, “That in an island whose area is less -than eight miles square, there would be few floods of sufficient power -to transport such heavy bones as the tusks and molars of mastodons -to any considerable distance.”[120] Certainly the question is an -open one, and in its present unsettled status proves nothing. The -same uncertainty attaches itself to the discoveries of Dr. Lund, the -distinguished Swedish naturalist, made many years ago in the bone caves -of Minas Geraes, Brazil. This indefatigable investigator examined more -than eight hundred caverns, and in only six were human remains found. -In one instance out of the six, the remains were associated with the -bones of animals now extinct, but the original stratification had been -disturbed, and the presumption is that it was a case of comparatively -recent interment.[121] - -The most remarkable instance of the supposed, or we might be allowed in -this case to say _pretended_ discovery of human remains in association -with those of extinct animals, is that set forth by Dr. Koch. This -collector of curiosities described his discovery of a _mastodon -giganteus_ in 1839 in Gasconade County, Missouri, at a spot on the -Bourbeuse River, first in a newspaper article of January 1839, and -cited in the _American Journal of Science and Arts_.[122] And a second -time in the St. Louis _Commercial Bulletin_ of June 25, 1839, which -article was also noticed in the above Journal.[123] This article was -signed “A. Koch, Proprietor of the St. Louis Museum.” Subsequently -he published descriptions in pamphlets, which unfortunately did not -always convey the same impressions.[124] Dr. Koch, after referring to -the discovery of a back and hip bone of this remarkable animal, gives -the following description: “I immediately commenced opening a much -larger space; the first layer of earth was a vegetable mould, then a -blue clay, then sand and blue clay. I found a large quantity of pieces -of rocks, weighing from two to twenty-five pounds each, evidently -thrown there with the intention of hitting some object. It is necessary -to remark that not the least sign of rocks or gravel is to be found -nearer than from four or five hundred yards, and that these pieces -were broken from larger rocks, and consequently carried here for some -express purpose. After passing through these rocks I came to a layer -of vegetable mould; on the surface of this was found the first blue -bone, with this a spear and axe; the spear corresponds precisely with -our common Indian spear; the axe is different from any I have seen. -Also on this earth were ashes nearly from six inches to one foot in -depth, intermixed with burned wood and burned bones, broken spears, -axes, knives, etc. The fire appeared to have been the largest on the -head and neck of the animal, as the ashes and coals were much deeper -here than in the rest of the body; the skull was quite perfect, but so -much burned that it crumbled to dust on the least touch; two feet from -this was found two teeth broken off from the jaw, but mashed entirely -to pieces. By putting them together, they showed the animal to have -been much larger than any heretofore discovered. It appeared by the -situation of the skeleton, that the animal had been sunk with its hind -feet in the mud and water, and, unable to extricate itself, had fallen -on its right side, and in that situation was found and killed as above -described; consequently the hind and fore-feet on the right side were -sunk deeper in the mud, and thereby saved from the effects of the fire; -therefore I was able to preserve the whole of the hind foot to the very -last joint, and the fore foot, all but some few small bones that were -too much decayed to be worth saving. Also between the rocks that had -sunk through the ashes, were found large pieces of skin that appeared -like fresh-tanned sole leather, strongly impregnated with the lye from -the ashes; and a great many of the sinews and arteries were plain to -be seen on the earth and rocks, but in such a state as not to be moved -except in small pieces the size of a hand, which are now preserved -in spirits.” “Should any doubts arise in the mind of the reader of -the correctness of the above statement, he can be referred to more -than twenty witnesses who were present at the time of digging.”[125] -Subsequent accounts agree substantially with the above except that -we never again hear of the “large pieces of skin,” the “sinews and -arteries,” “which are now preserved in spirits.” The presumption is -that the author, upon mature reflection, arrived at the conclusion -that in reality he had seen nothing of the kind, and in fact had never -preserved such relics in spirits. - -Dr. Koch made a second discovery about one year subsequently in Benton -County, Missouri, in the bottom of the Pomme-de-Terre River, at about -ten miles above its junction with the Osage River. His description is -as follows: “The second trace of human existence with these animals -I found during the excavation of the Missourium. There was embedded -immediately under the femur or hind-leg bone of this animal, an -arrow-head of rose-colored flint, resembling those used by the American -Indians, but of larger size. This was the only arrow-head immediately -with the skeleton; but in the same strata, at a distance of five -or six feet, in a horizontal direction, four more arrow-heads were -found. Three of these were of the same formation as the preceding. -The fourth was of very rude workmanship. One of the last-mentioned -three was of agate, the others of blue flint. These arrow-heads are -indisputably the work of human hands. I examined the deposit in which -they were embedded, and raised them out of their embedment with my -own hands. The original stratum on which this river flowed at the -time it was inhabited by the _Missourium theristocaulodon_ and up -to the time of its destruction, was of the upper green sand. On the -surface of this stratum, and partly mingled with it, was the deposit -of the before-described skeleton. The next stratum is from three to -four feet in thickness, and consisted of a brown alluvium of the -_Eocene_ region, and was composed of vegetable matters of a tropical -production. It contained all the remainder of the skeleton.” “Most of -these vegetables were in a great state of preservation and consisted -of a large quantity of cypress burs, wood and bark, tropical cane, -ferns, palmetto leaves, several stumps of trees, and even the greater -part of a flower of the strelitzia class, which when destroyed was not -full blown. There was no sign or indication of any very large trees; -the cypresses that were discovered being the largest that were growing -here at the time. These various matters had been torn up by their roots -and twisted and split into a thousand pieces apparently by lightning -combined with a tremendous tempest or tornado; and all were involved -in one common ruin. Several veins of iron pyrites ran through the -stratum.” “The next over this formation was a layer of plastic clay -of the _Eocene_ region, also with iron pyrites. It was three feet in -thickness; over this a layer of conglomerate from nine to eighteen -inches in thickness; over this a layer of marl of the Pliocene region, -from three to four feet in thickness; next, a second conglomerate from -nine to eighteen inches in thickness. This was succeeded by a layer of -yellow clay of the Pliocene; over this a third layer of conglomerate -from nine to eighteen inches in thickness, and at last the present -surface, consisting of brownish clay mingled with a few pebbles, and -covered with large oak, maple, and elm trees, which were, as near as I -could ascertain, from eighty to one hundred years old. In the centre -of the above-mentioned deposit was a large spring which appeared to -rise from the very bowels of the earth, as it was never affected by the -severest rain, nor did it become lower by the longest draught.”[126] -The preceding accounts were presented to the St. Louis Academy of -Sciences in a special paper several years later (1857).[127] - -Dr. Foster is inclined to believe that Dr. Koch was not mistaken -in his claimed discovery, having arrived at that opinion by -pointedly questioning him on the subject a short time before his -(Koch’s) death.[128] Charles Rau is also of the opinion that he was -truthful.[129] Mr. J. D. Dana, however, discusses the case as follows: -“In the account of the second case above cited Dr. Koch says that -the Missourium was embedded in a brown alluvium of the Eocene region -resting on the ‘upper green sand;’ that next over it was plastic -clay of the ‘Eocene region’ and beds of the ‘Pliocene region.’ He -thus makes his Missourium to have come from the lower tertiary, and -from a bed just above the green sand (cretaceous) when actually from -quartenary beds; and he uses the terms Eocene and Pliocene, as if he -had no familiarity with geological facts or language. The earlier -pamphlet of 1840 avoids this bad geology, ‘the upper green sand,’ in -that being called simply quicksand and the other beds merely beds of -clay and conglomerate. All the pamphlets sustain the conclusion that -Dr. Koch knew almost nothing of geology, and that what he gradually -picked up from intercourse with geologists, he generally made much of -but seldom was able to use rightly.”[130] The same critic says: “In -zoological knowledge he was equally deficient,” and cites the fact of -the discoverer recognizing the resemblance to the mastodon, still makes -the animal an inhabitant of the watercourses like the hippopotamus; -states that his food “consisted as much of vegetables as of flesh, -although he undoubtedly consumed a great abundance of the latter,” -and makes the marvelous revelation that he “_was capable of feeding -himself with his fore-foot after the manner of the beaver or otter_.” -Mr. Dana continues: “He says that one arrow-head lay ‘immediately under -the femur or thigh-bone,’ and he further states in his later article -of 1857, that ‘he carefully thought to investigate the point as to -its having been brought thither after the deposit of the bone’ and -decided against it. The observation and conclusion would have been more -satisfactory had the author been a better observer.” “The descriptions -of the deposits in Gasconade County containing the remains of an -animal the principal part of which was consumed by fire is a still -more unsatisfactory basis for a safe conclusion as to age. But in the -article of 1857, he says that the layer of ashes, etc., ‘was covered -by strata or alluvial deposits consisting of clay, sand and soil, -from eight to nine feet thick, _forming the bottom of the Bourbeuse -(River) in general_,’ which seems to make it almost certain that the -beds were of quite recent origin.”[131] Mr. Dana considers Dr. Koch’s -evidence as “_very doubtful_.”[132] Dr. Foster has figured a fossil -which, for a better name, he has designated as a “stone hatchet,” from -the modified drift of Jersey County, Illinois.[133] He is positive as -to the position in which it was found, but has doubt as to its human -origin. The probabilities are that its peculiar shape is due to its -exposure to atmospheric agents. He remarks, however: “On the whole, I -will not positively assert that this specimen is of human workmanship, -but I affirm that if it had been recovered from a plowed field I should -have unhesitatingly said it was an Indian hatchet.” In the _Proceedings -of the Philadelphia Academy of Sciences_ for July, 1859, Dr. Holmes -describes the occurrence of fragments of pottery in close proximity -with the bones of the mastodon and megatherium, on the Ashley River in -South Carolina. The case, however, has not been considered authentic -by scientific men. Dr. Holmes is possibly mistaken.[134] Col. Charles -Whittlesey, in 1838, saw at Portsmouth, Ohio, on the Ohio River, -remains of ancient fire-places situated eighteen to twenty feet above -low water and about fifteen feet below the surface. He states, “at low -water and thence up to a height of twelve or fifteen feet is a bed of -sand and transported gravel, containing pebbles of quartz, granite, -sandstone and limestone, derived partly from the adjacent Carboniferous -and Devonian rocks and partly from the northern drift, the upper part -much the coarsest. On this is a layer of blue quicksand from one to -five feet thick, in which is a timber-bed including large numbers of -the trunks, branches, stumps and leaves of trees, such as are now -growing on the Ohio, principally birch, black-ash, oak and hickory. -Over the dirt-bed is the usually loamy yellow clay of the valley, -fifteen to thirty feet thick, on which are very extensive works of the -Mound-builders. In and near the bottom of this undisturbed homogeneous -river-loam I saw two places where fire had been built on a circular -collection of small stones, a part of which were then embedded in the -bank.”[135] Near these fire-places the writer of the above found the -membranous covering of common river shells (the Unios). We think that -no geologist familiar with the constant changes of the Ohio River bed, -will consider that the conditions surrounding these ancient fire-places -warrant us in assigning them a much greater antiquity than we attach -to the Mound-builders’ works in the neighborhood. In 1846, Sir Charles -Lyell, when at New Orleans, made an estimate of the time required to -account for the immense annual deposit of the Mississippi River in the -neighborhood of its delta. From a computation based on certain data, -which assumed the area of the alluvial plain which is the result of -those deposits, to equal 30,000 square miles, several hundred feet -thick in some places, he estimated that probably 100,000 years would -be requisite.[136] Subsequently, during the process of excavating for -the New Orleans Gas Works, it was found necessary to cut through four -buried cypress forests. At the depth of sixteen feet and on the fourth -forest level, a human skeleton distinctly of the Indian type,[137] was -found under the roots of a cypress tree, together with burnt wood. Dr. -Dowler, dividing the history of the delta into, 1. The epoch of grasses -or aquatic plants; 2. That of the cypress (_Taxodium distichum_) -basins, and 3. That of the live-oak platform, tabulates the age of the -strata overlying the skeleton as follows: - - Epoch of aquatic plants 1,500 years - Epoch of the cypress basin, in which he assumes - only two successive growths 11,400 „ - Epoch of live-oak platform 1,500 „ - —————— - Total 14,400 years - -The basis for his estimate of the age of the cypress basins was the -computed age of the trees of the fourth level, ten feet in diameter and -probably reaching 5,700 years.[138] Sir Charles Lyell in a later work, -though still adhering to his former estimate of the time required in -which to form the delta, cannot accept Dr. Dowler’s great antiquity -for the remains.[139] The question in hand of course involves the -question of the antiquity of the deposit where the skeleton was found, -which is well-nigh identical with the vexed question of the age of -the delta. The very diversity of opinion on this subject precludes -the possibility of its consideration here. We will content ourselves -by citing two estimates in addition to those already given. Professor -Edward Hitchcock calculated that the entire delta embraced a bulk -of matter equal to 2,720 _cubic_ miles, for the deposit of which he -thought 14,204 years necessary.[140] Humphries and Abbot think that -both the area and thickness of the deposit have been overstated, and -instead of 30,000 square miles for the former, they claim only 19,450. -As to the latter, they estimate the thickness of the alluvial matter as -but twenty-five feet on the river banks along the St. Francis swamp; -thirty-five along the Yazoo swamp, and continuing of uniform thickness -to Baton Rouge; while the artesian well at New Orleans showed it in -that locality to reach a point forty feet below the level of the Gulf. -These authors base their calculations as to the age of the deposits on -the following ascertained facts: the total yearly contributions of the -river equal a prism two hundred and sixty-eight feet in height, with a -base of one mile square; two hundred and sixty-two feet is the supposed -mean yearly advance of the river; the original mouth of the Mississippi -was near the afflux of the Bayou Plaquemine, and has hence progressed -two hundred and twenty miles since it began to empty its deposits into -the Gulf. Supposing these data to be correct, they estimate that only -four thousand four hundred years have elapsed since that period.[141] -This would give the skeleton alluded to a comparatively recent origin. -We are inclined to believe that the above estimate assigns a period for -the formation of the delta as much too short as that of Sir Charles was -too long. As to the antiquity of the skeleton, probably Dr. Foster’s -solution of the question is as near correct as any that ever may be -proposed: “Thus, then, with these carefully-observed computations -before us, we are not prepared to accept the high antiquity assigned -by Dr. Dowler to the human remains found beneath the surface at New -Orleans. What he regards as four buried forests which once flourished -on the spot, may be nothing more than driftwood brought down the river -in former times which became embedded in the silts and sediments which -were deposited on what was then the floor of the Gulf.”[142] - -If all the indications were verified, we should be justified in -assigning man a much greater antiquity in the Rocky Mountain region -and on the Pacific slope than in any other part of North America. -Mr. E. L. Berthoud collected numerous stone implements in what he -considers to be tertiary gravel on Crow Creek and in the region of -the South Platte River, Lat. 40 N., Long. 104 W. Two shells secured -in the same locality by him have been pronounced a _corbicula_ and a -_rangia_ respectively, and are thought to belong to the older Pliocene -or possibly to the Miocene.[143] The evidence in this case is, however, -unsatisfactory, and cannot be admitted to be of scientific value -without further authentication. - -In 1857 a portion of a human cranium was found associated with bones -of the mastodon at the depth of one hundred and eighty feet below the -surface in a mining shaft at Table Mountain, California. Dr. C. F. -Winslow sent this fragment to the Boston Natural History Society, but -no importance was attached to it, since no other evidence other than -that furnished by workmen in the mine could be obtained. Subsequently, -when an entire skull was reported to have been found in the gold drift -near Angelos in Calaveras County, in a shaft one hundred and fifty -feet deep, the intelligent portion of the community pronounced the -finder guilty of a scientific fraud, and it is not yet a certainty -that their decision was incorrect. However, Professor Whitney, of the -State Geological Survey, upon hearing of the case examined the mine, -and found that the shaft passed through five beds of lava and volcanic -tufa and four beds of auriferous gravel. It was in one of these beds -that the skull was said to have been found. Some of the cemented gravel -was still adhering to the skull when it came into the Professor’s -possession, and Professor Wyman, to whom it was submitted subsequently, -refers to the difficulty which he had in removing the incrustation. -Professor Whitney, on the testimony of the possessor of the skull, -pronounced it an authentic “find,” and while his decision has been -acquiesced in by a number of scientific gentlemen of repute, Professor -Wyman among them, still the great majority, we believe, are unwilling -to rest their faith on such slender evidence. Though no crack was -apparent through which the skull might have fallen from the surface, -such might have existed at an earlier period. In a region which is the -product of volcanic action there is room for suspicion, especially in -cases like both of these, where, as Sir Charles Lyell has said, no -geologist was present at the moment of discovery to see the fossil -_in situ_ and extricate it with his own hands from the matrix which -contained it. - -President Edward Orton, of the Ohio State University, recently called -our attention to the discovery of relics of human workmanship found -many years ago near Waynesville, Ohio, at the depth of over twelve feet -below the surface. Dr. Robert Furnas, a clergyman of the Society of -Friends, courteously furnished us the following statement: “The relic -was obtained about the year 1824. It was in the process of digging a -well for my grandfather. My father, then twenty-one years of age, was -performing the work of excavation, when at the depth of thirteen or -fourteen feet he came to a dark mould about two feet deep, on the top -of which was lying _a thimble and a piece of coarse cloth_ six inches -wide and a yard long. The outer edge containing the fringe showing -the end of the _chain_ or warp at the end of the fabric and point of -fastening in weaving.” “The removal above after passing through the -soil consisted of solid clay of a yellowish-brown color. The farm was -purchased by my grandfather in 1803, and occupied by him to the time -of his death in 1863. He was the pioneer of the place, having settled -there in an unbroken forest. The location is on the top of the hill -on the east side of the Little Miami River forty or fifty feet above -the level of the stream. The cloth soon lost all traces of texture on -coming in contact with the air. The thimble was in a pretty good state -of preservation.”[144] Professor Orton, who has examined the locality -and studied the case in hand, expressed the opinion to us that it was -not only authentic, but (while not amounting to absolute proof) seemed -to associate man’s works with a deposit which has furnished remains -of the mastodon. The Professor considers the dark mould referred to -as that upon which the relics were lying to be of an inter-glacial -vegetable deposit peculiar to Southern Ohio, and once constituting -an ancient surface of the land inhabited with animal life.[145] The -cloth from its coarse character bears a resemblance to that of the -mounds, while its length of just a yard is suggestive of more modern -measurements.[146] - -Dr. C. C. Abbott has unquestionably discovered many palæolithic -implements in the glacial drift in the valley of the Delaware River -near Trenton, New Jersey. Among a number of rude implements from the -undisturbed gravel of the region is a spear-head, found six feet from -the surface, on the site of the Lutheran Church, Broad Street, Trenton, -N. J. The circumstances surrounding it were such as to justify the -conclusion that the weapon had not gotten into its position where found -“subsequently to the deposition of the containing layer of pebbles.” -Subsequent investigation has brought to light sixty well finished flint -implements, all of them from what appears to be undisturbed drift. -Some of the relics have as many as from twenty to forty planes of -cleavage, all equally weathered. The specimens are not unlike their -neolithic counterparts taken from the aboriginal graves and stone cists -of Tennessee.[147] Dr. Abbott concludes that the gravel, boulders, -and rude implements associated with them were deposited by ice-rafts -on the descent of a glacier down the valley, and that man more rude -and ancient than the red Indian dwelt at the foot of the glacier, -being driven south by its advance and following it again to the north -upon its return.[148] Professors Shaler and Pumpelly, however, while -considering the deposit as of glacial origin, think it was subsequently -modified by water-action. Dr. Abbott, with great fairness, admits that, -“Inasmuch as such subsequent action may have occurred long after the -final deposition of the gravel, as true glacial drift, the antiquity of -the contained stone implements is proportionately lessened.” Professor -Shaler, after a partial examination of the locality, remarks that “if -these remains are really those of man, they prove the existence of -inter-glacial man on this part of our shore.”[149] Dr. Abbott and Prof. -Aug. R. Grote believe that the Eskimo is the surviving representative -of paleolithic and glacial man in North America. The latter believes -that man reached this continent during the Pliocene, and before the -ice-period had interfered with a warm climate in the north.[150] -Recently Dr. Abbott has said: “It may be that, as investigations are -carried further, it will result not so much in proving man of very -great antiquity, as in showing how much more recent than usually -supposed was the final disappearance of the glacier.”[151] On page -30 we referred to mounds examined in the North-west, N. lat. 47°, W. -long. 98° 38´, by General H. W. Thomas.[152] In these mounds crania -indicating a very low type of intelligence were discovered—in form -resembling skulls of the great Gibbon monkey.[153] From the standpoint -of the development theory (and by this we do not mean evolution, but -that progression which takes place when a savage advances from his -low state toward civilization), the evidences are abundant that man -is older by far on the Western side of the continent and perhaps in -the North-west, than elsewhere in the new world. Though this discovery -by General Thomas does not reach back in antiquity to geologic times, -still it cannot be denied that a considerable period must have elapsed -before low-type crania of the North-west could have developed into the -crania of the Ohio Valley Mounds. Professor James Orton, in commenting -on the investigations of Wilson on the coast of Equador, refers to the -discovery of gold, copper and stone vestiges of a former population -in the system of terraces traced from the coast through the province -of Esmeraldas to Quito. He remarks: “In all cases these relics are -situated below high-tide mark, in a bed of marine sediment, from which -he (Wilson) infers that this part of the country formerly stood higher -above the sea. If this be true, vast must be the antiquity of these -remains, for the upheaval and subsidence of the coast is exceedingly -slow.”[154] The antiquity of man in Europe is an established fact, but -how remote is a question which science as yet fails to answer. When -geologic research opens up Central Asia, no doubt man will be found to -have existed there a long period anterior to his advent in Europe. But -for the decadence of Arabic glory and learning we should now probably -be in possession of a fund of information concerning that region as -well as of man’s early history. Were the discovery of the human skull -in the gold drift of California an authentic case, we should have -strong reasons for supposing a remote intercourse existed between Asia -and the Pacific coast. It is quite certain the crania of the North-west -Mounds, as compared with those of the Mississippi region, clearly point -to that fact. We have seen that as yet no truly scientific proof of -man’s great antiquity in America exists. This conclusion is concurred -in by most eminent authorities.[155] At present we are probably -not warranted in claiming for him a much longer residence on this -continent than that assigned him by Sir John Lubbock, namely, 3,000 -years. Future research may develop the fact that man is as old here -as in Europe, and that he was contemporaneous with the Mastodon. As -the case stands in the present state of knowledge, it furnishes strong -presumptive evidence that man is not autochthonic here, but exotic, -having originated in the old world, perhaps thousands of years prior to -reaching the new. - - - - - CHAPTER III. - - DIVERSITY OF OPINION AS TO THE ORIGIN OF THE ANCIENT - AMERICANS. - - Conflict of Discovery and Dogmatism — Antipodes — Arabic Learning - in the 8th Century — Spirit of Early Writers on America — - Common Opinion as to the Origin of the Americans — Father Duran - — Lost Tribes of Israel — Garcia — Lascarbot — Villagutierre - — Torquemada — Pineda, etc. — Abbé Domenech — Modern Views — - Pre-Columbian Colonization — Plato’s Atlantis — Kingsborough - — The Book of Mormon — Phœnicians — George Jones — Greek - and Egyptian Theories — The Tartars — Japanese and Chinese - Theories — Fusang — The Mongol Theory — Traces of Buddhism — - White-Man’s Land — The Northmen — The Welsh Claim. - - -Various perplexing problems presented themselves to the minds of -the discoverers of the new continent for solution, as well as to -their immediate successors, which were greatly intensified by the -dogmatic teaching of the times. The status of science in the Middle -Ages was defined from time to time by some ecclesiastical utterance -without any reference to the phenomena of nature or the revelations -of accidental discovery. We say accidental, for no designed or -systematic investigation was so much as tolerated, much less encouraged -by friendly recognition. This unfortunate antagonism to progress -had its foundation chiefly in ignorance, and its origin in the -misinterpretation and perversion of Sacred Scripture. - -Two questions, especially in view of the dogmatic utterances of the -day, presented grave difficulties to the minds of the discoverers and -their successors in the New World. “Is the world a sphere?” “Are the -Inhabitants of the Indias of a common origin with the rest of mankind?” -These were the most serious problems that forced themselves upon -their consideration. As long ago as 280 B. C., the investigations of -Aristarchus of Samos, though not accepted by antiquity, suggested an -affirmative answer to the first question. But the Fathers of the Church -had spoken authoritatively on this subject at quite an early day, and -consequently left no room for speculation. St. Augustine discusses the -question as follows: “But as to the fable that there are antipodes, -that is to say, men on the opposite side of the earth, where the sun -rises when it sets to us, men who walk with their feet opposite ours, -that is on no ground credible. And, indeed, it is not affirmed that -this has been learned by historical knowledge, but by scientific -conjecture, on the ground that the earth is suspended within the cavity -of the sky, and that it has as much room on the one side of it as on -the other; hence they say that the part which is beneath us must also -be inhabited. But they do not remark that although it be supposed or -scientifically demonstrated that the world is of a round and spherical -form, yet it does not follow that the other side of the earth is bare -of water; or even though it be bare, does it immediately follow that -it is peopled. For Scripture, which proves the truth of its historical -statements by the accomplishment of its prophecies, gives no false -information; and it is too absurd to say that some men might have taken -ship and traversed the whole wide ocean, and crossed from this world to -the other, and that thus even the inhabitants of that distant region -are descended from that one first man.”[156] - -Though, during the kalifate of Al-Mamoun (A. D. 813–833) Arabic -learning had well-nigh demonstrated the globular form of the earth -and determined its circumference, according to their measurements, -to be about 24,000 miles, still not a man in Christendom ventured -to advocate the theory for almost half a dozen centuries, such was -the power of the ban put upon investigation which ran counter to the -pre-expressed opinions of a dark age. The theories of Tascanelli and -the observations of Columbus on the polar star prepared the way for the -great triumph achieved by De Gama in 1497–8, in his voyage around the -Cape of Good Hope; and the question of the globular form of the earth -was forever set at rest twenty-two years afterwards by the voyage of -Magellan.[157] When it was definitely determined that America was a -continent of itself and not the eastern extremity of India, the fact -that it was inhabited gave rise to speculations which have since been -often repeated. Through an unaccountable misapprehension, not only -the questions of the origin of the Americans, but the manner of their -separation from the rest of the race, together with the routes they -pursued in reaching the new world—all were thought to be capable of -solution by the light of Scripture. The education of the early writers -enables us to account for the intolerance with which they looked upon -any other solution of the problem than that which alone would conform -to the teachings of the church.[158] - -It is true that the natural nobility of character possessed by such -writers as Las Casas, Duran and a few others, tempered the fanaticism -which had been inculcated by education, and enabled them to furnish -invaluable information concerning the real condition and traditions -of the so-called Indians. But, upon the other hand, there were great -numbers of blind, unscrupulous ecclesiastics who either destroyed -outright the manuscripts and picture-writing of the natives, committing -them to the flames, or so warping tradition in order that it might -conform to their mistaken theology, that in many cases the most -precious information is irretrievably lost. Such men could hardly be -expected to have treated calmly and with any degree of liberality -the question before us—one which has so often been asked, but as yet -never satisfactorily answered, and one which in the present state of -knowledge cannot be.[159] - -The unanimity with which the most celebrated writers on the Americans -during three centuries following the discovery, fixed upon a solution -of the problem, will be best illustrated in the following pages: One -of the most ingenious and at the same time most calmly expressed -opinions on the origin problem is that recorded by Father Duran, a -native of Tezcuco in Mexico, in his _History of New Spain_, written in -the year 1585.[160] He was convinced that the natives had a foreign -origin, and that they performed a long journey of many years duration -in their migration to the new world. He arrived at these conclusions -on account of several considerations, some of which are as follows: -The natives had no definite knowledge of their origin, some claiming -to have proceeded from fountains and springs of water, others that -they were natives of certain caves, and others that they were created -by the gods, while all admit that they had come from other lands. -Furthermore, they preserved in their traditions and pictures the memory -of a journey in which they had suffered hunger, thirst, nakedness and -all manner of afflictions, “with which,” he adds, “my opinion and -supposition is confirmed that these natives are of the ten tribes of -Israel that Salmanasar, king of the Assyrians, made prisoners and -carried to Assyria in the time of Hoshea, king of Israel, and in the -time of Hezekiah, king of Jerusalem, as can be seen in the fourth -Book of the Kings, seventeenth chapter, where it says that Israel -was carried away from their land to Assyria, etc., from whence, says -Esdras, in Book Fourth, chapter third, they went to live in a land, -remote and separated, which had never been inhabited, to which they -had a long and tedious journey of a year and a half, for which reason -it is supposed these people are found in all the islands and lands of -the ocean constituting the Occident.”[161] The preceding opinion was -concurred in by many Spanish writers; but the first English writer -to support the theory was Thorowgood, in his work entitled, _Jewes in -America_.[162] L’Estrange, who replied to this work, controverted the -theory of the lost tribes of Israel, but concluded that Shem was the -progenitor of the Americans; that he was ninety-eight years old at the -time of the flood, and was not present at the building of Babel.[163] -“Thus far,” he quaintly remarks, “have I offered my week conceptions, -first, how America may be collected to have bin first planted, not -denying the Jewes leave to goe into America, but not admitting them -to be the chief or prime planters thereof, for I am of opinion, that -the Americans originated before the captivity of the ten tribes, even -from Shem’s near progeny.”[164] Garcia presents an argument in favor -of the same theory, based upon the presence of Scripture names in Peru -and Yucatan. He is positive that the word Peru has the same meaning -as Ophir, the name of the grandson of Heber, from whom the Hebrews -derive their name. In Yucatan he also finds the name Ioctan, identical -with that of Ophir’s father.[165] However, with a determination not -to be surpassed by any other theorist who might assume the unity -of the race as the basis of his conjectures, he offers a plan for -populating the new world so comprehensive that no room was left for -originality in any who might follow him in the same field. Hispaniola, -Cuba and neighboring isles, he believed to have been peopled by the -Carthaginians. The natives of other parts proceeded from the ten -lost tribes; others from the people whom Ophir commanded to colonize -Peru; others from the people living in the isle Atlantis; others from -regions adjoining that island, and by means of it passed to America; -others from the Greeks; others from the Phœnicians, and still others -from the Chinese and Tartars.[166] Lescarbot cites five opinions on -the subject, all based more or less on scriptural authority, and adds -his own that the Americans were the descendants of Noah. He thinks it -not impossible for voyagers to have reached the western continent when -Solomon’s ships were sent on voyages of three years’ duration.[167] -Herrera, with characteristic soberness, states that because of the lack -of knowledge concerning the proximity of the continents at the “ends of -the earth” he is unable to say positively from whom the natives were -descended, but it seems most reasonable to him to suppose that they are -the descendants of men who passed to the West Indies by the proximity -of the land.[168] Villagutierre reiterates the same opinion, believing -that Noah’s descendants were able to reach the new world either by land -in some unknown quarter, or by swimming, or by embarking in canoes -and balsas, for short distances. He supposes that animals reached the -new continent in the first two ways.[169] Torquemada, after a long -discussion of the subject, falls in with this view, adding, however, -the opinion that, because of their color, they in all probability -were descended from the sons and grandsons of Ham.[170] Pineda adopts -substantially the preceding opinion, but improves upon it somewhat by -pointing out the particular branch of the family of Ham, to which we -may trace the origin of the first Americans. For some reason, perhaps -no more apparent to himself than us, he designates Naphtuhim, son of -Mezraim and grandson of Ham, as their progenitor. He thinks that the -colonization was accomplished soon after the confusion of tongues, and -may have been effected in any of the numerous ways we have previously -mentioned. He cites the tradition of Votan as a proof.[171] Siguenza -y Gongora and Sister Agnes de la Cruz, according to Clavigero, were -the authors of this opinion, who further designated Egypt as the -starting-point for that important expedition of colonists.[172] - -Echevarria y Veitia treats the subject fully, tracing it through the -traditions of the people. He cites their creation and flood myths, -their account of the building of the Tower of Babel and the confusion -of tongues, their dispersion upon the face of the earth, and the -passage of seven families to the new world (to _Hue hue Tlappalan_) -by means of balsas, with which they crossed rivers and arms of the -sea which they encountered in their journey. Though minute in his -details, he does nothing more in this respect than other important -writers to whom we shall refer in a further chapter, except that his -computations by means of the Mexican calendar have enabled him to -assign dates to some of these occurrences, which, though they probably -are not accurate, are at least interesting. His study of the Mexican -paintings convinces him that the natives had a foreign origin.[173] -The same author in a part of his work refers to the giants as the -first inhabitants of the country, but fails to state whether they came -from the old world or not.[174] Ulloa thinks Noah’s long and aimless -voyage in the ark was not without fruit to the science of navigation. -It gave confidence to his immediate descendants, who no doubt were -enterprising enough to construct similar vessels and undertake voyages -in them. These, falling in with adverse winds and treacherous currents, -were driven to strange islands and even to the new world, and being -unable to return, became the first colonists in these remote regions. -He thinks the custom of eating raw fish, common to the American -tribes, was acquired during long sea voyages.[175] The Abbé Domenech’s -opinion has been cited by Mr. Bancroft in his summary of the views of -this class of writers; we presume, however, only for the amusement of -the reader.[176] The Abbé, less than a score of years ago, committed -himself to the ludicrous and antiquated theory that Ophir had colonized -Peru.[177] Clavigero considers the creation, flood, and Babel myths -of the natives sufficient evidence of unity of origin. He, however, -believes that the migration to this continent began at a very early -period.[178] - -These few writers pretty well represent the opinions of their numerous -contemporaries who, though they wrote voluminously enough on this -subject, added nothing to what we have noted. The opinions of modern -writers are as diverse as those of Garcia, and only surpass him in the -ingenuity with which they press their favorite theories. Very little -has been done in this field with a true scientific spirit. Each has -been an advocate rather than an inquirer; has had his theory to prove -sometimes at the expense of reason and fact, and it is remarkable that -the majority of works written by such advocates have presented the -familiar anomaly of more learning than of probability. It is scarcely -the province of this work to discuss these well-known productions of -imaginative and too often credulous writers. To more than refer to them -would be to lose sight for the time of the object before us. - -The claims for the Pre-Columbian colonization of this continent of -course include most of those already mentioned, and properly are -of two classes: First, those which fix the period of colonization -remote enough to account for the old civilization or some phases of -it. Second, those which avowedly are too recent to have accomplished -that civilization. Of the first-named class there are about a dozen -thoroughly elaborated claims, while of the second there are less -than half that number. Mr. Warden years ago treated them all in a -manner and with a fullness which has not been excelled by any more -recent writer.[179] Though it is due to Mr. Bancroft to say that -never before has the subject been so exhaustively handled in our own -language as by him.[180] As nothing new has been developed in this -field of speculation since Mr. Bancroft, and we might add since Mr. -Warden treated it, and as nothing could be contributed either to -the sciences of ethnology or archæology by a repetition of the old -discussion here, for we have our doubts whether any of the claims can -ever be substantiated at all, we will content ourselves with the simple -enumeration of the theories. A theory which rivals in antiquity, if -Egyptian chronology is reliable, the claims of the Fathers that the -immediate descendants of Noah peopled the new world shortly after the -deluge, is that which seeks to establish the truth of the tradition -told to Solon by the Egyptian priests of Psenophis, Sonchis, Heliopolis -and Sais concerning the ancient island Atlantis. Critias, whose -grandfather had heard the tradition from Solon, communicated it to -Socrates. Plato first committed it to writing, and states that the -events which it described occurred nine thousand Egyptian years before -Solon heard it. After speaking of the “Atlantic Sea,” the priest adds -“that sea was indeed navigable, and had an island fronting that mouth -which you call the Pillars of Hercules; and this island was larger -than Libya and Asia put together, and there was a passage hence for -travellers of that day to the rest of the islands, as well as from -those islands to the whole opposite continent that surrounds the real -sea. For as respects what is within the mouth here mentioned, it -appears to be a bay with a kind of narrow entrance, and that sea is -indeed a true sea, and the land that entirely surrounds it may truly -and most correctly be called a continent.” The priest concludes his -account with the statement that an earthquake in a single night buried -the entire island and its inhabitants. This mysterious island has been -sought for in every quarter of the globe; but the fact that part of -the description seems applicable to the West Indies and the Gulf of -Mexico, has led theorists to place its submerged shores between that -locality and the Cape Verde or Canary groups. It is claimed that this -imaginary land bridge, this backbone of earth and rock, may have once -been the connecting link between the two continents. The claim has had -many champions, but none so celebrated as the lamented Abbé Brasseur -de Bourbourg. The labors of this learned Américaniste are too well -known to require comment.[181] The Codex Chimalpopoca, a Nahua MS. of -anonymous authorship, which served the Abbé as the chief authority -for the Toltec Period of his _Histoire des Nations Civilisées_, is the -basis upon which he rests the advocacy of his “Atlantic Theory.” This -singular Codex, which appears to the eyes of the uninitiated to be -only “A History of the Kingdoms of Culhuacan and Mexico,” he considers -susceptible of an allegorical interpretation, in which he reads the -history and fate of that first of the continents, on whose soil -originated all civilization and whose inhabitants were the genii of the -arts, the origin of which are without even a tradition.[182] - -The popularity of the Jewish theory at an early date has been indicated -by our citations from some of the Spanish missionaries. Garcia, after -a seven years residence in Peru, wrote his work for the purpose of -proving conclusively that the Jews had been the chief colonists of -the continent at an early date. He elaborated the argument set forth -by Father Duran,[183] which is founded on passages in Esdras, but -proceeded to prop up this theory with a catalogue of analogies between -the Jews and Americans, some of which are so remote from each other -that the very attempt to assimilate them is simply puerile. Garcia -has had many disciples, some of whom have been no more critical than -himself.[184] The illustrious advocate of the Jewish colonization of -America was that indefatigable antiquary, Lord Kingsborough. No more -masterly, no abler and more exhaustive defence was ever made in behalf -of a hopeless and even baseless claim than his; and as the result, the -historian and antiquary has placed at his disposal fac-simile prints -of most of the important hieroglyphic MSS. of Mexican authorship -deposited in the various libraries of Europe, as well as pictures -of the architecture and stone records common to ancient America. -We must confess that the work itself, with its curious plates, its -maze of notes and references, its masterly and novel discoveries of -analogies, though many of them are imaginary, is to us, after prolonged -examination, as much of a riddle as the great and improbable theory -which it seeks to establish.[185] Closely allied to the theory of the -ten lost tribes, is the claim set forth in that pretentious fraud, the -Book of Mormon, which attributes the colonization of North America, -soon after the confusion of tongues, to a people called Jaredites, who, -by divine guidance, reached our shores in eight vessels, and developed -a high state of civilization on our soil. These first colonists, -however, became extinct about six centuries B.C., because of their -social sins. The Jaredites were followed by a second colony, this time -of Israelites, who left Jerusalem in the first year of the reign of -Zedekiah, King of Juda. They reached the Indian Ocean by following the -shores of the Red Sea, where they built a vessel which bore them across -the Pacific to the western coast of South America. Having arrived -in the new land of promise, they separated into two parties, called -Nephites and Laminites respectively, after their leaders. They grew to -be great nations and colonized North America also. Religious strife -sprang up between the two nations because of the wickedness of the -Laminites; the Nephites, however, adhered to their religious traditions -and the worship of the true God. Christ appeared in the new world -and by his ministrations converted many of both peoples to Him. But -towards the close of the fourth century of our era, both Laminites and -Nephites backslid in faith and became involved in a war with each other -which resulted in the extermination of the latter people. The numerous -tumuli scattered over the face of the country cover the remains of the -hundreds of thousands of warriors who fell in their deadly strife. -Mormon and his son Morani, the last of the Nephites who escaped by -concealment, deposited by divine command the annals of their ancestors, -the Book of Mormon written on tablets, in the hill of Cumorah, Ontario -County, New York, in the vicinity of which the last battle of these -relentless enemies took place.[186] The claim, of course, merits -mention only on the ground of its romantic character, and not on -the supposition for a moment that it contains a grain of truth. The -Phœnician and Carthaginian colonization of this continent has been much -discussed and credited by a larger number of Americanists than any -other theory, except that which refers the original population to those -parts of Asia adjacent to Alaska. This claim is based on the maritime -achievements of that nation of navigators. The three-year voyages of -Hiram and Solomon’s fleet to Ophir and Tarshish, has often been made to -do service for this theory. Ophir has most frequently been placed by -its advocates in Hayti or Peru.[187] Such speculations, however, are -incapable of proof, and are scarcely deserving of sober consideration. -The theory itself is one of the few that command respectful attention, -since tradition, history, and many facts in natural science, seem to -point to its probability.[188] Mr. Bancroft refers at some length to -the voyage of Hanno, a Carthaginian navigator, whose exploits beyond -the pillars of Hercules, with a fleet of sixty ships and thirty -thousand men, is recorded in his _Periplus_.[189] With true critical -insight, Mr. Bancroft rejects the opinion that Hanno reached America, -and thinks he only coasted along the shores of Africa.[190] The only -tradition preserved by the Americans is that of the mysterious Votan, -whom some have sought to assign to a Phœnician nativity.[191] Of late -years the theory of the Phœnician colonization has failed to receive -its share of support from new writers. This is owing probably to the -fact that the labors of Mr. George Jones, embodied in his _Original -History of Ancient America Founded on the Ruins of Antiquity; the -Identity of the Aborigines with the People of Tyrus and Israel, and the -Introduction of Christianity by the Apostle St. Thomas_,[192] may have -rendered all such support unnecessary. It is more probable, however, -that the assumption and credulity displayed in this extraordinary -work have discouraged any critical writer from aspiring to the honor -of having his name transmitted to posterity as an advocate of the -Phœnician theory, side by side with that of the author of the Original -History. We have no space to devote to so positive a writer, except -to state that he colonizes America with a remnant of the inhabitants -of Tyre who escaped from their island-city when it was besieged by -Alexander the Great in 332 B. C. They sailed out beyond the Pillars of -Hercules to their colonies in the Canaries, whence the trade-winds bore -them across the Atlantic to the shores of Florida. Ezekiel xxvii. 26, -is quoted as proof: “Thy rowers have brought thee into great waters; -the east wind hath broken thee in the midst of the seas.”[193] The -theory that the ancient Americans descended from the Greeks has been -incidentally advocated by several authors, most of the arguments being -based upon supposed Greek inscriptions. Two advocates of the theory -are, however, quite decided in its defence, namely, Mr. Pidegeon[194] -and Mr. Lafitau.[195] The latter believing that the ancient -inhabitants of the Grecian archipelago were driven from their country -by Og, king of Bashan, supposes the inhabitants of the new world -descended from that people, and cites numerous analogies of a political -and social nature.[196] No claim has been advanced, we believe, which -advocates an actual Egyptian colonization of the new world, but strong -arguments have been used to show that the architecture and sculpture -of Central America and Mexico have been influenced from Egypt, if -not attributable directly to Egyptian artisans. These arguments are -based on the resemblance between the gigantic pyramids, the sculptured -obelisks, and the numerous idols of these pre-historic countries and -those of Egypt. It requires no practised eye to trace a resemblance in -general features, though it must be said that the details of American -architecture and sculpture, are peculiarly original in design.[197] -The principal advocate of the theory, Delafield, has furnished many -comparisons, but we think no argument has been presented sufficiently -supported by facts to prove that American architecture and sculpture -had any other than an indigenous origin.[198] Turning westward our -attention is arrested by the probability of the theory which claims -that this continent was peopled with the Tartars and nations occupying -the regions of North-western Asia. No one can consider the natural -certainty of long-continued communication between the two continents -at Behring’s Straits without being impressed with the truth that that -narrow channel served probably as the first highway between the old -world and the new, and _vice versa_. Certainly a part of the ancient -population of America came upon our soil at that quarter. Mr. Bancroft -remarks: “The customs, manner of life, and physical appearance of the -natives on both sides of the straits are identical, as a multitude -of witnesses testify, and it seems absurd to argue the question from -any point. Of course, Behring’s Strait may have served to admit other -nations besides the people inhabiting its shores into America, and -in such cases there is more room for discussion.”[199] Nearly as -plausible is the theory which claims that if the original population -of this continent were not Japanese, at least a considerable infusion -of Japanese blood into the original stock has taken place from time to -time, either by intentional colonization or by the accidents incident -to navigation. The great number of shipwrecks which are continually -being cast upon our Pacific coast by the Japanese current or Kuro-suvo -are constant and substantial witnesses to the reasonableness of the -claim.[200] - -The Chinese colonization theory, unfortunately, does not date far -enough back to account for the oldest American civilization. It is -nevertheless remote enough, were it proven true, to considerably -antedate the Aztec and Inca periods. Upwards of a century ago the -learned French sinologist Deguignes announced that he had found in the -writings of early Chinese historians the statement that in the fifth -century of our era certain adventurers of their race had discovered -a country which they called Fusang.[201] He further expressed it as -his opinion that the country described must be Western America, and -probably Mexico. The original document on which the Chinese historians -base their statements was the report of a Buddhist missionary named -Hoei-Shin, who in the year 499 A. D., claims to have returned from a -long journey of discovery to the remote and unknown east. This report, -whatever may be its intrinsic value, was accepted as true by the -Chinese, and found its way into the history of Li yan tcheon—written -at the beginning of the seventh century of our era. In 1841, Dr. -Neumann, Professor of Oriental Languages and History at Munich, after -a residence of a couple of years at Canton, published a translation of -the narrative of Hoei-Shin with comments upon it.[202] A few of the -most striking passages of the account given by this Buddhist missionary -are as follows: “Fusang is about 20,000 Chinese _li_ in an easterly -direction from Tahan and east of the Middle Kingdom.[203] Many Fusang -trees grow there whose leaves resemble the _Dryanda cordifolia_; the -sprouts, on the contrary, resemble those of the bamboo tree, and are -eaten by the inhabitants of the land. The fruit is like a pear in form, -but is red. From the bark they prepare a sort of linen which they use -for clothing, and also a sort of ornamental stuff. The houses are -built of wooden beams; fortified and walled places are there unknown. -They have written characters in this land, and prepare paper from the -bark of the Fusang. The people have no weapons and make no wars, but -in the arrangement of the kingdom, they have a northern and southern -prison. Trifling offenders are lodged in the southern prison, but -those confined for greater offences in the northern. The name of the -king is pronounced Ichi. The color of his clothes changes with the -different years. The horns of the oxen are so large that they hold -ten bushels. They use them to contain all manner of things. Horses, -oxen, and stags are harnessed to their wagons. Stags are used here as -cattle are used in the Middle Kingdom, and from the milk of the hind -they make butter. No iron is found in the land; but copper, gold, -and silver are not prized, and do not serve as a medium of exchange -in the market. Marriage is determined upon in the following manner: -the suitor builds himself a hut before the door of the house where -the one longed for dwells, and waters and cleans the ground every -evening. When a year has passed by, if the maiden is not inclined -to marry him he departs; should she be willing it is completed. In -earlier times these people lived not according to the laws of Buddha, -but it happened that in the second year—named ‘Great Light’ of Song -(A. D. 458)—five beggar-monks from the kingdom of Kipin went to this -land, extended over it the religion of Buddha, and with it his early -writings and images. They instructed the people in the principles of -monastic life, and so changed their manners.”[204] Dr. Neumann does -not claim that the Chinese Fusang tree is identical with the Maguay -plant, but that the resemblance between it and the great numbers of -the latter found in Mexico suggested a name for the country to the -discoverer. The uncertainty as to the distance, arising out of our -inability to determine what was considered the length of a Chinese _li_ -in the fifth century, is of course an obstacle to the satisfactory -solution of the question. The amusing and preposterous statement as -to the size of the horns of oxen is no argument against the general -truth of the narrative, since we have no data from which to determine -the capacity of the measure, the name of which is here translated -bushel, since the widest possible difference exists between the -ancient and modern Chinese tables of measurement. The references to -horses and oxen are perplexing, and give the narrative the air either -of imposture or mistake, since both were brought to America first by -the Spaniards.[205] The argument by the opponents of this theory that -Fusang was Japan stands on a very slender foundation, since at a very -early period, centuries before our era, Japan afforded naval stations -for Chinese ships.[206] Klaproth, and later Dr. E. Bretschneider, -designated the island of Tarakai, known as Saghalien on our maps, as -the Fusang of Hoei-Schin.[207] M. D’Eichthal and Professor Neumann -have both made able arguments in defence of the authenticity and -reasonableness of this claim, but there are too many uncertainties -about it to admit of its unqualified acceptance. We are more disposed -to give credence to the theory that the Chinese discovered America at -a very early day, than to attach much importance to the particular -account of that discovery by Hoei-Shin. The theory is a good one, -with an abundance of geographical and ethnological testimony in its -favor.[208] - -Closely allied to the Chinese theory is that so enthusiastically -advocated by Ranking, who maintains that the Mongol emperor Kublai -Khan, in the thirteenth century sent a large fleet against Japan, but -that the vast armada was destroyed by a tempest, and a portion of -its ships were wrecked on the shores of Peru.[209] The first Inca he -believes was the son of Kublai Khan. It is a well-known fact that the -Mongol fleet was dispersed by a storm, but there are grave objections -to the opinion that any of the vessels were cast upon the shores of -South America. No tradition was found among the Peruvians only three -centuries later concerning the Incas or any other people having reached -their shores by the accident of shipwreck, or who could be identified -as of Asiatic origin. It is true the Incas may have designed to keep -their human origin as well as their misfortunes a secret, that they -might the better set up their claim to imperial and divine honors among -the people whom they sought to subjugate by that most powerful ally to -ambition—superstition. Mr. Ranking wrote a very plausible book, but -often fell into errors of credulity and unrestrained enthusiasm which -leaves many of his statements open to suspicion. The theory cannot be -accepted without additional and more satisfactory proof.[210] Should -it prove to be true, it certainly cannot throw light upon the origin of -the population, but only on a phase of civilization. Humboldt, Tschudi, -Viollet-le-Duc, Count Stolberg and other writers have pointed out -striking analogies between the religion of Southern Asia, especially -of India and that of Mexico.[211] If the argument from analogy is to -be relied on, there is abundant reason to believe that Buddhism in a -modified form had permeated the religious systems of the new world with -its mystic element besides grafting upon them some of its better and -more humane institutions. - -These are all the colonization claims worth mentioning, which date back -far enough to account for the ancient civilization. Of the second class -(those too recent to have made much impression on the existing state of -things) there are three. The earliest of these as to date, is the claim -which credits the Irish with the colonization of the Atlantic coast -from North Carolina to Florida. “White-Man’s Land,” so often located -in this country, is no doubt imaginary. The obscure and unsatisfactory -chronicle which forms the basis of this claim destroys its own -authority by the statement that White-Man’s Land was six days’ sail -from Ireland.[212] Another legend set forth by Broughton, which claims -that St. Patrick preached the Gospel in the “Isles of America,” carries -its own refutation upon its face by the use of the word America in -its text.[213] The Scandinavian discovery of America is a well-known -fact, and requires no discussion here. The _Codex Flatioiensis_, as -expounded by the learned Prof. Rafn in the _Antiquitates Americanæ_, -has, no doubt, set at rest the whole matter. Humboldt, in reviewing -the evidence upon which the claim is founded, sums it up in these -words: “The discovery of the northern part of America by the Northmen -cannot be disputed. The length of the voyage, the direction in which -they sailed, the time of the sun’s rising and setting, are accurately -given. While the caliphate of Bagdad was still flourishing under the -Abbassides, and while the rule of the Samanides, so favorable to -poetry, still flourished in Persia, America was discovered about the -year 1000 by Lief, son of Eric the Red, at about 41½° north latitude.” -No evidence of a substantial character has been produced to show that -the Scandinavians left any impress upon the American civilization. It -is true, Brasseur de Bourbourg, when he first began his labors in the -field of American archæology expressed such an opinion, but we believe -he never repeated it in the latter years of his life.[214] The learned -Abbé was guilty of many contradictions, and this may be considered -one of them. The most positive claims in this direction are advanced -by two recent authors, M. Gravier[215] and Prof. Anderson,[216] the -former attributing the Aztec civilization to Norse influence. He cites -the discovery in Brazil of an ancient city near Bahia, in which was -found the statue of a man pointing with his forefinger to the North -Pole; of course, according to M. Gravier, he was a Northman.[217] -Several authorities for the discovery of Norse remains in the United -States might be cited, but the unwarrantable arguments of most of them -add nothing to the already established fact of Norse colonization -in the tenth century of our era. Another Pre-Columbian claim to the -discovery of America is that which declares Madoc-Ap-owen and his Welsh -countrymen to have reached this continent in 1170 A. D. The chronicle -on which the claim is based, is wanting in authority. A translation -of it, taken from a history of Wales by Dr. Powell, was published by -Hakluyt, in 1589. As this claim can have no relation to our subject, -we refrain from a discussion of it here.[218] The only remaining -theory, and probably the most important of all, because of its purely -scientific character, which presents itself for our consideration, is -that which not only considers the civilization of ancient America to -have been indigenous, but also claims the inhabitants themselves to -have been autochthonic; in a word, that by process of evolution or -in some other way, the first Americans were either developed from a -lower order in the animal kingdom or were created on the soil of this -continent. As the latter theory involves a denial of the unity of the -race, it requires a separate and critical examination. - - - - - CHAPTER IV. - - THE ORIGIN OF THE AMERICANS AS VIEWED FROM THE - STANDPOINT OF SCIENCE. - - - Origin Theories — Indigenous Origin — Separate Creation Theory — - Dr. Morton’s Theory — Agassiz’s Views — Dr. Morton’s Cranial - Measurements Classified — Prof. Wilson’s Measurements — - Dr. Morton’s Theory of Ethnic Unity Groundless — Ethnic - Relationships — Typical Mound-skull — Crania from the River - Rouge — Dr. Farquharson’s Measurements — Crania from Kentucky - — Researches in Tennessee by Prof. Jones — Measurements — - Prof. Putnam’s Collection of Crania from Tennessee Mounds — - Low Type Crania from the Mounds — Development Observable in - Mound Crania — Head-Flattening Derived from Asia — Diseases - of the Mound-builders — Physiognomy of the Ancient Americans - — Languages — Evolution and its Bearing on the Origin of the - American — Darwin and Hæckel on the Indigenous American — The - Autochthonic Hypothesis Groundless — Unity of the Human Family - — Accepted Chronology Faulty. - - -The want of evidence for the theories which designate particular -nations as the first colonizers of the Western Continent, long ago -produced a feeling of distrust, which led some to repudiate all claims -for the foreign origin of the first inhabitants of this continent. This -theory, which claims for the most ancient inhabitants an autochthonic -origin, has had from time to time among its advocates some of the -most respectable ethnologists. The character of their attainments, -and in many cases their arguments in behalf of this most remarkable -hypothesis, command the respect of all who are interested in this -fascinating field of speculation. - -At first it was maintained that the Creator had placed an original -pair of human beings here, as Scripture teaches that He did in the old -world.[219] Other writers equally confident that the first ancestors -of the American race were indigenous, have not so definitely expressed -themselves as to the manner of their origin.[220] The most recent phase -of the autochthonic theory is that which designates evolution as the -means by which the continent was populated with human beings, developed -from its own fauna. This latter question is now the most absorbing -of all that occupy the attention of the American Anthropologists. -But to go back to the separate creation view, we find it expressed in -general and unscientific utterances at first, mostly based on the hasty -observation of travellers who, in many cases, had little knowledge -of anthropologic or ethnic principles. In fact, the subject was not -fairly discussed and its advocacy based on satisfactory investigation -until the justly celebrated Dr. Samuel G. Morton, of Philadelphia, -issued his _Crania Americana_, containing the results of the most -diligent researches on the skulls of the Mound-builders, Mexicans, -Peruvians, and many of the known tribes of the Red Indians. In the face -of abundant proof among the crania of his own splendid collection, and -contrary to the testimony of his numerous measurements, which have -often since been used against his theory, this diligent investigator -arrived at the conclusion that the Americans were a distinct race, -originated in this continent, having a uniform cranial type (excepting -only the Eskimo), from the Arctic Circle to Patagonia. - -A division, however, of this supposed homogeneous race was made by this -author into Toltecan and Barbarous nations; the former appellative -comprising all the semi-civilized peoples, while the latter embraced -the wild tribes. All were believed to have had the same origin and to -belong to the same cranial type. “It is curious to observe, however,” -remarks Dr. Morton, “that the Barbarous nations possess a larger brain -by five and a half cubic inches than the Toltecans; while, on the -other hand, the Toltecans possess a greater relative capacity of the -anterior chamber of the skull in the proportion of 42.3 to 41.8. Again -the coronal region, though absolutely greater in the Barbarous tribes, -is rather larger in proportion in the semi-civilized tribes; and the -facial-angle is much the same in both, and may be assumed for the race -at 75°.”[221] In conclusion, the author is of the opinion that the -facts contained in his work tend to sustain the following propositions: -(1) “That the American race differs essentially from all others, not -excepting the Mongolian; nor do the feeble analogies of language, and -the more obvious ones in civil and religious institutions and the -arts, denote anything beyond casual or colonial communication with -the Asiatic nations; and even these analogies may perhaps be accounted -for, as Humboldt suggested, in the mere coincidence arising from -similar wants and impulses in nations inhabiting similar latitudes.” -(2) “That the American nations, excepting the Polar tribes, are one -race and one species, but of two great families which resemble each -other in physical, but differ in intellectual character.” (3) “That -the cranial remains discovered in the mounds, from Peru to Wisconsin, -belong to the same race and probably to the Toltecan family.”[222] -Among the several ethnologists and naturalists who accepted without -question the conclusions reached by Morton, the chief was Agassiz, -who adopted them as auxiliary to his theory of the correspondence of -human life with certain associations in the animal kingdom.[223] They -served as a sure foundation, so far as this continent is concerned, -for his opinion that the races originated in nations. “We maintain,” -says the eminent naturalist, “that, like all organized beings, mankind -cannot have originated in single individuals, but must have been -created in that numerical harmony which is characteristic of each -species. Men must have originated in _nations_, as the bees have -originated in swarms, and as the different social plants have covered -the extensive tracts over which they have naturally spread.”[224] -This view has been enlarged upon by Messrs. Nott and Gliddon, who -argue that, “if it be conceded that there were two primitive pairs of -human beings, no reason can be assigned why there may not have been -hundreds.”[225] The uniqueness of the so-called American race not only -fails of proof, but is positively disproven by the measurements of -crania accompanying Morton’s plates, and any thoughtful person cannot -avoid surprise that so distinguished a scholar as Agassiz should -have committed himself to a theory without first submitting it to a -crucial test. That there is a great variety of type observable among -the crania figured by Morton, even a superficial examination will -show, while a more careful classification presents several facts of -interest. For this classification we consider the simple division of -the crania into long and short skulls sufficient. The question of other -divisions has been often discussed, but with Mr. Huxley we content -ourselves with the simplest classification. Referring to a particular -instance, he says, “taking the antero-posterior diameter as 100, the -transverse diameter varies from 98 or 99 to 62. The number which -thus expresses the proportion of the transverse to the longitudinal -diameter of the brain-case is called the _cephalic index_. Those -people who possess crania with a cephalic index of 80 and above are -called _brachycephali_ (short-skulled), those with a lower index are -_dolichocephali_ (long-skulled).”[226] Dr. Meigs, while accepting the -classification into long and short skulls, admits that it is open to -the objection that it forces into either and opposite classes crania -closely related to each other in type and measurement.[227] Yet it must -be admitted, that in proportion as arbitrary divisions are increased, -these difficulties are multiplied, and that this simple, twofold -classification presents the fewest.[228] In the following tables, which -contain all the measurements accompanying the plates in the _Crania -Americana_, the _cephalic index_ is placed in the left-hand column. -That a wide difference of type is apparent between the extremes of the -dolichocephalic and brachycephalic measurements, certainly cannot be -denied. - - +---------------------------------------------------------------+ - | (_A_) DOLICHOCEPHALIC CRANIA, SCALE OF CLASSIFICATION | - | LESS THAN 80 TO 100. | - | | - | KEY: | - | A. _Cephalic Index, proportion of the Parietal to the | - | Longitudinal Diam. (the latter assumed as 100)._ | - | B. _No. of Plate in Morton’s Work._ | - | C. _Longitudinal Diameter._ | - | D. _Parietal Diameter._ | - | E. _Vertical Diameter._ | - | F. _Frontal Diameter._ | - | G. _Extreme Length of Head and Face._ | - | H. _Inter-Mastoid Arch._ | - | I. _Inter-Mastoid Line._ | - | J. _Occipito-Frontal Arch._ | - | K. _Horizontal Periphery._ | - | L. _Interior Capacity._* | - | M. _Cap. of Anterior Chamber._* | - | N. _Cap. of Posterior Chamber._* | - | O. _Cap. of Coronal Region._ | - | P. _Facial Angle._ | - | | - |*In cubic inches, the remaining measurements in lineal inches. | - +-----+-------+----+---+---+---+---+----+---+----+----+----+----+ - | A. | B. | C. |D. |E. |F. |G. | H. |I. | J. | K. | L. | M. | - +-----+-------+----+---+---+---+---+----+---+----+----+----+----+ - | 66. | II |6.9 |4.6|4.3|3.7|7.5|... |...| ...| ...|64. |17. | - | 72.6| IV |7.3 |5.3|5.3|4.3|8.2|14. |4.3|15. |19.8|81.5|31.5| - | 67. | V |6.7 |4.5|4.1|4.1|8.8|11.5|3.6|14.2|18. |65.5|19.7| - | 75.2| XVIII |6.9 |5.2|5.4|4.2|...|14.5|4.1|14. |19.2|78. |30. | - | | | | | | | | | | | | | | - | 78.9| XXIII |7.1 |5.6|5.5|4.7|...|15. |4.1|14.8|20.3|89. |52.?| - | 73.6| XXV |7.2 |5.3|5.3|4.3|...|14.1|4.5|14.7|19.1|82. |35. | - | 79.4| XXVII |6.8 |5.4|5.5|4.3|...|15. |4.4|14.3|20.1|81.5|... | - | 78. | XXVIII|7.3 |5.8|5.5|4.8|...|15.1|4.6|14.2|20.9|94. |43. | - | 75.3| XXX |7.3 |5.5|5.5|4.3|...|14.6|4.6|14.9|21. |90. |33.5| - | 73. | XXXIV |7.8 |5.7|5.3|4.4|...|16.8|4. |15.8|22.1|98. |35.5| - | 72.4| XXXIII|6.9 |5. |5.3|4.2|...|14.3|3.9|14.4|19.8|71. |26. | - | 78.5| XXXII |7. |5.5|5.1|4.6|...|14.4|4.2|14.5|20. |78.5|33. | - | 65.4| XXXV |7.8 |5.1|5.4|4.2|...|14.2|4.5|15.5|20.8|93.5|35. | - | 72. | XXXVI |7.5 |5.6|5.8|4.1|...|14.4|4.3|14.9|20.8|92.5|36. | - | 73.6| XXXVII|7.2 |5.8|5.5|4.3|...|15. |4.4|14.2|19.8|74. |32.5| - | 76. | XL |7.1 |5.4|5.1|4.3|...|13.8|4.3|14. |19.9|77. |38.?| - | 79.4| LI |7.3 |5.8|5.4|4.4|...|14.6|4.2|14.1|20.3|86.5|... | - | | | | | | | | | | | | | | - | 74.6| LII |7.1 |5.3|5.5|4.8|...|14.6|4.2|14.6|20. |85.5|... | - | | | | | | | | | | | | | | - | 79.7| LXI |7.1 |5.6|5.5|4.6|...|15.5|4.1|15. |20.2|87. |... | - | 75.7| LXIV |7. |5.3|5.1|4.8|...|14.6|4. |14. |20.2| |... | - | 79. | LXV |7.2 |5.7|5.1|4.5|...|... |...| ...| ...| ...|... | - | 78.2| LXVI |6.9 |5.4|5.4|4.1|...|15. |4.1|14.2|19.5|84.5|32.5| - | 74.7| ... |7.1 |5.3|5.2|4.3|...|14.4|4.2|14.5|19.9|82.6|32.8| - +-----+-------+----+---+---+---+---+----+---+----+----+----+----+ - - +-----+-------+----+----+---+--------------------------------------+ - | A. | B. | N. | O. |P. | REMARKS. | - +-----+-------+----+----+---+--------------------------------------+ - | 66. | II |47. |... |...|Peruvian Child from Atacama (ancient).| - | 72.6| IV |50. |16.2|73°|Ancient Peruvian Cemetery near Arica. | - | 67. | V |45.7|12.7|61°|Ancient Peruvian. | - | 75.2| XVIII |48. |14.2|76°|Female Skull from Acapacingo, Mexico. | - | | | | | | Supposed Ancient Tiahuica. | - | 78.9| XXIII |37.?|19.?|78°|Seminole Warrior from Florida. | - | 73.6| XXV |47. |12.2|77°|Cherokee Warrior. | - | 79.4| XXVII |... |... |75°|Uchee. | - | 78. | XXVIII|51. |14.7|84°|Chippeway (Algonquin-Lenapé). | - | 75.3| XXX |56.5|13.5|75°|Miami Chief (Algonquin-Lenapé). | - | 73. | XXXIV |62.5|19. |80°|Potowatamie (Algonquin-Lenapé). | - | 72.4| XXXIII|45. | |80°|Naumkeag from Massachusetts. | - | 78.5| XXXII |45.5|16.2|76°|Female Lenapé or Delaware. | - | 65.4| XXXV |58.5|11.5|78°|Cayuga Chief 150 years old (Iroquois).| - | 72. | XXXVI |56.5|18.4|74°|Oneida (Iroquois). | - | 73.6| XXXVII|41.5| 9.5|78°|Huron Chief. | - | 76. | XL |44.?|18.2|78°|Black Foot. | - | 79.4| LI |... |... |76°|Supposed Mound-builder, Circleville | - | | | | | | Mound. | - | 74.6| LII |... |... |79°|Supposed Mound-builder from a | - | | | | | | Mississippi River Mound. | - | 79.7| LXI |... |... |80°|From Ancient Tomb, Ottumba, Mexico. | - | 75.7| LXIV |... |... |70°|Charib of Venezuela. | - | 79. | LXV |... |... |...|Charib of St. Vincent. | - | 78.2| LXVI |52. |19. |76°|Arucanian Chief, Chili. | - | 74.7| ... |49.2|15.3|76°|Mean. | - +-----+-------+----+----+---+--------------------------------------+ - - +---------------------------------------------------------------+ - | (_B_) BRACHYCEPHALIC CRANIA, SCALE OF CLASSIFICATION, 80 AND | - | UPWARDS TO 100. | - | | - | KEY: | - | A. _Cephalic Index, proportion of the Parietal to the | - | Longitudinal Diam. (the latter assumed as 100)._ | - | B. _No. of Plate in Morton’s Work._ | - | C. _Longitudinal Diameter._ | - | D. _Parietal Diameter._ | - | E. _Vertical Diameter._ | - | F. _Frontal Diameter._ | - | G. _Extreme Length of Head and Face._ | - | H. _Inter-Mastoid Arch._ | - | I. _Inter-Mastoid Line._ | - | J. _Occipito-Frontal Arch._ | - | K. _Horizontal Periphery._ | - | L. _Interior Capacity._* | - | M. _Cap. of Anterior Chamber._* | - | N. _Cap. of Posterior Chamber._* | - | O. _Cap. of Coronal Region._ | - | P. _Facial Angle._ | - | | - |*In cubic inches, the remaining measurements in lineal inches. | - +-----+-------+----+---+---+---+---+----+---+----+----+----+----+ - | A. | B. | C. |D. |E. |F. |G. |H. |I. | J. | K. | L. | M. | - +-----+-------+----+---+---+---+---+----+---+----+----+----+----+ - | 80. | III |6.5 |5.2|5.1|4.3|8.3|14.5|4. |13.8|18.5|72.5|26. | - | 83. | VI |6.5 |5.4|5.2|4.4|...|14.6|4. |14.4|19.5|67.5|28.5| - |100. | VII |5.4 |5.4|4.6|4. |...|... |...|... |... |61. |... | - | 98. |VIII & |6.8 |5.7|5.1|4.4|...|14.5|4.1|12.7|18.4|71.7|28.7| - | | IX | | | | | | | | | | | | - | 98.3| XI |6.1 |6. |5.5|4.7|...|16. |4.5|14.1|19.5|83. |33.5| - | 89.5| XI A |6.7 |6. |5.6|4.5|...|16.2|4.5|14.5|20.2|89. |34. | - | 92. | XI B |6.3 |5.8|5.3|4.5|...|15. |4. |13.2|19. |76.5|30. | - | 98.3| XI C |6. |5.9|5. |4.4|...|15.5|4. |13.2|19. |77. |28. | - | 81.6| XI D |6.5 |5.5|5.6|4.6|...|14.8|4.5|13.6|19.5|68.5|33. | - | 80. | XVI |7.1 |5.7|5.2|4.4|...|15.9|4. |14. |20.5|83. |39. | - | | | | | | | | | | | | | | - | 80. | XVII |6.8 |5.5|6. |4.6|...|15.6|4.4|14.6|19.9|89.5|33.5| - | 80. |XVII A |6.6 |5.3|5.2|4.3|...|14.6|4.1|13.6|19. |74. |28. | - | 89. | XVIII |6.4 |5.7|5.4|4.5|...|14.6|4.5|13.5|20.2|77. |30. | - | 80. | XIX |6.9 |6.6|5.9|4.2|...|15.5|4.3|14. |20. |85. |39.2| - | | | | | | | | | | | | | | - | 80. | XXII |7.3 |5.9|5.8|4.6|...|15.9|4.4|15.3|20.7|93. |35.5| - | 84.3| XXIV |7. |5.9|5.8|4.5|...|14.7|4.6|14.2|20.5|91.5|44. | - | 81.4| XXVI |7. |5.7|5.3|4.6|...|15.3|4.5|14.4|20.8|94.7|42.5| - | | | | | | | | | | | | | | - | 82.3| XXIX |6.8 |5.6|5.5|4.2|...|14.7|4.1|14.1|19.9|86.5|36.5| - | 81.3| XXXI |7. |5.9|5.5|4.7|...|15.3|4.7|14.2|20.9|91.5|40. | - | 81.8|XXXVIII|6.6 |5.4|4.9|4.4|...|13.7|4.3|13. |19.1|70.5|31. | - | 85. | XXXIX |6.7 |5.7|5.4|4.2|...|14.7|4.4|13.5|19.8|85. |36. | - | 90. | XLI |6.5 |5.9|5.3|4.6|...|15.1|4.1|13.4|19.5|83. |37.5| - | 80.5| XLII |6.7 |5.4|5.3|4.4|...|14. |4.2|14. |19.4|74. |33. | - | 88. | XLIII |6.7 |5.9|4.6|4.7|8.3|14.2|4. |12.9|20. |69. |32.5| - | 96. | XLIV |6.2 |6. |5.3|4.6|...|14.4|4.2|13.4|19. |70. |30. | - | | | | | | | | | | | | | | - | 91.3| XLV |6.9 |6.3|4.8|4.9|8.5|15.7|4. |14. |21. |92. |34. | - | | | | | | | | | | | | | | - | 89.2| XLVI |6.7 |6. |4.5|5. |8.3|14.9|4.2|13. |19.8|78. |26. | - | | | | | | | | | | | | | | - | 92.6| XLVII |6.8 |6.3|4.9|5.2|8.8|14.8|4.3|13. |20.4|87. |35.5| - | | | | | | | | | | | | | | - | 87.8|XLVIII |6.6 |5.8|5. |4.8|7.9|14.2|4.2|13. |19.5|79. |36.5| - | | | | | | | | | | | | | | - | 87. | XLIX |7. |6.1|4.1|4.9|8.8|13.9|4. |12.7|20.2|75. |28. | - | | | | | | | | | | | | | | - | 99.9| LIII |6.6?|6. |5. |...|...|... |...|... |... |... |... | - |111.8| LIV |5.9 |6.6|5.1|4.4|...|15.6|4.4|12.4|19.6|80. |... | - | | | | | | | | | | | | | | - | 84.5| LV |6.6 |5.6|5.6|4.1|...|15.2|4.4|14. |19.5|87.5|... | - | 87. | LVI |6.2 |5.4|4.9|4.3|...|14.6|3.8|13.3|18.5|74.5|30. | - | 81.1| LVII |6.9 |5.6|5.1|4.4|...|15.3|4.3|14. |19.7|79. |29.5| - | | | | | | | | | | | | | | - | 86.1| LVIII |6.5 |5.6|5. |4.5|...|14.7|3.8|13.2|19.2|76.5|34. | - | 84. | LIX |6.3 |5.3|5.4|4.4|...|14.3|4.2|13.5|19.2|74. |... | - | | | | | | | | | | | | | | - | 89.3| LX |6.6 |5.3|5.4|4.4|...|14. |4. |14. |19.3|76. |... | - | 80.6| LXII |6.7 |5.4|5.5|4.3|...|14.5|4.1|14. |19.3|81. |35.2| - | | | | | | | | | | | | | | - | 80.6|LXVIII |6.7 |5.4|4.9|4.7|...|14.2|4.9|13.4|19.5|77. |32. | - | 87. | ... |6.8 |5.7|5.1|4.5|...|14.6|4.2|13.9|19.5|79.5|37.1| - +-----+-------+----+---+---+---+---+----+---+----+----+----+----+ - | Forty Skulls. | - +---------------------------------------------------------------+ - - +-----+-------+----+----+---+---+-------------------------------------+ - | A. | B. | N. | O. | P. | REMARKS. | - +-----+-------+----+----+-------+-------------------------------------+ - | 80. | III |46.5|14.7| 68° |Ancient Peruvian from Lake Titicaca. | - | 83. | VI |39. |10.2| 76° |Chimuyan, Peru. | - |100. | VII |... |... | ... |Inca Peruvian Child. | - | 98. |VIII & |43. |11.4| 75° |Inca Peruvian Female from Temple of | - | | IX | | | | Sun, near Lima. | - | 98.3| XI |49.5|15.7| 81° |Inca Peruvian from Temple of the Sun.| - | 89.5| XI A |55.5|20.5| 80° |Inca Peruvian from Temple of the Sun.| - | 92. | XI B |46.5|12.2| 80° |Inca Peruvian from Temple of the Sun.| - | 98.3| XI C |49. |11.3| 80° |Inca Peruvian from Temple of the Sun.| - | 81.6| XI D |35.5|... | 75° |Inca Peruvian from Temple of the Sun.| - | 80. | XVI |44. |17.5| 72° |Ancient Mexican from Cerro de | - | | | | | | Quesilas. | - | 80. | XVII |56. |19.5| 80° |Ancient Mexican from Tacuba. | - | 80. |XVII A |46. |11.5| 77° |Mexican Indian from Pamas tribe. | - | 89. | XVIII |47. |... | 78° |From an Ancient Tomb near Mexico. | - | 80. | XIX |45.7|13.2| 71° |Chetimaches from Cemetery in St. | - | | | | | | Mary’s parish, Louisiana. | - | 80. | XXII |57.5|25. | 72° |Seminole Warrior. | - | 84.3| XXIV |47.5|18.1| 81° |Seminole. | - | 81.4| XXVI |52.2|15.6| 72° |Skull of the Chief of the Creek | - | | | | | | Indians. | - | 82.3| XXIX |50. |15.5| 79° |Menominee Female (Algonquin-Lenapé). | - | 81.3| XXXI |51.5|12.7| 82° |Ottogamie (Algonquin-Lenapé). | - | 81.8|XXXVIII|39.5|10.6| 75° |Pawnee Female from the Platte River. | - | 85. | XXXIX |49. |16.6| 77° |Dakota Warrior. | - | 90. | XLI |45.5|14.1| 77° |Osage. | - | 80.5| XLII |41. |14. | 76° |Chinouk (natural form). | - | 88. | XLIII |36.5| 9.9| 72° |Chinouk (artificially flattened). | - | 96. | XLIV |40. |... | 70° |Klalstonl of Oregon, (artificially | - | | | | | | flattened). | - | 91.3| XLV |58. |19.3| 73° |Killemook Chief. Oregon (artificially| - | | | | | | flattened). | - | 89.2| XLVI |59. | 8.7| 70° |Clalsap, Columbia River (artificially| - | | | | | | flattened). | - | 92.6| XLVII |51.5|11.2| 68° |Kalapooyah, on Oregon River | - | | | | | | (artificial). | - | 87.8|XLVIII |42.6|... | 70° |Clickitat from Columbia River | - | | | | | | (artificially flat). | - | 87. | XLIX |47. | 6.2| 66° |Cowalitek, Columbia River | - | | | | | | (artificially flattened). | - | 99.9| LIII |... |... | 78° |Grave Creek Mound. | - |111.8| LIV |... |... | 72° |From an Alabama River Mound. Supposed| - | | | | | | Natchez (flattened). | - | 84.5| LV |... |... | 80° |Skull from a Mound in Tennessee. | - | 87. | LVI |44.5|14.5| 71° |Skull from a Mound at Santa Peru. | - | 81.1| LVII |49.5|14.1| 72° |Skull from a Tumulus in the Valley of| - | | | | | | Rimac, Peru. | - | 86.1| LVIII |42.5|13.7| 74° |Mound Skull, Valley of Rimac, Peru. | - | 84. | LIX |... |... | 76° |From an Ancient Tomb at Ottumba, | - | | | | | | Mexico. | - | 89.3| LX |... |... | 77° |From Ancient Tomb, Ottumba, Mexico. | - | 80.6| LXII |45.7|18. | 76° |Skull from a Cave at Golconda, | - | | | | | | Illinois. | - | 80.6|LXVIII |45. |11.9| 72° |Arucanian Chief from Chili. | - | 87. | ... |45. |14.2|75° 31´|Mean. | - +-----+-------+----+----+-------+-------------------------------------+ - | Forty Skulls. | - +---------------------------------------------------------------------+ - -It will be observed that the widest range is found between the -proportions of the skull of the Cayuga chief 100 years old (Plate XXXV) -with a cephalic index of only 65.4, and those of some of the Peruvian -crania having a cephalic index of over 98. The supposed Natchez skull -(Plate LIV) is so artificially flattened as to exclude it from the -calculation. The mean cephalic index of each of the tables exhibits a -well-defined type of the long and the short skull respectively. The -former 74.7 and the latter 87 are both far enough removed from the -dividing line (80) to leave no doubt that the types are distinct and -separate. Additional data, materially strengthening the conclusion of -the variety of types found among American crania, has been furnished by -that eminent authority Dr. Daniel Wilson.[229] The following table of -measurements in inches is based upon his extensive researches: - -+-------+-----------------------------------+------------+----------+---------+ -|_No. of| | _Mean | _Mean | | -|Crania | |Longitudinal| Parietal |_Cephalic| -|in each| _Description of Crania._ | Diameter._ |Diameter._| Index._ | -|Class._| | | | | -+-------+-----------------------------------+------------+----------+---------+ -| 8 |Mound Crania (two from Morton, four| | | | -| | undoubtedly from the mounds) | 6.54 | 5.67 | 86.7 | -| 12 |Cave Crania | 6.62 | 5.78 | 85.7 | -| 29 |Peruvian Brachycephalic Crania | 5.97 | 5.12 | 85.7 | -| 16 |Peruvian Dolichocephalic Crania | 6.49 | 4.95 | 76.2 | -| 8 |Mexican Dolichocephalic Crania | 7.05 | 5.41 | 76.7 | -| 7 |Mexican Brachycephalic Crania | 6.56 | 5.51 | 84.0 | -| 31 |Dolichocephalic Crania of Am. | | | | -| | Indians | 7.24 | 5.47 | 75.5 | -| 22 |Brachycephalic Crania of Am. | | | | -| | Indians | 6.62 | 5.45 | 82.3 | -| 12 |Living Algonquins, Brachycephalæ | 7.25 | 6.00 | 82.7 | -| 39 |West Canadian Hurons (male) | 7.39 | 5.50 | 74.4 | -+-------+-----------------------------------+------------+----------+---------+ - -It requires no careful examination of these figures to observe that the -type of skull among the American aborigines, ancient or modern, was in -no sense constant, since among the same tribes long and short skulls -occur in almost equal numbers. This fact is especially true among the -savage Indians. Among the semi-civilized nations, however, as among the -Peruvians and Mexicans, the long and short skulls mark the successive -existence and destruction of distinct peoples having physiological -characteristics peculiar to themselves. The Peruvian elongated crania -are always found with large-boned skeletons having strong hands, while -the short or rounded crania accompany very small bones, such as were -unable to endure labor like the building of pyramids and the erection -of such edifices as are found in Peru.[230] - -It is with the utmost deference to the genius, and with full -recognition of the valuable researches of Dr. Morton, that we disagree -with his conclusions and pronounce his theory without foundation in -fact. There is no evidence furnished by the measurement of crania -that an American race, as unique in itself and distinct from the rest -of mankind, ever existed.[231] One of the most interesting studies -connected with these tables, as well as other measurements made -more recently, is the question of relationship between the various -semi-civilized peoples of the ancient period. First and most naturally -the type of the mound crania attracts attention, and calls for -comparisons with the Indian type and with that of the remarkable people -of the more southern civilization. - -The “Scioto Mound” skull figured by Dr. Davis in Plates xlvii and -xlviii of _The Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley_, was -pronounced by Dr. Morton in Dr. Meigs’ catalogue of the human crania in -the collection of the Academy of Natural Sciences of Philadelphia, as -“perhaps the most admirably formed head of the American race hitherto -discovered.” - -The most important measurements are as follows: - - Longitudinal diameter 6.5 inches. - Parietal „ 6.0 „ - Vertical „ 6.2 „ - Inter-mastoid arch 16.0 „ - Horizontal circumference 19.8 „ - ———— - Cephalic index 92.3 „ - -The chief features as pointed out by the above-named author, are: the -elevated vertex, flattened occiput, great inter-parietal diameter, -ponderous bony structure, salient nose, large jaws and broad face. -These he pronounces to be characteristics of the American cranium. Dr. -Wilson has shown that Dr. Morton has contradicted his own previous -definition of what that type is as well as the description given by -Humboldt.[232] The propriety of selecting any single cranium as typical -of the Mound-builders would be as questionable in this connection as -it was for Dr. Morton and the authors of the _Types of Mankind_ to -designate the Scioto Mound skull as a type of the American cranium. -Until within a few years but few genuine mound skulls were accessible, -and considerable suspicion was reasonably attached to the genuineness -of several, including three or four of the so-called mound skulls in -the _Crania Americana_. Recent explorations have brought to light a -large number, of unquestioned genuineness. The Peabody Museum alone -possesses 300, and of these 200 were exhumed by Prof. F. W. Putnam. - -From a number of measurements only is it possible for us to approximate -the type of the mound skull. We have already referred to the low -type skulls secured by Gen. H. W. Thomas from a mound in Dakota -Territory.[233] Unfortunately we are without measurements, but from -the description we observe that the forehead is decidedly receding, -and the orbital ridges are excessively developed. The inferior -maxillary is of unusual prominence and much more massive, as is the -entire bony structure, than in the common Indian cranium. Another -cranium of similar characteristic was exhumed from the great mound on -the River Rouge near its junction with the Detroit River, Michigan, -by Mr. Henry Gillman. From this mound several crania were taken, of -which one (though evidently adult) presented the hitherto, I think I -may say, unprecedented feature of its capacity being only fifty-six -cubic inches. The mean given by Morton and Meigs of the Indian cranium -is eighty-four cubic inches, the minimum being sixty-nine cubic -inches. This cranium, forwarded with other relics to the Peabody -Museum, presents (though in no wise deformed) the further peculiarity -of having the ridges for the attachment of the temporal muscle only -.75 of an inch apart, in this respect resembling the cranium of the -chimpanzee. It is rarely that in human crania those ridges approach -each other within a distance of two inches, while they vary from that -to four inches apart.[234] Eight crania were exhumed by Mr. Gillman -from the great mound on Rouge River, which furnished him the following -measurements: - - DIMENSIONS, ETC., OF CRANIA EXHUMED FROM THE GREAT MOUND, - RIVER ROUGE, MICHIGAN. - - KEY: - A. _Capacity (Approximate)._[235] - B. _Circumference._ - C. _Length._ - D. _Breadth._ - E. _Height._ - F. _Breadth of Frontal._ - G. _Index of Breadth._ - H. _Index of Height._ - I. _Index of Foramen Magnum._ - J. _Frontal Arch._ - K. _Parietal Arch._ - L. _Occipital Arch._ - M. _Longitudinal Arch._ - N. _Length of Frontal._ - O. _Length of Parietal._ - P. _Length of Occipital._ - Q. _Zygomatic Diameter._ - - +--------+-----+-----+----+----+----+----+----+-----+----+ - | _No._ | A. | B. | C. | D. | E. | F. | G. | H. | I. | - +--------+-----+-----+----+----+----+----+----+-----+----+ - | 1.[236]|18.65|19.00|7.30|6.00|5.35|4.02|.822| .733|.465| - | | | | | | | | | | | - | 2.[237]|18.10|19.50|7.30|5.20|5.60|3.60|.712| .767|.547| - | | | | | | | | | | | - | 3. |18.00|19.50|7.00|5.40|5.60|3.95|.777| .800|.500| - | | | | | | | | | | | - | 4. |18.47| |7.20|5.40|5.77|4.07|.763| .801|.479| - | | | | | | | | | | | - | 5.[238]|16.54|18.50|6.90|4.70|4.94|3.74|.681| .716| | - | | | | | | | | | | | - | 6.[239]|18.23|22.40|6.80|5.80|5.63|4.63|.853| .828|.397| - | | | | | | | | | | | - | 7.[240]|18.82| |7.60|5.62|5.60|4.01|.739| .736|.473| - | | | | | | | | | | | - | 8. |15.93|18.00|5.35|5.03|5.55|4.08|.940|1.037|.605| - +--------+-----+-----+----+----+----+----+----+-----+----+ - | Means. |17.84|19.48|6.93|5.40|5.50|4.01|.786| .802|.495| - +--------+-----+-----+----+----+----+----+----+-----+----+ - - +--------+-----+-----+-----+-----+----+----+----+----+ - | _No._ | J. | K. | L. | M. | N. | O. | P. | Q. | - +--------+-----+-----+-----+-----+----+----+----+----+ - | 1.[236]|12.15|12.00|11.65|14.00|5.50|4.40|4.10| | - | | | | | | | | | | - | 2.[237]|11.80|12.75|11.50|15.35|4.95|5.50|4.90|4.20| - | | | | | | | | | | - | 3. |12.65|12.20|10.30|14.60|5.00|4.75|4.85| | - | | | | | | | | | | - | 4. |12.10|12.00|11.10|13.45|4.75|5.40|4.30| | - | | | | | | | | | | - | 5.[238]|11.20|10.25|11.30|13.95|4.50|4.75|4.70|5.00| - | | | | | | | | | | - | 6.[239]|11.10|13.15|11.00|14.85|5.40|4.60|4.85|5.00| - | | | | | | | | | | - | 7.[240]|11.50| | | |5.10| | | | - | | | | | | | | | | - | 8. |11.90|12.80|11.30|13.90|4.90|4.90|4.10| | - +--------+-----+-----+-----+-----+----+----+----+----+ - | Means. |11.80|12.16|11.16|14.30|5.01|4.90|4.54|4.93| - +--------+-----+-----+-----+-----+----+----+----+----+ - -NOTE.—The fragments of a cranium, consisting chiefly of a very -retreating frontal, and presenting traits of a low and brutal -character, reminding one of the Neanderthal skull, were found -underneath the above tabulated crania. - -We observe that only three of these crania are brachycephalic, while -the remaining five, and the mean of all, fall under the class of -dolichocephalic crania, according to our classification. Mr. Gillman -would call some of them Orthocephalic, and the mean of the eight crania -giving a cephalic index of .786 and .802 as an index of height might -properly be so classified. The same gentleman exhumed from an ancient -mound on Chambers Island, Green Bay, Wisconsin, six crania, which as -to type were equally divided into long and short skulls, while the -mean cephalic index, .817, assigned them to the brachycephalic class. -The long skulls were not far removed, however, from the dividing line -between the classes (.80). The energetic and intelligent labors of -Dr. R. J. Farquharson of the Davenport, Iowa, Academy of Sciences, -has placed within our reach measurements upon twenty-five mound -crania.[241] The following are the most important measurements in -inches: - - Key: - A. CRANIA. - B. _Horizontal Circumference._ - C. _Longitudinal Diameter._ - D. _Transverse Diameter._ - E. _Internal Capacity._ - F. _Cephalic Index or Ratio of Diameter._ - - +-------------------------------------+-----+---+----+-----+----+ - | A. | B. |C. | D. | E. | F. | - +-------------------------------------+-----+---+----+-----+----+ - |Mean of Nine Crania from Albany, Ill.|19.8 |6.8|5.1 |68. |.768| - |Mean of Eleven from Rock River, Ill. |20.15|7.0|5.4 |74.48|.771| - |Mean of Four from Henry County, Ill. |19.5 |7.0|5.2 |74.47|.743| - |One from Davenport |19.5 |7.0|5.25|76.20|.752| - +-------------------------------------+-----+---+----+-----+----+ - -This table introduces a new feature into the investigation in hand; -the brachycephalic or the near approximation to the short skull is -displaced by a mean cephalic index of .758, indicating the well-marked -dolichocephalic type. The mean internal capacity 73.3 inches falls -considerably below the mean of mound crania as measured by Squier and -Davis, Wilson and others, from localities farther south. - -The mean results of Dr. Farquharson’s measurements[242] show a greater -vertical than transverse diameter, a peculiarity of most Mississippi -mound skulls, distinguishing them from Peruvian crania. In the Ohio -Valley the brachycephalic type is quite decided, though the general -features of high receding forehead, flattened occiput, and great -transverse diameter, establish their relationship to all other North -American mound crania yet discovered. Three Ohio Valley mound skulls, -as to the genuineness of which no suspicion can be entertained, -namely the Scioto Mound cranium and two crania from the Grave Creek -Mound, give the following measurements in the mean: Longitudinal -diameter, 6.5 inches; parietal diameter, 6 inches; vertical diameter, -5.5 inches, and 90.7 as their cephalic index. The mean internal -capacity, though not obtainable with any degree of accuracy, in this -instance is no doubt from eight to ten cubic inches greater than in -the Davenport crania. With the general characteristics alike, minor -differences may in most instances be attributed to artificial pressure. -A valuable collection of mound crania was made in Kentucky for the -Smithsonian Institution and the Peabody Museum, by Mr. S. S. Lyon, -and is thoroughly reliable as a basis for measurements. Professor -Wyman, in the _Fourth Annual Report of the Peabody Museum_, describes -them as follows: “The twenty-four crania measured (Table VIII) show a -mean capacity of 1313 cubic centimetres, which is greater than that -of the Peruvians, but less than that of the North American Indians -generally (viz., 1376 cubic centimetres, or 84 cubic inches). They -differ also from those of the ordinary Indians in being lighter, less -massive, in having the rough surface for muscular attachments less -strongly marked. * * * In proportions they present a very considerable -variation among themselves. Assuming the length of the skull to be -1.000, the breadth ranges from 0.712 to 0.950 of the length. The -average proportion is 0.857, which places them in the short-headed -group.” - -We have already called attention to the extensive and thorough -work performed by Professor Joseph Jones in Tennessee, the report -of which was published in 1876 by the Smithsonian Institution in a -“contribution” entitled _Explorations of the Aboriginal Remains of -Tennessee_. Professor Jones secured above a hundred mound and stone -grave crania, mostly in the valley of the Cumberland and on the banks -of the Big Harpeth River. Some of the skeletons accompanying these -crania were of gigantic stature, a fact which is at variance with -the opinion that they were related to the diminutive race of Inca -Peruvians.[243] On the contrary, however, a strong argument for the -relationship between the Mound-builders and the Peruvians is found in -the frequent occurrence of the Inca-bone (_os inca_) so-called, on the -mound crania.[244] Mr. Henry Gillman found this same bone in one of the -crania exhumed by him from the great mound of Rouge River, Michigan, -with a disposition to its formation in several others.[245] Professor -Jones is convinced of the unity of the mound race throughout the entire -Mississippi Basin. The following table of measurements, published in -the _Antiquities of Tennessee_, is one of the most valuable which has -yet been prepared: - - Key: - A. _Number of Cranium._ - B. _Facial Angle in Degrees._ - C. _Internal Capacity in Cubic Inches._ - D. _Longitudinal Diameter in Inches._ - E. _Parietal Diameter._ - F. _Frontal Diameter._ - G. _Vertical Diameter._ - H. _Inter-Mastoid Arch._ - I. _Inter-Mastoid Line._ - J. _Occipito-Frontal Arch._ - K. _Horizontal Periphery._ - L. _Diameter of Head and Face._ - M. _Zygomatic Diameter._ - - +----+----+------+----+----+----+----+----+----+-----+----+----+----+ - | A. | B. | C. | D. | E. | F. | G. | H. | I. | J. | K. | L. | M. | - +----+----+------+----+----+----+----+----+----+-----+----+----+----+ - | 1 |76.5| 75. | 6.3|5.4 |4.3 |5.5 |15. |5. |13.5 |19. | 7.5| 5.1| - | 2 |80. | 78. | 6. |5.6 |4.4 |5.4 |14.6|5.1 |13.2 |18.9| 7.2| 5.2| - | 3 |75. | 78. | 6.1|5.7 |4.3 |5.6 |15. |5.2 |13. |19. | 7.3| 5.3| - | 4 | | 82. | 6.2|5.7 |4.1 |5.5 |15.2|5.4 |14. |19. | | 5.2| - | 5 |77. | 84. | 6.5|5.8 |4.4 |5.8 |15.5|5.2 |14.3 |19.9| 7.4| 5.3| - | 6 |76. | 68. | 6.4|4.9 |3.9 |5.5 |13.9|4.5 |13.8 |18.2| 7.1| 4.6| - | 7 |81. |103. | 7. |5.9 |4.8 |6.4 |16.8|5.3 |15.7 |20.8| 7.8| 5.5| - | 8 |80. | 80. | 6.6|5.6 |4.3 |5.5 |15. |4.6 |13.8 |19.3| 7.2| 5.2| - | 9 |78. | 79. | 7. |5.2 |3.9 |5.8 |14.7|4.6 |15.2 |19.5| 7.4| 5. | - | 10 |81. | 76. | 6.3|6. |4.4 |5.4 |15.7|4.6 |13.8 |19.4| 6.8| 5.3| - | 11 |80. | 90. | 6.9|5.6 |4.3 |6. |15.7|4.8 |14.8 |20.3| 7.6| 5.5| - | 12 |77. | 80. | 6.8|5.2 |4.1 |5.8 |15. |4.7 |14.4 |19.5| 7.8| 5.2| - | 13 |82. | 81. | 6.9|5.5 |4.3 |5.7 |15. |4.8 |14. |19.6| 7.8| 5. | - | 14 | | 92. | 6.1|6.4 |4.4 |6. |16.5|5.4 |13.8 |19.8| | | - | 15 | | 79. | 6.1|5.8 |4.6 |5.5 |15. |4.8 |13.4 |18.9| | | - | 16 | | | 7.2|5.7 |4.6 |5.9 |16. |4.6 |15.2 |20.8| | | - | 17 | | | 6.1|5.5 |4.1 |4.5 |14. | |13.6 |19. | | | - | 18 | | | 6.5|5.8 |4.5 |4.6 |15. | | |19.4| | | - | 19 |82. | 79.2 | 6.7|5.5 |4.2 |5.5 |15. |4.4 |13.5 |19.1| 7.8| 5.2| - | 20 |75. | 81.4 | 6.5|5.7 |4. |5.6 |14.4|5. |13.3 |19.2| 7.1| 5.3| - | 21 |82. | 80.5 | 6.4|5.9 |4.6 |5.7 |15. |4.9 |14. |19. | 7.3| 5.4| - |Max.|82. |103. | 7.2|6.4 |4.8 |6.4 |16.8|5.4 |15.7 |20.8| 7.8| 5.5| - |Min.|75. | 68. | 6. |4.9 |3.9 |4.5 |13.9|4.4 |13. |18.2| 6.8| 4.6| - |Mean|78.8| 81.44| 6.5|5.68|4.21|5.56|15.0|4.57|13.88|19.8| 7.4| 5.2| - +----+----+------+----+----+----+----+----+----+-----+----+----+----+ - - The most noticeable feature in the table aside from the mean cephalic -index .874 is the great internal capacity of cranium No. 7, which was -found in a stone grave in a mound near Nashville, with a skeleton over -six feet long. The occiput is but slightly flattened, and the general -contour of the head is symmetrically oval. Morton gives as the mean -internal capacity of fifty-two Caucasian skulls 87 cubic inches; the -largest of the series measured 109 cubic inches, and the smallest 75 -cubic inches. This remarkable cranium gives an internal capacity of 103 -cubic inches, vastly above the mean European skull, and only falling -six cubic inches below the largest measured by Morton. As we observed -a considerable increase in capacity in the Scioto Mound cranium, -with its ninety cubic inches, over the crania of the north-west and -north, of Michigan and Davenport, so here a most remarkable advance -upon the capacity of the Scioto cranium is presented. The evidence of -considerable development in the size of the cranium in this same race -is clear; and taken with other testimony, such as the great improvement -in art and architecture, indicates probably a movement from north to -south, and that the mound race was older in the former region than in -the latter. - -In September, 1877, Prof. F. W. Putnam and Mr. Edwin Curtiss exhumed -sixty-seven crania from stone graves located in the neighborhood of -Nashville, Tennessee. These crania were measured by Miss Jennie Smith -and Mr. Lucian Carr, and the latter has tabulated and described them in -the _Eleventh Annual Report of the Peabody Museum_ (pp. 361 _et seq._, -Cambridge, 1878). As some interesting features occur in the tables, -we insert here Mr. Carr’s mean measurements. It will be observed that -the classification in this instance is threefold, besides the distinct -position assigned to the “much flattened” crania. - -MEAN MEASUREMENTS OF SIXTY-SEVEN CRANIA FROM STONE GRAVES IN TENNESSEE. - - Key: - A. _Number of Crania._ - B. _Capacity._ - C. _Length._ - D. _Breadth._ - E. _Height._ - F. _Index of Breadth._ - G. _Index of Height._ - H. _Width of Frontal._ - I. _Index of Breadth._ - - +-+--------------+--+----+---+---+---+----+----+--+---------------+ - | | |A.| B. |C. |D. |E. | F. | G. |H.| G. | - +-+--------------+--+----+---+---+---+----+----+--+---------------+ - | | | | 2 | 5 | 5 | 3 | | | 5| | - |1|Dolichocephali| 5|1325|184|132|142|.716|.775|94|.730 and under.| - | | | | 6 | 18| 16| 11| | |18| | - |2|Orthocephali |18|1346|172|134|141|.775|.819|89|.740 @ .800 | - | | | | 15 | 29| 28| 18| | |29| | - |3|Brachycephali |29|1284|165|141|142|.856|.865|90|.800 @ .900 | - | | | | 7 | 15| 15| 8 | | |15| | - |4|Much Flattened|15|1461|156|152|145|.973|.907|93|.900 and over. | - +-+--------------+--+----+---+---+---+----+----+--+---------------+ - -Mr. Carr calls attention to the fact that while the classified crania -as a whole are brachycephali, still from twenty-three to thirty-three -per cent. of the whole cannot be considered as falling within that -group. Whether the five dolichocephali in the table belonged to the -same race cannot be determined. They were buried together, for Prof. -Putnam found a long and a short skull side by side in the same grave. -Mr. A. J. Conant (see _Commonwealth of Missouri_, St. Louis, 1877, 8vo, -pp. 106–7) discovered in a mound in South-eastern Missouri two crania -belonging to skeletons buried in regular order, with a large number of -other skeletons at the bottom of the mound, which differed strangely -from all others found in that locality. The forehead was entirely -wanting, and the contour of the top of one of the skulls was almost -flat. It closely resembles the Neanderthal skull. Mr. Conant thought -it at first to be an intrusive burial, but careful examination proved -it to have been placed in position before the building of the mound, -and to have been interred with as much care as was bestowed upon any of -the other occupants of the mound. Vases, drinking vessels and food-pans -accompanied it as they did all the other skeletons. - -Mr. Carr thinks such crania as he has pointed out belonged to -individuals who were conquered in war, or adopted or introduced into -the tribe by intermarriage. Mr. Conant considers that the low type -cranium which he discovered belonged to a very ancient race, the -predecessors of the Mound-builders, and not far removed from the -palæolithic races of Europe. - -The mound skulls are readily distinguishable from those of the Red -Indian. Only in the Davenport crania and the five dolichocephali -from Tennessee do we see any approximation as to form. However, the -remaining characteristics of the Davenport crania establish the fact -that they belonged to people of the mounds. In our classification of -Dr. Morton’s measurements, it will be observed that only two _supposed_ -mound skulls appear among the dolichocephali (long skulls, A), and -too much doubt is attached to their genuineness to admit of their use -in drawing inferences. All the remainder belong to the savage tribes -except three Peruvians of the ancient race of the region of Titicaca. -In the table of brachycephali but few of the savage tribes are -represented, except those which practice artificial compression to the -extent of deformity. The mound skull as compared with the Inca Peruvian -presents few resemblances, except that both generally belong to the -brachycephalic class, and the singular and important fact already -mentioned that the Inca bone has been found in North American mound -crania. It is possible that when more extensive research is made, this -distinguishing feature may lead to the conclusion that the races were -one or closely related. On the other hand, the massive bony structure -of some of the mound crania does not correspond with the facial bones -of the Inca crania, which are very light and delicate. Prof. Wilson -has pointed out the additional fact that the vertical diameter of the -Peruvian short crania is not so great as that of the mound and Mexican -short skulls, but a reference to the Professor’s own tables shows that -the mean difference amounts only to thirty-seven-hundredths of an inch, -altogether too small a variation to serve as the basis for ethnic -generalizations.[246] Few if any similarities can be traced between -the dolichocephali of Peru and the brachycephalic Mound-builders, the -only resemblances being the heavy bony structure possessed in common -by both races. The crania of the dolichocephali of Peru are pronounced -of a Mongol cast and form, and are in every respect unlike the mound -crania. Turning our attention, however, to the ancient Mexican crania, -we find, so far as we are able to judge from the limited number -of skulls which have come into the possession of ethnologists, a -parallelism in measurements and resemblance in the various distinctive -features, such as flattened occiput, broad transverse diameter, -retreating forehead, strong bony structure, and a remarkable agreement -in vertical diameter with those of the mounds of the Mississippi Basin, -which point unmistakably to the closest relationship. Seven Mexican -brachycephali measured by Prof. Wilson in the Boston and Philadelphia -collections previously referred to, gave a mean vertical diameter -of 5.55 inches.[247] Four Mound-builder crania measured by the same -investigation gave precisely the same result, while the remaining -measurements varied from each other but slightly. In confirmation of -this result it is worthy of notice that the mean vertical diameter of -the twenty-one mound and stone grave crania from Tennessee varied from -that of the Mexican crania by only one one-hundredth of an inch (5.56). - -When Dr. Morton began his investigations, he was disposed to recognize -the existence of distinct races, represented by the dolichocephalic -and brachycephalic crania of Peru.[248] But in later years, and at -a period subsequent to the issue of his justly celebrated work, -he concluded that the Peruvian elongated head was the product of -artificial compression and not the distinguishing mark of an ancient -race which long antedated the Incas.[249] Prof. Wilson has thoroughly -discussed this subject, and from a series of investigations, conducted -on a much more extensive scale than those of Dr. Morton, he has -shown conclusively that the distinguished craniologist was quite -mistaken as to the facts upon which he based his later views.[250] -Much valuable information was afforded Prof. Wilson by the researches -and collections of John H. Blake, Esq., made during that gentleman’s -residence in Peru, as well as the extensive collection of Dr. J. C. -Warren of Boston. Prof. Wilson points out the essential difference -between the compressed and the naturally dolichocephalic cranium in -these words: “Few who have had extensive opportunities of minutely -examining and comparing normal and artificially formed crania, will, -I think, be prepared to dispute the fact that the latter are rarely, -if ever, symmetrical. The application of pressure on the head of the -living child can easily be made to change its natural contour, but it -cannot give to its artificial proportions that harmonious repetition -of corresponding developments on opposite sides which may be assumed -as the normal condition of the unmodified cranium. But in so extreme -a case as the conversion of a brachycephalic head averaging about 6.3 -inches longitudinal diameter by 5.3 inches parietal diameter into a -dolichocephalic head of 7.3 by 4.9 inches diameter, the retention -of anything like the normal symmetrical proportions is impossible. -Yet the dolichocephalic Peruvian crania present no such abnormal -irregularities as could give plausibility to the theory of their form -being an artificial one, while peculiarities in the facial proportions -confirm the idea that it is of ethnic origin and not the product -of deformation.” Besides these differences there are peculiarities -of a structural nature sufficient in themselves to distinguish the -Peruvian long from the short crania. The former is small, narrow and -decidedly long; the forehead is low and retreating, and two-thirds -of the brain-cavity lies behind the occipital foramen. The superior -maxillary is protruding and holds the incisor teeth obliquely. The -weight of the bony structure also exceeds that in the brachycephalic. -Though both classes are found artificially compressed, yet they are -always distinguishable from each other. One of the best illustrations -of this fact, and one already used by Prof. Wilson, is afforded in -contrasting two dolichocephalic crania, both obtained by Mr. Blake -in his explorations of the ancient cemeteries of Arica and Atacama. -Both are evidently of children; one is in its normal condition, -symmetrical, and when viewed from above presents the outlines of a -graceful oval form, while the other was subjected to such compression -as to throw the volume of the brain backward and to greatly deform the -frontal bone.[251] A slight tendency to assume the dog-shaped head of -the Chinooks of the Columbia River is manifest, where deformation is -carried to such an extent as to produce monstrosities. However, even -then, the normal brachycephalic type of skull of the Chinooks is not -transformed to the dolichocephalic, since the base of the cranium -remains comparatively unaffected while distension takes place in a -posterior and upward direction. Mr. Squier in his _Peru_ (p. 580, -Appendix), has shown that circular compression produces a symmetrical -effect in the same direction. - -The custom of artificially flattening the head has, upon investigation, -been shown not to be peculiar alone to the aborigines of America, -but to have been practised by many of the semi-civilized peoples of -antiquity in different parts of Europe and Asia. Hippocrates, in -his treatise _De Aëre, Aquis, et Locis_, has described this savage -practice among a people whom he calls _Machrocephali_, supposed to have -inhabited the region near the Palus Mæotis, in the vicinity of the -Caucasus. He says, “The custom stood thus: as soon as the child was -born, they immediately fashioned its soft and tender head with their -hands, and by the use of bandages and proper arts, forced it to grow -lengthwise, by which the spherical figure of the head was prevented -and the length increased.” Strabo refers to a people occupying a -portion of Western Asia, who were addicted to the same custom and -had foreheads projecting beyond their beards.[252] Pliny places them -in Asia Minor,[253] while Pomponius Mela places the Machrocephali on -the Bosphorus.[254] Blumenbach has figured in his first decade, a -compressed skull obtained by him from Russia and probably originally -from one of the tumuli of the Crimean Bosphorus, where it is supposed -to have been exhumed during the Russian occupation. In 1843, Rathke -figured and described in Müller’s _Archiv für Anatomie_, another -example of the compressed human crania, obtained from an ancient -grave near Kertsch in the Crimea. In 1820, Count August von Brenner -obtained on his estate at Fuersbrunn near Grafenegg in Austria, a -skull of similar characteristics. This was, upon examination, decided -to have belonged to an Avarian Hun. Prof. Retzius described it in -the _Proceedings of the Royal Academy of Sciences of Stockholm in -1844_, adducing arguments to strengthen that supposition. Dr. Tschudi, -however, conceived the idea that it might have been a Peruvian skull -which had been brought to Europe as a curiosity during the reign of -Charles V. and afterwards thrown aside. His communication appeared in -Müller’s _Archiv für Anatomie_. The opinion of the learned traveller -was, however, subsequently reversed by the discovery at Atzgersdorf, -near Vienna, of another and similar cranium. More recently others have -come to light at the Village of St. Roman in Savoy, and in the Valley -of the Doubs near Mandense. Dr. Fitzinger has probably investigated -this subject with more thoroughness than any other writer, and has -shown in his articles in the _Transactions of the Imperial Academy of -Vienna_, that this custom was native to the Scythian region in the -vicinity of the Mœtian Moor, and prevailed in the Caucasus and along -the shores of the Black and Caspian seas and the Bosphorus. Among the -most interesting relics cited as sustaining his views is an ancient -medal struck in commemoration of the destruction of Aquileia by Attila -the Hun in A. D. 452, and bearing the bust of that “Scourge of God.” -The head represented in profile is of precisely the same shape as those -of the other Avir skulls, having a flattened form in a vertical and -oblique direction. Thierry in his _Attila_ has traced the origin of -the custom of flattening the skull, to the Huns, who, descending from -their home upon the steppes of Northern Asia, left their remains upon -many a field in Europe. One of these deformed skulls was discovered in -1856 by J. Hudson Barclay, in a large cavern near the Damascus Gate -at Jerusalem. The skeleton was of unusually large size and decayed, -but the skull, which was pretty well-preserved, was brought to this -country and is preserved in the collection of the Academy of Natural -Sciences of Philadelphia.[255] Dr. J. Atkinson Meigs concluded, upon -careful examination, that its occiput had been flattened by pressure -during childhood. The testimony of Dr. Tschudi, rendered undesignedly, -amounts to the best of evidence of the transition of this custom from -the eastern shores of Asia to Peru, and this isolated instance has been -strengthened beyond question or doubt by the abundant proof which has -been brought to light since attention was directed to the subject.[256] - -In referring to the methods by which artificial compression was -brought about in America, Prof. Wilson remarks: “Trifling as it may -appear, it is not without interest to have the fact brought under our -notice by the disclosures of ancient barrows and cysts, that the same -practice of nursing the child and carrying it about, bound to a flat -cradle-board, prevailed in Britain and the North of Europe long before -the first notices of written history reveal the presence of man beyond -the Baltic or the English Channel, and that in all probability the -same custom prevailed continuously from the shores of the German Ocean -to Behring Straits.”[257] Dr. L. A. Gosse testifies to the prevalence -of the same custom among the Caledonians and Scandinavians of the -earliest times,[258] and Dr. Thurman has treated the same peculiarity -of the early Anglo-Saxon.[259] It is a matter of no little surprise -to the inquirer in this field to learn that this system of skull -distortion introduced into Southern Europe by the Asiatic hordes which -overran it in the fifth century has been perpetuated, though somewhat -modified, and at present is in vogue in the south of France.[260] The -distinguished Dr. Foville, in charge of the Asylum for Insane in the -Department Seine-Inférieure and Charenton, has figured this process in -his work on the _Anatomy of the Nervous System_, as well as a number -of skulls which have striking Peruvian resemblances. The artificial -form in this case is produced by the use of peculiar head-dresses -or bandages.[261] The Egyptians placed a pillow under the neck and -not for the head; hence the elongated crania characteristic of the -race, and it is not a little remarkable that the Feejee Islanders -have the same custom at the present day. The Kankas of the Sandwich -Islands produce the flattened occiput by supporting the infant’s head -always in the palm of the hand.[262] The South Sea Islanders have a -flattened occiput, as Pickering describes it, projecting but slightly -beyond the line of the neck.[263] Prof. Wilson comments upon this fact -as follows: “Traces of purposed deformation of the head among the -islanders of the Pacific, have an additional interest in their relation -to one possible source of the South American population by Oceanic -migration, suggested by philological and other independent evidence. -But for our present purpose the peculiar value of these modified skulls -lies in the disclosures of influences operating alike undesignedly, -and with a well-defined purpose, in producing the very same cranial -conformation among races occupying the British Islands in ages long -anterior to earliest history, and among the savage tribes of America -and the simple islanders of the Pacific in the present day.”[264] It -is a well-known fact that flattening the skull has prevailed from the -earliest times in most parts of the American Continent, especially on -the Pacific coast. From the extreme north to Southern Peru, flattening -the skulls was regarded as an artistic improvement on nature and was -practised with a maternal solicitude, if we judge from the customs -of the modern Chinooks, deserving of a higher aim. More centrally -and toward the Atlantic border the custom was not so carefully and -generally practised, unless we may except the case of the Natchez, who -carried it to almost the extreme reached at present by the Columbia -River tribes. The object of this strange transformation is believed -to have been twofold, “to give,” as Torquemada supposes, in referring -to the Peruvians, “a fierce appearance in war,” and to obtain the -mark of a royal and dominant race, a fashion which seems to have -been transmitted without a variation, from its Mongol source. The -Chinooks consider it the mark of superiority, and will not permit the -tribes subject to them to practise it. Mr. Paul Cane, has illustrated -this subject with drawings made during his visit to the Columbia -and Vancouver’s Island, while Dr. Pickering, Mr. Hale and others, -have described the hideous and beastly aspect of the singular people -practising the deformation. Skull flattening among the American tribes -may be classified as intentional and unintentional. To the class of -intentionally flattened skulls we may assign those of the twenty or -more tribes of the North-west coast, the Natchez, the ancient Mayas, -the Peruvians, and some of the more central and eastern South American -tribes. The North-western flatheads subject the head of a child during -the first eight or ten months of its life to pressure produced by means -of a cradle or cradle-board, provided with a board which rests upon -the forehead and tied down upon it by means of cords extending to the -foot of the cradle, while the other end is connected to the head of the -cradle with a hingelike attachment. - -[Illustration: Chinooks (Flat-heads), After Catlin.] - -The Natchez produced the artificial form by bandaging the infant’s head -to a well-cushioned cradle-board by means of strips of deer-skin.[265] -The Caribs bandaged the head with pieces of wool, and gave it a very -quadrangular shape. The Choctaws produced artificial compression by -means of a bag of sand.[266] The unintentional flattening of the -skull arose from the quite general use of the cradle-board without -any board for pressure, or the custom common among many American -tribes of the mother suckling the child over her shoulder, a practice -widely prevalent in Africa and among savage nations. In the former -instance it is but reasonable to suppose that the form of a tender and -pliable skull would be modified more or less by the shape of the hard -cradle-board, and by the position in which it was placed upon its rest. -This fact accounts for the slight occipital compression of the mound -skulls and also for the irregularity of the flattening in many cases. -The latter process, that of nursing the child from its position on the -shoulder or back would no doubt subject the head to a slight pressure, -perhaps in most cases in a lateral direction. - -The general prevalence of the unnatural custom of flattening the skull -on the eastern border-land of Europe and among the numerous tribes of -the western coast of America, together with its presence in Polynesia -as a connecting link, we think justifies us in concluding that it -originated among the wild hordes of the northern steppes of Asia, from -which centre it spread in lines of radiation until it reached the -remote localities in which recent research has found it.[267] This fact -is suggestive of a remote intercourse between peoples separated by seas -and mountains, if it does not serve as an argument for the unity and -common origin of the human family. - -A careful examination of the remains of the pre-historic races other -than the measurement of crania has contributed largely to our fund of -information concerning their life and habits. Science has rendered us -pretty familiar with some of the diseases to which they were subject. -Dr. Farquharson has described a singular manifestation of disease of -the cervical vertebræ, shown in a peculiar roughening of the articular -surfaces, and also by a true or bony anchylosis of these points. He -concludes that the people of the mounds must have been possessed of a -considerable degree of civilization and facilities for the care of the -sick during a long period, in order to have effected the cure which -the condition of the bones indicate had taken place.[268] One of the -most alarming discoveries, however, is that which apparently shows -the general prevalence of syphilis. That this loathsome disease was -common among the various tribes of Equinoctial America is attested to -by the discoverers and their successors, and has been much commented -upon, and held by some authors to have been of American origin. The -most recent supporter of this view is Professor Jones, to whom we have -already referred.[269] He found in most of the mounds which he explored -in Tennessee bones bearing syphilitic nodes, and believes them to be -the oldest traces of the disease in existence. Dr. Farquharson made -similar discoveries in the Iowa and Illinois mounds. Prof. Putnam, -however, attributes the nodes to other diseases. That flattening of the -leg-bone or tibia, peculiar to pre-historic man in Europe, and perhaps -the result of rugged exertion in climbing mountains and traversing -the country with that rapidity which the chase required where the -horse is wanting, is more noticeable in the remains of some of the -Mound-builders than in any other people. This peculiarity of the tibia -called platycnemism, is probably a provision of nature, securing a -firmer and better defined process upon which the muscles of the leg -could fasten themselves, and its prominence among the people of the -mounds indicates the possession of great pedestrian powers.[270] - -The singular custom of perforating the skull after death (and possibly -during life) is shown to have been in vogue by the discovery of a -number of crania at the River Rouge Mound in Michigan with artificial -apertures. No light as yet has been thrown upon the significance -of this strange practice.[271] The nearest approach to the natural -condition and characteristic physiognomy of the pre-historic -inhabitants of this continent, is observable in the Peruvian mummies -collected in latitude 18° 30´ S., on the shore of the Bay of Chacota, -near Arica, by Mr. Blake, and transferred by him to Boston. Many -others have since been exhumed, and though embalmed and buried in a -climate which preserves the brightest colors of the garments with -which they were enshrouded, still the shrivelled condition of the -corpses furnishes us the assurance that their type of features can -never be truly recovered from nature. Dr. Morton has figured the head -of one of these mummies in Plate I of the _Crania Americana_, from -which the physiognomy may be partially restored by the aid of a vivid -imagination. Notwithstanding the temptation which presents itself, and -one which has been sufficiently indulged already, it would certainly -be idle to speculate as to what that type might have been. However, -one feature of the Peruvian mummies has been preserved true to life, -and is of the greatest value in determining ethnic relations. The -silicious sand and marl of the plain southward of Arica, where the -most remarkable cemeteries are situated, is slightly impregnated with -common salt as well as nitrate and sulphate of soda. These conditions, -together with the dry atmosphere rivalling that of Egypt, and in which -fleshy matter dries without putrefaction, the human hair has been -perfectly preserved, and comes to us as one of the best evidences of -the diversity of the American races yet produced. In general it is a -lightish brown, and of a fineness of texture which equals that of the -Anglo-Saxon race.[272] Straight, coarse, black hair is universally -characteristic of the Red Indians, and is known to be one of the last -marks of race to disappear in intermarriage with Europeans. The ancient -Peruvians appear, from numerous examples of hair found in their tombs, -to have been an auburn-haired race. Garcilasso, who had an opportunity -of seeing the body of the king Viracocha, describes the hair of that -monarch as snow-white.[273] Haywood has described the discovery at -the beginning of this century of three mummies in a cave on the south -side of the Cumberland River, near the dividing line of Smith and -Wilson Counties in Tennessee. They were buried in baskets, as Humboldt -has described some of the Peruvians to bury, and the color of their -skin was said to be fair and white, and their hair auburn and of a -fine texture.[274] The same author refers to several instances of the -discovery of mummies in the limestone and saltpetre caves of Tennessee -with light yellowish hair.[275] Prof. Jones supposes that the light -color of these so-called mummies of Tennessee and Kentucky was due to -the action of lime and saltpetre.[276] - -We have every reason to believe that the men of the mounds were -capable of executing in sculptures reliable representations of -animate objects. The perfection of the stone carvings, as well as the -terra-cotta moulded figures of animals and birds obtained from the -mounds, have excited the wonder and admiration of their discoverers. -It was evidently a favorite pastime for those primitive artists to -reproduce the human features, for effigies and masks have often been -exhumed together with other sculptures. The perfection of the animal -representations furnish us the assurance that their sculptures of the -human face were equally true to nature.[277] The accompanying figures -of sculpture and masks together with those found in the sculpture -of the Mayas and Nahuas, shown in a future chapter, furnish us with -a twofold argument: first, that an American type of physiognomy as -such did not exist; that, upon the contrary, it was as variable -and diversified as can now be found among the peoples of Europe or -elsewhere; second, that a strong resemblance between some of the -sculptures of the mounds and those of Mexico exist. It is a remarkable -fact that those of Palenque furnish the most striking likeness to -those of the Mississippi Valley.[278] There is, perhaps, no means of -ascertaining of what color the pre-historic Americans were, certainly -not of the Mound-builders; but judging from the great variety of tints -and shades that prevail among the wild tribes of North America alone, -we may conclude that no argument in favor of an _American_ race can be -based upon color.[279] - -[Illustration: Mound Sculptures: upper left-hand figure from a -shell-heap near Mobile, Ala., the others from Tennessee mounds.] - -The Menominees, sometimes called the “White Indians,” formerly occupied -the region bordering on Lake Michigan, around Green Bay. The whiteness -of these Indians, which is compared to that of white mulattoes, early -attracted the attention of the Jesuit missionaries, and has often been -commented upon by travellers.[280] While it is true that hybridity -has done much to lighten the color of many of the tribes, still the -peculiarity of the complexion of this people has been marked from the -first time a European encountered them. Almost every shade, from the -ash color of the Menominees, through the cinnamon red, copper and -bronze tints, may be found among the tribes formerly occupying the -territory east of the Mississippi—the remnants of some of which are now -in the Indian Territory and others in the North-west—until we reach -the dark-skinned Kaws of Kansas, who are nearly as black as the negro. -The Indians in Mexico are known as the “black people,” an appellation -designed to be descriptive of their color. Viollet le Duc is of the -opinion that the builders of the great remains in Southern Mexico -and Yucatan belonged to two different branches of the human family, -a light-skinned and dark-skinned race respectively.[281] The variety -of complexion is as great in South America as among the tribes of the -northern portion of the continent. - -Probably one of the most incontrovertible arguments against American -ethnic unity is that which rests upon the unparalleled diversity of -language which meets the philologist everywhere. The monosyllable and -the most remarkable polysyllables known to the linguist; synthetic and -analytic families of speech, simplicity and complexity of expression, -all seem to have sprung up and developed into permanent and in some -cases beautiful and grammatical systems side by side with each other -until the Babel of the Pentateuch is realized in the indescribable -confusion of tongues. The actual number of American languages and -dialects is as yet unascertained, but is estimated at nearly thirteen -hundred, six hundred of which Mr. Bancroft has classified in his -third volume of the _Native Races of the Pacific States_. It is true -that the American languages present a few features quite peculiar to -themselves (which will be treated hereafter), but as language is never -constant, is not a pyramid with its unchanging architectural plan, but -is a plant which passes through such transitions in the process of its -growth as to lose entirely some of the elements which it possessed -at first, so we may as reasonably expect that in the course of time -certain peculiarities incident to certain climatic conditions, certain -phases of nature and certain types of civilization, should develop -themselves as distinguishing features of the speech of the continent. -The very fact that language is unstable—is a matter of growth—renders -the argument that these peculiarities indicate unity of the American -race valueless; while, on the other hand, the fact that here we have -a greater number and variety of languages than is to be found in any -of the other grand divisions of the earth, is strong evidence of a -diversity more radical than that which simply arises from tribal -affiliations. In view of the wide differences existing between the -native Americans themselves in every feature which admits of being -subjected to a scientific test, we are forced to the conclusion, solely -resting on the evidence in the case, that the theory of American ethnic -unity is a delusion, an infatuating theory which served only to blind -its advocates as to the plain facts, and led them into grave errors -which will become all the more palpable as scientific investigation -progresses. - -As yet no substantial reason for considering the ancient occupant -of this continent as peculiar in himself, and as unlike the rest -of mankind, has been set forth. Nothing in the American’s physical -organization points to an origin different from that to which each -of the species of the _genus homo_ may be assigned. Whatever truth -there may be in the diverse origin of the black and white race, the -separate creation theory, in so far as it maintains that the Creator -originated upon the soil of this continent a peculiar and separate -race of men, must in the eyes of this age of criticism lack evidence, -and be assigned to its place with thousands of others which from time -immemorial have been contributing to the construction of a foundation -reef which will ultimately rise like a bold headland above the dark -waters of uncertainty into the realm of truth. - -A few students of American Anthropology have solved the question of -the origin of the ancient population upon the hypothesis of its having -developed from a lower order in the animal kingdom, itself indigenous -to the Western Continent. One of the most distinguished representatives -of this school, perhaps, is Frederick von Hellwald of Vienna, who -states his views as follows: “I am unable to give in my adhesion to the -theory which assumes that the original seat of the human races must be -sought in higher Asia or somewhere else, whence mankind are supposed to -have spread themselves gradually over the whole globe; an assumption -which is contradicted in the most decisive manner by the peopling of -the new world. It is impossible to enter here into all the hypotheses -which have been framed for the explanation of a fact so perplexing to -the Biblical students of the sixteenth century, and of course later -times; it is enough to say that thus far not one of them have been -found to correspond even approximately to the demands of science, and -that theory is probably in every point of view the most tenable and -exact which assumes that man, like the plant, a mundane being, made -his appearance generally upon earth when our planet had reached that -stage of its development which unites in itself the conditions of man’s -existence. In conformity with this view, I regard the American as an -Autochthon.”[282] This subject resolves itself into two questions: -(1) Is the origin of the human race by the processes of development -from a lower order of animal an ascertained fact? (2) If so, does -the American continent furnish any species of ape or any known fauna -from which man could have developed? It is taken for granted that -the reader is fully familiar with Darwinism (the origin of species -by means of natural selection, the joint result of the independent -researches of Darwin and Wallace) and Lamarckism (the theory of man’s -descent from the ape),[283] both of which have been so enthusiastically -advocated by Spencer, Huxley, Hæckel and many others. Their works and -the magnificent array of facts which their patient researches have -accumulated command our admiration, even if full assent cannot be given -to all their conclusions. - -The first question: _Is the origin of the human race by the processes -of development from a lower order of animal an ascertained fact?_ -would at first seem to require a lengthy discussion at our hands. But -in a special work on a subject altogether foreign to the question, -such a discussion would certainly be out of place. Even if this were -not true, the above question as stated requires no discussion. We -believe that no advocate of the hypothesis of evolution could be found -so sanguine or so unguarded, who would come forward and answer the -question in the affirmative. On the contrary, we believe the question -would call forth an honest negative from the great body of scientists -who hold to the hypothesis of evolution. Obstinacy alone could deny -that the groups of facts which have been brought to our knowledge, the -occasional well-marked transitional forms[284] which are turning up, -the unquestionable tendency in species to vary, and possibly of their -varieties slowly to form new species under modified surroundings, -point to a principle, a law in nature, which may be characterized -as the law of development or evolution. But on the other hand, the -hypothesis that such a law exists, or, if you please, the fact that it -exists, does not imply that it is _universal in its application_ or -that it has _extended through all the realm of nature_. Indeed, pure -justice to the advocates of the hypothesis requires the statement that -they have never made such a claim.[285] The fact that such eminent -scientists as Mivart and Wallace deny the development of man from a -lower order, is sufficient evidence that the hypothesis in its widest -bearing is not accepted by all, much less is an ascertained “fact.” -It appears, therefore, that the first question being unsettled, and -as yet incapable of solution, the argument turns upon the second -question: _Does the American Continent furnish any species of ape or -any known fauna from which man could have developed?_ Before answering -the question in the light of present knowledge, it will be of interest -to note the reply made by the late Professor Joseph Henry to the view -of Frederick von Hellwald, quoted on a preceding page. His estimate of -the probabilities of man developing from the lower orders of animals -in more than one locality on the globe is expressed as follows: -“The spontaneous generation of either plants or animals, although a -legitimate subject of scientific inquiry, is as yet an unverified -hypothesis. If, however, we assume the fact that a living being will -be spontaneously produced when all the physical conditions necessary -to its existence are present, we must allow that in the case of man, -with his complex and refined organization, the fortuitous assembly of -the multiform conditions required for his appearance would be extremely -rare, and from the doctrine of probabilities could scarcely occur more -than at one time and in one place on our planet; and further, that -this place would most probably be somewhere in the northern temperate -zone. Again, the Caucasian variety of man presents the highest physical -development of the human family; and as we depart either to the north -or south, from the latitude assumed as the origin of the human race -in Asia, we meet with a lower and lower type until at the north we -encounter the Esquimaux, and at the south the Bosjesman and the Tierra -Fuegian. The derivation of these varieties from the original stock -is philosophically explained on the principle of the variety in the -offspring of the same parents, and the better adaptation and consequent -chance of life of some of these to the new conditions of existence in -a more northern or southern latitude.”[286] As a direct answer to the -question, however, we can do nothing more than refer to the opinions of -the two greatest advocates of evolution. “In order to form a judgment -on this head,” says Mr. Darwin, “with reference to man, we must glance -at the classification of the Simiadæ. This family is divided by almost -all naturalists into the Catarhine group, or old world monkeys, all -of which are characterized (as the name expresses) by the peculiar -structure of the nostrils, and by having four pre-molars in each jaw; -and into the Platyrhine group or new world monkeys (including two very -distinct sub-groups), all of which are characterized by differently -constructed nostrils and by having six molars in each jaw. Some -other small differences might be mentioned. Now man unquestionably -belongs, in his dentition, in the structure of his nostrils, and in -some other respects, to the Catarhine or old world division; nor does -he resemble the Platyrhines more closely than the Catarhines in any -characters, excepting in a few of not much importance and apparently -of an adaptive nature. Therefore, it would be against all probability -to suppose that some ancient new world species had varied, and had -thus produced a man-like creature with all the distinctive characters -proper to the old world division, losing at the same time all its own -distinctive characters. There can, consequently, hardly be a doubt -that man is an offshoot from the old world Simian stem, and that under -a genealogical point of view he must be classed with the Catarhine -division.”[287] Such was Mr. Darwin’s opinion in 1871; and that the -views of evolutionists have not changed since that time as to this -question, we call attention to the words of the distinguished Professor -Hæckel in his _History of Creation_, which are as follows: “Probably -America was first peopled from North-eastern Asia by the same tribe -of Mongols from whom the Polar men (Hyperboreans and Esquimaux) have -also branched. This tribe first spread in North America, and from -thence migrated over the isthmus of Central America down to South -America, at the extreme south of which the species degenerated very -much by adaptation to the very unfavorable conditions of existence. -But it is also possible that Mongols and Polynesians emigrated from -the west and mixed with the former tribe. In any case the aborigines -of America came over from the old world, and did not, as some suppose, -in any way originate out of American apes. Catarhine or narrow-nosed -apes never at any period existed in America.”[288] The same argument -holds good if it be ascertained that both man and apes developed from -a common ancestor. With these authoritative utterances from the most -celebrated representatives of the development school, we shall rest the -fanciful hypothesis of the autochthonic origin of the ancient American -population. Some who may not concur in our opinion as to the question -of man’s development from lower animal forms, may be willing to admit -that the Americans had an old world origin, which certainly, in the -light of facts, is the only rational view.[289] The unity of the human -family is a theory, if not a fact, which is supported by a mass of -testimony of the most diversified character. The habits and customs, -the sympathies, the wants and fears, the simpler arts, as well as most -bodily proportions, point to a relationship which finds its easiest -explanation in a unity of origin. It is chiefly, however, in the ruder -arts that this correspondence of style or type is observable. No better -illustration of this offers itself than the similarity of form or -forms in which flint arrow-heads are found in all parts of the world. -It would be impossible for the most expert archæologists to assign a -promiscuous collection of flint weapons to the various quarters of the -globe from which they may have been gathered, simply on the ground of -characteristic forms.[290] The common methods of producing fire by -means of friction, employed with but slight variation among people -the most remotely separated,[291] is an inexplicable fact, except on -the ground of an early community of residence or identical inventive -genius. The universality of certain architectural forms such as the -pyramid, and the singular fact that they have generally been used for -places of sepulture, offers an argument in the same direction. The -fact indicates either an early community of residence or identity of -mental organization. The physical resemblances of all races in certain -stable features which have never been known to change, indicate a -divergence from a common centre—from one type. The slight differences -in the type of skull which characterize some nations from others, is -no argument against original unity, since those peculiarities are -certainly of more recent origin than the unknown events which at a -remote period scattered men over the face of the earth.[292] Probably -no difference between the races of men has been considered so essential -as that of color, for none has furnished such reasonable ground for -the views of polygenists as the marked contrast between the African -and Caucasian types. Years ago the view that color was the result of -tropical climate was abandoned,[293] for the Eskimo and Lapps are -almost as dark as many Africans, and their residence under the arctic -circle has continued from a remote antiquity. Upon the other hand every -variation in color, from the darkest to the lightest possible shades, -exist among African tribes. The antiquity of the negro type as we -now see it, is unquestionably considerable. As proof of this we have -the oft-referred to argument from Egyptian paintings. In a temple at -Beyt-el-Welee, in Nubia, constructed in the reign of Rameses II, is a -painting which has been reproduced by Bonomi, in which a negro kneels -at the feet of Sethos I, father and predecessor of Rameses II. All the -peculiarities of the Negroid type are conspicuous; the blackness of the -color, the thickness of lips, flatness of nose and woolliness of hair -which pertain to the African of to-day are unquestionably present.[294] -The painting representing this remarkable ethnic fact is 3200 years -old, dating from 1400 years before Christ. The Duke of Argyll, on the -authority of Prof. Lepsius, states that in earlier representations of -the negro, referable to the “Twelfth Dynasty” or about 1900 B. C., the -negro color is strongly marked, but not the negro features.[295] It -is a question whether this fact indicates a transition from one type -to another, or whether the painting is a true representation of the -Nubians, who are known not to have flat noses or projecting lips. It -is supposed also that the unskillfulness of the artists may account -for the absence of the typal lines.[296] Hieroglyphic writings have -been found dating about 2000 years B. C., in which mention is made of -the employment of Negro or black troops by an Egyptian king in the -prosecution of a great war.[297] At that remote period, when Abraham -was almost the sole representative of the Jewish race, the negro type -had multiplied and developed into strong tribes, which were important -factors in the military contests of the oldest of powers—the Egyptian. - -Notwithstanding this seeming permanence of type, it is well known that -of all physical conditions, color is the most liable to change in -every organism. Many animals under domestication change their color -entirely.[298] In our Southern States it was observed that house-slaves -of the third generation presented quite a markedly different appearance -from field slaves.[299] This was owing as much, no doubt, to different -food and different habits of life as to protection from the sun, though -many different races have quite the same color while their habits of -life are as different as well could be imagined. Of this class, the -Eskimo, Chinese, and Fuegeans are examples. However, the fact that -color is variable even in a slight degree, indicates that considerable -if not radical changes might be brought about during a great length -of time. Mr. Darwin has furnished the most rational solution of the -question, which he describes briefly as follows: “Various facts which -I have elsewhere given, prove that the color of the skin and hair is -sometimes correlated in a surprising manner with a complete immunity -from the action of certain vegetable poisons and from the attack -of parasites. Hence it occurred to me that negroes and other dark -races might have acquired their dark tints by the darker individuals -escaping during a long series of generations from the deadly influence -of the miasmas of their native countries.”[300] This doctrine of the -survival of only the fittest, while all the weaker and perhaps lighter -complexioned individuals of a race gradually succumbed to the deadly -influence of climate, no doubt will explain the origin of the dark -races, known to enjoy a special immunity against yellow and other -fevers.[301] At all events, the formation of the distinctive features -of races requires a great lapse of time. The geologist asks for time -in which to account for the formation of strata, and the intelligent -world now grants it to him without limit, and just as reasonably may -the ethnologist ask for time in which to account for the formation of -racial types.[302] Nor need the most literal interpreter of Genesis -object to this demand on the ground of any conflict with the letter -even of the historic narrative of the Pentateuch. The accepted -chronology, based on Archbishop Usher’s interpretation, is no part of -the text of Genesis. It is purely the product of his inadvertence and -the blindness of many others of his school of Biblical chronologists. -It is evident that the rules of interpretation applied to the tenth -chapter of Genesis, according to which the names of the descendants -of Noah’s sons are taken to represent individuals only, cannot hold. -The probabilities are that they represent considerable tribes or -nations. This probability is an established fact in the sixteenth -and subsequent verses. In the fifteenth verse we learn that Canaan, -the grandson of Noah, “begat Sidon, his first-born, and Heth.” Here -the writer seems to refer to individuals, but it is probable that he -alludes even to the origin of tribes. In the sixteenth verse we are -not left in doubt on the subject, for there he no longer speaks of -individuals or generations but of the growth of nations. He immediately -adds after the above quotation, “and [begat] the Jebusite, and the -Amorite, and the Girgasite, and the Hivite, and the Arkite, and the -Sinite,” etc., etc.[303] The account makes no pretensions at chronology -or at furnishing data for any system, and the constructions put upon -its condensed account of the origin and growth of nations during an -indefinite lapse of time by short-sighted interpreters, are unwarranted -and certainly do injustice to the oldest of our histories. When we -go back of the birth of Christ two thousand years—to the time of -Abraham—this is as far as we can tread with certainty in the light of -History. This period has been aptly designated by the Duke of Argyll as -“Time absolute.” But when we go back of 2000 B. C., we are compelled -to walk in a twilight glimmer, with only the dim rays from occasional -cuneiform inscriptions, and the condensed accounts contained in -Genesis, falling across our uncertain pathway. This period the above -able writer has chosen to call “Time relative,” and the probabilities -are that its measure is double if not treble that of the portion of -“Time absolute” which precedes the Christian Era. An additional fact in -this connection which strengthens the preceding is, that the three most -ancient versions of the Pentateuch—the Hebrew, the Samaritan and the -Septuagint—vary considerably in their statements as to the ages of many -of the patriarchs at the birth of their sons. So wide is the difference -in this respect between the Hebrew and Septuagint versions that their -chronologies cannot be reconciled at all, the latter allowing a period -of eight hundred years more than the former from Adam to Abraham; such -being the case, it is impossible to arrive at the time of the flood or -the origin of the race. These contradictions in versions, however, do -not in any way impeach the historic authority of the Pentateuch, since -it is in no sense a chronology any more than it is a work on geographic -or astronomic science. The known antiquity of Egypt and China, to say -nothing of the facts revealed by geology concerning man’s antiquity, -can never be reconciled with Usher’s system, which is in no sense the -true chronology of any known version of the Pentateuch.[304] - -In this chapter we have seen that there is nothing to indicate that the -Americans owe their origin to a special act of creation, and further, -if they originated by the process of development (for which there is no -sufficient evidence), that it was not upon the American continent. We -are supported in these conclusions by the most respectable writers on -American Ethnology[305] and Antiquities. That the American population -is of old world origin there can be little doubt; but from whence it -came, and to what particular people or peoples it owes its birth, is -quite another question.[306] That view seems open to least objections -which maintains that the Western Continent received its population at -a comparatively early period in the history of the race, before the -peoples of Western Europe and Eastern Asia had assumed their present -national characteristics or fully developed their religious and social -customs.[307] - - - - - CHAPTER V. - - TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN OF THE MAYA NATIONS. - - Ancient Civilization of Tabasco and Chiapas — The Tradition of - Votan — The First Emigrants to America — City of Nachan — - The Votanic Document — Ordoñez — Brasseur and Cabrera on the - Tzendal Document — The Empire of the Chanes — The Oldest - Civilization — The Earliest Home of the Mayas — The Quichés — - Their Origin Tradition — The Quiché Cosmogony — The Creation - of Man — The Quiché Migration — Tulan — Mt. Hacavitz — Human - Sacrifices instituted — Four Tulans — Association of the Mayas - and Nahuas — Heroic Period of the Quichés — Xibalba and its - Downfall — Exploits of the Quiché Chieftains — War of the Sects - — Xibalba and Palenque the same — Mayas of Yucatan and their - Traditions — Culture-Heroes — Zamna and Cukulcan — Christ Myth. - - -The most ancient civilization on this continent, judging from the -combined testimony of tradition, records, and architectural remains, -was that which grew up under the favorable climate and geographical -surroundings which the Central American Region southward of the -Isthmus of Tehuantepec afforded. The great Maya family with its -numerous branches, each in time developing its own dialect if not its -own peculiar language, at an early date fixed itself in the fertile -valley of the River Usumasinta, and produced a civilization which was -old and ripe when the Toltecs came in contact with it. Here in this -picturesque valley region in Tabasco and Chiapas we may look for the -cradle of American civilization. Under the shadow of the magnificent -and mysterious ruins of Palenque a people grew to power who spread into -Guatemala and Honduras, northward toward Anahuac and southward into -Yucatan, and for a period of probably twenty-five centuries exercised a -sway which, at one time, excited the envy and fear of its neighbors. We -are fully aware of the uncertainty which attaches itself to tradition -in general, and of the caution with which it should be accepted in -treating of the foundations of history; but still, with reference to -the origin and growth of old world nations, nothing better offers -itself in many instances than suspicious legends. The histories of the -Egyptians, the Trojans, the Greeks, and of even ancient Rome rests on -no surer footing. It is certain that while the legendary history of any -nation may be confused, exaggerated, and besides full of breaks, still -there are some main and fundamental facts out of which it has grown, -and this we think is especially true of the new world traditions. -Clavigero says: “The Chiapanese have been the first peoplers of the new -world, if we give credit to their traditions. They say that Votan, the -grandson of that respectable old man who built the great ark to save -himself and family from the deluge, and one of those who undertook the -building of that lofty edifice which was to reach up to heaven, went -by express command of the Lord to people that land. They say also that -the first people came from the quarter of the north, and that when they -arrived at Soconusco, they separated, some going to inhabit the country -of Nicaragua and others remaining in Chiapas.”[308] The tradition -of Votan, the founder of the Maya culture, though somewhat warped, -probably by having passed through priestly hands, is nevertheless one -of the most valuable pieces of information which we have concerning -the ancient Americans. Without it our knowledge of the origin of the -Mayas would be a hopeless blank, and the ruins of Palenque would be -more a mystery than ever. According to this tradition, Votan came from -the East, from Valum Chivim, by the way of Valum Votan, from across -the sea, by divine command, to apportion the land of the new continent -to seven families which he brought with him. It appears that he had -been preceded in America by two others named Igh and Imox, if the -researches of the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg can be relied upon. In -the Tzendal calendar, Votan’s name appears as that of the third day, -while Igh and Imox are the first and second respectively. If, as is -supposed, the names represent the true succession of the Maya chiefs, -there is some ground for the Abbé’s view.[309] The doubtful portions of -the tradition which may be interpolations are the ambiguous assertions -that he saw the Tower of Babel, and was present at the building of -Solomon’s temple. Probably the remains only of the former structure may -be referred to. - -With these contradictions we have nothing to do, as they do not in any -way affect the subsequent history of the Votanites, or interfere with -the probability of their old world origin. To attempt to designate the -point from which Votan started or the means by which he reached the new -world, would be the height of folly. Votan is said to have made four -journeys to the land of his nativity. His achievements in the new world -were, however, as great as those of any of the heroes of antiquity. His -great city was named “Nachan,” (city of the serpents), from his own -race, which was named Chan, a serpent. This Nachan is unquestionably -identified with Palenque. The date of his journey is placed at 1000 -years B. C.[310] The kingdom of the serpents flourished so rapidly -that Votan founded three tributary monarchies whose capitals were -Tulan, Mayapan, and Chiquimula.[311] The former is supposed to have -been situated about two leagues east of the town of Ococingo; Mayapan -is well-known to have been the capital of Yucatan, and Chiquimula is -thought to have been Copan in Honduras.[312] One of the great works -of this hero was the excavation of a tunnel or ‘snake hole’ from -Zuqui to Tzequil. He also deposited a great treasure at Huehuetan, in -Soconusco, which he left under the vigilant care of a guard, directed -by one of the most honorable women of the land. Finally, he wrote a -book in which he recorded his deeds and offered proof of his being a -Chane (or serpent). This ancient document, which is claimed to have -been written by one of Votan’s descendants, of the eighth or ninth -generation and not by himself,[313] was in the Tzendal language, a -dialect or branch of the Maya, spoken in Chiapas and around Palenque. -Its history is, however, quite checkered, and the information which it -contained comes very indirectly. For generations the Votanic document -was scrupulously guarded by the people of Tacoaloya, in Soconusco, -but was finally discovered by Francisco Nuñez de la Vega, Bishop of -Chiapas. In the preamble of his _Constituciones_, § xxx,[314] he -claims to have read this document, but it is probable that only a -copy, still in the Tzendal language but written in Latin characters, -had come into his possession.[315] He fails to give any definite -information from the document except the most general statements with -reference to Votan’s place in the calendar, and his having seen the -Tower of Babel, at which each people was given a new language. He -states that he could have made more revelations of the history of -Votan from this document but for bringing up the old idolatry of the -people and perpetuating it. With the zeal of a true Vandal, the bishop -committed the dangerous documents, together with the treasure which he -claims Votan to have buried in the dark-house, to the flames in 1691. -There seems to have been other copies, however, of this remarkable -manuscript, for about the close of the eighteenth century, Dr. Paul -Felix Cabrera was shown a document in the possession of Don Ramon de -Ordoñez y Aguiar, a resident of Ciudad Real in Chiapas, which purported -to be the Votanic memoir.[316] Ordoñez, at the time, was engaged -upon the composition of his work on the “_History of the Heaven and -Earth_.”[317] It appears that Cabrera was admitted to the confidence -of Ordoñez, and availed himself of a few facts communicated to him by -the latter, which he supplemented by drawing from his imagination for -the rest of his account.[318] Brasseur de Bourbourg accuses Cabrera -of seriously misrepresenting Ordoñez and of warping his account.[319] -The following, which is Cabrera’s account may be of interest to the -reader: “He (Votan) states that he conducted seven families from -Valum Votan to this continent and assigned lands to them; that he is -the third of the Votans; that having determined to travel until he -arrived at the root of Heaven, in order to discover his relations, -the Culebras, and make himself known to them, he made four voyages to -Chivim (which he expressed by repeating four times from Valum Votan to -Valum Chivim, from Valum Chivim to Valum Votan); that he arrived in -Spain, and that he went to Rome; that he saw the great house of God -building; that he went by the road which his brethren, the Culebras, -had bored; that he marked it, and that he passed by the houses of -the thirteen Culebras. He relates that in returning from one of his -voyages he found seven other families of the Tzequil nation who had -joined the first inhabitants, and recognized in them the same origin as -his own, that is, of the Culebras. He speaks of the place where they -built the first town, which, from its founders, received the name of -Tzequil; he affirms the having taught them refinement of manners in -the use of the table, table-cloth, dishes, basins, cups, and napkins; -they taught him the knowledge of God and of his worship; his first -ideas of a king and of obedience to Him; that he was chosen captain -of all those united families.” It is not necessary for us to point -out the hand of the interpolator in this account; it is sufficiently -apparent. However, its obnoxious prominence need not destroy our -faith in the general facts of the account. The interpretation of the -document we submit to the reader with the simple reminder that the -symbol of life and power among the Central Americans and Mexicans has -ever been a serpent, a fact which may have derived its significance -from the meaning of the name of the Votanites together with the power -attained by Palenque.[320] Votan’s followers were called Tzequites by -their predecessors, probably by the descendants of Igh and Imox, the -signification of which term is ‘men with petticoats.’ The Tzendal -traditions refer always to the city of Nachan as the capital of the -kingdom of the Chanes or Serpents, and the most significant feature -of the traditional names of this people is the fact that the name -Culhua, applied by the Nahua nations and especially by the Toltecs -to a powerful people who had preceeded them at the south, is the -exact equivalent of Chanes; the same is true of Culhuacan.[321] The -Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg obtained a copy of the fragmentary MS. of -Ordoñez, which he informs us was written in two separate parts in -quarto, at different times. The first or mythological part exists in -a copy owned by the Abbé.[322] The second or historical part, if ever -written, has never reached the light, and from the description of its -contents found in the first part, we should think that the author -might have made a rather imaginative historian.[323] While some of -the details of the Votanic tradition are not worthy of a moment’s -consideration, it is quite certain that in the general facts we have -a key to the origin of what all Americanists agree in pronouncing the -oldest civilization on this continent, one which was gray and already -declining when the Toltecs entered Mexico. There is not the slightest -evidence that it originated in any other place than in Chiapas, where -it is found, and extended itself into Guatemala, Yucatan, and possibly -branched northward in a colony as remote as Culhuacan. Sr. Orozco y -Berra has found fifteen languages or dialects to be related to the Maya -language, a fact which indicates the age and extent of that remarkable -civilization.[324] Sr. Orozco is convinced from linguistic and other -researches, that the inhabitants of Cuba and others of the West India -Islands were Mayas, and points out the intermediate location of Cuba -between Florida and Yucatan. He thinks the earliest home of the Mayas -on this continent was on the Atlantic coast of the United States, from -whence they emigrated to Cuba and thence to Yucatan.[325] Though we -are not fully satisfied that the Mayas ever occupied Florida, it is -quite likely that the islands of the Gulf were inhabited by them at an -early day. The culture hero Votan is a mystery, and to arrive at his -true character or office is simply an impossibility. For those disposed -to speculate, there is abundant opportunity.[326] The most interesting -traditionary history which has been discovered is that of the Quichés -of Guatemala. By the name Quiché, in this immediate connection, we do -not mean to speak of that people after they became amalgamated with -the Nahua nations from Central Mexico, but as a branch of the great -Maya monarchy, in all probability located at first at Tulha or Tula, -which, it is believed, was situated near Ococingo. At first, we think, -the Quichés developed their own institutions, dialects, etc., as one -of the allied powers associated with the capital city Nachan, but -gradually assumed an individuality which became distinctive, until a -rivalry between the capital and its allied neighbor sprang up, which -ultimately ended in the overthrow of the former. Sr. Pimentel, on -the authority of an ancient author, states that the name Quiché was -applied to the first empire of Palenque and signified _many trees_. It -was employed by the “innumerable families of different nations which -composed it, to symbolize its various branches.”[327] The tradition of -their origin states that they came from the far East, across immense -tracts of land and water; that in their former home they had multiplied -considerably and lived without civilization, and with but few wants; -they paid no tribute, spoke a common language, did not bow down to wood -and stone, but lifting their eyes toward heaven, observed the will of -their Creator, they attended with respect to the rising of the sun, -and saluted with their invocations the Morning Star; with loving and -obedient hearts they addressed their prayers to Heaven for the gift -of offspring. “Hail, Creator and Maker! regard us, attend us. Heart -of Heaven, Heart of the Earth, do not forsake us, do not leave us. -God of Heaven and Earth, Heart of Heaven, Heart of Earth, consider -our posterity always. Accord us repose, a glorious repose, peace and -prosperity, justice, life and our being. Grant to us, O Hurakan, -enlightened and fruitful, Thou who comprehendest all things great -and small.”[328] In the _Popol Vuh_, the sacred book of the Quichés, -we are enabled to arrive more closely at the cosmogony and worship -of that remarkable people.[329] The reader may not be prepared for -the irreconcilable contradictions and for the obscure and figurative -language in which this work abounds; but with the remembrance that -all nations of antiquity delighted in the use of figures, parabolic -disguises and personifications under which the truth was couched, we -may be able to profit by even the seeming foolishness and confusion -of the Quiché record. The strange, wild poetry of the Quichés, can -only be fully enjoyed by pursuing the unabridged accounts for which we -regret we have not space.[330] In the order of the Quiché creation, the -heavens were first formed and their boundaries fixed by the Creator -and Former, by whom all move and breathe, by whom all nations enjoy -their wisdom and civilization. At first there was no man or animal -or bird or fish or green herb—nothing but the firmament existed, -the face of the earth was not yet to be seen, only the peaceful sea -and the whole expanse of heaven. Silence pervaded all; not even the -sea murmured; there was nothing but immobility and silence in the -darkness—in the night.[331] The Creator, the Former, the Dominator—the -feathered serpent—those that engender, those that give being, moved -upon the water as a glowing light. Their name is Gucumatz, heart of -heaven—God. “Earth,” they said, and in an instant it was formed and -rose like a vapor cloud; immediately the plains and mountains arose -and the cypress and pine appeared. Then Gucumatz was filled with joy, -and cried out, “Blessed be thy coming, O Heart of Heaven, Hurakan, -thunderbolt!”[332] Animals were next formed, but because they could -not praise their Maker they were doomed to become objects of prey. -Four creations of men then followed. The first man was made of clay, -but he had no intelligence and he was consumed in the water. Upon a -second trial a man and a woman were made of a sort of pith, but they -too were unsatisfactory experiments; though they had life and peopled -the earth, they were very inferior, living like beasts and forgetting -the Heart of Heaven. The Creator then destroyed them with a flood of -resin, allowing only a few to escape, that now exist as little apes -in the woods. The persons of the Godhead, enveloped in the darkness -which enshrouded a desolated world, counseled concerning the creation -of a more perfect order, and as a result they formed four perfect men -named: Balam-Quitzé, Balam-Agab, Mahucutah, and Iqi-Balam. These men -were miraculously formed of white and yellow maize, and the Creator -was content with his labors. “Verily, at last, were there found men -worthy of their origin and their destiny; verily, at last, did the gods -look upon beings who could see with their eyes and handle with their -hands and understand with their hearts, grand of countenance and broad -of limb, the four sires of our race stood up under the white rays of -the morning star—sole light as yet of the primeval world—stood up and -looked. Their great clear eyes swept rapidly over all; they saw the -woods and rocks, the lakes and the sea, the mountains and the valleys, -and the heavens that were above all; and they comprehended all and -admired exceedingly. Then they returned thanks to those who had made -the world and all therein was: we offer up our thanks, twice—yea, -verily, thrice; we have received life, we speak, we walk, we taste, we -hear and understand, we know both that which is near and that which -is far off, we see all things, great and small, in all the heaven and -earth. Thanks, then, Maker and Former, Father and Mother of our life, -we have been created—we are.”[333] These four creatures were considered -too perfect by the gods, and in order that their omniscience might be -destroyed, they breathed a cloud of mist over their vision. To each of -these men wives were made while they slept. A fourth creation seems to -have taken place by which the ancestors of other races were formed. - -The account which the _Popol Vuh_ furnishes of the migrations of the -ancient Quichés is somewhat confused, and it is scarcely possible -to hope that the locations named should ever be fully identified. -Their worship was at first purely spiritual. “Only they gazed up into -heaven, not knowing what they had come so far to do.” In their original -home, wherever that might have been, they grew weary of this kind of -service—of watching for “the rising of the sun”—by which it seems they -meant the coming of temporal power. The four men then forsook their -abode and journeyed to Tulan-Zuiva, the seven caves or seven ravines. -Here they found gods; to each of the four men a different deity was -assigned. To Balam-Quitzé the god Tohil was given; to Balam-Agab the -god Avilix; and to Mahucutah, the god Hacavitz; and though the fourth -man Iqi-Balam also received a god, no special account is taken of him, -since the latter of the four men left no progeny. The journey to Tulan -is said to have been a very long one. Doubtless in this account we have -an allusion to one of those modifications in religious notions which -seems to have often attended a change of residence in early times. The -abstract worship of the Creator is supplanted by the more material -and ceremonial worship of intermediate deities (demi-gods). Tulan -is described as a much colder climate than the eastern and tropical -land which they had forsaken, and the god Tohil came to their relief -by the creation of fire. But incessant rains, accompanied with hail, -extinguished all their fires, which were again kindled repeatedly -by the fire-god. Tulan was an unfavorable locality for permanent -abode—rains, extreme cold, dampness, famine prevailed, and the peculiar -misfortune of the confusion of tongues there befell them. No longer -were the brother propagators of the race able to communicate with each -other. “At Tulan there was as yet no sun,” is the significant but -perplexing language of the narrative. At last Tulan, the mysterious -land of the “seven-caves,” was forsaken, and under the leadership -of Tohil the people began a migration which was attended with -indescribable hardships and famine itself. Their way led through dense -forests, over high mountains, a long sea passage, and by a rough and -pebbly shore. We are, however, told that the sea was parted for their -passage. Their tribulations were at an end when at last they arrived at -a beautiful mountain, which they named after their god Hacavitz. Here -they were informed that the sun would appear, and, as a consequence, -the four progenitors of the race and all the people rejoiced. Here -was everything beauteous and gladdening. The morning star shed forth -a resplendent brightness, and the sun itself at last appeared, though -then it had not the warmth which it possessed at a later day. Before -the light of the sun, however, the gods Tohil, Avilix and Hacavitz, -together with the tiger and lion and reptiles, were changed into stone. -To interpret this paragraph, which is greatly condensed, is a difficult -undertaking, still there are certain facts which seem to serve as the -basis of intelligent speculation. The language is extremely figurative -throughout the entire narrative, and especially so here. Their worship -of the morning star at an early period seems to connect them with the -Mediterranean peoples of the old world. The allusions to the sun not -yet having come may be retrospective, indicating that the worship of -the sun had not been adopted at that early day, or it may indicate -that the period of national strength had not dawned. The fact that the -morning star shone more brilliantly on Mt. Hacavitz than at Tulan (the -seven caves), may mean either that the worship of the star was more -splendidly celebrated, or it may have reference to an astronomical -fact, that the star itself was more luminous, and furnish evidence in -harmony with the statements of the narrative that Mt. Hacavitz was a -more southern location than the tempestuous Tulan. The petrifaction -of the three tribal gods may have been the result of an age of peace -and prosperity which offered an opportunity for developing their -cultus; or, upon the other hand, if the coming of the sun refers to -the advent of a new religion, that which is known to have prevailed -among the Nahuas, the old gods may have been sculptured in stone, -that their national character and deeds might not be forgotten before -the increasing importance of the new faith. There they instituted -sacrifices of beasts to the three stone gods Tohil, Avilix and -Hacavitz; they even drew blood from their own bodies and offered it -to them. Finally, not content with these, the first four men, led by -Balam-Quitzé, instituted human sacrifices. Captives were taken from -neighboring tribes, kidnapping was practised extensively, until the -hostility of their neighbors broke forth into open war. The contest, -however, resulted favorably to the Quichés, and the surrounding tribes -became subject to the victorious power. In Hacavitz they composed -a national song called the Kamucu (“we see”)—a memorial of their -misfortunes in Tulan—a lament for the loss of so many of their people -in that unfortunate locality. This loss is described as occasioned by a -portion of their race being left behind, rather than as the result of -the misfortunes which attended them there. At last, at the noon-day of -their national glory, it came to pass that the ancestors of their race, -Balam-Quitzé, Balam-Agab, Mahucutah and Iqi-Balam, died—the men who -came from the east, from across the sea, died—and their remains were -enveloped in a great bundle and preserved as memorials of the ancestors -of the race.[334] Then the Quichés sang the sad Kamucu, and mourned the -loss of their leaders and that portion of their race which they left -behind them in Tulan. - -The definite location of Tulan is almost out of the question; it may -only be conjectured. We have already stated, on the authority of -Ordiñez, that there was a Tulan near Ococingo.[335] The Cakchiquel -MS., known only through the writings of Brasseur de Bourbourg, but -evidently a document containing the same facts as those stated in the -_Popol Vuh_, gives the following information concerning Tulan: “Four -persons came from Tulan, from the direction of the rising sun—that is -one Tulan. There is another Tulan in Xibalbay, and another where the -sun sets, and it is there that we came; and in the direction of the -setting sun there is another, where is the god; so that there are four -Tulans; and it is where the sun sets that we came to Tulan, from the -other side of the sea where this Tulan is; and it is there that we were -conceived and begotten by our mothers and our fathers.”[336] From this -it appears that two of these Tulans were not upon the continent at all; -one in the east across the sea, the birthplace of the race; another -an imaginary locality somewhere toward the region of the setting sun, -where the deity dwells; another Tulan is pretty certainly located in -Chiapas near the capital of Xibalba; with this place, however, they -do not state that they had any relationship, but another Tulan where -the sun sets is designated as the locality to which they came from -across the sea. Mr. Bancroft confounds the Tulan of their misfortunes -with that which was located near Xibalba; but this view is plainly -wrong, since the climatic surroundings of the Chiapan Tulan are quite -the opposite of those described as prevailing at that Tulan where -fire was so necessary. In the Tulan to which they journeyed they -suffered from cold, and their god Tohil, whom they received there, -gave them fire. Señor Orozco y Berra quite positively identifies this -Tulan with the Toltec capital Tollan, north of Anahuac, and certainly -with reason.[337] There their tongues were changed, there the Nahua -language was encountered. No doubt that in the first period of the -Toltec power in Tollan, the Maya-Quichés who had migrated northward -from some locality in the Usumacinta region and intermingled with the -Nahuas, sharing in their worship and appropriating certain elements of -language, migrated southward to the elevated regions of Vera-Paz and -founded a Quiché power in Guatemala. - -Upon the downfall of the Toltec monarchy in the eleventh century, no -doubt many noble Toltec families forsook the unfortunate and fallen -capital and founded in Guatemala the Quiché-Cakchiquel monarchy, -composed of Maya and Toltec elements, which spread itself southward -in colonies and branches into various parts of Central America, and -flourished with such power and fame at the time of the Conquest. It -is not the province of this work to take up the annals of this or any -other people, but only to treat of their most primitive period. The -gap in Quiché history between that which we have been treating and the -period of the Annals is considerable, and no document has yet been -discovered which will fill it with the wanting record. Mr. Bancroft -has placed the annals within the reach of the English reader in his -fifth volume. Mt. Hacavitz was the point at which the scattered tribes -collected and formed the nucleus of the subsequently powerful monarchy -in Guatemala of which Utatlan was the capital. The two places may -have been identical. Several facts point to the early association of -the ancestors of the Quichés with the Nahuas who subsequently figure -so conspicuously as Toltecs and Aztecs. The tribes which migrated -northward were called Yaqui (according to the _Popol Vuh_), and the -name ethnographically has the same meaning as Nahuatl.[338] The Quichés -applied the name to the inhabitants of Mexico. The god Tohil was -called by the Yaqui tribes Yolcuat Quitzalcuat while the Quichés were -in Tulan. Quetzalcoatl, of whom we shall speak more fully hereafter, -was the greatest of the Nahua divinities.[339] The Aztecs and Toltecs -as well as the Quichés came from the “Seven Caves,” that Tulan which -seems to have been the early home of the two great families speaking -radically different languages—the Maya and the Nahua. The statement so -often met with that Tulan was across the sea is perplexing. Can we look -for it upon some of the islands of the Gulf or Caribbean Sea? or are -we to look upon the reference to the sea passage as an earlier event -in the history of both peoples, which because of the lack of records -has been confounded with some of the adventures of the march toward -the northern Tulan, which was undertaken at least by the Mayas and -possibly by the Nahuas from their common home in the Usumacinta valley? -We are inclined, in the light of a large margin of testimony, to accept -the latter view, and consider the Tulan of the Chiapan region to have -been the early home of both peoples—the primitive one of the Mayas -and the adopted one of the Nahuas—after leaving Hue Hue Tlappalan, -the accidental centre to which in their wanderings they converged, -and in which they met; here in an age of simpler manners they lived -in the enjoyment of peace, preserving each their own institutions and -language, though considerably influencing each other’s customs. The -Tulan of this Central American region may have been confounded in name -and characteristics with the original home of each race “across the -sea.” - -The Quiché record furnishes us with the account of an epoch in the -early Quiché history which we are justified in characterizing as -their heroic period. It occupies the same place in their history as -the Trojan war in the history of Greece. The tradition of the fall of -Xibalba, the terror of its neighbors, the power which by its enemies -was called infernal, is a heroic composition founded on a combination -of events as mysterious and wonderful as those contained in the Iliad -itself. To locate the events in their proper place, to assign them -their true period, is attended with as many difficulties as attend the -Homeric history. The authorities differ as to the proper chronologic -order of the record. The _Popol Vuh_, both in the Ximinez and Brasseur -editions, give the narrative to which we have reference immediately -after the destruction of the men made of pith or wood—the result of the -first creation. Mr. Bancroft is somewhat indifferent about the order -and follows the narrative. Brasseur de Bourbourg, however, considers -that chronologically the narrative follows the third creation, that -of the four founders of the Quiché race.[340] If we look upon the -so-called creations as simply tribal origins and not as mythical -accounts of the origin of man, there is room for the heroic period -before the days of the four ancestors of the Quichés; but if, on the -contrary, the two creations preceding that of Balam-Quitzé and his -associates are mythical, are the legendary accounts of a fancied order -in creation and not the origin of tribes, the view taken by the Abbé is -the only one which can be accepted. The question cannot at present be -definitely settled. If we resort to the latter view, that of the Abbé, -it is necessary for us to suppose that the long reign of Balam-Quitzé, -Balam-Agab, Mahucutah and Iqi-Balam is that of a line, a dynasty, and -not of individuals—which is altogether probable. Brasseur supposes -the time of which the tradition speaks to have been about fifteen -centuries before the Spanish conquest, and thinks Copan was the capital -of a province called Payaqui (“in the Yaqui,” which we have seen was -the name of the Nahuas), and that this capital, otherwise known as -Chiquimula, owed its origin to a warrior known as Balam, who introduced -human sacrifices. His authority is the _Isagoge Historico MS._ cited -by Pelaez, to whose work we have already referred.[341] To attempt to -determine upon the time definitely would be a hopeless undertaking. -The mysterious tradition with its confused statements and allegorical -allusions we will attempt to condense into intelligible shape. This -has already been accomplished by Mr. Bancroft, and his version greatly -facilitates our efforts in the same direction. - -The second division of the _Popol Vuh_ contains the account of two -attempts at the overthrow of the great Xibalban monarchy, founded -by Votan. The first of these proved unsuccessful and fatal to the -enemies of the great power; the second, undertaken by the descendants -of the defeated chieftains, resulted in the downfall of the empire -of the Serpents or Votanites, and in the revenge of the death of -the unsuccessful warriors. The account is provokingly figurative; -different allies of each of the powers being spoken of as owls, wild -beasts, rabbits, deer, rats, lice, ants, etc., a custom which has -always prevailed among savage and semi-civilized nations. Savages of -the forests are usually referred to as wild beasts in early tradition. -Xibalba is so hated by its enemies that its usual title is the -“infernal regions.”[342] Torquemada refers to it as _hell_, and its -king as the king of the “shades.”[343] The hatred was intense, and -the worst invectives were mild in the estimation of the enemies of -the no doubt oppressive power. We have already given the account of -creation in which Gucumatz (the Plumed Serpent) figured conspicuously. -He, however, is seen to have acted at the word of Hurakan (“Heart -of Heaven”). The closing paragraphs of the first division of the -_Popol Vuh_ give some of the exploits of the young heroes Hunahpu and -Xbalanque, who figure as the defendants of the worship of the Heart of -Heaven. A certain Vucub-Cakix, who assumed to be the sun and god of -the people, and who in his pride offended the Heart of Heaven, fell at -their avenging hands. His sons Zipacna and Cabrakan, whose pride was -as offensive to Hurakan as had been their father’s, shared the same -fate; though the brothers lost four hundred of their allies in the -undertaking, by Zipanca toppling over a house upon them while they were -rejoicing at his supposed death in a pit in which they had buried him. - -The second division of the account reverts to events which preceded -those in the closing paragraphs of the first division by one or -more generations. The exploits of the ancestors of the brothers are -narrated. Xpiyacoc and Xmucane, grandparents of the sun and moon, -had two sons, Hunhunahpu and Vukub Hunahpu. The former of these sons -married, and to him were born also two sons, Hunbatz and Hunchouen, -who grew up to be wise and skillful and great artists. With all -these persons Hurakan, the Heart of Heaven, communicated through his -messenger Voc. At last Hunhunahpu and Vukub Hunahpu undertook a journey -toward Xibalba, playing ball as they went, by which we understand that -they set out upon a march of conquest. Upon hearing of their approach, -Hun Came and Vukub Came, kings of Xibalba, sent them a challenge to -a game of ball by four messengers who were called owls. From the -ball-ground of Nimxab Carchah (now the name of an Indian town in Vera -Paz), they followed the messengers down the steep road to Xibalba, -crossing rivers and ravines and a bloody stream. After arriving at -the royal palace, and during the process of arranging for the contest -in which their strength should be tried, they were so unfortunate as -first to be made the subjects of ridicule for the whole court, then -put to torture, and afterwards were cruelly and it seems treacherously -murdered. The head of Hunhunahpu was hung upon a tree, which at once -became overgrown with gourds so as to hide the head of the unfortunate -chief. Notwithstanding the royal decree that no one should approach -the tree, Xquiq, a virgin princess, a Xibalban, determined to taste -its forbidden fruit, and in an hour of solitude was in the act of -reaching forth to pluck it, when Hunhunahpu spat into her hand and she -immaculately conceived. Her condition was discovered by her father, who -delivered her to the owls, the royal messengers, to be put to death. By -bribing her executioners she escaped and went to the dwelling of the -old grandmother Xmucane, who upon the death of Hunhunahpu’s wife had -taken charge of his sons, the youthful Hunbatz and Hunchouen. Xquiq, -by miraculous performances, satisfied Xmucane that Hunhunahpu was the -father of her unborn children, and was received into her home. The -Xibalban virgin brought forth twin sons in the house of the enemies -of her country. These she named Hunahpu and Xbalanque. From the very -first their lot with their great-grandmother was a hard one. Their -half-brothers Hunbatz and Hunchouen treated them harshly, but in time -the twins revenged themselves by changing the former into monkeys, and -succeeding to their artistic skill and musical fame. - -Various exploits of the twin brothers are narrated, chiefly—as we would -interpret the figurative language—with the more savage tribes of the -forests and mountains. From one of their captives whom they call a rat, -they learned of the expedition of their father and uncle, and were -brought into possession of their ball implements. The old ball-ground -(probably battle-ground) of their fathers was resorted to by Hunahpu -and Xbalanque, and when the Xibalban monarchs, Hun Came and Vukub Came, -heard of their purposes, they were angered and sent a challenge to -them as they had done to their ancestors. The message was delivered -at the great-grandmother’s home, and the two chieftains, upon being -acquainted with the news, returned to bid both mother and grandmother -farewell. Before taking final leave, they planted in the centre of -the house (probably the court) each a cane, which was endowed with -the singular attribute of revealing to the family the fortunes of -each of the brothers. The life and fate of each cane was inseparably -connected with that of Hunahpu and Xbalanque. On their route to Xibalba -the bloody river was passed and a stream called Papuhya; but, more -wise than their predecessors, they took cunning precautions not to be -deceived and sacrificed by the Xibalban monarchs. For this purpose, it -is said, they sent an animal called Xan before them, equipped with a -hair from Hunahpu’s leg, with which he pricked the princes and by their -exclamations learned their names. Thus they detected the artificial -wooden men whom we are told deceived their ancestors and made them the -objects of ridicule. - -By this strange personification we think we may understand that the -father and the uncle of the two young heroes had treated with a couple -of irresponsible Xibalbans who had been sent out to meet them, with -the pretence that they were the kings, and when they had induced their -enemies to enter the city, the true monarchs seized them and repudiated -the action of the so-called wooden men, avowing no responsibility for -their pledges. Hunahpu and Xbalanque avoided two other artifices of -which their ancestors were the victims; one of these was a seat on a -red-hot stone under the pretence that it was the seat of honor; the -other was an ordeal in the “House of Gloom.”[344] The angry Xibalban -kings then met them in a game of ball, but suffered a defeat. Hun Came -and Vukub Came then requested the victors to give them four bouquets of -flowers, which request was granted, the fortunate brothers themselves -bearing them to the defeated kings. At their instance, however, the -guards of the royal gardens committed Hunahpu and Xbalanque to the -house of lances—the second of five ordeals common at Xibalba. Scarcely -had this been done before a swarm of ants—allies of the brothers—came -to their rescue, entered the royal gardens, bribed the lancers, -released their leaders and punished the owls—guards of the Xibalban -kings—by splitting their lips. The defeated monarchs began to realize -the seriousness of the contest which was being waged against them. -Hunahpu and Xbalanque were then subjected to ordeals in the houses of -cold, of tigers, and of fire respectively, but without suffering harm. -As we proceed, the account becomes more figurative than ever. In the -next ordeal in the house of bats, we are told that Hunahpu’s head was -cut off by the ruler of the bats, who, it seems, was recognized as of -super-terrestrial origin. Strange to say, this violent proceeding did -not prove fatal to Hunahpu; the animals assembled, came to the heroes’ -relief, and by the strategic skill of the turtle and rabbit, at a -great game of ball, the brothers came out of all the Xibalban ordeals -unharmed. - -The next act was designed as the beginning of the end of the great -struggle. Xibalba had failed because the brutes were not its allies. -The brothers were determined to show the haughty rival their personal -greatness, and resorted to the use of their magical arts. After -proper instructions to their sorcerers, Xulu and Pacam, Hunahpu and -Xbalanque mounted a funeral pyre and endured a voluntary death. But -their ashes and bones which were thrown into a river, rose instantly -into life, assuming the shape of young men. Five days subsequent to -this wonderful event they appeared in the form of man-fishes; and on -the day following, the sorcery was complete, for the brothers now -presented themselves in the form of “ragged old men, dancing, burning -and restoring houses, killing and restoring each other to life, and -performing other wonderful things. They were induced to exhibit their -skill before the princes of Xibalba, killing and resuscitating the -king’s dog, burning and restoring the royal palace. Then a man was -made the subject of their art. Hunahpu was cut in pieces and brought -to life by Xbalanque. Finally the monarchs of Xibalba wanted to -experience personally the temporary death; Hun Came the highest was -first killed, then Vukub Came, but life was not restored to them.”[345] -The twin sons of the unfortunate Xibalban virgin, an outcast from her -home, triumphed, their father and uncle were avenged, the warlike -Xibalbans—the fierce, frightful-looking, owl-like, faithless, -hypocritical tyrants, black and white, and with painted faces, as they -are described—were overthrown forever. The ancestors of the victorious -chieftains were then deified and given places in the sun and moon; -while their allies, the enemies of Xibalba, were made stars in the -firmament. - -To interpret fully this figurative account requires further knowledge, -which it is hoped ultimately may come to light. The beheading of -Hunahpu in the house of bats may signify the loss of the most important -division of his army; for when the “animals” came to his relief—by -which we understand the less civilized tribes of the country—he -obtained a victory. The closing paragraphs of the account indicate that -a long and tiresome warfare brought the brothers repeated victories, -but not the entire overthrow of Xibalba; and that stratagem was -resorted to—a stratagem no more improbable or difficult to understand -than that of the wooden horse said to have been used by the Greeks -at Troy. The stratagem was at last successful, and Xibalba, of the -Votanites—we suppose the empire of the Chanes—fell. The war seems to -have been one of religion in part, for Hurakan, “Heart of Heaven,” -inspired the contest, and Gucumatz, “the Plumed Serpent,” one of -his associate though minor deities, was the god of Hunahpu and -Xbalanque. The wicked Xibalbans were puffed up against the Heart of -Heaven, would not accept the true faith, and hence their overthrow -before the advancing power of a new religion.[346] It is certain that -the conquerors of Xibalba (which was no doubt Palenque) were near -neighbors, who had been closely allied to the great power. Bancroft is -of the opinion that they were the Tzequiles, who arrived during Votan’s -absence and introduced new ideas of government and religion among his -people.[347] Garcia Pelaez, in his _Memorias_, agrees with Juarros in -calling them Carthaginians, and states that they arrived in that region -about four hundred years before Christ, founded Tulan, the present -Ococingo, and overthrew ancient Culhuacan or Palenque.[348] Brasseur -de Bourbourg says that the Nahuas, coming into Mexico by sea at the -south [_i. e._, in the south central region] slowly moved toward the -north, to the regions bordering on California, and also spreading their -civilization across the Usumacinta River, went into Yucatan and even -Guatemala. This he thinks occurred in the year 174 of our era; Xibalba -was at the height of her power, but was overthrown in the revolution -and conquest.[349] While we do not attach much certainty to the -Abbé’s date, still we think that the fall of Xibalba was due to Nahua -influences brought to bear upon the ancestors of the Quichés. The old -religion and civilization of the Votanites were compelled to yield to -the vigorous and warlike power which brought with it a religion which -has ever commended itself to the senses and impulses of semi-civilized -peoples. The worship of the sun-symbol of the Heart of Heaven was -destined to supplant all other faiths. - -It will be remembered that Quetzalcoatl was the leader and deity of the -Nahuas, and that in their language his name signified “plumed serpent,” -while Gucumatz, leader and patron deity of the Xibalban conquerors -has precisely the same significance in the Quiché language. Utatlan -upon the Guatemalian highlands was doubtless the point from which the -allied forces under the brothers descended the precipitous road to -the Usumacinta region below. It is probable that the Nahuas had lived -for some time in the country, had reached it in their migrations by -water along the Gulf coast, and spread their population to quarters -both north and south of the point at which they entered. They may -have been permitted to settle in the country without molestation, and -in time to have united their forces with the rivals of Xibalba for the -overthrow of a power which was the dread of the entire Central American -region. The crumbling though wonderful ruins of Palenque are the sole -vestiges which are left to us of a grand capital and noble empire, -and these offer us nothing but the sealed histories which are graven -in hieroglyphics upon its walls. Subsequently the Maya-Quiché nations -divided and extended their language in three directions; one division -journeyed toward Guatemala, another toward Mexico, and another into -Yucatan; the latter region has ever remained a peculiarly Maya country. -Las Casas states that some of the Guatemalians had a legend of their -origin, to the effect that a divine pair of beings had thirteen sons -(but by comparison with other authors, namely, Roman in Garcia, and -Bancroft, vol. iii, pp. 74–5, it is clear that the writer designed -to write three—_tres_—instead of thirteen—_trece_), or rather three -sons. The eldest was puffed up in his own conceit, and attempted to -create man against the will of his parents, but failed, except that -he was able to produce vessels of the meaner sort. The younger sons, -who exhibited quite a different spirit, were granted the privilege, -and after creating the sun and moon and stars, created the first man -and woman, the progenitors of the human race.[350] Las Casas adds, -“They have among them knowledge of the flood and of the end of the -world. They call it ‘butic,’ a name which signifies a flood of many -waters. They also believe that another ‘butic’ and judgment will come, -not of water but of fire. They hold that certain persons who escaped -from the flood populated their land; these were called the Great -Father and Great Mother.”[351] In Yucatan the origin traditions point -directly to an eastern and foreign source for the population. The -early writers report that the natives believed their ancestors to have -crossed the sea by a passage which was opened for them.[352] It was -also believed that part of the population came into the country from -the West. Lizana says that the smaller portion of the population, the -“little descent,” came from the East, while the greater portion, “the -great descent,” came from the West.[353] Cogolludo disagrees with this -view, and considers the eastern colony as the larger; a view which is -not likely to be true. The author himself is not quite certain as to -what he thinks upon the subject, and contradicts himself squarely on -the same page, as to the direction from which Zamna, the Yucatanic -culture-hero, is said to have come.[354] Señor Orozco y Berra, thinks -that the Yucatanic population came from the north-east (from Florida), -by way of Cuba and the islands adjacent.[355] The culture-hero, Zamna, -the author of all civilization in Yucatan, is described as the teacher -of letters and the leader of the people from their ancient home. His -relation to the people and his office of priest and deity combined—the -fact that he was the leader of a colony from the East, that he named -all the divisions of the land, all the towns, coasts, bays and -rivers—identifies him with Votan or rather with one of his disciples -or associates. Cogolludo’s statement, first that he came from the -West, may be true of the direction from which he came into Yucatan; and -the statement that he came from the East, may refer to the original -migration by which he in company with Votan reached Chiapas and from -thence entered the peninsula on the north-east. He was the founder of -the capital city of Mayapan, and after a long life died and was buried -at Izamal.[356] This became a shrine for pilgrims and was visited for -centuries afterwards by religious devotees in large numbers. Zamna is -supposed to have founded the oldest royal house in Yucatan—that of the -Cocomes.[357] The second culture-hero, of whom mention is made by all -the early writers, was Cukulcan (meaning plumed serpent, precisely -the same as Quetzalcoatl), who entered the country from the West and -settled at Chichen-Itza.[358] Landa is not certain whether he preceded -or followed the Itzas. His celibacy, general purity of morals, and the -advanced character of his teachings, seem to identify him with the -Nahua culture-hero, Quetzalcoatl, and it is believed, with reason, -that he appeared in Yucatan after his mysterious disappearance in -the province of Goazacoalco. For some unknown reason, Cukulcan left -Chichen-Itza after a residence there of ten years. Herrera states that -he had two brothers who remained in Chichen-Itza, while Cukulcan went -to Mayapan. He describes all as practising the purest asceticism. After -the disappearance of Cukulcan, temples were erected to his memory and -he was worshiped as a god.[359] The date of his residence in Yucatan -is a matter of considerable dispute, Cogolludo placing it in the -twelfth century, Herrera in the ninth, Brasseur de Bourbourg in the -eleventh, and Bancroft in the second. To fix dates on no better data -than such legends is folly. It is probable, however, that Cukulcan -was the culture-hero Quetzalcoatl, who was the teacher of the Nahua -nations and figured as the introducer of the fine arts, of purity of -morals, of confessional ceremonies and a humane and enlightened system -of religion at Cholula, and afterwards disappeared toward the East -upon the waters of the Gulf. With the rule of the Cocomes and the -annals of that remarkable branch of the Chiapan family, composed of -Maya and Nahua elements known as the Tutul Xius, we have nothing to do -in this work.[360] Las Casas, in examining the doctrine of Hunab Ku, -“the only God” among the Yucatecoes, who is described as the father -of Zamna, discovered a most striking Christ myth; one which conforms -so closely to the gospel account of Christ’s birth and ministry that -we must conclude that either some foreigner must have been cast upon -the coast after the Christian era began, bringing the gospel with him, -or that one of two views is true, namely, that the Fathers fabricated -the story, or that the natives, expecting favor of their conquerors, -endeavored to harmonize their belief with that which was being taught -them. Las Casas tells us of their belief in a Trinity consisting of -Izona, the Father; Bacab, the Son, and Echuah, the Holy Ghost.[361] -The Son was born of the Virgin Chibirias, and was rejected of men, was -scourged and crucified on a tree with cross-arms; he descended into -the regions of the dead, but rose again on the third day, and finally -ascended to heaven. In fact the story is the Apostles’ Creed without -the “Credo,” and is probably as much the work of the credulous and -imaginative Spanish Fathers as of the designing natives. The story -ought to be repudiated without question. It only remains for us to -submit the question to the reader, whether the Maya peoples are not of -transatlantic origin, as we believe the facts in this chapter indicate. - - - - - CHAPTER VI. - - TRADITIONAL HISTORY OF THE ORIGIN OF THE NAHUA NATIONS. - - The Early Inhabitants of Mexico — Quinames — Miztecs and Zapotecs - — Totonacs and Huastecs — Olmecs and Xicalancas — The Nahuas — - The Cholula Pyramid — Its Origin Explained in the Duran MS. — - No Relation to a Flood — Ixtlilxochitl’s Deluge Tradition — The - first Toltecs — The Codex Chimalpopoca Account — The Discovery - of Maize — Sahagun’s Origin of the Nahuas — They came from - Florida — Their Settlement in Tamoanchan — Their Migrations - — Hue Hue Tlapalan — Its Location, according to the Sources - — Not Identical with Tlapallan de Cortés — Not in Central - America — Probably in the Mississippi Valley — Beginning of the - Toltec Annals — The Chichimecs not Nahuas — The Nahuatlacas — - The Aztecs — Aztlan — As Described by Early Writers — Aztec - Migration — Aztec Maps — Señor Ramirez on Migration Maps — The - Seven Caves — Three Claims for the Location of Aztlan — The - Culture Hero — Quetzalcoatl. - - -In considering the origin of the Nahua nations, especially of the -Toltecs and Aztecs, it is common to look upon the former as the first -inhabitants of Mexico. Such a conclusion is, however, erroneous, since -the Toltecs were preceded in Central-Southern Mexico, and even in -Anahuac, both by people of different extraction from themselves and -by scattering tribes of their own linguistic family, the Nahua. Of -the former class, the most conspicuous are the so-called Quinametin -(or Quinames), otherwise known as giants. These fierce and powerful -people were encountered by the Olmecs, the first Nahuas to colonize -the region north of the Isthmus of Tehuantepec. All the early writers -refer to them in terms which indicate that they were disposed to accept -the existence of a race of giants as a fact. Veytia and Clavigero, -however, are convinced that the report is not to be accepted literally. -The widest possible difference of opinion as to their origin and -relationship to existing tribes prevails with different authors. All -agree, however, that they were the first inhabitants of the country. -These cruel monsters, addicted to the most disgusting vices, the -terror of the immigrating peoples, at last met their fate, according -to Ixtlilxochitl, in a great convulsion of nature which shook the -earth and caused the mountains and volcanoes to swallow up and kill -them.[362] It is probable that this account was figurative. Duran -says they were destroyed by the Tlascaltecs while eating.[363] Veytia -attributes the destruction to the Olmec chiefs, who made a feast for -their enemies and when they were stupid and drunken fell upon them -and slew them. We think that in this allusion to the giants, “the -first inhabitants of the land,” we see the Votanic colonists from -Xibalba that are supposed to have penetrated Anahuac at an early -day. They may not have carried any special degree of refinement with -them from their old home, and if they did, they probably lapsed into -a state of semi-barbarism. Their power as a people, their enmity to -the immigrants, and their traditional connection with the hated and -all-powerful Xibalba, may have won for them the name of giants because -of the fear that was entertained of them; or, as Mr. Bancroft thinks, -they may not have been savages at all, but a civilized branch of the -Xibalbans, carrying on the warfare in the North which had been waged -farther South.[364] It is quite probable that we have here a figurative -allusion, from a Nahua standpoint, to the fall of the Xibalban power -itself—the new-world Babylon, which, like the old, may have met its -fate during a drunken revel.[365] - -To the tribes which figured conspicuously in Mexico prior to the -Toltecs and not related to the Nahuas, we may add the Miztecs and -Zapotecs, whose language, though not Maya, is in some respects similar -to it, while the architectural remains and traditional origin of -this people associates them with the Nahuas. Their civilization in -Oajaca rivalled that of the Aztecs in its degree of advancement.[366] -The Totonacs were formerly, according to Torquemada, of Nahua -extraction; but the authority in the face of linguistic difficulties -is doubtful.[367] According to Torquemada’s claim, they were the -builders of the temple of the sun and moon at Teotihuacan near Lake -Tezcuco.[368] The Huastecs of northern Vera Cruz were a Maya branch -of the power at the south; they mark the most northern point reached -by the Maya tongue. Of the Nahua predecessors of the Toltecs in -Mexico the Olmecs and Xicalancas were the most important. They were -the forerunners of the great nations which followed. According to -Ixtlilxochitl, these people—which are conceded to be one—occupied the -new world in the third age; they came from the East in ships or barks -to the land of Potonchan, which they commenced to populate, and on -the shores of the River Atoyac, between the Ciudad de los Angeles and -Cholula, they found some giants who had escaped the calamity which -overtook that race in the second age of the world.[369] Here then comes -the destruction of the giants referred to above. The first settlement -of the Olmecs and Xicalancas in Mexico is supposed to have been on the -site of the ancient city of Xicalanco at the point which still bears -the name, at the entrance of the Laguna de Terminos, while a second -city, built probably a little later, was situated on the coast a short -distance below Vera Cruz; the entire region bore the name of Anahuac -Xicalanco.[370] The first great exploit of the Olmec chiefs, the -destruction of the giants, we observe was performed at some distance -from their earliest settlement. The state of Puebla became their chosen -ground, and quite soon after the above achievement they undertook the -building of the famous tower of Cholula, which is so closely allied in -its traditional history with the Tower of Babel. Several authors state -that the erection of the pyramid of Cholula was done in memory of the -erection of the tower of Babel, at which it is claimed the ancestors -of the Olmec chiefs were present. Boturini is probably one of the -most sanguine advocates of this view.[371] Others consider that the -knowledge which the ancestors of this people transmitted to them with -reference to Babel, in time became associated with the Cholula edifice -and confounded with its history. - -The Toltecs possessed a deluge tradition, which we will notice -hereafter, which unquestionably had reference to a very general and -devastating flood; perhaps the scriptural one, but it is clear, as we -think we have the authority to show, that the Cholula pyramid and its -origin had no relation to that tradition, though so often confounded -with it and the tower referred to by the Nahua chroniclers. The -generally accepted origin of the pyramid is as follows: from the great -cataclysm which destroyed the giants, seven of that race of monsters -escaped by shutting themselves up in a mountain cavern. After the -waters subsided, Xelhua, one of their number, went to Cholula and began -the construction of this pyramid “to escape a second flood, should -another occur,” according to Kingsborough, or as a “memorial of the -mountain called Tlaloc which had sheltered him,” according to Pedro -de los Rios. The bricks which were manufactured at the foot of the -Sierra de Cocotl were transported to Cholula by being passed through -the hands of a file of men extending between the two localities. But -the angered gods seeing the presumption of mortals, smote both the -tower and its architects with thunderbolts and stopped their work.[372] -Lord Kingsborough so intimately connects the erection of the tower -with the Toltec deluge legend as to derive Xelhua, the builder of -the tower, from the Toltecs rather than from the race of giants, by -claiming that he escaped from the deluge with Paticatle the Mexican -Noah in an ark, and adds that when the tower was destroyed and the -tongues of the builders confounded, Xelhua led a colony to the new -world. This last will serve as a specimen of how the Cholula legend -has been misunderstood and confounded with the tower of Babel. Father -Duran in his MS.,[373] _Historia Antigua de la Nueva España_, 1585 A. -D., quotes from the lips of a native of Cholula, over an hundred years -old, a version of the legend which assigns quite a different object -for building the Pyramid, one which shows that it never was erected -as a memorial of Babel nor ever had any reference to an escape from -any flood either past or in anticipation. It is as follows: “In the -beginning before the light of the sun had been created, this land -was in obscurity and darkness and void of any created thing; all was -a plain without hill or elevation, encircled in every part by water -without tree or created thing; and immediately after the light and the -sun arose in the east, there appeared gigantic men of deformed stature, -and possessed the land, who desiring to see the nativity of the sun as -well as his occident, proposed to go and seek them. Dividing themselves -into two parties, some journeyed toward the West and others toward -the East; these travelled until the sea cut off their road, whereupon -they determined to return to the place from which they started, and -arriving at this place (Cholula), not finding the means of reaching the -sun, enamored of his light and beauty, they determined to build a tower -so high that its summit should reach the sky. Having collected material -for the purpose, they found a very adhesive clay and bitumen, with -which they speedily commenced to build the tower, and having reared -it to the greatest possible altitude, so that they say it reached to -the sky, the Lord of the Heavens, enraged, said to the inhabitants of -the sky, ‘Have you observed how they of the earth have built a high -and haughty tower to mount hither, being enamored of the light of the -sun and his beauty? Come! and confound them; because it is not right -that they of the earth, living in the flesh, should mingle with us.’ -Immediately at that very instant the inhabitants of the sky sallied -forth like flashes of lightning; they destroyed the edifice and divided -and scattered its builders to all parts of the earth.”[374] This -account, the most ancient on record, makes no reference to a flood, -and is quite distinct from the Mexican deluge tradition. Its value as -an interpreter of the tendency of the American tribes not only of the -United States and Mexico, but of both Americas, to erect mounds and -truncated pyramids is not inconsiderable, since it confirms the opinion -long entertained that they were connected with sun-worship. The great -culture-hero, Quetzalcoatl, the white saintly personage from the East, -said to have been the leader of the Nahuas, appeared during the Olmec -rule, and to his honor the Cholulans erected a temple upon the pyramid -which their countrymen or predecessors had failed to complete.[375] -Quetzalcoatl was, however, no tribal hero, but was so intimately -identified with the institutions and civilization of the entire Nahua -race that we purposely defer a consideration of his character at -present in order that we may hasten to the traditional origin of the -Toltecs. - -It is not our purpose to go back to the several traditions of the -creation of man, preserved in as many localities in Mexico, each with -its own variations, but simply to take up tradition where it first -relates to the Toltec families. We are fully aware of the wide range -of opinion with reference to what properly constitutes this tradition, -and of the irreconcilable variations in dates and numeric details -among the several Spanish writers. Probably all will agree that the -native writer Ixtlilxochitl, who inherited the rich collection of royal -archives and hieroglyphic paintings belonging to his ancestors (and -which fortunately escaped the wholesale vandalism of the conquerors), -though both contradictory and negligent, has furnished us the most -reliable narrative which has yet been brought to light. Without -attempting to correct or unravel his chronology, we simply translate -his account of the origin of the Toltecs. Speaking of the first age -of the world, the pre-diluvial period, he says: “It is found in the -histories of the Toltecs that this age and first world as they call -it, lasted 1716 years; that men were destroyed by tremendous rains and -lightning from the sky, and even all the land without the exception of -anything, and the highest mountains, were covered up and submerged in -water ‘caxtolmoletlti,’ or _fifteen cubits_, and here they add other -fables of how men came to multiply from the few who escaped from this -destruction in a ‘toptlipetlacali,’ that this word nearly signifies a -close chest; and how after men had multiplied they erected a very high -‘zacuali,’ which is to say a tower of great height, in order to take -refuge in it, should the second world (age) be destroyed. Presently -their languages were confused; and not able to understand each other, -they went to different parts of the earth. The Toltecs, consisting -of seven friends with their wives, who understood the same language, -came to these parts, having first passed great land and seas, having -lived in caves, and having endured great hardships in order to reach -this land, which they found good and fertile for their habitation; and -relate that they wandered one hundred and four years through different -parts of the world before they reached Hue hue Tlapalan, which was in -Ce Tecpatl, five hundred and twenty years after the flood. Seventeen -hundred and fifteen years after the flood, there was a terrible -hurricane that carried away trees, mounds, houses and the largest -edifices, notwithstanding which many men and women escaped principally -in caves and places where the great hurricane could not reach them. -A few days having passed, they set out to see what had become of the -earth, when they found it all covered and populated with monkeys. All -this time they were in darkness without seeing the light of the sun -nor the moon that the wind had brought them. The Indians invented a -fable which says that men were changed into monkeys. * * * One hundred -and fifty-eight years after the great hurricane and 4994 from the -creation of the world, there was another destruction of this land, -which was of the Quinametin, giants who lived in New Spain, which -destruction was a great trembling of the earth, which swallowed up and -killed them, the mountains and volcanoes burst upon them, that for a -certainty none should escape. At the same time many of the Toltecs -perished and the Chichimecs their neighbors. That was in the year Ce -Tecpatl; and this age they call Tlachilonatnip, that is to say, sun [or -age] of earth.”[376] Here follows an account of the construction of -the calendar by the assembly of Lords in Hue hue Tlapalan in the year -5097 of the creation of the world and 104 after the destruction of the -giants. - -The singular agreement of this account with the Mosaic description, -in some of its details, such as the height attained by the waters -above the mountains, the escape of certain persons in an ark, and -the erection of a high tower, together with the subsequent confusion -of tongues, Lord Kingsborough is convinced furnishes proof that the -Toltecs were of Jewish descent.[377] While we are not prepared to -believe the sanguine speculations of that eminent author in this -case, still one of two views must be true: either the Toltecs were -of old world origin, and at a remote period treasured up among their -traditional histories notices of the Mosaic deluge, traditions of -which are so generally current among the Asiatic nations, or the -Mexican traditions of local inundation were warped by the teachings -of the Spanish priests in a degree beyond any precedent in history -or reasonable expectation, and that within a comparatively few years -after the conquest. Our authority in this case is a native of Tezcuco, -a son of the queen; and because of his acquaintance with both the -hieroglyphic writings and the Castilian, served as interpreter to -the viceroy. His _Relacions_ were composed from the archives of -his family and compared with the testimony of the oldest and best -informed natives. It does not seem to us that the sense of historic -integrity cultivated to so nice a point at Tezcuco, where the censorial -council, just prior to the advent of the conquerors, punished with -death any who should willfully pervert the truth, could have so -sadly degenerated that Ixtlilxochitl and the venerable natives who -were conscious of the representations contained in his work, should -proclaim a falsehood which would not meet with contradiction.[378] We -are aware that this author’s chronology is an inextricable maze of -contradictions which cannot be unravelled or reconstructed. The Toltec -families, seven in number, are, however, said to have reached Hue hue -Tlapalan five hundred and twenty years after the flood. The journey, -however, occupied only one hundred and four years of that time. Their -wanderings, attended with severe experiences, nakedness, and hunger and -cold, were over many lands, across expanses of sea and through untold -hardships.[379] - -The date of the migration to Hue hue Tlapalan cannot be approximated -from available data, but it is evident that Ixtlilxochitl fixes it -at 520 years after the flood, or 2236 years after the creation—a -period which must have antedated the Christian era by a score of -centuries or more, even if we accept his chronology, which (on p. -322 of his _Relacions_), implies that more than five thousand years -elapsed between the creation and the birth of Christ. The _Codex -Chimalpopoca_, a Nahua record written in Spanish letters, which -occupies probably the same relation to early Mexican history that -the _Popol Vuh_ does to the Maya history, has been made known to us -through the writings of Brasseur de Bourbourg, but as yet it has not -been published. Ixtlilxochitl was the copyist of this document, and of -course used it in composing his _Relacions_. Mr. Bancroft has attempted -to collect from scattered passages, taken from the _Codex Chimalpopoca_ -and found in Brasseur’s writings, a continuous narrative, but with -little success. “The division of the earth,” by the sun, “six times -four hundred, plus one hundred, plus thirteen years ago to-day, the -twenty-second of May, 1558;” in other words, in the year 955 B. C., is -a date obtained which seems to refer to the division of the land among -the followers of Votan.[380] In the _Popol Vuh_, Gucumatz (whose name -signifies plumed serpent) is described as going in search of maize, -while the _Codex Chimalpopoca_ describes Quetzalcoatl, whose name is -identical in meaning with that of Gucumatz, as entering upon the same -undertaking, though under somewhat different circumstances, and states -that when he had found it, he brought it to Tamoanchan.[381] We shall -see hereafter that Sahagun locates Tamoanchan in Tabasco, a fact of -considerable value in studying the Toltec migration. The reader will -not, however, associate Quetzalcoatl with the above date, since such -is not the purport of the record. The _Chimalpopoca_ implies that -Quetzalcoatl afterwards becoming obnoxious to his companions forsook -them, a statement noted by Mr. Bancroft, though its full value does -not seem to have been observed by that author.[382] The account -clearly refers to the role of Quetzalcoatl among the Quichés, when he -was known as Gucumatz, and prior to his appearance among the Olmec -(Nahua) tribes. It indicates that the _Codex Chimalpopoca_ account of -the discovery of maize is purely Quiché, and has no reference to the -Nahuas whatever. The search for maize by the plumed serpent, call -him by either his Quiché or Nahua name if you wish, was prior to the -advent of that remarkable personage among the Nahuas. The reputed -discovery we consider nothing more than a figurative allusion to -the introduction of agriculture by this culture-hero, the knowledge -of which he afterwards communicated to the Nahuas at Tamoanchan. If -these inferences are true, the _Codex Chimalpopoca_, so far as we -are acquainted with its contents, can render us no assistance with -reference to the question in hand. We will now return to the beginning -of the subject and cite additional authorities, chief among them -Sahagun. In the introduction to his _Historia General_, in speaking -of the origin of this people, he expresses the opinion that it is -impossible to definitely determine more than that they report “that all -the natives came from seven caves, and that these seven caves are the -seven ships or galleys in which the first populators of the land came.” -He adds, “The first people came to populate this land from towards -Florida, and came coasting and disembarked at the port of Pánuco, which -they called Panco, which signifies a place to which they come who pass -the water. This people came in quest of the terrestrial paradise, and -were known by the name Tamoanchan, by which they mean, ‘we seek our -home.’ They settled around the highest mountains that they found. In -coming toward the midday to find the terrestrial paradise, they did -not err, because it is the opinion of the knowing that it is under the -equinoctial line.”[383] The above account is rendered more definite -in the following passage from his third volume:[384] “Countless years -ago the first settlers arrived in these parts of New Spain—which is -nearly another world—coming with ships by sea, approached a port at -the North, and because they disembarked there, it is called Panutla or -Panaoia, place where they arrive who come by the sea; at present it -is corruptly called Pantlan. From that port they commenced to journey -by the shores of the sea, ever beholding the snow-capped Sierras and -the volcanoes, until they came to the province of Guatemala, being -guided by their priest who carried with him their god, with whom he -always counseled concerning what he should do. They settled down in -Tamoanchan, where they were a long time, and never ceased to have their -wise men or prophets, called Amoxoaqui, which signifies ‘men learned -in the ancient paintings,’ who, although they came at the same time, -did not remain with the rest in Tamoanchan, for leaving them there, -they re-embarked and took with them all the paintings of the rites -and mechanic arts which they had brought.” The account continues by -stating that the priests informed their companions before leaving them, -that their God had made them masters of the land, and that they should -inhabit it and await his return. The priests then departed towards -the East with their idol wrapped in blankets. Whereupon the people -invented judicial astrology and the art of interpreting dreams. They -there also constructed the calendar which was followed during the time -of the Toltecs, Mexicans, Tepanecs and Chichimecs. The first migratory -movement was to Teotihuacan, where they erected two mountains in honor -of the sun and moon. Here they elected their rulers and buried their -princes, erecting mounds over their graves. This seems to have become -their holy city. The main power which had remained for a long time in -Tamoanchan was changed to Xumiltepec. From this latter place they, -however, at the instance of their priests, started again on their -migrations. First going to Teotihuacan in order to choose their wise -men. Notwithstanding the remarks of Sahagun that the seven caves were -the seven ships in which the first settlers came to New Spain, he here -affirms that in the course of their migration they came to the valley -of the seven caves. How long they remained in this national centre -we have no means of knowing, but eventually their god told them to -retrace their steps, which they did, going to Tollancingo (Tulancingo) -and finally to Tulan (Tollan). Ixtlilxochitl, if he can be relied -upon (and if he is unreliable we might as well give up the task of -tracing the early history of this or any other Mexican people) shows -clearly that the ancestors of the Toltecs were possessed of certain -traditions which point to an Asiatic origin; that at a remote period -they set out from that common home of so many peoples, possessing the -same traditions, in search of a suitable country in which to live; -that after one hundred and four years occupied in traversing broad -lands and seas, they arrived in a country called Hue hue Tlapalan. -This event, according to his chronology, must have occurred upwards -of twenty centuries before Christ. He tells us also that in Hue hue -Tlapalan, the Toltecs regulated their calendar. Sahagun says that -countless years ago the first inhabitants of the country (Mexico) -came by sea from the direction of Florida on the North, and landing -at Pánuco, journeyed down the coast to Guatemala (which is supposed -to have embraced Chiapas and perhaps Tabasco, though such is only the -conjecture of an earnest advocate of the Southern location of Hue hue -Tlapalan, _i. e._, Mr. Bancroft) where they established a city called -Tamoanchan—there the calendar was regulated or corrected. Whether this -was the same construction of the calendar referred to by Ixtlilxochitl -as having taken place in Hue hue Tlapalan is questionable. If positive -proof of the identity of these occurrences could be produced, the -identity of Tamoanchan and Hue hue Tlapalan would be complete, and the -disputed location of the latter would be fixed in the Chiapan region or -the country of the Xibalbans. The fact that Quetzalcoatl brought maize -to Tamoanchan seems to indicate a comparative proximity of that country -to the Southern region where that culture-hero figured so conspicuously -under the Quiché name of Gucumatz. If no other testimony need be -introduced the disputed locality might be fixed as above indicated. -However, the contradictory records of Ixtlilxochitl, which we are now -about to cite, unsettle this conclusion. The Toltec migration from Hue -hue Tlapalan is briefly as follows: Three hundred and thirty-eight -years after Christ a revolt occurred among the Toltecs in Hue hue -Tlapalan, in which two rebel princes attempted to depose the legitimate -successor to the throne. These rebel chiefs, named Chalcatzin and -Tlacamihtzin respectively, were unsuccessful, and together with five -other chiefs and their numerous allies and people, were driven out of -their city Tlachicatzin in Hue hue Tlapalan. After a journey of sixty -leagues, they arrived at a place which they called Tlapallanconco, or -Little Tlapalan. Their departure from their old home did not occur till -they had withstood a contest of eight years—or, according to Veytia, -thirteen years—duration.[385] At Tlapallanconco they lived three years, -at the end of which time there arose among them a great astrologer, -named Hueman or Huematzin, who counseled them to forsake the land of -their misfortunes and journey toward the rising sun, where there was -a happy land formerly occupied by Quinames, but now depopulated. This -advice seeming good they set out on their journey at the end of the -three years, or eleven years after leaving Hue hue Tlapalan. After -traveling twelve days and accomplishing seventy leagues they arrived -at Hueyxalan, and remained there four years. From thence a twenty days -journey toward the East, or according to Veytia, toward the West, and -of one hundred leagues in length, brought them to Xalisco, near the -sea-shore. Here they remained eight years. Twenty days journey and 100 -leagues more brought them to Chimalhuacan on the coast opposite certain -islands, where they resided five years. Eighteen days or 80 leagues -traversed toward the East, and they arrived at Toxpan, where they -dwelt five years more. Proceeding eastward twenty days’ journey or 100 -leagues, they came to Quiyahuitztlan Anahuac, situated on the coast. -Here they were obliged to pass inlets of the sea in boats. During a -six years’ sojourn at this point, they suffered many hardships. An -eighteen days’ journey or 80 leagues brought them to Zacatlan where -they dwelt seven years. From thence they journeyed eighty leagues to -Totzapan and dwelt there six years. They next journeyed to Tepetla, -distant twenty-eight days, or 140 leagues, where they dwelt seven -years. Eighteen days’ journey or 80 leagues brought them to Mazatepec, -where they remained eight years, and a similar journey brought them -to Ziuhcohuatl where they tarried also eight years. Turning northward -from this unknown point, they journeyed twenty days or 100 leagues -and halted at Yztachuexucha, where they dwelt twenty-six years. -At last, after a journey of eighteen days or eighty leagues, they -arrived at Tulancingo (Tulantzinco, or Tollantzinco) a name already -familiar to us. Here the Toltecs emerge from what has been to us an -unknown wilderness without geographic guide-post or even a polar -star by which to reckon. Their itinerary, full of so many gaps and -inconsistencies, its frequent omission of the directions traversed, -with its starting-point so indefinitely located, is meaningless and -confusing, and so far as the reader is concerned, practically begins -nowhere and ends in nothing. At Tulancingo they remained eighteen -years, living in a house sufficiently large to accommodate them all. -Their knowledge of architecture must have been quite advanced to have -enabled them to construct such an edifice. The third year after their -arrival at Tulancingo, marked a Toltec age of 104 years from the time -they left their home in Hue hue Tlapalan. Finally, eighteen years -having elapsed, they transferred the capital to Tollan, afterwards the -centre of the Toltec empire. Tollan is stated to have been eastward -of Tulancingo (in all probability a mistake).[386] In this migration -we have a distance of 1150 leagues traversed; the first two moves, -aggregating 130 leagues, is in an unknown direction; the next advance -is 100 leagues in an easterly direction, according to one author, and -westerly according to another; however, it is agreed that the point -was on the sea-shore. The next move of 100 leagues is still along the -sea-shore, but the direction is not stated. We then have two advances -amounting to 180 leagues, in an easterly direction. The confusion -is completed in the following advances, aggregating 460 leagues in -unknown directions. Of the remaining 180 leagues, 100 were traveled in -a northern direction, while the remaining 80 leagues were taken toward -an unknown quarter. It is quite plain to any one, that the distances -traversed in the directions stated could not be traced consistently -with the geography of Mexico and Central America, upon the assumption -that Tamoanchan and Hue hue Tlapalan are identical and situated in the -Rio Usumacinta region. The itinerary would carry the emigrants far -out upon the Gulf of Mexico. It is evident that a broader territory -than that of Southern Mexico and Central America is required for the -realization of such distances. The account of the migration is no doubt -faulty; but even if we disregard the gaps, it presents insuperable -difficulties when applied to the South-Mexican region. It is manifest -that Sahagun and Ixtlilxochitl refer to different migrations. The -former to the Olmecs, who came by sea to Pánuco and thence to Tabasco, -from which they migrated north to Teotihuacan. The latter narrates the -wanderings of the Toltecs who subsequently came into Mexico by land. -If this distinction is borne in mind, much of the obscurity attending -the subject is cleared away. We are inclined to think that the accounts -of the two distinct migrations have become confused, and the details -of one substituted for the details of the other. Every one familiar -with the study of traditional histories is aware of this danger, or -even more, this tendency among semi-civilized peoples. No better -illustration of this fact can be presented than the sad confusion which -has been wrought by nearly every writer who has attempted to describe -the two distinct personages in Mexican history, known by the name of -Quetzalcoatl. Only Sahagun of all the early writers has seemed to have -any clear conception of their individual and independent attributes. -The demi-god, and the Toltec king, and the achievements of each, have -been made to change places so often by Spanish writers, that the result -has, with each new treatment of the subject, been confusion worse -confounded. Sahagun’s account of the arrival of the Nahuas in ships, -from the direction of Florida, their landing in Pánuco, their journey -toward Guatemala, their residence in Tamoanchan (probably somewhere -in the Chiapan region) and their subsequent migration northward to -Teotihuacan with its well-known pyramids, and finally their removal -to Tollan, north of the City of Mexico, by the way of Tolancingo, -is a straightforward account which finds support in the best of -evidence, both of a material and linguistic character. Sr. Orozco y -Berra has clearly shown by linguistic testimony that the Nahua nations -entered the country somewhere between the nineteenth and twenty-first -degrees of north latitude, on the Gulf coast, migrated southward to -a point seventeen and one-half degrees north latitude, almost to the -Chiapan region, and then retracing their steps northward, almost to a -point opposite Vera Cruz, they crossed Mexico to the Pacific coast, -along which they extended their language northward nearly to the -twenty-seventh degree north latitude.[387] Sahagun says nothing of Hue -hue Tlapalan in his account of the migration from Tamoanchan to Tollan -or from Chiapas to Anahuac, for his account refers to the Olmecs, the -first Nahuas to reach Mexico. - -Mr. John H. Becker, of Berlin, in an able paper addressed to the -Congrès des Américainistes at Luxembourg (_Compte Rendu de la Seconde -Session_, tom. i, pp. 325–50), after offering plausible arguments for -the identification of Tulan Zuiva of the Quichés, Hue hue Tlapalan of -the Toltecs, Amaquemecan of the Chichimecs, and Oztotlan of the Aztecs, -with the region of the upper Rio Grande del Norte and Rio Colorado—the -land of the ravines, of grottoes, and of cañons—attempts to trace the -Toltec migration as given by Ixtlilxochitl. His interesting solution -of the difficult problem is as follows: “The Toltecs driven out of Hue -hue Tlapalan by civil wars (towards the end of the fourth century of -our era?) move in a westerly direction sixty leagues to Tlapalanconco -(northern Sinaloa and Sonora on the Rio Yaqui, where distinct traces -of the Nahua language exist?); thence, after eleven years, they go -to Hueyxalan, seventy leagues distant (perhaps the northern part of -Durango, where the Tepehuana language shows strong Nahua affinities); -thence to Xalisco on the coast, one hundred leagues distant; thence -to Chimalhuacan Atenco on the coast opposite some islands, one -hundred leagues (opposite the islands in the southern end of the Gulf -of California)? In that case they did undoubtedly suffer a reverse -in Xalisco (where they touched upon the more thickly populated and -civilized country, and by which they were forced to retire); thence -eastward eighty leagues to Toxpan (in the neighborhood of the Laguna -de Tlahuila and on the upper Sabina River). In that country there is -even now a tribe of Tochos, and the Tarahumara language there spoken, -shows distinct affinities to the Nahua tongue; thence eastward one -hundred leagues to Quahuitzlan Anahuac, on the coast with inlets—the -coast-land of the state of Tamaulipas, on the Gulf of Mexico? About -this locality there can scarcely be a doubt, since this eastern coast -country and the eastern plateau bore the general name Quetzalapan or -Huitzilapan, until the Nahuas took possession of them, when the plateau -was designated as _Huitznahuac_, and the name above given would be -the natural one to apply to the coast, since while _nahuac_ (_an_) -means simply the Nahualand, _Anahuac_ (_an_) means the ‘Nahua land on -the water,’ while Quahuitzlan is the old name retained in order to -distinguish this Anahuac on the Gulf coast from the Anahuac around the -Mexican lakes. Here they ‘suffered great hardships,’ and finally went -westward eighty leagues to Zacatlan (the northern part of the State -of Zacatecas?); from there eighty leagues to Totzapan, probably again -in the neighborhood of Toxpan before mentioned (where the Tusanes are -located even to-day); thence one hundred and forty leagues to Tepetla -(the extraordinary distance shows that at last they gained a decisive -victory, and broke through the frontier of the more civilized country -which they had hitherto felt). Tepetla, mountainland, must consequently -be sought in the neighborhood of the high mountains of Anahuac; thence -eighty leagues to Mazatepec (the mountain of the Mazahuas, skirting -the valley of Mexico towards north and west); thence eighty leagues to -Ziuhcohuatl, where they probably suffered another defeat, for they move -full one hundred leagues northward to Yztachuechucha, and stop there -twenty-three years, a sufficient time to raise another generation of -warriors; thence eighty leagues to Tollantzingo, and then finally to -‘Tollan,’ the capital of their future empire, which if Ixtlilxochitl’s -dates can be trusted, they built about 500 B. C., on the site of a -former city of the Otomis.” This ingenious and thoughtful review of the -route commends itself to all who are interested in this subject. Mr. -Becker considers that one great argument for the correctness of the -starting-point which he has chosen is “the fact that even the distances -as given by Ixtlilxochitl agree with the actual situation of the -various localities here indicated.” Ixtlilxochitl, obscure as he is, -gives in another part of his work an additional account, besides the -one we have already quoted, which greatly strengthens our conviction -that the Toltecs came into Mexico from the north, and confirms the -investigations of both Mr. Becker and of Sr. Orozco. The account is -as follows: “In this fourth age there came to this land of Anahuac, -which is at present called New Spain, those of the Toltec nations who, -according to the accounts of their histories, were expelled from their -land, and after having navigated and coasted on the South Sea along -various lands as far as the present California, they came to what is -called Huitlapalan, that which at present they call after Cortés. This -locality they passed in the year called Ce Tecpatl, which was in the -year 387 of the incarnation of our Lord. Having coasted the land of -Xalisco, and all the coast of the south, they set out from the port -of Huatulco, and went through various lands as far as the province of -Tochtepec, situated on the coast of the North Sea, and having traversed -and viewed it they came to stop in the province of Tulantzinco, having -left some people in most of their stopping-places in order to populate -them.”[388] - -It will be observed that in this migration part of the same general -route above referred to, along the Pacific coast nearly opposite the -extremity of the California peninsula, and then returning southward -and inland, is clearly marked out. The Pacific ocean, called the South -Sea, seems to have facilitated their movements northward. Xalisco -was coasted, and the entire width of Mexico traversed, the Gulf of -Mexico reached (Sea of the North), and finally Tolancingo chosen as a -suitable home. It will be observed that the Huitlapalan named above is -not identical with Hue hue Tlapalan, the earliest home of the nations. -Mr. Bancroft has apparently confounded the two names, and endeavors to -find in the Tlapallan de Cortés (so named because of Cortés’ expedition -to a Tlapallan) the ancient Hue hue Tlapalan.[389] The Abbé Brasseur -de Bourbourg attempts precisely the same thing. The investigations of -both these writers on this point are interesting, though without any -result, unless unintentionally to strengthen the above distinction -between Huitlapalan and Hue hue Tlapalan. Substantially the facts are -as follows: Pedro de Alvarado, writing from Santiago or old Guatemala -to Cortés in 1524, refers to Tlapallan as fifteen days march inland, -and Mr. Bancroft thinks that the name must have been applied to a -region corresponding to either Honduras, Peten or Tabasco. Cortés’ name -was affixed to a Tlapallan said to lie towards Ihueras or Ibueras, the -former name of Honduras, because of his expedition to that country. -The Abbé says the name was applied to a region between the tributaries -of the Rio Usumacinta and Honduras. Finally, the fact that the second -Quetzalcoatl, when he embarked on the Gulf coast near the Goazacoalco -River, announced his intention of going to Tlapallan, is cited as -proof that the name was applied to a southern locality.[390] The -entire argument is perfectly satisfactory in locating a Tlapallan in -the Usumacinta region, but it does not have the slightest value in -proving that Hue hue Tlapalan was identical with that locality. On -the other hand, Cabrera, in referring to the ancient country of the -Toltecs, calls it Hue Hue Tlapalan, and states that the simple name was -Tlapallan, but that it was called Hue hue—old—to distinguish it from -three other Tlapalans which they founded in the new districts which -they came to inhabit. This statement is confirmed by Torquemada.[391] -It is therefore probable that Bancroft’s and Brasseur’s investigations -were all expended on one or more of these three Tlapalans. The -undoubted residence of a tribe of the Nahuas (Olmecs) in the Tabasco -region for a considerable period—one which is measured relatively in -the language of Sahugun between the “countless years ago when they -arrived from towards Florida” and their departure towards Anahuac in -the fourth or fifth century—has led many writers to suppose that they -were of southern origin, notwithstanding the statement of Sahagun, -Ixtlilxochitl and all the early writers to the contrary. Supposing -that the sweeping assumption of the northern origin so persistently -adhered to by native and Spanish writers is nothing but a priestly -fabrication, be admitted, simply that our attention may be turned to -other testimony, still the evidence is against the southern origin -theory. The material relics of Honduras and Nicaragua absolutely -disprove the positive supposition that they were ever the work of the -people who figured in Anahuac, and no transition from one style of -sculpture to the other has ever been discovered, nor could be imagined. -An examination of the first few chapters of Mr. Bancroft’s fourth -volume and the works from which it has been drawn will fully satisfy -the reader of this fact. The evidence from the linguistic standpoint is -even more satisfactory, since the Nahua language as spoken in Central -America, in the states of San Salvador and Nicaragua, is dialectic, -indicating a fragmentary migration southward.[392] - -It has been the common custom of Spanish writers and those who -followed them down to the middle of this century, to locate Hue hue -Tlapalan on the Californian coast. Vater and Humboldt from their -standpoints of investigation fell in with this view. The former, -basing his convictions on seeming linguistic affinities in the -north-west, which, while they are quite significant, indicative of -Nahua influences if not of Nahua residence, are too few to prove any -lengthy sojourn. Humboldt based his opinion chiefly on the traditions -and certain ethnological and geographical facts. Buschmann[393] has -completely overthrown the arguments of Vater in his series of works -on American languages, while Mr. Bancroft has shown conclusively that -there are no material remains assignable to the Toltecs to be found on -the Californian coast or the adjoining region.[394] When he asserts, -however, that there are no remains farther north than California, he -overlooks a well-known fact. We refer to the mounds of Oregon and -their extension eastward into the Yellowstone and North Missouri River -region. The most reasonable conjecture as to the locality of Hue hue -Tlapalan is that which places it in the Mississippi Valley, and assigns -the works of our Mound-builders to the Nahua nations. In previous -chapters we have shown the close resemblance of the mound crania to -the ancient Mexican, and have pointed out the gradual transition from -the rude and simple mounds of the north to the truncated pyramid of -the south, constructed on strict geometrical principles, having one -or more graded ways, and so closely resembling the Mexican teocallis. -Besides the testimony of Sahagun that the first settlers of Mexico -came from towards Florida, and the universal report of a northern -origin prevalent among the Aztecs at the time of the conquest, there -are other evidences of a racial identity common to Mound-builders and -Mexicans, such as pottery, sculptured portraitures of the facial type, -indications of commercial intercourse between the two countries, such -as the discovery of Mexican obsidian in the mounds of the Ohio Valley, -and the probability that both worshipped the sun and offered human -sacrifices.[395] - -With the Toltec annals proper we have nothing to do; only the most -primitive period of the growth of this people concerns us here, and -that period is conceded to have closed with the establishment of the -great capital at Tollan, on the site of the present village of Tula, -thirty miles north-west of the city of Mexico. Seven years after the -arrival of the Toltecs in Tollan, the government was a theocratic -republic, with the seven chiefs who had conducted them thither acting -as their rulers, under the advice of the venerable Huemen. Finally, -in the beginning of the eighth century, somewhere between 710 and 720 -A. D., the republic was changed into a monarchy and the throne given -to the son of their dreaded enemies and former neighbors, the warlike -Chichimecs, as a peace-offering, on condition that the Toltecs should -always be a free people and in no way tributary to the Chichimecs. The -history of the Toltec monarchy during the three and a half centuries -of its duration to the final overthrow of Tollan (1062 A. D.) as well -as the power of the remarkable people who built the ancient capital, -has often been sketched, and for us to repeat what has been recorded -in almost every language of modern Europe, would add nothing to the -cause of science. This part of ancient American history, so replete -with the romantic and marvellous, so confusing at times, because of our -ignorance of many geographic and archæologic features entering into -it (which, in time, will probably be brought to light), so saddening -because of its stories of wholesale misfortunes to a people whose -civilization rivalled that of Europe in the middle ages; and yet, after -all, so fresh and novel, must continue to receive increased attention, -if only as a means of recreation to the student of history, wearied -with the beaten paths from Rome to Greece, and from Greece to Rome. Mr. -Bancroft has given an excellent _resumé_ of the annals of the Toltec -period, accompanying it with an ample literary apparatus in the notes. -During the last century of the Toltec power, Anahuac was overrun by -the incursions of a fierce and dreaded people—the Chichimecs. These -semi-barbarians, taking advantage of the internal dissensions in -the Toltec monarchy, became a powerful factor, either on their own -part or in the hands of the enemies of Tollan, in the overthrow of -the empire. In the Toltec traditions we read of the Chichimecs being -their neighbors in Hue hue Tlapalan.[396] In the annals as given -in Ixtlilxochitl, Torquemada and many writers, the Chichimecs are -represented as having pursued and annoyed the Toltecs, to have followed -them up in their wanderings. This probably is not literally true, but -their arrival upon the borders of Anahuac, soon after its occupation -by the Toltecs, is quite certain. It has been common to consider the -Chichimecs as a Nahua people, and even so critical a writer as Mr. -Bancroft adopts this popular error. As long ago as 1855, Sr. Francisco -Pimentel undertook to show the mistake into which many had fallen, and -in his _Lenguas Indigenas de Mexico_ (published in 1862), has furnished -conclusive proof that the Chichimecs originally spoke a different -language from the Nahua nations, but subsequently adopted the Nahua -tongue, on the principle set forth by Balbi: “It is not the language -of the conquering people that invariably dominates, but that which -is most regular and cultured.” On the testimony of Torquemada,[397] -Ixtlilxochitl[398] and Juan Bautista Pomar,[399] Sr. Pimentel shows -that the Chichimec language was once distinct and different from the -Nahua, and that these people came under the civilizing influences of -the Toltecs during their golden age, but in their declining period -availed themselves of the opportunity of possessing their country and -advanced civilization.[400] If the Chichimecs were the neighbors of the -Toltecs in Hue hue Tlapalan, it is reasonable to expect some light on -the situation of that disputed locality in the Chichimec traditions; -but in this expectation we are disappointed. There is no mention of -that ancient home of the Nahuas, nor of any route pursued in their -migrations. Amaquemecan is the only name which is applied to their -most primitive land or history; one of the cities which they occupied -at some remote period seems to have borne the name. When the Toltecs -sent to the Chichimecs for their first king, they were, according to -Ixtlilxochitl, in the neighborhood of Panuco. Panes describes them as -having passed the sea, and, according to their reckoning, in the year -Five Tolti to have arrived at the seven caves. Thence they journeyed -to Amacatepeque, and certain persons left that province to go to -Tepenec, which is to say “the Mountain of Echo.”[401] Ixtlilxochitl -and some other authors derive them from Chicomoztoc, a rendezvous -of the nations, which has been located by Clavigero at about twenty -miles south of Zacatecas but is considered by Duran and Acosta as -identical with Aztlan in the region of Florida.[402] It is impossible -to determine either the starting-point or route of this people, who -subsequently became amalgamated with the scattered Toltecs after the -fall of Tollan, and whose rule in Anahuac may properly be dated from -the (1062) middle of the eleventh until nearly the middle of the -fifteenth (1431) century. - -A few years after the Chichimec power was established there came -from the North (at least their last move is admitted to have been -from that quarter) six tribes of Nahuatlacas, who arrived in the -country adjoining Tollan. There were altogether seven tribes, namely, -the Xochimilcos, Chalcas, Tepanecs, Tlahuicas, Acolhuas, Tlascatecs -and Aztecs or Mexicans. The latter people, however, had separated -themselves from the remaining six tribes at Chicomoztoc and did -not reach Anahuac until about 1196 A. D. These people all acted as -tributary to the Chichimecs at first; and of the seven tribes, two -eventually arose to great political importance, the Tlascatecs who -founded an independent republic, and the Aztecs whose empire has been -the wonder of students of antiquity and the subject of histories -as romantic as the purest fiction. Some authors add a number of -tribal names to those already given as belonging to fragments of -the Nahuatlaca family, but the probability is that these minor and -unimportant tribes were offshoots from the others, after their -arrival on the central plateau. The representative branch of all the -Nahuatlacas was the Aztec nation, who separated from their brethren -in Chicomoztoc, and whose arrival at the Lake region of Mexico, is -dated subsequent to that of the other tribes. All of these tribes -are said to have come from the unknown Aztlan, their early home. The -question of its locality has been as much a subject of controversy -as the location of Hue hue Tlapalan, since, in fact, the question is -possibly one and the same, for the Nahua speaking people who migrated -into Mexico at intervals, extending over a period of a thousand years, -must have had a common origin. Aztlan is described by Duran as a most -attractive land and the presumption is that the Nahuas were forcibly -driven from their fair heritage by the gradual encroachments of their -enemies. The account of this delightful country given by Cueuhcoatl to -the elder Montezuma, is as follows: “Our fathers dwelt in that happy -and prosperous place which they called Aztlan, which means “whiteness.” -In this place there is a great mountain in the middle of the water, -which is called Culhuacan, because it has the point somewhat turned -over toward the bottom, and for this cause it is called Culhuacan, -which means “crooked mountain.” In this mountain were some openings, -or caves or hollows, where our fathers and ancestors dwelt for many -years; there, under this name Mexitin and Aztec, they had much repose; -there they enjoyed a great plenty of geese; of all species of marine -birds and water fowls; enjoyed the song and melody of birds with yellow -crests; enjoyed many kinds of large and beautiful fish; enjoyed the -freshness of trees that were upon those shores, and fountains enclosed -with elders, and savins (junipers) and aldertrees, both large and -beautiful. They went about in canoes, and made furrows in which they -planted maize, red-peppers, tomatoes, beans and all kinds of seed that -we eat.”[403] The location of Aztlan is not a philosophical question -for our consideration, since scarcely sufficient data of a definite -character are available on which to base a process of reasoning. The -report common among the Aztecs was that they had come from the North, -and this was no doubt true of the final move prior to their settlement -in Anahuac, but whether it was true of their starting-point and the -general course of the Aztec migration, is a question which cannot -be satisfactorily answered. Most Spanish writers and others of the -earlier school, locate Aztlan directly north of the present boundary -line of Mexico,[404] others again California,[405] while some favor -the North-western Mexican States.[406] A recent school of Americanists -assign Aztlan a southern location, placing it in the Central American -region.[407] Duran and Brasseur de Bourbourg, both celebrated -authorities, on the other hand locate Aztlan in the United States; the -former in Florida, by which we are to understand the region of the Gulf -States,[408] while the latter simply expresses the conviction that -Aztlan was situated to the north-east of California.[409] - -The Aztec migration and the itinerary as generally accepted demands -consideration before forming any judgment on the location of Aztlan. -In this primitive abode we are told that each year the Aztecs crossed -a great river or channel to Teo-Culhuacan for the purpose of offering -sacrifices in honor of their god Tetzauch. But it happened that a -bird appeared to Huitziton, one of the greatest of their chiefs (whom -Bancroft thinks was identical with Mecitl or Mexi—hence the name -Mexicans), and constantly reiterated the word _tihui_, _tihui_, meaning -“let us go, let us go.” This singular occurrence was interpreted by -Huitziton as a command from the gods for them to seek a new country, -and after persuading the chief Tecpatzin to his view, the divine oracle -was announced to the people. Accordingly, in the year 1064, according -to some authors,[410] or in 1090 according to others,[411] or a century -later than the first-named date according to some of the interpreters -of the Aztec migration maps, the Nahuatlaca tribes left their ancient -home and entered upon one of those strange and aimless journeys so -characteristic of semi-civilized and superstitious peoples. The Aztec -migration as given by several authorities is scarcely more satisfactory -than that of the Toltecs, nor can any additional light be thrown on -the route pursued until Sr. Orozco y Berra publishes the results of -his critical examination of the subject.[412] The unimportance of -the itinerary in the solution of any question is apparent, since it -contributes but little to our knowledge of the location of Aztlan. - -Mr. Bancroft has greatly facilitated the comparison of the lists of -stations as given by different authors, in a note of great length -on pp. 322–4, thus presenting to the eye at a glance the diversity -of opinion which meets the reader of this subject. As an example, -we select two or three of the itineraries, simply to show the wide -range that opinion has taken on the subject. According to Veytia, the -tribes left Aztlan in I Tecpatl, 1064 A. D., and one hundred and four -years afterwards reached Chicomoztoc, where they dwelt nine years; -the subsequent stations and the duration of their sojourn in each as -follows: Cohuatlicamac three years, Matlahuacallan six, Apanco five, -Chimalco six, Pipiolcomic three, Tollan six, Cohuactepec (Coatepec) -three, Atlitlalacayan two, Atotonilco one, Tepexic five, Apasco three, -Tozonpanco seven, Tizayocan one, Ecatepec one, Tolpetlac three, -Chimalpan four, Cohuatitlan two, Huexachtitlan three, Tecpayocan three, -Tepeyacac (Guadalupe) three, Pantitlan two, and thence to Chapultepec, -arriving in 1298, after a journey of one hundred and eighty-five -years, reckoning an additional forty-nine years for their stay at -Michoachan.[413] According to Tezozomoc, the stations are as follows: -Aztlan, Culhuacan, Jalisco, Mechoacan, Malinalco (Lake Patzcuaro), -Ocopipilla, Acahualcingo, Coatepec (in Tonalan), Atlitlanquin, or -Atitalaquia, Tequisquiac, Atengo, Tzompan, Cuachilgo, Xaltocan, and -Lake Chnamitl, Eycoac, Ecatepc, Aculhuacan, Tultepetlac, Huixachtitlan, -Tecpayuca (in two Calli), Atepetlac, Coatlayauhcan, Tetepanco, -Acolnahuac, Popotla (Tacuba), Chapultepec in two Tochtli.[414] -Clavigero states that they left Aztlan in 1160, crossed the Colorado -River, stayed three years in Hucicolhuacan, went east to Chicomoztoc, -reached Tula in 1196, and finally Chapultepec in 1245.[415] Acosta, -Herrera and Duran state that Nahuatlaca tribes left Aztlan in 820 A. -D., and eighty years later reached Mexico; that the Aztecs, however, -did not start until 1122 A. D.[416] Duran identifies Aztlan with -Teo-Culhuacan, and locates it towards our Mississippi Valley. He -in common with other writers identifies Chicomostoc with the seven -caves.[417] - -The Tarascos, though speaking a different language, are said to have -separated from the Nahuatlacas at Michoacan. They describe the route -to the seven caves as across a sea, which they passed in balsas and -the trunks of trees.[418] This statement may be of some value in -locating that disputed rendezvous of so many tribes; and certainly -is more important than a mass of groundless speculation. The next -source of interest in this connection is the much perverted and sadly -misunderstood migration map first published by Gemelli Carreri, in -Churchill’s collection of voyages (vol. iv). Humboldt has given an -interpretation which, with the exception of that part which connects it -with a deluge and Colhuacan, “the Ararat of the Mexicans,” is generally -received.[419] - -Gemelli Carreri, Humboldt and many others were quite certain that -they could read in this map the account of the Mosaic deluge.[420] Don -José Fernando Ramirez, of the Mexican Museum, however, pointed out the -fact that the Gemelli Carreri map, copied from one owned by Sigüenza, -and published by Humboldt, Clavigero and Kingsborough, was in each -case incorrectly represented, and states that the copy contained in -the _Atlas_ of Garcia y Cubas is the first correct reproduction of the -original presented to the public.[421] Sr. Ramirez explains away the -illusion of the Mexican Ararat and deluge in a manner both simple and -conclusive.[422] The dove with commas proceeding from its beak, is not -talking, nor giving tongues, but is repeating the word _tihui_, “let -us go,” referring to the legend already cited, of the bird in Aztlan -incessantly uttering this word in the hearing of Huitziton the chief. -A little bird called _tihuitochan_ is still heard in Mexico, having -a note which is interpreted by the common people to mean the same as -their ancestors interpreted it in Aztlan. Sr. Ramirez is convinced that -the map referred to is only a record of the wanderings of the Aztecs -among the lakes of the Mexican Valley, and that it has no reference -whatever to any deluge, not even to one of the former traditional -destructions of the world found in the Nahua cosmogony. Mr. Bancroft -has added the valuable argument that the story of Cox-cox and the -deluge is only the product of false interpretation, or else some of -the earlier writers would have been acquainted with the legend. On -the contrary, Olmos, Sahagun, Motolinia, Mendieta, Ixtlilxochitl, and -Camergo are all silent with regard to it. The mountain and boat and -their several adjuncts are found to be nothing but hieroglyphics for -proper names. - -Chalco Lake is, in the opinion of Señor Ramirez, the point of -departure for the fifteen chiefs at the end of their first cycle. His -interpretation of the Boturini map of the migration results in the same -conclusion. The fifteen chiefs left their island home, passing through -Coloacan (Colhuacan, according to Gondra’s interpretation) as their -second station. It appears that the first move and point of departure -are both unknown, and no satisfactory solution of the question has yet -been offered. The prevailing tradition that it is in the north has -been perplexing, since no material remains undoubtedly attributable -to the Aztecs are found north of the central plateau of Mexico, nor -indeed in the territories of the United States. If we adopt the general -theory that the Aztecs came from the Mississippi Valley, possibly the -original home of the Nahuas, occupied by the Olmecs prior to their -arrival at Panuco and their descent into the Chiapan region, and by -the Toltecs before their migration to Anahuac, we have a theory which -agrees with the testimony of Duran and Sahagun, and seems to find -support in the pyramidal mounds of the Lower Mississippi, which we -have already seen are almost as perfect in their plan and construction -as those found in Mexico, which do not furnish evidence of as great -antiquity as those of the Ohio and Missouri Valleys. According to most -accounts, a considerable period elapses between their departure and -their arrival at Chicomoztoc—the seven caves. According to Veytia it -was 104 years, but Brasseur adopts twenty-six years, which is also -the opinion of the majority of writers. Chicomoztoc has some features -which remind us of the Tulan Zuiva of the Quichés—their seven caves, -from which so many tribes derived their origin. Chicomoztoc is the -point at which the six Nahuatlaca tribes separated from the Aztecs, and -thence proceeded to the Mexican lake region. It is quite probable that -a considerable distance may have been traversed in this interval of -twenty-six years, a distance which could have brought the Aztecs from -a comparatively northern latitude to the Chiapan region. Opposed to -this, however, is the fact that the Tulan Zuiva of the Quichés was in a -cold, inhospitable region, no doubt at the North. Mr. Bancroft suggests -that the first part of the migration tradition may refer vaguely -back to the events which followed the Toltecs’ destruction.[423] We -have already referred to the tendency to confusion in histories that -are chiefly traditional. In opposition to the view that Aztlan and -Chicomoztoc were remote from each of these, we have the statement of -Duran[424] that these caves are in Teo-Culhuacan, otherwise called -Aztlan, which implies that both Teo-Culhuacan and Chicomoztoc were -points in the region of Aztlan. Every year it was the custom of the -Aztecs, while in Aztlan, to cross a river or channel to Teo-Culhuacan -in order to sacrifice to their god Tetzauh, and after their arrival -at Chicomoztoc they continued the occupation of boatmen, which they -had followed while in Aztlan.[425] By way of summary, then, we may -venture the following: 1. Viewed from the standpoint of Sr. Ramirez, -Aztlan may be located somewhere not far distant from Chalco Lake. The -islands which it encircles may correspond to the description of the -ancient home of the Aztecs, given by Duran as quoted on page 257 and -described as Culhuacan. Teo-Culhuacan, where the Aztecs sacrificed -yearly, may be the city of Culhuacan situated in that neighborhood. As -additional testimony we have the fact that most of the stations named -in the migrations can be located in the Central Mexican region. The -report that they came from the north may refer only to the scattering -of the Nahua or Toltec people from Tollan, just north of the valley. -2. The statements of all the writers that the Aztecs came from the -north, the fact that Duran and Sahagun assign the primitive Nahua home -to the region of Florida, and the prevalence of mounds and shell-heaps -in great numbers in the Gulf States, together with the extension of -those mounds through Texas into Mexico, may warrant the opinion that -Aztlan was in the Mississippi Valley, or, looking in another direction, -the rock or cave dwellings recently discovered in Southern Utah and -the Rocky Mountain region (of which we shall give a description in -the next chapter) may indicate the locality of the ancient and -much-sought-for land. The identity in meaning of Chicomoztoc (seven -caves) and Tulan Zuiva (seven caves) together with the fact that both -places in Quiché and Nahua history were the point of separation for -many tribes, is a singular coincidence, if they are not one and the -same. In the preceding chapter we have seen that Tulan Zuiva of the -Quichés was in a northern or at least a colder climate, where they -suffered greatly for want of fire, a fact of no little significance. On -the other hand Teo-Culhuacan, the place of yearly sacrifice, may have -been a city of the Chiapan region, since Sahagun located Tamoanchan the -first city of the Nahuas (Olmec) after their arrival from Florida in -Mexico, somewhere in the Usumacinta Valley. It is possible that a large -number of the immigrants remained behind the company which migrated -northward to Teotihuacan and thence to the seven caves, subsequently -uniting with the Toltecs at Tollan. This view has had quite a number -of advocates.[426] We will not undertake, in the present state of -knowledge on the subject, to decide which of these three claims is the -true one, if either one of them is correct. Our only wish is to furnish -the reader a margin for his choice. It seems to us that it would be -unscientific to attempt to decide a question based upon such slender -and contradictory data. - -It is unnecessary for us to follow the Aztecs farther in their -history. The magnificent empire of the Montezumas, with its advanced -civilization, but at the same time cursed with its horrid worship, in -which thousands of human victims bathed the altars of Mexico yearly -with their life-blood, has been described and its glory handed down to -history by that most graceful and romantic of American writers, William -H. Prescott. We cannot, however, dismiss this the most primitive period -of the growth of the Nahua nations without a reference to the reputed -author of the higher phases of their civilization. We refer to that -semi-mythical and semi-divine personage, Quetzalcoatl. The numerous -legends concerning this culture-hero, scattered chronologically over -hundreds of years of Nahua history, may have originated in the life and -character of some noted personage—the leader and civilizer of the most -ancient branches of the Nahua family, or in the personification of an -ideal deity, a nature-god whose chief attribute, whose distinguishing -office, was the fertilization of the earth, the revivification of the -slumbering forces in nature and consequently the author of prosperity, -agriculture, and the arts of peace. In either case the name of the -original Quetzalcoatl, were he either man or deity, was eventually -inherited by a line of individuals who became the priests of his -worship, or the representatives of his teachings, and the inculcators -of the most humane and noble principles which entered into the ancient -civilization. Without entering into a lengthy discussion of the -probabilities in the case, we give the substance of the traditions, -arranged in what appears to us not only the most consistent, but also -the proper order. We have already acquainted the reader with the -meaning of Quetzalcoatl, namely, “plumed serpent.” - -From the distant East, from the fabulous Hue hue Tlapalan, this -mysterious personage came to Tulla, and became the patron god and -high-priest of the ancestors of the Toltecs.[427] He is described -as having been a white man, with a strong formation of body, broad -forehead, large eyes, and flowing beard. He wore a mitre on his head, -and was dressed in a long, white robe, reaching to his feet, and -covered with red crosses. In his hand he held a sickle. His habits were -ascetic; he never married, was most chaste and pure in his life, and -is said to have endured penance in a neighboring mountain, not for its -effects upon himself, but as an example to others. Some have here found -a parallel for Christ’s temptation. He condemned sacrifices, except -of fruits and flowers, and was known as the god of peace; for when -addressed on the subject of war, he is reported to have stopped his -ears with his fingers.[428] - -Quetzalcoatl was skilled in many arts, having invented gem-cutting -and metal-casting. He furthermore originated letters and invented the -Mexican calendar. The legend which describes the latter states that the -gods, having made men, thought it advisable that their creatures should -have some means of reckoning time, and of regulating the order of -religious ceremonies. Therefore two of these celestial personages, one -of them a goddess, called Quetzalcoatl to counsel with them, and the -three contrived a system which they recorded on tables, each bearing -a single sign. That sign, however, was accompanied with all necessary -explanations of its meaning. It is noticeable that the goddess was -assigned the privilege of writing the first sign, and that she chose a -serpent as her favorite symbol. - -Some accounts represent that Huemac was the temporal king, or at least -associated with Quetzalcoatl in the government; the latter occupying -the priestly as well as the kingly office. Sahagun calls the associate -ruler Vemac. At all events, Quetzalcoatl had an enemy, the deity -Tezcatlipoca, whose worship was quite opposite in its character to -that of Quetzalcoatl, being sanguine and celebrated with horrid human -sacrifices. A struggle ensued in Tulla (Tollan) between the opposing -systems which resulted favorably to the bloody deity and the faction -who sought to establish his worship in preference to the peaceful and -ascetic service of Quetzalcoatl. - -Tezcatlipoca, envious of the magnificence enjoyed by Quetzalcoatl, -determined upon his destruction. His first appearance at Tulla was in -the _rôle_ of a great ball-player, and Quetzalcoatl, being very fond -of the game, engaged in play with him, when suddenly he transformed -himself into a tiger, occasioning a panic among the spectators, in -which great numbers were crowded over a precipice into a river, where -they perished. Again the vicious god appeared at Tulla. This time he -presented himself at the door of Quetzalcoatl’s palace in the guise of -an old man, and asked permission of the servants to see their master. -They attempted to drive him away, saying that their god was ill. At -last, because of his importunities, they obtained leave to admit him. - -Tezcatlipoca entered, and seeing the sick deity, asked about his -health, and announced that he had brought him a medicine which would -ease his body, compose his mind, and prepare him for the journey which -Fate had decreed that he must undertake.[429] Quetzalcoatl received the -sorcerer kindly, inquiring anxiously as to the journey and the land of -his destiny. His deceiver told him that the name of the land was Tullan -Tlapalan, where his youth would be renewed, and that he must visit it -without delay. The sick king was moved greatly by the words of the -sorcerer, and was prevailed upon to taste the intoxicating medicine -which he pressed to his lips. At once he felt his malady healed, and -the desire to depart fixed itself in his mind. - -“Drink again!” exclaimed the old sorcerer; and again the god-king -pressed the cup to his lips, and drank till the thought of departure -became indelible, chained his reason, and speedily drove him a wanderer -from his palace and kingdom. - -Upon leaving Tulla, driven from his kingdom by the vicious enmity -of Tezcatlipoca, he ordered his palaces of gold, and silver, and -turquoise, and precious stones, to be set on fire. The myriads of -rich-plumed songsters that made the air of the capital melodious with -song accompanied him on his journey, pipers playing on pipes preceded -him, and the flowers by the way are said to have given forth unusual -volumes of perfume at his approach. - -After journeying one hundred leagues southward, he rested, near a city -of Anahuac, under a great tree, and as a memorial of the event, he cast -stones at the tree, lodging them in its trunk.[430] - -He then proceeded still farther southward in the same valley, until he -came to a mountain, two leagues distant from the city of Mexico. Here -he pressed his hands upon a rock on which he rested, and left their -prints imbedded in it, where they remained visible down to a very -recent date. He then turned eastward to Cholula, where he was received -with greatest reverence.[431] The great pyramid was erected to his -honor. With his advent the spirit of peace settled down upon the city. -War was not known during his sojourn within it. The reign of Saturn -repeated itself. The enemies of the Cholulans came with perfect safety -to his temple, and many wealthy princes of other countries erected -temples to his honor in the city of his choice.[432] - -Here the silversmith, the sculptor, the artist, and the architect, we -are led to believe, from the testimony of both tradition and remains, -flourished under the patronage of the grand god-king. - -However, after twenty years had elapsed, that subtile, feverish draught -received from the hand of Tezcatlipoca away back in Tulla, like an old -poison in the veins, renewed its power. Again his people, his palaces, -and his pyramidal temple were forsaken, that he might start on his -long and final journey.[433] He told his priests that the mysterious -Tlapalla was his destination, and turning toward the East, proceeded -on his way until he reached the sea at a point a few miles south of -Vera Cruz. Here he bestowed his blessing upon four young men, who -accompanied him from Cholula, and commanded them to go back to their -homes, bearing the promise to his people that he would return to them, -and again set up his kingdom among them. Then, embarking in a canoe -made of serpent-skins, he sailed away into the East.[434] - -The Cholulans, out of respect to Quetzalcoatl, placed the government in -the hands of the recipients of his blessing. His statue was placed in -a sanctuary on the pyramid, but in a reclining position, representing -a state of repose, with the understanding that it shall be placed upon -its feet when the god returns. When Cortés landed, they believed their -hopes realized, sacrificed a man to him, and sprinkled the blood of the -unhappy victim upon the conqueror and his companions.[435] - -Father Sahagun, when on his journey to Mexico, was everywhere asked -if he had not come from Tlapalla.[436] No wonder when the fleet of -Cortés hove in sight on the horizon, almost in the same place where -Quetzalcoatl’s bark had disappeared, that the Mexican, who had been -waiting centuries for the prince of peace to return, believed his -waiting to be at an end. No wonder that he inquired of the distant and -mysterious Tlapalla. In this state of expectancy we find a most natural -and fruitful soil for the operations of the Spanish conquerors. - -Such is the form into which the mass of legends concerning -Quetzalcoatl have been woven. There is scarcely a doubt, however, that -it is a matter of growth—is the accumulation of several centuries. -The name Quetzalcoatl (Nahua), Gucumatz (Quiché) and Cukulcan (Maya), -translated “feathered” or “plumed” or “winged” serpent, may originally -have been applied to an intelligent princely foreigner who was cast -upon the shores of the Central American region, and who introduced the -art of casting metals, and especially taught agriculture. His doctrines -of peace and virtue may have been sufficiently wide-spread to have -brought about the prosperity which is ascribed to his age. From this -standpoint we would consider him at first to have cast his lot among -the descendants of Votan, otherwise known as the “Serpents,” from which -occurrence he may have received his name of “Feathered Serpent.” On -pages 241–42 we referred to the statements of the Codex Chimalpopoca, -that Quetzalcoatl, becoming obnoxious to his companions, who seem to -be Quichés, forsook them. The account also states that he afterwards -brought maize to Tamoanchan (the city of the Nahuas). Our next account -of him describes him as figuring among the Olmecs at Cholula. This -realistic view of the tradition applies to the first Quetzalcoatl, -who may have been an actual man. While entertaining this view, we -must not forget that centuries prior to this period (which we may as -well assign to the first or second century as to any other date), the -Quichés possessed the ideal of such a personage whom they considered -a deity, who figures so actively in their cosmogony under the name of -Gucumatz. This deity was the vivifying force in nature, the bringer of -the gentle south winds, the god of the harvest and of the air. He was -best symbolized to the mind of the savage by the vernal shower and the -return of spring. - -The serpent was everywhere considered an emblem of the vernal shower, -and was thought to be in some way instrumental in bringing it, together -with its refreshing and fructifying influences. So here, in the name of -Quetzalcoatl, we find a progressive step indicated in the workings of -the mind, an advance from the lower figure of the serpent alone to that -of an aërial combination, which, while it contained all the virtues of -the serpent, is lifted to a higher element—that from which the shower -falls. The feathery vapor-clouds of summer are but the plumes or wings -of the shower which the serpent symbolized. - -At last when a teacher of agriculture and the mechanic arts, so -conducive of prosperity and plenty, appeared—an individual who -discovers maize and directs the process of its reproduction and guards -an improvident people against want and famine, the attributes of the -god are recognized as dwelling in him, the ideal vaguely represented -by the vernal shower is concreted, is become incarnate, is presented -in a shape more comprehensible to the untaught mind, and at once the -name, reverence and worship of the god are attached to the man, the -culture-hero. This we believe to be the simplest interpretation of the -origin of the worship of Quetzalcoatl. A priesthood appears to have -been founded who perpetuated the doctrines of this deified man. That -part of the legend which relates to Tulla (Tollan) with the expulsion -of the king and that which followed, properly belongs to Ceacatl, -surnamed Quetzalcoatl, Toltec king of Tollan, who ascended the throne -about 873.[437] The father of this monarch had been cruelly murdered, -and in his early boyhood Ceacatl is said to have wreaked a terrible -vengeance on the murderer of his father, after which he concealed -himself for about twenty years. At about the above-named date he -reappeared, and established his claims to the throne. He espoused the -religion of Quetzalcoatl, and the peace which followed brought great -prosperity. Human sacrifices were forbidden, and a golden age seemed -to dawn in which Tollan exceeded all the cities of the Mexican valley -in importance and wealth. But a rivalry at once sprang up between the -priests of the bloody god Tezcatlipoca, worshipped in Culhuacan and at -Teotihuacan, and those of the peaceful and humane Quetzalcoatl, which -resulted in the voluntary departure of the Pontiff king, to whom the -name of his god was attached. The contest between the two sects is -symbolized in the legend by the tricks of Tezcatlipoca. Quetzalcoatl -was received at Cholula, where he remained some years, but was at last -driven away before the leader of the Tezcatlipoca faction, namely, -King Huemac, who advanced upon the peaceful king with a strong army. -Quetzalcoatl again voluntarily withdrew, rather than occasion the -bloodshed of his subjects. It is probable that he ultimately reached -Yucatan and figured there in his old character under the name of -Cukulcan.[438] - - - - - CHAPTER VII. - - THE ANCIENT PUEBLOS AND CLIFF-DWELLERS. - - Casas Grandes of Chihuahua — Ruins in the Casas Grandes and - Janos Valleys — Casa Grande of the Rio Gila — Ruins in the - Gila Valley — Also in the Valley of the Rio Salado — Ruins - in the Cañon of the Colorado — In the Valley of the Colorado - Chiquito — Pueblos of the Zuñi River — Zuñi and the “Seven - Cities of Cibola” — “El Moro” — Pueblos of the Chaco Valley - — Cliff-Dwellers — Mr. Jackson’s Discoveries in the Valley - of the Rio San Juan — Cliff Houses of the Rio Mancos — - Cliff-Dwellings on the McElmo — Traditional Origin and Fate - of the Cliff-Dwellers — Ancestors of the Moquis — Remarkable - Discoveries by Mr. Holmes — The Seven Moqui Towns — The - Montezuma Legend. - - -In the State of Chihuahua, Mexico, and in our Territories of Arizona, -New Mexico, Utah and the State of Colorado, a class of remains are -found, wholly unlike those of the Mayas, Nahuas, or Mound-builders, -though in some instances they are associated with earthworks resembling -those of the latter race. The style of architecture is unlike that of -any other people on either continent, and though varying considerably -in its individual examples, still present certain marked and general -features which leave little room for doubt that the peoples of the -Pueblos and the Cliffs were the same. The earliest discovered of -this class of remains are known as the Casas Grandes, situated at -about half a mile from the modern town of the same name, in the -fertile valley of the Casas Grandes or San Migual River in Northern -Chihuahua. These ruins have often been described second-hand and their -nature is well-known to persons interested in this field of inquiry. -Of the above-named class of descriptions, the latest and best is -by Mr. Bancroft, who has added a bibliographical apparatus to his -account.[439] We will, therefore, confine our discussion of this group -of remains to the essential facts as given by Mr. J. R. Bartlett, whose -account of his researches is quite full and satisfactory.[440] These -facts we will give as briefly as possible, preferring to devote our -space to the new material composing the latter part of the chapter. -Several of the early writers refer to the Casas Grandes as one of the -Aztec stations; but a little intelligent study of the characteristics -of the ruins, especially in the light of recent explorations in -the Territories, is likely to dissipate such an opinion. The first -examination of the ruins of which any reliable record is left, was by -Sr. Escudero, in 1819, published in his _Noticias Estadísticas del -Estado de Chihuahua_. A contributor to the _Album Mexicano_ (tom. i, -pp. 374–5) furnished a good account of the ruins as he found them in -1842. None of the hasty sketches subsequently made by several writers -are worth a reference until we come to the excellent description -written by Mr. Bartlett in 1851, while acting as United States -Commissioner, in fixing the United States and Mexican boundary line. -The Casas Grandes, according to Mr. Bartlett, are built of adobe or -mud, in large quadrangular blocks measuring about twenty-two inches -in thickness by three feet or more in length. The irregularity of the -length of the blocks, however, seemed to indicate that they had been -formed on the wall, _in situ_, by means of a box open at the ends, -which, when the block dried, was moved along to mould a fresh block. -The mud is filled with coarse gravel from the plateau, which gives -greater hardness to the material. The Casas face the cardinal points -and consist of erect and fallen walls, ranging from five to thirty -feet in height. The accumulation of rubbish is, however, considerable, -and if the highest standing walls rest upon a common level with the -lowest, they will measure from forty to fifty feet in height. The -edifice was discovered in ruins by the conquerors, and could not have -been occupied for a century, at the least calculation, prior to its -discovery. It is, therefore, reasonable to presume that all the walls -now standing were originally much higher than at present. It appears -that the outer portions of the edifices were the lowest, and not more -than one story in height, while the central ones were from three to -six stories. The central or inner walls are better preserved, partly -by their greater thickness—five feet at the base—and partly by the -heaps of ruined walls which have fallen around them. Once prostrate, -the blocks absorb the water, and in a few years are reduced to a mass -of mud and gravel. It was with difficulty that Mr. Bartlett traced all -the outlines of the buildings; but close examination revealed the fact -that three lofty edifices were connected into one by means of a low -range of buildings, one storey high, which may have merely inclosed -intervening courts. The total length of this continuous edifice was -at least 800 feet by 250 feet wide. A regular and continuous wall was -observed on the south side, while the eastern and western fronts, with -their projecting walls, were very irregular. The question of the exact -number of stories is not capable of solution, as no vestige of timbers -or wood now remains. The explorer could not even detect a trace of -any cavities where the floor-timbers had been inserted in the walls, -so decayed and washed was their condition. Many doorways remained, -but the lintels having decayed, the tops had fallen in. Clavigero -states that the edifice had “three floors with a terrace above them -and without any entrance to the under floor, so that a scaling ladder -is necessary.” García Condé confirms this statement as to the three -stories besides a roof,[441] while both authors consider this to have -been a station on the Aztec migration. Certainly, no architectural -analogies with the remains farther south justify this opinion. Mr. -Bartlett was unable to obtain but a partial plan of the Casas Grandes. -One class of apartments, however, attracted his especial attention, -from the fact that they were evidently designed for granaries. They -were arranged along one of the main walls, and measured twenty feet in -length by ten in breadth. They were connected by doorways “with a small -inclosure or pen in one corner, three or four feet high.” Numerous long -and narrow apartments, too contracted for sleeping or dwelling-rooms, -lighted by circular apertures in the upper walls, are supposed to have -been devoted to the same use. Large inclosures, too extensive in their -dimensions ever to have been roofed, evidently were used as courts. -Two hundred feet west of the Casas, on the plateau, are the remains of -a building about 150 feet square, divided into compartments, as shown -in the accompanying plan: Between this edifice and the main building, -are three mounds of loose stones about fifteen feet high, which the -explorers did not have time to open. For a distance of twenty leagues -and covering an area of ten leagues wide along the Casas Grandes and -Janos Rivers, according to García Condé, are ruins resembling small -mounds, from which jars, pottery in various forms, painted with white, -blue and scarlet colors, corn-grinders (metates), and stone-axes have -been taken. If this region was ever occupied by the Aztecs, even -temporarily, this latter class of remains might more properly be -attributed to them, than the Casas Grandes. Innumerable fragments of -pottery, superior to that now manufactured by the Mexicans, are strewn -everywhere in the neighborhood of the Casas Grandes. The decoration is -in black, red or brown, on a white or reddish ground. Several graceful -and highly artistic vases have been collected about the ruins, and -stone metates, nicely hewn, have been recovered in perfect condition. -On the summit of the highest mountain, ten miles south-west of the -ruins, stands an ancient fortress of stone, the walls of which are said -by the writer in the _Album Mexicano_ to have been from eighteen to -twenty feet thick. The fort, which is attributed to the occupants of -the Casas Grandes, was two or three stories, and in the centre had a -high mound for the purposes of observation. Clavigero, who describes -the fort and all of the ruins from hearsay, falls into the error of -supposing the Casas to have also been constructed of stone. A short -distance from the point where the 111° (meridian) of longitude crosses -the Gila River, in Southern Arizona, in the valley occupied farther -westward by the Pima villages, stands the most famous ruin of all -the Western remains. The Casa Grande, otherwise named the Casa de -Montezuma, has attracted the attention of and furnished a fruitful -subject for most writers on Mexican antiquity, the majority of whom, -however, have contributed nothing to our knowledge of the history or -uses of the edifice. Of describers at second-hand, Mr. Bancroft has -cited thirty-four authors, according to our reckoning, and to this -number the reader must add that author’s account and ours. This fact -is an admonition to us to confine ourselves to the briefest possible -statement of facts, for certainly the thirty-sixth repetition of -the accounts furnished by two or three original explorers would be -altogether inexcusable, were it not for the inseparable relation of the -Gila Casas to the remains to be described farther on. Mr. Bancroft has -treated the bibliography of the subject in his usually comprehensive -manner,[442] and it only remains for us to refer the reader to the -original descriptions. The first of these was written by Padre Mange, -the secretary of Padre Kino, on the latter’s tour of visitation to -the missions of the region in 1697.[443] Lieutenant C. M. Bernal, of -the same expedition, adds also a description.[444] Padre Sedelmair, -who visited the ruin in 1744, copies literally Mange’s description -in his account of the Casas.[445] Father Font, who, in company with -Father Garcés, made an expedition conducted by Captain Anza to the -Gila and the missions farther north, left a diary—now preserved in -the original, in the archives at Guadalajara—from which Mr. Bartlett -translated and published an extensive description of the Casas.[446] -Of later writers, only four wrote from personal observation, namely, -Emory[447] and Johnston,[448] of General Kearney’s Military Expedition -to California in 1846; Bartlett[449] in 1852, and Ross Browne in -1863.[450] These are the only original sources of information on the -Casa Grande of the Gila, of which Bartlett’s account may be said to -be the best. However, Bancroft has contributed much to facilitate the -study of the subject by his addition of a full literary apparatus. - -[Illustration: Part of Ground Plan of Casas Grandes Chihuahua.] - -[Illustration: Ground Plan of One of the Casas Grandes at Chihuahua.] - -From all of these we draw the facts without further citation. Two and -a half miles south of the Gila, on a slightly elevated plateau, stands -the remains of the Casa Grande surrounded with a growth of mesquite -trees. The ascent from the river bottom is so slight and gradual that -its former inhabitants had constructed acequias between the river and -the buildings. Mr. Bartlett found three edifices within a space of -one hundred and fifty yards. The larger one only was in a fair state -of preservation. Its four outer walls and most of the inner ones were -standing. Three storeys were plainly marked by the ends of the beams -remaining in the walls or by the cavities which they once occupied. No -doubt the building was one story, at least, higher than this indicated, -as the upper walls have crumbled away considerably and filled the first -story with disintegrated adobe and a mass of rubbish. The central -portion or tower furthermore rises eight or ten feet higher than the -outer walls, and may have formed another story above the main building. -At their base, the walls are between four or five feet in thickness, -rising perpendicular on the inside, but on the outside tapering towards -the top in a curved line. - -[Illustration: Ground Plan.] - -The material of the walls consists of blocks of adobe, prepared as in -the Casas Grandes of Chihuahua, in position on the walls, probably -in boxes two feet high and four feet long; after the mud had dried -sufficiently, the box was moved further along the walls and refilled. -Some difference of opinion has existed as to the color of the mud -employed, though all admit it to be that of the surrounding valley. -Mr. Bancroft gives some attention to this point, and observes that -Bernal pronounced it “white clay,” and that according to Johnston it -is also white with an admixture of lime from the vicinity. Mr. Hutton, -a civil engineer who had thoroughly examined them, reported to Mr. -Simpson that the surrounding earth was of a reddish color, but the -admixture of pebbles with the mud gave the Casa a whitish appearance in -certain reflections. Mr. Bancroft seeks by this argument to identify -this building with Castañeda’s Chichilticale, which is described as -having been built of red earth.[451] The outer sides of the walls were -finished with a plaster similar to that which composed the blocks, -but the inner side was covered with hard finish of such fine quality -that when visited they still retained their polish after centuries of -exposure. It is estimated that the edifice must have stood a hundred -years at least prior to its discovery by the Spaniards. The inner walls -are slightly thinner than the outer ones, and divide the building -into five apartments, as shown in Mr. Bartlett’s ground plan. The -building measures fifty feet in length by forty in width. The three -central rooms indicated are each about eight by fourteen feet, while -those at each end of the edifice are ten by about thirty-two feet. The -doorways indicated in the plan are three feet wide by five feet high, -except that in the western façade, which is only two feet wide and -seven or eight feet high. The main part of the edifice was probably -thirty feet high, while the tower rose still ten feet higher. Padre -Kino found a floor in an adjoining ruin still perfect, the supporting -timbers of which were round and about five inches in diameter, while -the floor proper was formed by placing cross-sticks on the joist and -covering them with a layer of adobe. Mr. Browne observed the marks of -a blunt axe still plainly visible in the timbers of cedar or sabine -which had been thus employed, while their charred ends furnish the -only clue to the cause of the ruin of the edifice, a fact suggestive -of the ravages of the savage Apaches. No stairways or other means of -ascent were discovered, and it is inferred that ladders were employed -upon the outside as among the modern Pueblos. Near the main building, -to the south-west, Mr. Bartlett discovered another Casa in ruins, -and with difficulty traced its ground plan; while a third was so -completely decayed as to leave no certain outline of its form. To the -north-west about two hundred yards, was a circular embankment eighty -or one hundred yards in circumference, which Mr. Bartlett supposes to -have been used as a stock inclosure. A few yards farther north Mr. -Johnston observed a terrace, two hundred by three hundred feet and -five feet high, and having a summit platform seventy-two feet square, -from which an excellent view of the valley is afforded. This monument -is unlike any other found among the New Mexican remains. The entire -valley is strewn with heaps of rubbish and ruined adobe edifices, which -indicate that once the whole region was thickly populated by this -remarkable people. Mr. Bartlett found broken metates (corn-grinders), -and innumerable fragments of pottery painted tastefully with red, -white, lead color, and black. The figures were geometrical, and many -of the vessels had been decorated on the inside—a practice not in -vogue with the modern peoples of the Gila Valley. The finish was also -far superior to that of modern pottery. The Casa Grande, when last -observed by Mr. Browne, was fast going to pieces, the moisture having -undermined some parts of the outer walls, which were only kept erect by -their great thickness. In 1873, Mr. Bancroft learned that the edifice -was still standing, but it is evident that it must soon share the fate -of its fallen neighbors. It is certain that this Pueblo civilization -spread itself over a large tract of country north of the Gila Valley -in the basin of the Rio Salado or Salinas, the principal tributary of -the Gila. Numerous buildings similar to those previously described, -have been noticed by different writers on the Rio Salado and its -tributaries. The ruins of large edifices surrounded by smaller ones are -described by Sedelmair (discovered in 1744) as standing between the -Gila and Salado.[452] - -[Illustration: Casa Grande of the Gila Valley. - -(As sketched by Ross Browne in 1863.)] - -Velarde has also cited the remains of similar structures at the -junction of Salado and Verde and of the Salado and Gila.[453] We cannot -refer to all of the remains reported in this region, especially -since most of them are indescribable and shapeless heaps of ruins. -One edifice, however, was observed by Mr. Bartlett, two hundred feet -in length by sixty or eighty feet in width; and from the accumulation -of debris, it is estimated that the edifice must have been three or -four stories in height. This was but one of several similar heaps -of ruins observed in the immediate vicinity. This locality, distant -thirty-five miles from the river’s mouth, was evidently at one time -the site of a populous city. The remains of numerous works, probably -of a public character, such as irrigating canals—one of which is now -more than twenty feet wide and four feet deep and several miles long, -in the construction of which it was necessary to cut down the bank -of the plateau—occur in considerable numbers. The whole region is -strewn with fragments of broken pottery of fine workmanship.[454] M. -Leroux, in 1854, discovered on the Rio Verde ruins of stone houses and -regular fortifications which did not appear to have been occupied for -centuries. The walls were of solid masonry of rectangular form, usually -from twenty to thirty paces in length, and the style of architecture -similar to that of the Casa Grande of the Gila. Still there was -sufficient resemblance to the Pueblos of the Moquis to indicate a -transition from the southern to the northern style of Pueblo dwelling. -The sudden change in the material employed—that from adobe to stone in -large blocks, well hewn—is rather remarkable. The ruins are found with -more or less continuity between Fort McDowell and Prescott.[455] Mr. -Bancroft, after citing the above, expresses regret at his inability -to secure information in the possession of officers in the Arizona -service.[456] - -Lieutenant Whipple describes extensive ruins on the small streams -forming the head-waters of the Rio Verde. Both stone and adobe -structures were numerous, and the walls usually were found to be about -five feet thick.[457] Emory has described some Pueblo buildings -of singular structure on the upper Gila and its tributaries; most -interesting of these is one with a labyrinthine plan of inner circular -walls. The region also abounds in rock inscriptions of a rude though no -doubt conventional character.[458] It is quite natural to suppose that -remains of this ancient people would have been found extensively on -the greatest river of the region—the Colorado. Mr. Bancroft passes the -subject with the statement that “no relics of antiquity are reported by -reliable authorities,” and fitly explains that it is unlikely, in view -of the peculiarity of the region, that none will ever be found in the -immediate vicinity of the river.[459] Whipple and his associates state -that “upon the lower part of the Rio Colorado no traces of permanent -dwellings have been discovered.”[460] - -Since the publication of Mr. Bancroft’s fourth volume, the public -has been made acquainted with the details of Major J. W. Powell’s -exploration of the Grand Cañon of the Colorado.[461] The descent of the -river was accomplished by the Major and his companions in the summer -of 1869, amid dangers so appalling and privations so distressing, -that we need not hesitate in pronouncing it an exhibition of heroism -having few parallels in the history of exploration. The Major has since -repeated his perilous journey of which we have enjoyed the pleasure -of a verbal description in part from the explorer himself. Groups -of ruins were discovered in the gloomy depths of the Grand Cañon at -three different points. In referring to them we will reverse the order -in which they were discovered. A hundred or more miles (for we are -unable to estimate the distance from the account) above the Virgen -River, where the granite walls rise perpendicularly from the water’s -edge thousands of feet, the cañon widened somewhat and a considerable -group of ruined buildings were discovered on a terrace of trap. There -had evidently been quite a village in that solitary spot, shut in -by hundreds of miles of granite walls either up or down the river’s -course. Mealing stones and fragments of broken pottery were scattered -about the ruins, and so many beautiful flint chips that the discoverers -conjectured that it might have been the home of an ancient arrow-maker. -Major Powell found on a natural shelf in the rock, back of the ruin, -a globular basket, badly broken, and so decayed that when taken up it -fell to pieces.[462] Some distance farther up the river, the grim walls -of more than a mile in height parted to admit the clear waters of a -stream named by the explorers “Bright Angel River.” In a little gulch -above the creek the foundations of two or three Pueblo houses were -discovered. They were built of irregular cut stones, laid in mortar. -An old, deeply-worn mealing stone and a great quantity of pottery were -found, and old trails were observed worn into the rock.[463] - -It cannot fail, however, to excite the wonder of the reader to learn -that Major Powell found ruined pueblos hundreds of miles farther up -that dismal, almost subterranean river. Not far below the foot of the -Cataract Cañon, and a considerable distance above Escalante River, in -Southern Utah, the explorers discovered on a wall two hundred feet -above the river, but removed from the water by a narrow plain, an old -stone house of good masonry. The stones were laid in mortar with much -regularity. It had been a three-story building, the first of which -still remained in good condition, the second being much broken, and -but little being left of the third. Flint chips, beautiful arrow-heads -and broken pottery abounded in the vicinity. The faces of the cliffs -were also covered with etchings. Fifteen miles farther down the river -another group was discovered, the principal building of which was in -the shape of an L, with five rooms on the ground floor; one in the -angle and two in each wing. In the centre of the angle there was a deep -excavation, doubtless an underground chamber for religious services, -known as an Estufa. Major Powell considers these remains the work of a -branch of the people now occupying the province of Tusayan in northern -Arizona. These Moqui peoples will be noticed farther on. In the -neighborhood of the last-named ruin, the Major found a tall, pyramidal -work of nature, formed by smooth rock-mounds, rising one above another. -On climbing this he observed that this natural eminence had been used -as an outlook by the people of the Pueblo. A stairway cut in the rock -by human hands and an old ladder resting against a perpendicular rock -were discovered.[464] - -The Colorado Chiquito and its tributaries flows through the very heart -of the Pueblo country. One hundred miles above its junction with the -Rio Colorado, Whipple, Sitgreaves and others, found numerous ruins, -crowning nearly every prominent point in the valley. The pottery of -the region is unlike that usually met with, in that it is ornamented -with impressions and raised work, instead of being painted.[465] Forty -miles farther up the river colossal ruins were discovered standing on -the summit of a sandstone bluff. The walls, such as remained standing, -were ten feet thick, while the building measured 360 feet in length by -120 in width.[466] With the exception of the remains of stone-houses, -at the junction of the Rio Puerco with the Colorado Chiquito, the -only aboriginal remains reported are pottery, scattered arrow-heads -and numerous rock inscriptions. The next tributary of the Colorado -Chiquito—the Zuñi River—is celebrated because of its ancient and modern -Pueblo structures. For fifty miles from the mouth of the Zuñi, the -antiquarian who could, might read the history of this ancient people, -spread out upon the imperishable cliffs—the parchment of Nature’s -children. Within eight miles of the inhabited Pueblo towns, numerous -ruins are encountered.[467] Here, within a few miles, the almost -mythical “seven cities of Cibola,” described by Coronado in 1540, and -by Marco de Niça the year previous, are demonstrated to have been -situated.[468] Zuñi itself is the Granada of the devoted and romantic -conquerors. In the centre of a plain upon a commanding eminence, stands -the inhabited Pueblo of Zuñi. Its frontage is upon the river of the -same name, while but a short distance in the background, the mesa -terminates in tall cliffs of metamorphic rock several hundred feet -high. The town is built in blocks, with terrace-shaped houses, usually -three stories high, in which the lower stories do service as the -platform for those immediately following them. Access is obtained by -means of ladders reaching to the roof or terrace, formed upon the first -story of each of the houses. The town is very compactly built, many -of the streets passing under the upper stories of houses. The whole -is divided into four squares, and the houses in each are continuously -joined together. The building material employed is stone, plastered -with mud.[469] A little more than two miles south-east of Zuñi, the -ancient ruined Pueblo of the same name is situated on an elevated -mesa of a mile in width, the precipitous descent from which, upon all -sides, measures a thousand feet. The ruins of old Zuñi are surrounded -with a growth of cedars, and cover several acres of ground. The walls, -constructed of small sandstone blocks laid in mud-mortar, are only -eighteen inches thick and are sadly dilapidated from age, only twelve -feet marking their highest point of present elevation. Still, there -is a deeper mystery about this antiquated ruin, for beneath the walls -now standing, others are found of a more ancient city, whose walls -were six feet thick, which perished either of age or by the hand of -the destroyer, before the present was begun. The ascent to the ruin -is a winding and difficult path, guarded with stone battlements at -different points. At a sacred spring near Zuñi, Whipple found vases -standing inverted upon an adobe wall. “Many of these were white, -well-proportioned, and of elegant forms. Upon their inner and outward -surfaces they were curiously painted to represent frogs, tadpoles, -tortoises, butterflies, and rattlesnakes.” The tufted snakes on one -of the vases are pronounced almost unique in America.[470] Twelve -miles above Zuñi, at Ojo del Pescado, four or five ruined towns are -found, but so badly decayed as to furnish little clue to their plan. -Two of them, however, are constructed elliptically around a spring, -and present a circumference of about 800 to 1000 feet. Two-thirds of a -mile down the river, ruined pueblos in a fair state of preservation, -with two stories standing, are described as covering an area of -150 by 200 yards. At the time of Möllhausen’s visit, the roofs and -fire-places were in quite good condition.[471] A square estufa, still -under roof, and numerous rock inscriptions, were observed. In this -instance we are furnished with abundant evidence that the destruction -of this people never was a wholesale one, but that gradually they are -succumbing to their unpropitious surroundings—a land which is fast -becoming a howling wilderness, with its scourging sands and roaming -savage Bedouin—the Apaches. One more locality in this region merits -attention. Eighteen miles south-east of the sources of the Zuñi River, -stands a sandstone rock three hundred feet high, which at a distance -resembles a Moorish fortress. The Spaniards named it El Moro. It is -also known as “Inscription Rock,” because of the Spanish and Indian -inscriptions which cover its smooth face. Simpson has copied some of -them, which is quite fortunate, since later explorers have found many -of them almost effaced. The ruins of two buildings are found on the -summit, which is reached by a difficult path. The large group is in -the form of a rectangle, measuring 307 by 206 feet. The walls, faced -with sandstone blocks, remain standing to the height of six and eight -feet. The other group is separated from the first by a deep ravine, -and is found upon the very brink of the outer precipice. A circular -estufa thirty-one feet in diameter was also noticed. Cedar timbers -were found in the walls, and broken pottery in abundance.[472] About -one hundred miles in a north north-easterly direction from Zuñi, in -longitude 108° and latitude 36°, the most remarkable of the pueblo -ruins are situated. These are on the north bank of the Chaco River, -a tributary of the Rio San Juan, a stream the affluents of which are -noted for a greater number of pueblo and cliff-dwellers’ ruins than -are found elsewhere. Lieutenant Simpson has described the ruins of the -Chaco, eleven in number, occurring within a distance of twenty-five -miles. The first of these met with in coming from the south is called -at present (we presume in the absence of the knowledge of the true -name) the Pueblo Pintado. The most remarkable feature of this great -structure is the beauty and precision of the masonry. The fine, hard -gray sandstone blocks are quite uniformly three inches in thickness and -are laid without mortar, always breaking joints. The crevices between -the ends of the blocks are filled with very thin pieces of stone, not -over a quarter of an inch thick. The walls of the pueblo now standing, -are at their greatest height, thirty feet, and furnish evidence from -the marks of the floor-timbers that the building was three stories. The -walls are between two and three feet thick at the base, though this is -diminished with each succeeding story by a jog of a few inches, upon -which the flooring timbers rest. These are from six to eleven inches in -diameter, always of uniform size in the same room. On these beams small -round sticks are laid transversely, and these in turn covered with thin -cedar strips, lying transversely of the round sticks. In some rooms the -chinks in the floor were filled with small stones and the whole covered -with a layer of mortar. One room, however, had a floor of smooth cedar -boards, seven inches wide and three-quarters of an inch thick. The -edges and ends were squarely cut, and their smooth surfaces indicate -that they were polished by being rubbed with flat stones. The size of -these ruins may be better understood when we state that five buildings -measured in circumference respectively 872, 700, 1700, 1300 and 1300 -feet; while the number of rooms, still well-defined on the ground -floor of each, is 72, 99, 112, 124 and 139. Some of these buildings -undoubtedly had as high as a thousand rooms, while the smallest of them -probably contained half that number. The smallest apartments are five -feet square, while the largest are eight by fourteen feet. The ground -plan of the buildings of this valley have three tiers of rooms, while -one building, the Pueblo Bonito, has four tiers of apartments. The -usual form of the buildings corresponds to three sides of a rectangle, -with the fourth (one of the long sides of the figure) left unbuilt -(except that in some cases it was inclosed by a semicircular stone -wall), thus affording a partially enclosed court of large dimensions. -The exterior walls are in all cases perpendicular, thus differing from -the pueblos farther south. The terracing in the Chaco structures is -upon the inside (court side) of the buildings. - -In some of the buildings, however, the angles of the quadrangle are -rounded, and in one instance—that of the Peñasca Blanco—the structure -is elliptical. From the nature of the plan of any of these buildings -it is evident that many of the apartments on the ground floor were -dark, and were probably used for granaries and store-rooms. There are -no doors whatever in the outer walls, and no windows except in the -upper stories. Windows and doors opening into the courts are, on the -contrary, numerous in all the stories but the first. The doors are -quite small, in many cases not exceeding two and a half feet square. -The lintels of the doors and windows are in most cases stone slabs, but -in some instances are small round timbers tied together with withes. A -remarkable feature of the construction is the presence of the Yucatan -arch formed of overlapping stones, illustrations of which may be seen -in our next chapter. Dr. Hammond, a companion of Lieutenant Simpson, -has minutely described a room of very perfect finish.[473] Each edifice -was provided with the sacred estufa, and some of the houses had as -many as seven, circular in form, excavated several feet deep in the -earth and enclosed with circular walls. One in the Pueblo Bonito was -of remarkable size, having been sixty feet in diameter, extending -twelve feet below the surface and rising two or three stories high. -Lieutenant Simpson found in close proximity to one of the ruins an -excavation in the cliff which had been enclosed with a front wall of -well-laid stone and mortar, thus associating one of the simplest of -the cave-dwellings to which we shall refer presently, with one of the -most extensive and perfect of the Pueblo buildings; a fact of no little -value in identifying the architects of both as one and the same.[474] -This introduces us to another class of ruins, which, with a couple of -exceptions, were not discovered prior to the summer of 1874. We refer -to the cliff-dwellings, the most remarkable habitations ever occupied -by man. The descriptions of them seem more suitable to form parts of -the most romantic works of fiction than of sober and scientific memoirs -from the pens of government explorers. One hundred miles westward from -the ruins of the Chaco lies the Chelly Valley or Cañon. The Chelly is -one of the tributaries of the Rio San Juan from the south, having its -source in the Navajo country. The Chelly Cañon is described as from -one hundred and fifty to nine hundred feet wide, with perpendicular -sides between three hundred and five hundred feet high. Simpson in 1849 -found several caves built up in front with stone and mortar in a side -cañon. About four miles from its foot or mouth he observed on a shelf -fifty feet high, accessible only by ladders, a stone ruin, the plan of -which resembles that of the Chaco Valley pueblos, except that it was -constructed on a considerably smaller scale. Three miles further up the -cañon a double ruin of an extraordinary nature was discovered. At the -base of the cañon stood an ancient pueblo in ruins, but with parts of -the first and second stories still erect. Fifty feet in a perpendicular -line, above and immediately back of the first edifice, in a shelf, or -in the mouth of a cavern in the cañon’s walls, stood another building -constructed of sandstone and mortar, and measuring one hundred and -forty-five by forty-five feet, with walls eighteen feet high still -standing. Broken pottery was plentiful, as around all the ruins we have -described. The building was lighted by square windows and provided with -a circular estufa.[475] - -The most surprising results in all the history of archæological -exploration in this country were obtained in September, 1874, by a -party connected with the United States Geological and Geographical -Survey Corps. This party was composed of only three persons, Mr. W. -H. Jackson and Mr. Ingersoll with their guide, Captain John Moss, a -resident of La Plata, who possessed both a knowledge of the country and -an acquaintance with the language of the Indians. In the south-western -corner of Colorado, the cañons of two of the tributaries of the San -Juan were examined, namely, the valleys of the Rivers Mancos and -McElmo.[476] The former stream rises among the western foothills of the -Sierra La Plata, and flows south-westerly through fertile valleys to -a great table-land known as the “Mesa Verde,” thence to the San Juan -near the crossing of the boundary lines of the four territories. In -the upper valley of the Mancos, between the mountains and the mesa, -groups of undistinguishable ruins were discovered in great numbers. -An examination of the shapeless heaps revealed foundations composed -of great square blocks of adobe. The great multitude of these heaps -of masonry overgrown with pines indicates a general and unsparing -destruction of the houses of the people who once inhabited the valley, -at the hands of their enemies. The cañon through the Mesa Verde is -quite uniformly two hundred yards wide, with perpendicular walls of -grayish cretaceous sandstone ranging from six hundred to one thousand -feet in height. Numbers of the mounds of ruined adobe were met with at -each advance into the cañon, and upon promontories jutting out towards -the stream, remains of stone walls were seen as high as fifty feet -from the river’s bed. Every step revealed great quantities of broken -pottery, and with this statement we will let the subject of these -fragmentary relics of the by-gone civilization rest for the present. - -One of the first cliff houses discovered by the explorers is a most -interesting structure, the position of which, over six hundred feet -from the bottom of the cañon in a niche of the wall, furnishes a -significant commentary on the straits to which this sorely-pressed -people were driven by their enemies. Five hundred feet of the ascent -to this aërial dwelling was comparatively easy, but a hundred feet of -almost perpendicular wall confronted the party, up which they could -never have climbed but for the fact that they found a series of steps -cut in the face of the rock leading up to the ledge upon which the -house was built. - -[Illustration: Cliff-House in the Cañon of the Mancos.] - -This ledge was ten feet wide by twenty feet in length, with a a -vertical space between it and the overhanging rock of fifteen feet. -The house occupied only half this space, the remainder having been -used as an esplanade, and once was inclosed by a balustrade resting -on abutments, built partly upon the sloping face of the precipice -below. The house was but twelve feet high and two-storied. Though the -walls did not reach up to the rock above, it is uncertain whether it -ever had any other roof. The ground plan showed a front room of six -by nine feet in dimensions, in the rear of which were two smaller -rooms, each measuring five by seven feet. The left-hand room projected -along the cliff, beyond the front room, in the form of an L. The rock -of the cliff served as the rear wall of the house. The cedar beams -upon which the upper floor had rested had nearly all disappeared. -The door opening on the esplanade was but twenty by thirty inches in -size, while a window in the same story was but twelve inches square. -A window in the upper story, which commands an extended view down the -cañon, corresponded in dimensions and position with the door below. -The lintels of the window were small straight cedar sticks laid close -together, upon which the stones rested. Opposite this window was -another and smaller one, opening into a semicircular cistern, formed by -a wall inclosing the angle formed by the side wall of the house against -the rock, and holding about two and a half hogsheads. The bottom of the -reservoir was reached by descending on a series of cedar pegs about -one foot apart, and leading downward from the window. The workmanship -of the structure was of a superior order; the perpendiculars were -true ones and the angles carefully squared. The mortar used was of -a grayish white color, very compact and adhesive. Some little taste -was evinced by the occupants of this human swallow’s nest. The front -rooms were plastered smoothly with a thin layer of firm adobe cement, -colored a deep maroon, while a white band, eight inches wide, had been -painted around the room at both floor and ceiling. An examination of -the immediate vicinity revealed the ruins of half a dozen similar -dwellings in the ledges of the cliffs, some of them occupying positions -the inaccessibility of which must ever be a wonder, when considered as -places of residence for human beings. Half-way down the cañon, one of -Mr. Jackson’s party discovered a rather remarkable watch-tower, which, -because of the accumulations of débris, he was not able to accurately -measure, though approximate figures were given. Since his visit, the -tower has been thoroughly examined by Mr. W. H. Holmes, to whose work -in this field we will refer on a future page. Mr. Holmes’ measurements -and ground-plan are, therefore, substituted for those of Mr. Jackson. - -The diameter of the outer wall is forty-three feet, that of the inner, -twenty-five feet. The outer wall is still standing to the height of -twelve feet at one point, and is in a fair state of preservation, -with a thickness of twenty-one inches, and has the stones dressed to -the curve. The ring-shaped space between the inner and outer wall is -estimated to have contained ten compartments, two of which at present -have complete walls. No door or window was observed in the outer wall, -and it is supposed that access was obtained by means of a ladder. Two -nearly rectangular openings were found connecting the outer apartments -with the central part of the tower, which no doubt was used as an -estufa.[477] Mr. Jackson, after leaving the tower which Mr. Holmes has -so fully described (of which the above is but a condensed account), saw -similar towers on a somewhat smaller scale. His next discovery in the -face of the vertical rock, which here ran up from the bottom of the -cañon and at a height of from fifty to one hundred feet, were a number -of nest-like habitations, one of which is figured in the cut. - -[Illustration: Ground Plan of Tower in the Mancos Cañon.] - -[Illustration: Cliff-dwelling of the Mancos Cañon.] - -The cliff-house in this case was reached by its occupants from the -top of the cañon. The walls are pronounced as firm as the rock upon -which they were built. The stones were very regular in size, and the -chinking-in of small chips of stone rendered the surface of the wall -remarkably smooth and well finished. The dwelling measured fifteen -feet in length, five feet in width, and six feet in height. A short -distance below this little dwelling, five or six cave-like crevices -were found walled up in front with very perfect walls, rendered smooth -by chinking. Three miles farther down the cañon, the party discovered -at heights ranging from six hundred and eight hundred feet above their -heads, some curious and unique little dwellings sandwiched in among -the crevices of the horizontal strata of the rock of which the bluff -was composed. Access to the summit of the bluff, a thousand feet -high, was obtained by a circuitous path through a side cañon, and the -houses themselves could only be reached at the utmost peril—of being -precipitated to the bottom of the dizzy abyss—by crawling along a -ledge twenty inches wide and only high enough for a man in a creeping -position. This led to the wider shelf on which the houses rested. The -perfection of the finish was especially noticeable in one of these -houses, which was but fifteen feet long and seven feet high, with a -side wall running back in a semicircular sweep. In every instance the -party found the elevated cliff-houses situated on the western side of -the cañon with their outlook toward the east, while the buildings at -the bottom of the cañon were indiscriminately built on both sides of -the river. - -[Illustration: Cliff-Dwelling of the Mancos Cañon.] - -A circular watch-tower, which may be said to serve as a fair type of -others met with at irregular intervals, is shown in the cut (p. 300). -The tower remained standing to a height of twenty feet. Its diameter -measured twelve feet and the thickness of the walls sixteen inches, -the stones being of uniform size and smoothly dressed to the curve of -the circle. A rectangular structure, divided into two apartments, each -about fifteen feet square, once joined the tower, but now is in ruins, -all but the foundation. It is supposed that this edifice was built over -a large subterranean keep or place of defence. The exploring party here -emerged from the cañon, and could discern, as they glanced down the -valley of the Rio Mancos, which now turned towards the west, mounds of -shapeless ruins at short distances from one another as far as the eye -could reach. - -Bearing around the Mesa to the west, the party encamped upon the -site of the most extensive mass of ruins yet found in United States -territory, “known as the Aztec Springs.” As Mr. Jackson’s description -is but partial, we defer the treatment of this locality until we take -up the explorations of Mr. Holmes, already mentioned. Four miles -distant from “Aztec Springs,” the party reached a river-bed, dry during -most of the year, and known as the McElmo, which, when it flows at -all, empties into the San Juan farther to the west. On the _mesa_, -above this river-bed, a tower resembling that first met in the Mancos -was observed, but of much greater size, having a diameter of fifty -feet. Adjoining the tower were the ruins of large subdivided buildings -resembling the community dwellings of the Moquis and the old ruins of -the Chaco. This group of ruins was very extensive and complicated, -literally occupying all the available space in the vicinity. - -[Illustration: Watch-Tower of the Cañon of the Mancos.] - -Half a dozen miles down the cañon of the McElmo, several of the little -nest-like dwellings peculiar to the Mancos were seen perched forty or -fifty feet above the valley. A couple of miles beyond these, the tower -shown in the cut (p. 301) was discovered standing on the summit of a -great block of sandstone forty feet high, and detached from the bluff -back of it. - -[Illustration: Square Tower on the McElmo.] - -The building which surmounts this rocky pedestal is square and about -fifteen feet high at present. Windows open toward the north and east, -the directions from which the enemies of this people, according to -tradition, came down upon them. A wall at the base of the rock is -mostly in ruins and covered with débris from the building above. -Immediately beyond this point the boundary line into Utah was crossed, -and two or three miles distant the party came upon a very interesting -group, a historic spot in the career of this ancient race. In the -centre of the widening valley stands a solitary butte of dark-red -sandstone, upon a perfectly smooth floor of the same, dipping gently -towards the centre of the valley. This butte or _cristone_ is about -one hundred feet high and three hundred feet in length, of irregular -form. All around the rock are remains of stone walls which indicate -an extensive structure and complicated system of walls and towers. At -the back of the rock two remains attract special attention. One wall -forming the corner of a building near the base of the rock, seems to -have served as an approach to the larger house up in the side of the -butte. This structure is about eighteen feet in length and twelve feet -in height, nearly reaching to the top of the rock. Part of the walls -have fallen, but those standing show a finish surpassing those of any -structure previously discovered in the region. In front is a single -aperture eighteen by twenty-four inches. On top of the rock are remains -of masonry, but too badly ruined to indicate their original form. All -the crevices and irregularities in the faces of the butte had been -smoothly walled up; it is supposed, to make its ascent impossible. In -the vicinity a tower with a rounded corner and twelve feet in diameter -by twenty feet high stood in a dry creek bed. - -[Illustration: Cliff House in the Cañon of the McElmo.] - -We remarked that this was a historic locality, as certainly it was if -the legend obtained by Captain Moss from an old man among the Moquis is -reliable. Mr. Ingersoll has rendered it in the _New York Tribune_ for -November 3d, 1874, as follows: “Formerly, the aborigines inhabited all -this country we had been over as far west as the head-waters of the San -Juan, as far north as the Rio Dolores, west some distance into Utah, -and south and south-west throughout Arizona and on down into Mexico. -They had lived there from time immemorial—since the earth was a small -island, which augmented as its inhabitants multiplied. They cultivated -the valley, fashioned whatever utensils and tools they needed very -neatly and handsomely out of clay and wood and stone, not knowing any -of the useful metals; built their homes and kept their flocks and -herds in the fertile river-bottoms, and worshipped the sun. They were -an eminently peaceful and prosperous people, living by agriculture -rather than by the chase. About a thousand years ago, however, they -were visited by savage strangers from the North, whom they treated -hospitably. Soon these visits became more frequent and annoying. Then -their troublesome neighbors—ancestors of the present Utes—began to -forage upon them, and, at last, to massacre them and devastate their -farms; so, to save their lives at least, they built houses high upon -the cliffs where they could store food and hide away till the raiders -left. But one summer the invaders did not go back to their mountains as -the people expected, but brought their families with them and settled -down. So, driven from their homes and lands, starving in their little -niches on the high cliffs, they could only steal away during the night, -and wander across the cheerless uplands. To one who has traveled -these steppes, such a flight seems terrible, and the mind hesitates -to picture the suffering of the sad fugitives. At the _Cristone_ they -halted and probably found friends, for the rocks and caves are full -of the nests of these human wrens and swallows. Here they collected, -erected stone fortifications and watch-towers, dug reservoirs in the -rocks to hold a supply of water, which in all cases is precarious in -this latitude, and once more stood at bay. Their foes came, and for -one long month fought and were beaten back, and returned day after -day to the attack as merciless and inevitable as the tide. Meanwhile, -the families of the defenders were evacuating and moving south, and -bravely did their protectors shield them till they were all safely a -hundred miles away. The besiegers were beaten back and went away. But -the narrative tells us that the hollows of the rocks were filled to the -brim with the mingled blood of conquerors and conquered, and red veins -of it ran down into the cañon. It was such a victory as they could not -afford to gain again, and they were glad, when the long fight was -over, to follow their wives and little ones to the south. There, in -the deserts of Arizona, on well-nigh unapproachable isolated bluffs, -they built new towns, and their few descendants, the Moquis, live in -them to this day, preserving more carefully and purely the history and -veneration of their forefathers than their skill or wisdom. It was from -one of their old men that this traditional sketch was obtained.” In a -side cañon, a tower eighteen feet high was seen perched on a huge block -of sandstone which had fallen from the top of the _mesa_ and lodged on -a projecting shelf of rock, midway from top or bottom. Eight or ten -miles westward of the McElmo, Mr. Jackson and his party discovered on -a stream known as the Hovenweep, the ruins of a city. Mr. Jackson’s -description is as follows: “The stream referred to sweeps the foot of a -rocky sandstone ledge, some forty or fifty feet in height, upon which -is built the highest and better-preserved portion of the settlement. -Its semicircular sweep conforms to the ledge, each little house of -the outer circle being built close upon its edge. Below the level of -these upper houses some ten or twelve feet, and within the semicircular -sweep, are seven distinctly marked depressions, each separated from -the other by rocky débris, the lower or first series probably of small -community houses. Upon either flank, and founded upon rocks, are -buildings similar in size and in other respects to the large ones on -the line above. As paced off, the upper or convex surface measured one -hundred yards in length. Each little apartment is small and narrow, -averaging six feet in width and eight feet in length, the walls being -eighteen inches in thickness. The stones of which the entire group is -built are dressed to nearly uniform size and laid in mortar. A peculiar -feature here is in the round corners, one at least appearing upon -nearly every little house. They are turned with considerable care and -skill, being true curves solidly bound together.” - -[Illustration: Ruins of the Hovenweep.] - -[Illustration: Niche Stairway of Chelly Cañon] - -Here the labors of Mr. Jackson’s party ended for the year 1874, but -the work was again resumed in July of the following year with even -richer results. Two parties were put in the field by the Government -Surveying Corps, one headed by Mr. Jackson and the other by Mr. W. H. -Holmes, geologists of the San Juan division of the survey for 1875. -I am indebted to Prof. Hayden, United States geologist-in-charge, -for the memoirs prepared by these gentlemen, with the accompanying -illustrations.[478] The reader has already become acquainted with the -general character of the remains of the cliff-dwellers, and it will not -be necessary to repeat the descriptions of buildings or ruins similar -to those already described in these pages. We shall therefore cite only -the more remarkable ruins discovered by the above-named explorers. -Mr. Jackson was accompanied on his second tour, by Mr. E. A. Barber, -naturalist and correspondent of the _New York Herald_, with Harry Lee -as guide and interpreter. The party resumed their labors in the arid, -waterless region around the Hovenweep, and in fact the same barren -characteristics are peculiar to the whole basin of the San Juan. The -whole region is rapidly drying up and fast becoming a desert. Down -the cañon from the pueblo of the Hovenweep, broken towers and rock -shelters were passed in rapid succession. Seven miles distant from -their starting-point, they found on the western side of the valley -three elevated benches ranging one above another in the face of a -jutting promontory, each of which contained houses (see illustration, -page 307). The first bench was reached by climbing over a sloping -mass of débris to a height of one hundred feet from the base of the -cliff, while the upper benches were only accessible by means of a niche -stairway similar to the one shown in the figure. - -[Illustration: Cliff-House of the Hovenweep.] - -Ruins and masses of charcoal were found at the base of the rock. -Numerous adobe foundations, probably of wooden buildings, always -circular in form and ranging from fifteen to twenty-five feet in -diameter, were met with a short distance down the cañon. Near the -junction of the Hovenweep and McElmo cañons an inscription covers sixty -feet of the face of a large rock. The figures are those of men, goats, -lizards, and hieroglyphic signs. As the party proceeded in the cañon -they met rock shelters and enclosures, the latter on the top of the -mesa in which slabs of stone three by five feet in size were set on -end. Mr. Jackson reports that a party connected with the survey corps -discovered near the head of the Hovenweep, on a ledge three hundred -feet long by fifty feet wide, one-third of the distance from the top -of the cañon, some forty houses crowded along the shelf all in a row. -On the San Juan west of the mouth of the Montezuma Cañon, upon a bench -fifty feet high, Mr. Jackson found a quadrangular structure of peculiar -design, as shown in the cut on page 308. - -“We see that it is arranged very nearly at right angles to the river, -its greatest depth on the left, where it runs back one hundred and -twenty feet; the front sweeps back in a diagonal line, so that the -right-hand side is only thirty-two feet in depth. The back wall is -one hundred and fifty-eight feet long, and at right angles to the two -sides. In the centre of the building, looking out upon the river, is -an open space seventy-five feet wide, and averaging forty feet in -depth, its depressed centre divided nearly equally by a ridge running -through it at right angles to the river. We judged it to have been an -open court, because there was not the least vestige of a wall in front, -or on the ridge through the centre, while upon the other three sides -they were perfectly distinct; although it is difficult to explain why -it should have been hollowed out in the manner shown in the plan. Back -of this court is a series of seven apartments of equal size, springing -in a perfect arch from the heavy wall facing the court, leaving a -semicircular space in the centre, forty-five feet across its greatest -diameter. Each one is fifteen feet in length, and the same in width -across its centre, the walls somewhat irregular in thickness, but -averaging twenty inches, compact, and well laid. On the left are three -rooms extending across the whole width of the building, each averaging -forty-five by forty feet square; on the right only one was discernible. -Back of the circle, our impression was that the walls diverged in the -manner shown in the plan, although there is so much confusion resulting -from the heaping up of the débris that much must be left to conjecture. -There is also a slight shadow of doubt in regard to the wall facing the -river on the right; it is barely possible that it extended somewhat -farther out, although there is here a steep inclination to the -brink of the bluff, and that it has become entirely obliterated by -its foundations giving way. The remains of the wall above, however, -led us to believe that it had been originally built in the way it is -shown in the plan. Extreme massiveness is indicated throughout the -whole structure by the amount of débris about the line of the walls, -forming long rounded mounds four to five feet high, with the stone-work -cropping out, twenty to twenty-four inches in thickness.” - -[Illustration: RUINS UPON THE RIO SAN JUAN] - -[Illustration: Rock-Shelters of the San Juan Cañon.] - -In the face of the bluff immediately under this ruin and upon -a recessed bench three hundred feet long was a row of little -rock-shelters, with just enough room on the ledge in front of them -to admit of a promenade the entire length of the shelf. All down the -valley of the San Juan, rock shelters and dwellings similar to the -group shown in the cut, were met with. - -In this instance the houses were situated sixty feet above the trail -without any visible means of access. If ladders were used, they were -made of timber taller than any of the trees now growing in the valley. -Twelve miles below the Montezuma the party discovered really one of -the most picturesque and wonderful of all the cliff-dwellings. On the -opposite side of the river, where the bluff was two hundred feet high, -near the top of the cliff, they observed a deeply receding cave with -an opening nearly circular “two hundred feet in diameter, divided -equally between the two kinds of rocks, reaching, within a few feet, -the top of the bluff above and the level of the valley below. It runs -back in a semicircular sweep to a depth of one hundred feet; the -top is a perfect half dome, and the lower half only less so from the -accumulation of débris and the thick brushy foliage, the cool dampness -of its shadowed interior, where the sun never touches, favoring a -luxuriant growth. A stratum of harder rock across the central line of -the cave has left a bench running around its entire half circle, upon -which is built the row of buildings which caught our attention half a -mile away.” - -[Illustration: Row of 11 Rooms, one story in height, from 4 to 10 feet - in width, by 130 feet. - - HORIZONTAL SECTION - of the - GREAT ECHO CAVE - on the - RIO SAN JUAN] - -“It will be seen that the houses occupy the left-hand or eastern half -of the cave, for the reason, probably, that the ledge was wider on -that side, and the wall back of it receded in such a manner as to give -considerable additional room for the second floor, or for the upper -part of the one-story rooms. It is about fifty feet from the outer edge -in to the first building, a small structure sixteen feet long, three -feet wide at the outer end, and four at the opposite end; the walls, -standing only four feet on the highest remaining corner, were nearly -all tumbled in. Then came an open space eleven feet wide and nine deep, -that served probably as a sort of workshop. Four holes were drilled -into the smooth rock floor, about six feet equidistantly apart, each -from six to ten inches deep and five in diameter, as perfectly round -as though drilled by machinery. We can reasonably assume that these -people were familiar with the art of weaving, and that it was here -they worked at the loom, the drilled holes supporting its posts. At -_b_, in this open space, are a number of grooves worn into the rock in -various places, caused by the artificers of the little town in shaping -and polishing their stone implements. The main building comes next, -occupying the widest portion of the ledge, which gives an average width -of ten feet inside; it is forty-eight feet long outside, and twelve -high, divided inside into three rooms, the first two thirteen and a -half feet each in length, and the third sixteen feet, divided into -two stories, the lower and upper five feet in height. The joist holes -did not penetrate through the walls, being inserted about six inches, -half the thickness. The beams rested upon the sloping back-wall, which -receded far enough to make the upper rooms about square. Window-like -apertures afforded communication between each room, all through the -second story, excepting that which opened out to the back of the cave. -There was also one window in each lower room, about twelve inches -square, looking out toward the open country, and in the upper rooms -several small apertures not more than three inches wide were pierced -through the wall, hardly more than peep-holes. The walls of the large -building continued back in an unbroken line one hundred and thirty -feet farther, with an average height of eight feet, and divided into -eleven apartments, with communicating apertures through all. The -first room was nine and a half feet wide, the others dwindling down -gradually to only four feet in width at the other extremity. The rooms -were of unequal length, the following being their inside measurements, -commencing from the outer end, viz.: 12½, 9½, 8, 7½, 9, 10, 8, 7, 7, -8, 31 feet; the ledge then runs along, gradually narrowing, fifty feet -farther, where another wall occurs across it, after which it soon -merges into the smooth wall of the cave. The first of these rooms had -an aperture leading outward large enough to crawl through; the wall -around it had been broken away so that its exact size could not be -determined; all the others, of which there were about two to each room, -were mere peep-holes, about three inches in diameter, and generally -pierced through the wall at a downward angle.” The apartments were well -plastered, and in one or two places even the delicate lines on the -thumbs and fingers of the plasterers had been plainly retained. At one -point an entire hand had left its impress in the cement. - -[Illustration: Great Echo Cave.] - -All these marks indicated that the hands of these people were much -smaller than those of the explorers, and it is supposed that they were -those of women and children. A circular hollow place, all begrimed -and blackened by smoke, seemed to indicate the locality of a common -kitchen. The surroundings of this little community of that ancient -people indicated that they were well-to-do, and were probably the lords -of the neighboring country. From their home in this elevated gallery, -under nature’s arching roof of rock, they were in a position to give -defiance to their enemies and enjoy the pursuit of their pastoral -occupations. This unique residence was named by the explorers the -Casa del Eco. Over the plateau westward, the remains of this ancient -people were numerous and of the same general character as already -described. The party after reaching the Cañon of the Chelly (the stream -flowing, as already stated, into the San Juan from the south) found -several circular caves averaging about one hundred feet in diameter and -containing the ruins of old houses. - -[Illustration: Cave-Village in the Valley of the Rio Chelly.] - -About five miles southward from the San Juan, and in a valley of the -Chelly, a cave-village of considerable extent was discovered, perched -upon a recessed bench about seventy feet above the valley, and overhung -by a solid wall of massive sandstone, extending up over two hundred -feet farther. Mr. Jackson describes it in detail as follows: “The -left-hand side of the bench supporting the buildings sweeps back in a -sharp curve about eighty feet under the bluff, and then gradually comes -to the front again until, on the extreme right hand, the buildings are -built upon a mass of débris, but partially protected overhead. The -total length over the solidly built portion of the town is five hundred -and forty-five feet, with a greater width in no place of more than -forty feet. There are somewhere in the neighborhood of seventy-five -rooms upon the ground-plan, with some uncertainty existing as to many -of the subdivisions on the right; but in the cave-built portion every -apartment was distinctly marked. Midway in the town is a circular -room of heavily and solidly built masonry, that was probably meant -for an estufa or council-hall; that is, if we can reasonably assume -any similarity in the methods of building or worship to those of the -pueblos of New Mexico. Starting from this estufa is a narrow passage -running back of the line of houses on the left to a two-story group, -where it ends abruptly, further access being had through the back -row of rooms, or over the roofs of the lower front row, probably the -latter, for it is likely that these roofs served as a platform from -which to enter the rooms back of it. At the extreme end a still higher -ledge occurs, with the overhanging wall coming down close over it, its -outer edge enclosed by a wall, and a little store-room in its farther -corner; it was reserved, probably, as an out-door working-room. All -the buildings of this half are of one story, with the exception of one -group, the residence probably of the chief or of some other important -family in the community. The rooms just back of it are the store-rooms -of the family, where the corn and squashes were put away for the -winter’s consumption. Near these store-rooms, there are two half-round -enclosures of stone-work, that are very likely the remains of small -reservoirs or springs. The rock back of them is dug out beneath, and -had, even in the dry season, when we were there, a damp appearance, as -though water was not far removed, and might easily be coaxed to the -surface. The front line of wall of this left side of the town is built -upon a steep angle of smooth rock, with the interior of the apartments -filled up with earth so as to make their floors level, bringing them a -little below the passage-way. In two or three instances the front wall -has given way, precipitating all but the back wall to the bottom of the -cliffs. Holes have been drilled into the rock in a few places beneath -the walls, evidently to assist in retaining them in their places. -The whole front of this portion of the town is without an aperture, -save very small windows, and is perfectly inaccessible, both from the -solidity of the wall and the precipitous nature of the foundation-rock -beneath it. Admittance was probably gained from near the circular -building in the centre, by ladders or any other well-guarded approach -over the rocks.” - -Two miles down the Cañon of the Chelly, below the mouth of the fertile -Cañon Bonito Chiquito, the house figured on page 306 was found with its -niched stairway cut in the face of the rock. The house is two-storied, -twenty feet in height, the lower story of which is eighteen by ten feet -square, divided into two rooms. A natural reservoir of water was found -in the rock only twenty rods distant. Eight miles up the Chelly they -came to the cave Pueblo, seen by Simpson and mentioned on page 293. -From this point it was but forty miles to the inhabited Moquis town -Tegua. The explorers after visiting that interesting place returned -northward again to the San Juan, reaching Epsom Creek, a tributary of -the same from the north, a short distance from the mouth of the Chelly -Cañon. Among a number of remains found in the Cañon of Epsom Creek, -one in particular is of interest; this was the remnant of a square -tower, of most perfect masonry, built upon a point of rock entirely -inaccessible to the explorers. - -[Illustration: Elevated Tower on Epsom Creek.] - -A few miles farther up the Epsom Valley, the ruins of quite a town -were discovered. “It lay upon both sides of a small, dry ravine, some -twenty or thirty rods back from the bed of the creek, and consisted -of a main rectangular mass sixty by one hundred feet, occupying quite -an elevation, dominating all the others. Just below it and close -upon the edge of the ravine, was a round tower, twenty-five feet in -diameter; and seventy-five below that, and also close to the ravine, -was a square building, twenty-feet across, nearly obscured by a -thicket of piñon-trees, growing about it. On the opposite bank were -two small round towers, each fifteen feet in diameter, with two oblong -structures between, twelve by fifteen feet square; at right angles to -these four, which were arranged in a straight line, another square -building occurred, the same size as the one just opposite on the other -bank.” The surroundings of this ancient village are described as truly -picturesque and the valley fertile, contrasting considerably with -the Chelly Cañon. The exploring party followed the Epsom to a point -thirty miles above the San Juan, and in the head cañons between it and -the Montezuma found themselves in the midst of ruins which mark the -former presence of a dense population. No ruins were found near the -Sierra Abajo nor in the great basin lying between it and the Sierra -La Sal. In the deep cañon of the Montezuma (fifteen hundred feet -deep), cliff-dwellings and other remains were found in great numbers. -Cave-shelters, with the orifice of the oval and circular crevices -in the rocks walled up with neat masonry and accessible by means of -niche-steps for the hands and feet, leading up the perpendicular cliff -to the little nest-like houses above, were especially numerous. In one -of these a skeleton was found, but examination proved it to be that of -a Navajo, and quite certainly not that of one of the ancient residents. -At different points midway down the cañon, narrow promontories jut out -into the valley a hundred yards or more, ranging from twenty to one -hundred feet in height. Within a distance of sixteen miles, eighteen -of these were observed, covered with ruins of massive stone-built -structures. They were rectangular in form, ranging from one hundred -by two hundred feet, down to thirty by forty feet in size. We cannot -devote further attention to the vast number of ruins found by Mr. -Jackson and party in the Montezuma Valley, except to note the curious -little house shown in the cut. - -[Illustration: Cave-Dwelling in the Montezuma Valley.] - -Among a colony of these cave-dwellings, occurring at the first bend -of the West Montezuma, a dozen miles above its junction with the -east fork, this one commands attention as much for the neatness and -perfection of its masonry as for the snug little cave in which its -architect lodged it. A block of sandstone resting on the edge of the -mesa bench fifty feet above the valley, had a deep oval hole worn in it -by the winds and sands. This was occupied by the little house, ten feet -long, six feet high and five feet deep; a space, however, was reserved -at one end to serve as a platform from which to enter. - -In addition to the explorations of Mr. Jackson and party, Mr. W. H. -Holmes of the Geological and Geographical Survey, was also assigned -the duty of examining ancient remains in the valley of the Upper San -Juan, during the summer of 1875.[479] Mr. Holmes and party examined -an area of nearly six thousand square miles, chiefly in Colorado on -the San Juan and its tributaries. Most of the ruins met with were of -the same general character and description as those examined by Mr. -Jackson, and to repeat in detail the majority of descriptions contained -in Mr. Holmes’ memoir, would be to weary the reader with repetitions -without affording additional advantage. However, a few remarkable ruins -described by Mr. Holmes command our attention. The first of these which -may be pronounced unique in this section of the country, and quite -unlike anything met with thus far in the exploration, is situated on -the Rio La Plata, about twenty-five miles above its junction with -the San Juan. The remains of an extensive village with structures of -various forms, are scattered upon a terrace some twenty feet above -the river-bed. The distribution of the works viewed in connection -with plans upon which they were constructed are suggestive of the -remains of the mound-builders of the Ohio valley. The forms are chiefly -rectangular and circular, one or two seem to have been elliptical while -a number have consisted of irregular groups of apartments. All now -lie in ruins with their outlines marked by ridges of débris composed -of earth, water-worn pebbles, and small fragments of sandstone. The -walls of the main structure are still prominently defined, while those -of a circular enclosure, used probably as an estufa, are standing to -the height of four feet. Three hundred feet directly north of this -enclosure is a truncated rectangular mound nine feet high, measuring -fifty by eighty feet. In one of the angles of the east end are the -remains of what may have been a tower rising above the platform of the -mound. One hundred feet north of this mound is a rectangular enclosure -measuring sixty by one hundred feet. Its wall ranges from four to six -feet in height. The ruins of a wall extending between the mound and the -enclosure, indicate that they were once connected. A system of works -joined these to a range of low hills, lying to the north. Southward -from the large central circle are earthworks and ruins covering an -area of fifteen thousand square feet. A large number of small circles -and mounds occupy the southern extremity of the terrace. It is -impossible to account for the sudden change in the plan of works so -contiguous to those of a well-marked pueblo origin. On the San Juan -River, thirty-five miles below the mouth of the La Plata and ten miles -above the Mancos, Mr. Holmes observed an interesting combination of -cave-shelters and towers united in a system for giving signals upon the -approach of the enemy. In the face of a vertical bluff thirty-five feet -high and about half way from the trail below, caves had been quarried -or weathered in considerable numbers in the shales which constitute one -of the strata in the bluff. A hard platform of rock formed the floor, -and afforded sufficient protection for a narrow platform in front of -these openings. Immediately above these caves upon the summit of the -bluffs, a system of ruined circular towers, enclosed by semicircular -walls with the open side of the semicircle facing the precipice, was -observed. The caves were accessible from the valley below only by means -of ladders, and the towers in turn only by ladders from the caves -through the open side of their semicircular enclosures. The walls of -these enclosures presented no openings to the plateau above, and it is -inferred that the towers which they enclosed served as outlooks from -which the sentinel could signal the people who were engaged in tilling -the valley below to flee to their cave-shelters at the approach of the -enemy, and when too closely pressed by an enemy upon the plateau the -sentinel himself could make his retreat by means of his ladder to the -caves beneath. - -The most remarkable cliff-dwellings, discovered by Mr. Holmes, are -shown in the cut. - -[Illustration: Cave-Fortresses of the Rio Mancos.] - -These extraordinary fortresses, lodged in caves eight hundred feet -above the level of the valley, are situated in the cañon of the Mancos, -a few miles from its mouth. The first five hundred feet of the ascent -from the level of the stream, is over a rough cliff-broken slope, the -remainder of massive sandstone, full of niches and caves. The upper -house is situated in a deep cavern with overhanging roof about one -hundred feet from the cliff’s top. The front wall of the house is -built upon the very edge of the giddy precipice. The larger house is -lodged in a niche or cave thirty feet below. The lower house was easily -accessible. The wall was built flush with the precipice and remained -standing to a height of fourteen feet at the highest point, though -other portions had crumbled away considerably. The house occupied the -entire floor of the niche, which measures sixty feet long by fifteen -feet wide. Mr. Holmes described these structures as follows; of the -first he says: - -“The arrangement of the apartments is quite complicated and curious, -and will be more readily understood by a reference to the ground-plan -(figure 1). The precipice line or front edge of the niche-floor, -extends from _a_ to _b_. From this the broken cliffs and slopes reach -down to the trail and river, as shown in the accompanying profile -(figure 3). The line _b c d_ represents the deepest part of the recess, -against which the walls are built. To the right of _b_, the shelf -ceases, and the vertical face of rock is unbroken. At the left, beyond -_a_, the edge is not so abrupt, and the cliffs below are so broken that -one can ascend with ease. Above, the roof comes forward and curves -upward, as seen in the profile. - -[Illustration: - _FIG. 1._ - _FIG. 3._] - -“The most striking feature of this structure is the _round-room_, -which occurs about the middle of the ruin and inside of a large -rectangular apartment. * * * Its walls are not high and not entirely -regular, and the inside is curiously fashioned with offsets and -box-like projections. It is plastered smoothly, and bears considerable -evidence of having been used, although I observed no traces of fire. -The entrance to this chamber is rather extraordinary, and further -attests the peculiar importance attached to it by the builders, and -their evident desire to secure it from all possibility of intrusion. A -walled and covered passage-way, _f_, _f_, of solid masonry, ten feet -of which is still intact, leads from an outer chamber through the -small intervening apartments into the circular one. It is possible -that this originally extended to the outer wall, and was entered from -the outside. If so, the person desiring to visit the estufa would have -to enter an aperture about twenty-two inches high by thirty wide, -and crawl, in the most abject manner possible, through a tube-like -passage-way nearly twenty-feet in length. My first impression was that -this peculiarly-constructed doorway was a precaution against enemies, -and that it was probably the only means of entrance to the interior of -the house; but I am now inclined to think this hardly probable, and -conclude that it was rather designed to render a sacred chamber as -free as possible from profane intrusion. The apartments _l_, _k_, _m_, -_n_, do not require any especial description, as they are quite plain -and almost empty. The partition walls have never been built up to the -ceiling of the niche, and the inmates, in passing from one apartment -to another, have climbed over. The row of apertures indicated in the -main front wall are about five feet from the floor, and were doubtless -entered for the insertion of beams, although there is no evidence that -a second floor has at any time existed. In that part of the ruin about -the covered passage-way, the walls are complicated, and the plan can -hardly be made out, while the curved wall enclosing the apartment _e_ -is totally overthrown. * * * * The rock-face between this ruin and -the one above is smooth and vertical, but by passing along the ledge -a few yards to the left a sloping face was found, up which a stairway -of small niches had been cut; by means of these, an active person, -unincumbered, could ascend with safety. On reaching the top, one finds -himself in the very doorway of the upper house (_a_, figure 2) without -standing-room outside of the wall, and one can imagine that an enemy -would stand but little chance of reaching and entering such a fortress -if defended, even by women and children alone. The position of this -ruin is one of unparalleled security, both from enemies and from the -elements. The almost vertical cliff descends abruptly from the front -wall, and the immense arched roof of solid stone projects forward -fifteen or twenty feet beyond the house (see section, figure 3). At the -right the ledge ceases, and at the left stops short against a massive -vertical wall. The niche-stairway affords the only possible means of -approach. - -“The house occupies the entire floor of the niche, which is about one -hundred and twenty feet long by ten in depth at the deepest part. The -front wall to the right and left of the doorway is quite low, portions -having doubtless fallen off. The higher wall _f g_ is about thirty feet -long, and from ten to twelve feet high, while a very low rude wall -extends along the more inaccessible part of the ledge, and terminates -at the extreme right in a small enclosure, as seen in the plan at _c_. - -“In the first apartment entered, there were evidences of fire, the -walls and ceiling being blackened with smoke. In the second, a member -of the party, by digging in the rubbish, obtained a quantity of beans, -and in the third a number of grains of corn; hence the names given. -There are two small windows in the front wall, and doorways communicate -between rooms separated by high partitions. - -“The walls of these houses are built in the usual manner, and average -about a foot in thickness. - -“The upper house seems to be in a rather unfinished state, looking as -if stone and mortar had run short. And when one considers that these -materials must have been brought from far below by means of ropes, or -carried in small quantities up the dangerous stairway, the only wonder -is that it was ever brought to its present degree of finish.” - -[Illustration: Triple-Walled Tower on the McElmo.] - -The ruins of a triple-walled tower with fourteen sectional apartments -between the outer and second walls were examined near the McElmo. One -of these sectional apartments was still standing to the height of -twelve feet. - -We have already referred to the group of ruins at Aztec Springs near -the divide between the McElmo and the lower Mancos tributaries. “These -ruins,” says Mr. Holmes, “form the most imposing pile of masonry yet -found in Colorado. The whole group covers an area of about four hundred -and eighty thousand square feet, and has an average depth of from -three to four feet.” The accompanying plan, with the measurements and -dimensions indicated upon it, precludes the necessity of a detailed -description. - -[Illustration: - RUINS - at - AZTEC SPRING - SOUTH WEST COLORADO - _W. H. Holmes_] - -The walls are twenty-six inches thick, and in some cases are built -double. The whole resembles in plan one of the ruined pueblos of the -Chaco, with the addition that it was designed to be an impregnable -fortress. - -The plate from Mr. Jackson’s memoir shows specimens of pottery -collected during his explorations among the cliff-dwellings. The pieces -_a_ and _b_ are of modern make, and were obtained among the Moquis of -Tegua. The ware and finish of both these vessels are far inferior as -compared with the ancient fragments. - -We have quoted on a previous page Mr. Ingersoll’s rendering of the -romantic legend which tells in few words the sad history of the ancient -architects of these aërial abodes. We have observed that, according to -this account, the remnant of this people who escaped the destruction -visited upon the cliff-dwellers by the warlike Utes fled to the -South—to the deserts of Arizona—and built the present Moqui towns. We -have already stated that Mr. Jackson’s party found it necessary to -travel forty miles due southward from the ruins of the Chaco Cañon in -order to reach Tegua, the nearest of the Moqui settlements. - -It may be a matter of some interest to the reader, after having studied -the cliff architecture, to be introduced into one of the habitations -now occupied by the descendants of that remarkable people. Lieutenant -Ives, who visited the Moqui towns in 1858, has furnished an interesting -account of their general characteristics, from which we take condensed -extracts: “As the sun went down,” says Lieutenant Ives, “and the -confused glare and mirage disappeared, I discovered with the spy-glass -two of the Moqui towns eight or ten miles distant, upon the edge of a -high bluff overhanging the opposite side of the valley. They were built -close to the edge of the precipice. The outlines of the closely-packed -structures looked in the distance like the towers and battlements of a -castle, and their commanding position enhanced the picturesque effect.” -“The face of the bluff, on the summit of which the town was perched, -was cut up and irregular. We were led through a passage that wound -among some low hillocks of sand and rock that extended half-way to the -top. It did not seem possible, while ascending through the sand-hills, -that a spring could be found in such a dry-looking place; but presently -a crowd was seen collecting upon a mound before a small plateau, in -the centre of which was a circular reservoir fifty feet in diameter, -lined with masonry and filled with pure cold water. The basin was fed -by a pipe connecting with some source of supply upon the summit of the -mesa. Continuing to ascend, we came to another reservoir, smaller, but -of more elaborate construction and finish. From this the guide said -they got their drinking water, the other reservoir being intended for -animals. Between the two the face of the bluff had been ingeniously -converted into terraces. These were faced with neat masonry, and -contained gardens, each surrounded with a raised edge so as to retain -water upon the surface. Pipes from the reservoir permitted them at any -time to be irrigated. Peach trees were growing upon the terraces and in -the hollow below. A long flight of stone steps with sharp turns that -could be easily defended was built into the face of the precipice, -and led from the upper reservoir to the foot of the town. The scene, -rendered animated by the throngs of Indians in their gayly-colored -dresses, was one of the most remarkable I had ever witnessed.” “Without -giving us time to admire the scene, the Indians led us to a ladder -planted against the centre of the front face of the pueblo. The town is -nearly square and surrounded by a stone wall fifteen feet high, the top -of which forms a landing extending around the whole. Flights of stone -steps led from the first to a second landing, upon which the doors of -the houses open. Mounting the stairway opposite to the ladder, the -chief crossed to the nearest door and ushered us into a low apartment, -from which two or three others opened towards the interior of the -dwelling.” “The room was fifteen feet by ten; the walls were made of -adobes; the partitions of substantial beams, the floor laid with clay. -In one corner were a fireplace and a chimney. Everything was clean and -tidy. Skins, bows and arrows, quivers, antlers, blankets, articles of -clothing and ornament, were hanging from the walls or arranged upon -shelves. Vases, flat dishes, and gourds filled with meal or water, -were standing along on one side of the room. At the other end was a -trough divided into compartments, in each of which was a sloping stone -slab two or three feet square, for grinding corn upon. In a recess of -an inner room was piled a goodly store of corn in the ear. I noticed, -among other things, a reed musical instrument with a bell-shaped end -like a clarionet and a pair of painted drum-sticks tipped with gaudy -feathers.” - -[Illustration: Cliff and Moqui Pottery.] - -“We learned that there were seven towns; that the name of that which -we were visiting was Mooshahneh. A second smaller town was half a mile -distant; two miles distant was a third. * * * Five or six miles to the -north-east a bluff was pointed out as the location of three others; and -we were informed that the last of the seven, Oraybe, was still further -distant on the trail towards the great river.” - -[Illustration: Moqui (Wolpi), one of the Seven Pueblos. - - (From a photo taken by the U. S. exploring party in 1875.)] - -“Each pueblo is built around a rectangular court, in which we suppose -are the springs that furnish the supply to the reservoirs. The exterior -walls, which are of stone, have no openings, and would have to be -scaled or battered down before access could be gained to the interior. -The successive stories are set back one behind the other. The lower -ones are reached through trap-doors from the first landing. The houses -are three rooms deep, and open upon the interior court. The arrangement -is as strong and compact as well could be devised, but as the court is -common and the landings are separated by no partitions, it involves a -certain community of residence.” - -In describing the gardens of Oraybe, distant eight or nine miles, he -remarks: - - “At the foot [of the bluff] was a reservoir and a broad road - winding up the steep ascent. On either side the bluffs were cut - into terraces, and laid out into gardens similar to those seen at - Mooshahneh, and like them irrigated from an upper reservoir. The - whole reflected great credit upon Moqui ingenuity and skill in the - department of engineering. The walls of the terraces and reservoirs - were of partly-dressed stone, well and strongly built, and the - irrigating pipes conveniently arranged. The little gardens were - neatly laid out. * * * The walls of the terraces and the gardens - themselves are kept in good order and preservation. The stone and - earth for construction and repairs they carry in blankets upon - their shoulders from the valley below.”[480] - -Mr. Bancroft has furnished the reader descriptions of several of the -New Mexican group of pueblos, which he has extracted from the reports -of various travelers. We do not consider it necessary to repeat -accounts so generally accessible.[481] The New Mexican group, situated -on the Rio Grande del Norte and its tributaries, is the most numerous -in inhabited pueblos, but as they differ little if at all from those -of the Moquis, further treatment of them is unnecessary. The pueblos -which are and have been inhabited during the nineteenth century number -about twenty, some of which are well known to have been occupied by -the ancestors of their present inhabitants when first visited by the -Spaniards. The best specimen of inhabited pueblos is that of Taos, -situated on one of the northern forks of the river which gives it its -name. There are two large houses, each between three and four hundred -feet long by one hundred and fifty wide, situated on opposite sides of -a small creek, and tradition states that formerly they were connected -by a bridge. They are five and six stories high. - -Besides the inhabited towns there are a number now unoccupied and fast -going to decay. The names of these are given with slight variations -by different writers; the following, however, are generally agreed -upon: Pecos, Quivira, Valverda, San Lázaro, San Marcos, San Cristóbal, -Socorro, Senacu, Abó, Quarra, Rita, Poblazon, old San Filipe, and old -Zuñi.[482] The most important of all these ruins is Pecos, one of the -sacred cities of the pueblos. Here the everlasting fire dedicated to -their god Montezuma was kept burning from time immemorial down to the -abandonment of the town, which occurred some time during the second -quarter of the present century. The reader will remember, however, -that the culture-god of the Pueblos and the Aztec monarch are in no -sense to be associated with each other, since it is quite certain that -they were not confounded in the mythology of the worshippers of the -deity. Whether the Pueblos, Cliff-dwellers, etc., were ever in any way -related to the Aztecs or any Nahua people is difficult to determine. -Certainly there is no architectural nor traditional evidence that they -were. When the Spaniards under Coronado traversed the region in 1540 A. -D., no reports of inter-communication between the two peoples seem to -have been current. Father Escalante, who in 1776 visited many of the -pueblos, and mentions many ruins not since located, as well as many -inhabited towns now in ruins, found nothing to really substantiate the -“Aztec theory.”[483] On the contrary, substantial arguments can be -presented for the intimate relationship of the Nahuas and some of the -Pueblos. - -In the tenth chapter of this work will be found the basis of linguistic -affinities between the Nahua and Moqui languages, though none is -claimed between the Nahua and New Mexican Pueblos. Mr. Becker, in his -memoir addressed to the _Congrès des Américanistes_ at Luxembourg, -refers to Camergo’s account of the migration of the Teo-Chichimecs, -the allies of the Toltecs, and to his statement that they came from -_Amaquetepic_ (“the mountains of the Amaques”), and expresses the -belief that the words Amaques and Moquis are identical. Mr. Becker -considers the “A” prefix of the former to be an abbreviation of the -Nahua “atl” water, and Amaqui would mean the Maqui or Moqui living by -the water, just as Acolhuas means Culhuas near the water and Anahuac, -the Nahua land on the water. The tradition of the Moquis distinctly -states that they formerly lived on the river at the north-east of -their present home. The reader will remember that the Quichés called -the Nahuas _Yaqui_, the name of a river of Sinaloa and Sonora where -marked traces of the Nahua language are found, and the supposed -locality of the first Toltec station. Is it not possible that _Yaqui_ -is a dialectic modification of Maqui or Moqui? It has been observed -in the pages of this chapter that in more than one instance ruined -pueblos were composed of either red adobe or had been painted, a -circumstance which had won for them such a designation as “Red-house” -or “Pueblo-pintado,” etc. Furthermore, the red glare of the desert -north of the Moqui settlements has received the name of the “Painted -desert.” The fact that Hue hue Tlapalan signifies “old red land” is -suggestive that this locality may have been the mysterious rendezvous -of the Toltecs. The Moquis like the Nahuas are sun-worshippers, though -the ceremonial of both people differ considerably. - -Besides the mound-works observed on the upper San Juan by Mr. Holmes -associated with the work of the Cliff-dwellers, recent exploration has -shown that combinations of mound and pueblo features of architecture -exist in Utah. Dr. C. C. Parry found in a mound on the St. Clara River -in Southern Utah very fine specimens of Pueblo pottery, and other -articles which clearly identify its architects with the people of the -cliffs or with the village builders at the South.[484] The recent -exploration of several mounds in southern Utah by Dr. Edward Palmer -fully confirms this conclusion. In Kane County, Utah, the same explorer -discovered among a number of articles of apparent Moqui make in a -cave-shelter, a shovel of horn having a blade fourteen inches long by -five inches wide. Among the articles was a pair of shoes made of the -fibre of the _Yucca_, which in style, shape, manner of braiding, etc., -closely resemble shoes made of the leaves of the _Typa_ found by Prof. -F. W. Putnam in a cave in Kentucky.[485] - -The mound examined by Mr. Barrand on the west fork of the Little Sioux -of Dakota, and found to contain a large interior circular chamber, -probably was the work of the ancestors of this western branch of the -mound-building people.[486] The circular chamber was much like an -estufa. - -The many-sided culture-hero of the Pueblos, Montezuma, is the centre of -a group of the most poetic myths found in Ancient American Mythology. -The Pueblos believed in a supreme being, a good spirit, so exalted -and worthy of reverence that his name was considered too sacred to -mention, as, with the ancient Hebrews, Jehovah’s was the “unmentionable -name.” Nevertheless Montezuma was the equal of this great spirit, and -was often considered identical with the sun. The variety of aspects -in which Montezuma is presented to us is due to the fact that each -tribe of Pueblos had its particular legends concerning his birth and -achievements. Many places in New Mexico claim the honor of his nativity -at a period long before those village builders were acquainted with the -arts of architecture, which have since given them their distinguishing -name. In fact, this culture-god was none other than the genius who -introduced the knowledge of building among them.[487] Some traditions, -however, make him the ancestor and even the creator of the race; -others, its prophet, leader and lawgiver. Mr. Bancroft says, “Under -restrictions, we may fairly regard him as the Melchizedek, the Moses, -and the Messiah of these Pueblo-desert wanderers from an Egypt that -history is ignorant of, and whose name even tradition whispers not. He -taught his people how to build cities with tall houses, to construct -_Estufas_, or semi-sacred sweat-houses, and to kindle and guard the -sacred fire.” It has been aptly remarked by Mr. Tyler, that Montezuma -was the great “somebody” of the tribe to whom the qualities and -achievements of every other were attributed. - -Fremont gives an account of the birth of the hero, in which his mother -is declared to have been a woman of exquisite beauty, admired and -sought for by all men. She was the recipient of rich presents of corn -and skins from her admirers, yet she refused the hands of all her -suitors. A famine soon occurred, and great distress followed. Now the -fastidious beauty showed herself to be a lady of charitable spirit -and tender heart. She opened her granaries, in which all her presents -had been stored, and out of their abundance relieved the wants of -the poor. The offerings of love were made to perform their mission a -second time. At last, when the pure and plenteous rains again brought -fertility to the earth, the summer shower fell upon the Pueblo goddess, -and she gave birth to a son, the immortal Montezuma. The intelligent -chief of the Papagoes, whose people occupy the territory between the -Santa Cruz River and the Gulf of California, related a legend of the -origin and offices of Montezuma, which, while it surprises the reader -with its close resemblances to some leading points in the Hebrew and -Chaldean genesis and deluge accounts, still is conspicuous for its -inconsistencies, and in its closing statements for the absence of any -knowledge of time or order.[488] - -In substance it is as follows: The Great Spirit, having made all -things—sky, earth, and the living creatures which inhabit it—descended -into the earth for the purpose of creating man also. Digging in the -earth, he found clay, such as a potter uses; this he carried back with -him to his celestial abode, and dropped it again from the sky into the -pit from which he had dug it. Instantly Montezuma, the genius of life, -sprang from the pit, and became a partner in the creation of other men. -The Apaches were the next formed, and were so wild that they severally -ran away as fast as created. Those were golden days which followed the -birth of the race; the sun was very much nearer the earth than now, -and his grateful presence rendered clothing useless. A common language -between all men, shared even by beasts, was one of the strongest -possible bonds of peace. - -But at last this paradisiacal age was ended by a great deluge in -which all men and living creatures perished. Only Montezuma and his -friend, the coyote—a prairie-wolf—escaped. This wonderful animal, with -semi-divine attributes, plays a remarkable part in the religion of many -of the Pacific tribes, and furnishes us a parallel in our Occidental -mythology with the half-human, half-brute combinations of Greco-Roman -mythology. The coyote, gifted with prophetic powers, had foretold the -approach of this great calamity, and Montezuma, heeding the warning, -had built him a boat, which he kept in readiness on the summit of Santa -Rosa. His sagacious friend, the coyote, also escaped in an ark made -from a gigantic cane which grew by a river’s side; having gnawed it -down and crawled into it, he stopped up the ends with gum, and escaped. -When the waters subsided, the two met again on dry ground. Montezuma -then employed the coyote on several wearisome excursions in order to -discover the extent of the land, which developed the fact that upon the -east and south and west the water yet remained. Only on the north was -there land. - -The Great Spirit and Montezuma again created men and animals, and the -former committed to his partner in the work the duties of governing -the new race. These were, however, neglected by Montezuma, who became -puffed up with pride, and permitted all manner of wickedness to -prevail. The Great Spirit remonstrated with him, even descending -to the earth for the purpose of moving his faithless and haughty -vicegerent to restore order, but with no avail. Then, returning to -his abode in heaven, he pushed the sun back to a remote part of the -sky as a punishment on the race. At this, Montezuma became enraged, -collected the tribes around him, and set about the construction of a -house which should reach heaven. The builders had already completed -several apartments, lined with gold and silver and precious stones, -and progressed to a point which encouraged all to believe that their -defiant purpose would be accomplished, when the Great Spirit smote it -to the earth amid the crash of his thunder. Here the account becomes -very confused—a great leap is made from Montezuma the culture-hero to -Montezuma the emperor, and the two become confounded. - -The legend states that upon the defeat of his rebellious scheme, -Montezuma still hardened his heart, and caused the sacred images to -be dragged through the streets for the derision of the villagers; the -temples were desecrated, and defiance to the Supreme declared. As a -punishment, the Great Spirit caused an insect to fly toward the east to -an unknown land, to bring the Spaniards, who utterly destroyed him. - -The post-diluvian part of this story presents the hero in quite another -light than that generally accepted by most of the Pueblo tribes, in -which he is represented as having been the very model of goodness and -beneficence—the founder of their cities, of which Acoma was the first -and Pecos the second. Before taking his departure from his people, -he prophesied that they should suffer from drought and from the -oppressions of a strange nation, but promised them to return as their -deliverer. He then planted a tree upside down, and bade them preserve -the sacred fire notwithstanding their misfortunes, until the tree fell, -at which time he would return with a white race, who would destroy all -their enemies and bring back the fertile showers. - -It is said that this tree fell from its place as the American army -entered Santa Fé, in 1846. In the cramped, subterranean estufa, the -Pueblo fed the sacred fire burning in the basin of a small altar. It -was a warrior’s vigil, for by turns their heroes descended into its -suffocating atmosphere, thick with smoke, and charged with carbonic -acid, to wait often for two successive days and nights without -refreshment, often even until death relieved the guard.[489] - -For generations these strange architects and faithful priests have -waited for the return of their god—looked for him to come with the sun, -and descend by the column of smoke which rose from the sacred fire. As -of old the Israelitish watcher upon Mount Seir replied to the inquiry, -“What of the night?” “The morning cometh,” so the Pueblo sentinel -mounts the house-top at Pecos, and gazes wistfully into the east for -the golden appearance, for the rapturous vision of his redeemer, for -Montezuma’s return; and, though no ray of light meets his watching eye, -his never-failing faith, with cruel deception, replies, “The morning -cometh.”[490] - - • • • • • - - EXPLORATIONS AMONG THE PUEBLOS.—In the summer of 1879 the - Smithsonian Institution undertook a thorough and extensive - examination of the Pueblo civilization of New Mexico and Arizona. - Major Powell sent an expedition to New Mexico in charge of Mr. - James Stevenson, and a large collection illustrative of the - manners and customs of the Pueblos was made. Mr. F. H. Cushing was - especially fortunate in obtaining minute information concerning - their traditions, rites, and ceremonies. The work of investigation - is still in progress, and at this writing (September, 1881) an - expedition is in the field. A full report will ultimately be - published. During the latter half of the year 1880 Mr. Baudelier, - the eminent Mexican scholar, visited Taos, and prepared a paper - on that interesting locality for the Archæological Institute of - America, under whose patronage his exploration was conducted. - During a residence of two months in the Pueblo of Cochití, occupied - by a branch of the Queres tribe, Mr. Baudelier made a thorough - study of the institutions of that interesting people. See Second - _Ann. Report of Arch. Inst. of Amer._ - - - - - CHAPTER VIII. - - ANCIENT AMERICAN CIVILIZATION AND SUPPOSED OLD WORLD - ANALOGIES—ARCHITECTURE, SCULPTURE AND HIEROGLYPHICS. - - Analogies, Real and Fancied — MAYA ARCHITECTURE — The American - Pyramid — The Palace of Palenque — The French Roof at Palenque - — The Trefoil Arch — Yucatanic Architecture — Uxmal — The Casa - de Monjas — Kabah — Casa Grande of Zayi — QUICHÉ ARCHITECTURE - — Copan — Circus of Copan — Description by Fuentes — Utatlan — - NAHUA ARCHITECTURE — Remains in Oajaca — Mitla — Grecques at - Mitla — Remains in the State of Vera Cruz — Cholula — Pyramid - of Xochicalco — The Temple of Mexico — Teotihuacan — Los - Edificios of Quemeda — Maya and Nahua Architecture Compared — - Old World Analogies — SCULPTURE — Of the Mounds — At Palenque - — At Uxmal — At Chichen-Itza — On the Isla Mujeres — Of the - Nahuas — Ancient American Art and its Old World Analogies — - Egyptian Tau at Palenqué — Serpent Sculpture — Nahua Symbolism - probably Asiatic — HIEROGLYPHICS — Maya MSS. and Books — - Landa’s Alphabet — The Attempts at the Interpretation of Maya - MSS. by Bollaert, Charencey, and Rosny — Rosny’s Classification - of the Hieroglyphics — Hopes that a Key has been Discovered — - The Mexican Picture-writing — Aztec Migration Maps. - - -Without pretending to furnish an exhaustive treatment of the subject -proposed for this chapter, we desire to make observations on some -phases of the development of American civilization in the Pre-Historic -period. One of the most natural fruits of the study of the arts and -customs of any people, is a disposition on the part of the investigator -to institute a comparison with corresponding features of civilization -in all parts of the world. Unfortunately this disposition has led many -writers on America into wild and fanciful speculations, which tend only -to deceive the reader and add nothing to true investigation. In a few -instances pronounced old world analogies have been proven to exist in -ancient American institutions and arts, but their number bears a small -ratio to the multitude of fancied analogies which never existed, except -in the imaginations of their discoverers. To discuss the subject in -hand without transcending the limits of the period which is treated in -previous chapters, namely, the Primitive period—that which antedates -the era of the annals of those ancient peoples, is a somewhat difficult -task, since the question of dates is a very uncertain one in the -absence of any sufficient key to the hieroglyphic and picture records. -The customs and political organization, together with the Aztec -civilization, have been often treated, and by none better than our own -Prescott and Bancroft. The repetition of their labors here would be -highly superfluous. We shall, however, ask the attention of the reader -to some considerations upon the following divisions of the subject: - -1. ARCHITECTURE. 2. SCULPTURE and HIEROGLYPHICS. 3. CHRONOLOGICAL and -ASTRONOMICAL KNOWLEDGE. 4. RELIGIOUS ANALOGIES. - -_Architecture._—The works of the Mound-builders and Pueblos have -already been described and their transitional forms or stages noted. -To seek for parallelisms or analogies between the Mound-builders and -the people of Asia because mounds are common to both continents, or -to seek to identify them with the people of Northern Europe because -the shell-heaps of our sea-board resemble those of Denmark, would -certainly be an unjustifiable use of the imagination, in anything -like a serious discussion of the question. We have no disposition -to speculate on this subject, since such speculation cannot furnish -any satisfactory results. Certain resemblances between American and -Hindoo-mounds have been supposed to exist, but the resemblance, if -any, proves nothing.[491] That more fruitful and wonderful field of -ancient architecture in Central America, Yucatan and Mexico, furnishes -abundant opportunity for the discussion of our subject. Detailed -descriptions of the remains found in different localities have been -given by travelers, artists and authors, the latter availing themselves -of several accounts and instituting comparisons between the statements -of different explorers. Such works, savoring somewhat of the critical, -cannot be underrated, since their development of the true facts has -contributed largely to our knowledge of the subject. It has been -generally the rule for writers to undertake the description of remains -in a particular locality and treat them in detail, thus presenting to -the mind a pleasant picture of the whole, together with the relation -of parts. This is certainly a satisfactory plan to many readers, -but it seems to us that such a course is unnecessary, after it has -been once pursued by the explorer. By repetitions nothing is gained, -unless the work of classification (by which certain architectural -forms and methods are woven into a style and their variations noted) -receives attention. In preceding chapters we have treated of the Maya, -the Quiché, and the Nahua peoples, and in this, it is our purpose -to briefly note the main features of their styles of architecture, -sculpture, etc., as indicated in the divisions above laid down. - -_Maya Architecture_ furnishes evidence of growth, and may be classified -into the Chiapan or ancient and the Yucatanic or modified styles. -The Chiapan or ancient style is exhibited in the imposing remains of -Palenque, with which the reader is supposed to be already familiar, -from the descriptions of several explorers.[492] Palenque is situated -in the Usumacinta River region in Chiapas, on a small stream sometimes -called the Otolum, a tributary of the Tulija, which is itself a branch -of the Usumacinta. The ruins are situated in a small valley of the -foothills, from which rise the high table-lands of the interior. They -are known as the Palace, with a pyramidal base measuring two hundred -and sixty by three hundred and ten feet and forty feet high; Temple of -the three Tablets; Temple of the Beau Relief; Temple of the Cross, and -Temple of the Sun. The most conspicuous feature of the architecture -employed, and seen in most of the Central American structures, is the -massive pyramidal foundation. The sides of the pyramid of the Palenque -palace are faced with regular blocks of hewn stone, with extensive -flights of stairs, upon the east and north leading to its summit.[493] -Mr. Bancroft has analyzed the structure of the American pyramid in a -philosophical way, and no doubt has in part explained its object. “I -think,” he remarks, “that perhaps with a view to raise this place or -temple above the waters of the stream, four thick walls, possibly more, -were built up perpendicularly from the ground to the desired height; -then, after the completion of the walls, to strengthen them, or during -the progress of the work to facilitate the raising of the stones, the -interior was filled with earth, and the exterior graded with the same -material, the whole being subsequently faced with hewn stone.”[494] - -[Illustration: Mode of Constructing Pyramid.] - -In the above cut Mr. Bancroft illustrates his opinion. Stephens -and Waldeck, who excavated from the summit downwards, imply that -the interior D is of earth. Twenty years later Charnay found a -perpendicular wall on the eastern side, quite contrary to the -observations of all previous travelers. Mr. Bancroft accounts for this -on the supposition that the stone facing, loosened by the growth of -trees which covered it, had fallen from B to F, and that the earth -which filled the sides at E E had been washed away by the rain and left -the perpendicular wall exposed at B. Such a supposition we consider -to be perfectly probable in view of the rapid dilapidation of the -ruins since Dupaix’s visit in 1806. The ancient model thus established -in the construction of this, perhaps oldest of existing American -cities, may have determined the style of many similar edifices. A -plan of the palace has been furnished by several authors.[495] The -accompanying restoration from Armin’s _Das Heutige Mexiko_, employed -by Mr. Bancroft, may serve to give an idea of the proportions of the -structure. The edifice occupies the entire summit platform of the -pyramid except a narrow passage-way around the edge, and measures 228 -feet by 182, and about 30 feet in height. The doorways, of which there -are forty in the outer wall, are wider than the piers intervening -between them, and were constructed originally with flat wooden lintels, -all of which have disappeared. The main architectural features will be -observed in the accompanying plate from Waldeck. The lower right-hand -figure shows the angle of the foundations of one of the interior -buildings and the manner in which the stones were laid. The left-hand -figure affords a sectional view of the eastern stairway descending -from the principal corridor into the grand court. It will be observed -that the height of the steps considerably exceeds their width. Waldeck -illustrates this singular disproportion by a diagram in which a native -is represented as sitting upon the stairway. The perpendicular face -of a step is shown to be considerably higher than the Indian’s knee, -and must have measured two feet. The upper left-hand figures represent -the forms of niches, which are of frequent occurrence. The T shaped -niche is the representative of a numerous class so resembling the -Egyptian _tau_ or cross as to excite no little interest in its origin. -M. Waldeck found the marks of lamp-black upon the tops of some of -them, and supposes them to have held torches which illuminated the -corridors; others, which extend through the walls, may have served for -the purposes of ventilation; while others perhaps contained idols.[496] -The right-hand upper figures represent the highly artistic double -cornices employed. Nothing of a definite nature is known of the style -of roof with which the palace was covered, since every vestige of it -has disappeared. Castañeda represents it as sloping and plastered, -while Dupaix refers to it as consisting of large stone flags, carefully -joined together.[497] - -[Illustration: The Palace Restored.] - -[Illustration: Architectural Features at Palenque.] - -The neighboring buildings, such as the Temple of the Three Tablets, -the Temple of the Cross, and the Temple of the Sun, each have -well-preserved roofs of masonry, which are quite remarkable. The first -of these stands upon its lofty pyramidal base, measuring one hundred -and ten feet on the slope, with continuous steps on all sides. The -temple, which is thirty-five feet high, is crowned with a sloping -ornamental roof of great beauty. Stephens illustrated the temple in -several views, subsequently copied by Bancroft.[498] The roof is -divided into three parts; the lower section recedes from the cornice -with a gentle slope, and resembles the corresponding section of a -French or Mansard roof. The stucco decorations of this lower section, -which is also painted, add considerably to the general effect. Five -solid square projections with perpendicular faces suggestive of the -attic windows of a modern French roof are found on this section, -corresponding to the several doors of the temple immediately below. The -second section, which slopes back at a more acute angle, is of solid -masonry. The crowning section seems to have been purely ornamental, -consisting of a line of pillars of stone and mortar, eighteen inches -high and twelve inches apart, surmounted by a layer of flat stones -with projecting sides. The Temple of the Cross and Temple of the Sun -both have roof-structures which may be described as resembling a -lattice-work of stone. - -The most interesting feature of Palenque architecture is the arch, of -which there are two styles, if one of them may be classed as an arch -at all; of this we have doubts. The style to which we allude is that -which has been designated as the Yucatan arch. A section of the double -corridor of the palace furnishes an example as shown in the cut from -Mr. Bancroft’s work. - -[Illustration: Section of Palace Corridor.] - -This so-called arch is nothing more than the approach of two walls -toward each other in straight lines, nearly forming an acute angle at -the top. These inclining walls are constructed of overlapping stones, -with a small surface of exposed ceiling, produced by a lintel-like -covering. The principal doorway, which is eighteen feet high, is -constructed in the form of a trefoil arch, while niches or depressions -of the same trefoil form are ranged along the inclined face of the -gallery on each side of the entrance. This arch is suggestive of the -Moorish pattern, though the latter probably is the more modern. The -accompanying cut—a photographic reduction from Waldeck—will convey a -clear idea of its form. - -The tower situated in the southern court is considered by Waldeck as -the crowning work of all. The frontispiece is a photographic reduction -from Waldeck’s drawing, and no doubt indicates the true number of its -stories, as well as the remarkable growth of vegetation upon its roof. -The descent of the little roots and tendrils of the trees above in -quest of nourishment, furnish a striking illustration of the luxuriant -vegetable growth which pervades the region. The very air is laden with -life, though the remains of man’s handicraft and power are but the -lifeless monuments of his vanished glory. The gentle evening breeze -which plays upon the tendrils stretching themselves down the tower’s -wall, produces a soft melodious sound, resembling that of the Æolian -harp, and gives rise to the apprehension in the minds of the natives -that the place is enchanted.[499] - -[Illustration: Trefoil Arch, Palenque.] - -The second division of Maya architecture, namely, the Yucatan or -modified style, presents some variations from the ancient or Chiapan. -Probably the most remarkable group of ruins in that richest of American -architectural fields—Yucatan—is situated at Uxmal, in Lat. 20° 27′ 30″, -thirty-five miles south of Merida. The reader is of course acquainted -with the detail of the survey of this remarkable city of antiquity -through the work of Stephens and Catherwood.[500] These indefatigable -explorers examined about forty ruined cities, nearly all of which were -previously unknown to others than the natives, and many of them were -unknown at Merida, the capital of the country. While these travelers -are pre-eminently the explorers of Yucatan, there are others whose -services have been of great value in the same field.[501] - -Mr. Bancroft has divided the architectural remains in Yucatan into -four groups, classifying them geographically. We do not consider -it necessary to follow such a course, nor enter into the detailed -description of any group, but will content ourselves by simply noting -any variations from the Palenque models. At Uxmal our attention is at -once arrested by the irregular pyramidal base of the building known -as the Casa del Gobernador. The base of the pyramid is a figure of an -irregular rectangular form. The northern and eastern sides of the base -are equal, and measure about six hundred feet each; the southern and -western are, however, irregular. As all the angles are right angles, -and two contiguous sides are equal, it will be understood that the -figure of the base would have been a square, but for the irregularity -of the remaining two sides. These irregularities fall within the -figure of the square. The pyramid is terraced, the first promenade -when observed being but three feet from the ground. The second terrace -rises from this to a height of twenty feet, and supports a platform -with sides 545 feet in length. A trifle west of the centre of this -platform rises the third terrace, nineteen feet high, and supporting -the summit platform, measuring about 100 by 360 feet, with an -elevation above the ground of upwards of forty feet.[502] The pyramid -is composed of fragments of limestone thrown together, but with the -terraces substantially faced with walls of regular and smoothly-hewn -limestone-blocks, laid in mortar which has become intensely hard. -The corners of the pyramid differ from those usually met with in that -they are rounded. The terrace walls incline slightly toward the centre -of the pyramid. The second platform was reached by a long inclined -plain on the south side one hundred feet wide. A regular stairway with -thirty-five steps, and one hundred and thirty feet wide, furnished the -means of ascent from the second platform to the summit. The crowning -feature of the structure is the Casa del Gobernador, a characteristic -Yucatan building, measuring three hundred and twenty-two feet long -but only thirty-nine feet wide. The Casa is surrounded by a promenade -thirty feet wide, and in its interior contains two parallel rows of -apartments (a plan of which is given by Mr. Stephens).[503] A sectional -view of the Casa resembles the sectional view of the palace corridors -at Palenque, except that in the arches conspicuous in the latter, the -irregularities produced by the square overlapping stones (which are -filled up to an even surface by mortar and plastering), are avoided in -Yucatan, by the overlapping stones of the arch being dressed carefully -to the angle of inclination of the wall or ceiling, thus presenting -a smooth surface. The roof is formed by filling in the space between -the tops of the arches and between the arches and the outer walls with -stone, up to the desired level; after which a perfectly flat covering -of well-cut stones is laid over the whole, having a neat though small -projecting cornice, as will be observed in the accompanying cut from -Bancroft’s work. The rear wall is about nine feet thick and perfectly -solid. The comparative modernness of the building may be realized when -we state that Mr. Stephens found the top of each doorway supported -by a heavy beam of zapote-wood. One of these, which was elaborately -and beautifully carved, and measuring ten feet long and ten by twenty -inches wide, he brought to New York, where, unfortunately, it was -destroyed by fire with the remainder of his collection. It is presumed -that the zapote-wood was prized for its rarity, as it is not found at -present near Uxmal. Inside of and above the doors of the Casa were -stone rings, which occur frequently in Yucatec structures, and are -supposed to have supported curtains for closing the doorways. Stephens -presents in a cut (page 346) a view of the imposing and elegant front -looking toward the south.[504] - -[Illustration: Casa del Gobernador, Uxmal.] - -[Illustration: Section of Casa del Gobernador.] - -Of the several Uxmal edifices, one especially demands attention as -representing the highest state of ancient architecture and sculpture -in America. This is known as the Casa de Monjas, or Nunnery, and is -situated nearly three hundred yards north of the Casa del Gobernador, -on a pyramid with three terraces, and measuring three hundred and -fifty feet square at its base. On the summit platform, only nineteen -feet above the level of the ground, stand four of the characteristic -Yucatan buildings upon four sides of a nearly square court. The -northern building does not stand quite parallel to the building on the -opposite side of the court. The plan from Stephens will present clearly -the arrangement of the apartments, in which it will be observed that -of the eighty-eight rooms contained in the Casa de Monjas, not more -than two apartments open into each other, except in one instance, -which occurs in the eastern front.[505] The court formed by these long -narrow edifices measures 258 by 214 feet, and according to M. Waldeck -was paved with 43,660 blocks of stone six inches square. In the centre -stood the fragments of a rude column similar to others observed in the -Casa del Gobernador.[506] - -[Illustration: Ground Plan of the Nunnery.] - -A cut of one of the beautifully sculptured façades of the Casa de -Monjas will be found on a future page. Near the Casa de Monjas stands -the pyramid and edifice generally known as the Casa del Adivino or -Prophet’s house, and named by M. Waldeck the Pyramid de Kingsborough. -The pyramid rises to a height of 80 feet from a base of 155 by 235 -feet. The corners are rounded, and the sides, which are carefully faced -with cubical blocks of stone, rise so steep that the ascent and descent -by the grand stairway on the eastern face is giddy and dangerous. The -stairway measuring one hundred and two feet on the slope is inclined at -an angle of eighty degrees.[507] - -About a dozen miles south-eastward from Uxmal are the remains of the -ancient city known as Kabah, where ruins quite similar and nearly -as extensive as those already described are found. However, new -architectural features here meet the observer. In one instance the -structure which surmounts a terraced pyramid is square, instead of -long and narrow as at Uxmal. The inner rooms of the edifice have -floors two feet higher than the floors of the outer rooms, and are -entered by two stone steps. In one instance these were cut from a -single block with the lower step in the form of a scroll. At Kabah -we meet with an entirely new feature in Maya architecture, and the -reader’s acquaintance with the terraced casas, of the New Mexican -region, will supply the lack of an illustration at this point. In the -style of building referred to, the pyramid instead of serving as a -foundation for the building, serves as a central support around which -the house with its receding stories, one above another, is built. The -first story of the building referred to is built upon the ground, with -the perpendicular sides of a mound for its rear wall. Just above, -on a level with the roof of the first story on the platform of the -first terrace of the mound, stands the second story, with the roof -of the first serving as a promenade in front of it, while the third -story rests upon the second platform of the mound. The platforms or -roofs of the first and second stories are reached by means of a stone -stairway supported upon a half arch. The first story is accessible -from the ground by doorways. The interior apartments are constructed -on the model of the Yucatec arch. Here, however, lintels of stone are -met with, supported in the centre by rude stone columns surmounted by -square capitals. These buildings are of large proportions, equalling -any we have thus far described. The decorations of the edifices were -considered by Mr. Stephens equal to those of any known era, even when -tried by the severest rules of art.[508] At Zayi, one of the finest -illustrations of this style of architecture is to be seen in what is -known as the Casa Grande. The dimensions of the Casa Grande are as -follows: lower story, 120 by 265 feet; the second story, 60 by 220 -feet; and the third, resting on the summit platform of the mound, 18 -by 150 feet; a stairway thirty-two feet wide furnishes a means of -ascent to the third story on the front, while a narrow stairway leads -to the second story at the rear. Round columns both in doorways and -the façade constitute the chief variation from the styles already -observed. An “elephant trunk” ornament protruding from the cornice -(also found on Casa del Gobernador and the Casa de Monjas at Uxmal) is -a marked feature of decoration. It is unnecessary for us to say that -its presence has given rise to much speculation as to its origin. M. -Waldeck has given the figure the name which we have applied to it, and -perhaps with some reason.[509] - -At Labná ruins of a curious and extraordinary nature exist, though far -gone in decay. The accompanying cut, employed in Stephens’, Baldwin’s -and Bancroft’s works, will serve to show the extravagant decoration -lavished upon the cornices of the edifices. At Chichen-Itza, the -so-called “Nunnery” is supported by a solid mass of masonry, with -perpendicular walls. The dimensions of this base are one hundred and -twelve by one hundred and sixty feet and forty-two feet high. This was -crowned by a building having two receding stories. The great pyramid -of Chichen is celebrated for the solid stone balustrade which guards -its northern stairway of ninety steps, forty-four feet wide. These -balustrades terminate in colossal serpent heads, ten feet long.[510] -Both at Chichen and at Mayapan circular structures are met with and -are figured by Stephens.[511] The same author has described the -rectangular watch-towers of Tuloom, which rise majestically amid the -extensive ruins of the ancient city of the same name, situated upon the -eastern coast in latitude 20° 10´. At Tuloom, Mr. Stephens (its only -describer), found the first walled city in Yucatan. He believes it to -have been occupied long after the conquest, and probably was one of the -cities whose many towers met the gaze of the wondering Spaniards, who -beheld them as they coasted along the shore.[512] - -[Illustration: Corner at Labná.] - -_Quiché Architecture._—The propriety of classifying the great ruins -of Honduras and Guatemala as Quiché in their origin and style, may -be questioned by some of our readers. It must be admitted that great -contrasts in style are found in this region, which was occupied by -the powerful kingdom of the Quichés and Cakchiquels, at the time of -the conquest. However, it is probable that the ancient Quichés (who, -as we have already seen, at an early day developed a religion and -literature), were the authors of the more ancient cities, like Copan -and Quirigua. The Quiché-Cakchiquels of more modern times were quite -another people, whose institutions, language, and no doubt their -architecture, had been largely influenced by Nahua people from the -Mexican plateau. Utatlan, the magnificent capital of this modern and -mixed people, was in the height of its glory just before the blighting -power of the conquerors laid it in ruins. As ours is not an attempt at -the history of discovery, we omit entirely that interesting feature -in the treatment of antiquities, and call attention at once to the -features conspicuous in Quiché architecture. The ancient city known as -Copan, on the eastern bank of a river of the same name, in latitude -14° 45´ and longitude 90° 52´ in Honduras, and four leagues from the -Guatemala line, is interesting in furnishing material for study in this -department. It is probably the most ancient city on the continent. -Copan no doubt could successfully contend with Palenque for the palm of -antiquity. It is again to the indefatigable Stephens and the skillful -Catherwood that we are most indebted for our knowledge of these -ruins.[513] The period of the abandonment of Copan is a question with -reference to which we possess too few data to render an intelligent -decision concerning it. Following the example of Stephens and Bancroft, -we first introduce the account of Fuentes contained in Juarros.[514] -“In the year 1700, the great circus of Copan still remained entire. -This was a circular space, surrounded by stone pyramids about six -yards high and very well constructed; at the base of these pyramids -were figures, both male and female, of very excellent sculpture, which -then retained the colors they had been enameled with; and what was -not less remarkable, the whole of them were habited in the Castilian -costume. In the middle of this area, elevated above a flight of steps, -was the place of sacrifice. The same author (Fuentes) relates that, -a short distance from the circus, there was a portal constructed of -stone, on the columns of which were the figures of men, likewise -represented in Spanish habits, with hose, ruff round the neck, sword, -cap, and short cloak. On entering the gateway there are two fine -stone pyramids, moderately large and lofty, from which is suspended -a hammock that contains two human figures, one of each sex, clothed -in the Indian style. Astonishment is forcibly excited in viewing this -structure, because, large as it is, there is no appearance of the -component parts being joined together; and although entirely of stone -and of an enormous weight, it may be put in motion by the slightest -impulse of the hand. Not far from this hammock is the cave of Tibulca; -this appears like a temple of great size hollowed out of the base of a -hill, and adorned with columns having bases, pedestals, capitals and -crowns, all accurately adjusted according to architectural principles; -at the sides are numerous windows faced with stone exquisitely wrought. -All these circumstances lead to a belief that there must have been some -intercourse between the inhabitants of the old and new world at very -remote periods.” The swinging stone hammock is probably a work of the -fancy rather than that of the artist’s hand, though the padre at Gualan -told Stephens that he had seen it, and an Indian remembered to have -heard his grandfather speak of it. None of these remarkable remains -have been identified with certainty, though it is not improbable -that they might be discovered if the heavy growth of vegetation were -removed by a conflagration and explorers to extend their observations -farther from the banks of the Rio Copan. According to Stephens’ survey, -a wall encloses a rectangular area measuring about nine hundred by -sixteen hundred feet. The principal group of buildings is designated -as the temple. It is built of heavy blocks of cut stone, with walls -of about twenty-five feet in thickness, and when examined they were -between sixty and ninety feet high on the river’s bank. The temple -measured six hundred and twenty-four feet north and south by eight -hundred and nine feet east and west. The general feature of the ruin -is that of an immense pyramidal terrace, with a platform elevated -about seventy feet above the ground. The river side of the terrace -is perpendicular, while the remaining sides are sloping; viewing the -ruin from this general platform seventy feet high, depressions such -as amphitheatre-like courts descend from it in some instances thirty -or forty feet, or about half way to the level of the ground, while -above the level of the general platform pyramidal structures rise to -a considerable height, in one instance one hundred and twenty-two -feet. It is difficult to conceive of what might have been the nature -of the superstructure, if any surmounted the general platform. It is -probable that for the purposes of assembly the amphitheatres with their -sloping sides may have answered every purpose, while the pyramids -may have been surmounted by temples now in ruins. Of the sculptured -columns of this locality we will speak farther on. Utatlan, the former -capital of the modern Quiché kingdom, would naturally be selected as -a point at which to seek for remains of the newer Quiché styles of -architecture. The conquerors, however, left little that can serve -as the basis for architectural study. The city was surrounded by a -deep ravine or barranca, which can be crossed at only one point, and -there long lines of stone fortifications still guard the passage. A -fortress, called El Resguardo, is among these works. It rises one -hundred and twenty feet high in the form of a terraced pyramid, with -a stone wall plastered with cement enclosing its summit platform, -on which a circular tower provided with a stairway was built. Only -fragmentary walls of the Quiché palaces remain; their dimensions were -eleven hundred by twenty-two hundred feet, and nothing but their cement -covered floors have survived the vandalism of the conquerors and the -architects of the modern town; the latter having carried away the upper -portions for building purposes. A pyramidal structure near by, known -as El Sacrificatorio, presents no architectural contrasts to pyramids -already described. Its stairway, composed of nineteen steps each eight -inches broad and seventeen inches high, is characteristically Central -American.[515] In the province of Vera Paz, especially in the Rabinal -Valley, Brasseur de Bourbourg observed numbers of tumuli, resembling -those of the Mississippi Valley both in material and structure. These -were especially prevalent in the neighborhood of the villages, and -sometimes were associated with pyramidal structures equal in finish to -any we have described. The name _cakhay_, “red houses,” is generally -applied to these tumuli.[516] - -_Nahua Architecture._—It would be quite impossible for us to devote -that space to this subject which the number of remains would justify, -and the presentation of the typal features of the architecture of that -interesting family of nations will be all that we shall here attempt; -of geographical and detailed treatments there are several on the -different departments of the subject.[517] In the pages which follow we -will select a few examples of Nahua architecture in order to illustrate -our subject, but we would state that many equally important works, -though perhaps presenting no new features, have been purposely passed -by unnoticed. In a preceding chapter we referred to those intermediate -nations which occupied the transition position between the Mayas and -Nahuas. The Miztecs, Zapotecs and others, were probably a mixed people, -related in different degrees to both of the great families on the -north and south of them. Oajaca and Guerrero were the homes of these -peoples, where they developed their own civilization and styles of art -in channels distinct from those of their neighbors. The isthmus of -Tehuantepec presents some interesting remains, chief among which we -may cite two stone pyramids situated three leagues west of the city of -Tehuantepec. One of these measures fifty-five by one hundred and twenty -feet at the base and thirty by sixty-six feet on the summit. A grand -stairway composed of forty steps and thirty feet in width leads up the -western slope. The summit is also made accessible by smaller stairways -on the north and south sides. The lower of the four terraces composing -the structure, is perpendicular; the others have inclined walls. On the -face of the second terrace were four ranges of flat stones, one above -another, extending entirely around the pyramid and furnishing a series -of shelves, devoted no doubt to some sacred or sacrificial use. The -whole structure was plastered with a cement, colored brilliantly by red -ochre. The adjoining pyramid presents an architectural novelty in its -gracefully curved sides. Castañeda has sketched and Dupaix described -it. The height of the pyramid is over fifty feet while its general -dimensions are about the same as those of its neighbor. In close -proximity to the pyramids, altar-like structures were observed, one of -which was composed of eight circular stones, like mill-stones, placed -one above another. The base measured ten and a half feet, but the -summit only four and a half feet; the height measures twelve feet.[518] -Numerous earthen tumuli resembling those of the Mississippi Valley were -observed by the German traveler Müller, scattered over the region, -especially to the south-east.[519] The most important group of ruins -in Oajoca is that at Mitla, situated about thirty miles south-east of -the capital of the State. This is probably the finest group of remains -north of the isthmus of Tehauntepec. Still they are not purely Nahua in -their style, being, according to tradition, the work of the Zapotecs. -This group has been described several times by explorers, whose -accounts have differed considerably in value. The most important of -these are the descriptions and drawings by Dupaix and Castañeda, made -in 1806, and the description and valuable photographs by Charnay, the -latest explorer of this group, whose work was performed in 1859.[520] - -The mitla ruins are distributed into four groups of buildings -(generally called palaces or temples) and two pyramids. The principal -edifice is described as follows: three low oblong mounds only six or -eight feet high but surmounted by stone buildings, enclose a court. -The court measures 130 by 120 feet. The eastern and western buildings -are in a fallen and ruined condition. The northern building, however, -presents a singular example of ancient grandeur. The southern portion -measures 36 by 130 feet, and the northern 61 feet square. The edifice -is about eighteen feet high, having walls varying from four to nine -feet in thickness. The accompanying cut, a photographic reduction of -Charnay’s photograph, gives a correct idea of the western façade of the -northern building.[521] - -The walls of this edifice are constructed in a somewhat novel manner, -their interior portions being nothing more than clay intermixed with -stones, thus furnishing a poor substitute for the cement and stone -filling in the inner parts of Yucatanic walls. However, the exterior -facing of the walls is of hewn stone blocks cut in different forms -and sizes, and so set in relation to each other as to present examples -of perhaps the finest variety of grecques found in any structure in -the world.[522] Two layers of large stone blocks form the base of the -palace, from which rises buttresses and a framework of stone, filled -in with panels of mosaic, in patterns as described. We pronounce these -grecque patterns mosaics, because of the manner of their structure. -They are not of the nature of sculpture, since each pattern, with all -its regularity, is composed of small brick-shaped blocks of stone built -into the wall, mosaic-like, thus forming the graceful patterns shown in -the cut. No trace of mortar has been found at Mitla. The inner surface -of the wall in the northern building was smoothly plastered without any -ornament. Six round stone columns standing in line occupy the centre -of the apartment, and no doubt supported a roof of wood or stone, but -more probably of the former.[523] The cut in Baldwin’s work, copied by -Bancroft showing the interior of the apartment and the six columns, -conveys an incorrect impression as to the form of the columns and the -character of the walls, as is proven by Charnay’s photograph.[524] -The façades of the inner court of the northern wing of the palace -are finished with mosaics of great beauty. Four or five feet of the -wall is plain at the bottom except that the plastering was evidently -frescoed in various colors. The remainder of the wall is decorated with -bands of mosaic grecques, as shown in the cut, which is a fac-simile -of Charnay’s photograph engraven for Mr. Bancroft’s work. We should -not fail to note the use of immense stones in the base, framework -and lintels of the southern wing of the building. One of these is -of granite, sixteen or nineteen feet long, with the pattern of the -adjacent grecques sculptured on its face. None of the other buildings -at Mitla present any architectural contrasts to the one already -described, and require no special attention. Under a temple on the -south-west side of the one we have just referred to, is a subterranean -gallery, constructed in the form of a cross. The opening is at the -base of the mound upon which the temple stands. The arms of the cross -pointing toward the East, North and West, are each twelve feet long, -five and a half feet wide, and six and a half feet high. The southern -arm is, however, about twenty feet long, and not more than four feet -high throughout most of its length. Near the centre of the cross (which -lies directly under the centre of the temple above) a flight of four -steps descends in the southern arm of the cross to a lower level, so -that the southern arm of the passage is somewhat lower than the others. -The entire subterranean chamber was roofed with large flat stones -reaching from side to side. The walls, besides being painted red, were -ornamented with panels of mosaic, but of a ruder style than that of the -superstructure, which is suggestive of an earlier period in the growth -of the art. A circular pillar resting on a square base, and called by -the natives “the pillar of death,” because of the belief entertained -among them that whoever embraced it would immediately die, supports -the large flagstone which covers the intersection of the galleries. An -immense fortification over a mile in circumference and with stone walls -six feet thick and eighteen feet high crowns the summit of a hill, -which stands three-fourths of a league south-west of Mitla. The place -was inaccessible except on the side toward the village where the wall -was double. Castañeda has delineated and Bancroft copied the plan of -this fortress.[525] - -[Illustration: Western Façade of the Palace at Mitla.] - -[Illustration: Grecques of an Interior Room at Mitla.] - -Passing into the state of Vera Cruz, the attention of the observer -is arrested by great numbers of mounds of all the varieties peculiar -to the Mississippi Valley. Excavations have yielded pottery of burnt -clay, idols, and flint and stone weapons, as well as implements of -agriculture, but no trace of iron or copper is recorded. As the Nahuas -are said by Duran and Sahagun to have landed on the Gulf coast not far -north of this region, and to have traversed it in their wanderings -southward, and since the tradition derives them from Florida, it is not -improbable that here we see the continuation of the works of the lower -Mississippi.[526] - -[Illustration: Pyramid near Puente Nacional.] - -Of several interesting specimens of ancient architecture in the state -of Vera Cruz we have selected a few examples. At Puente Nacional the -remarkable pyramid shown in the cut is situated. It was described by J. -M. Esteva in the _Museo Mexicano_ in 1843. The pyramid is six stories -high, and the eastern side is faced by a grand stairway in the form -of a cross. Mr. Bancroft has described it, employing the accompanying -cut. At Centla, twenty-five or thirty miles north of Cordova, a series -of remarkable fortifications were discovered in 1821, which have been -most thoroughly described by Sr. Sartorius, who visited the locality in -1833, but whose account was not published until 1869.[527] - -The most notable fortification is situated at a narrow pass between -two ravines, with perpendicular walls several hundred feet deep. The -distance between the precipices at this point is only twenty-eight -feet. The defensive works consist of several pyramidal structures built -of stone and mortar. The largest of these has three terraces rising -from the rear until they approach a perpendicular wall, fronting a -narrow passage-way only three feet wide. This perpendicular wall is -surmounted with parapets and loop-holes for defence. A pyramid on the -opposite side of the passage-way, the platform of which is reached by -a single flight of steps, is possessed of the same defensive features, -with the addition of a ditch at its front eleven feet wide excavated -in the solid rock to a depth of five and a half feet. The object of -the fortress seems to have been the protection of an oval-shaped tract -of fertile land containing about four hundred acres, lying between -the barrancas. At the opposite end of the oval tract, the precipices -approach so closely to each other as to leave a narrow passage of only -three feet in width, which also is guarded by stone walls. Of numerous -pyramids in the region, the one figured in the cut (from Bancroft’s -work) is pronounced by Sr. Sartorius as typical of all of them.[528] - -[Illustration: Type of Pyramids at Centla.] - -Half a league below the town of Huatusco, Dupaix discovered a -remarkable pyramid crowning a hill on a slope of which was also a group -of ruins called the Pueblo Viejo. This structure known as El Castillo, -measures sixty-six feet in height, though there is some uncertainty -as to the size of the base.[529] Dupaix’s text states it to be two -hundred and twenty-one feet square, but Mr. Bancroft calls attention -to the fact that Castañeda’s drawing makes it about seventy-five feet -square. The pyramid in three terraces measures thirty-seven feet -high. The superstructure is in three stories, with a single doorway -in the lowest. This seems to have been the only opening through the -walls of the castle, which were eight feet thick; we presume, however, -only at their base, as their exterior shows a sloping rather than a -perpendicular surface. The lowest story forms a single apartment with -three pillars in the centre supporting the beams of the floor above. -Portions of the beams were visible when Dupaix visited the locality. -The walls of the castle are of rubble made of stone and mortar, as -in the Yucatan structures, having stone facings. The exterior of the -castle proper was coated with polished plaster and ornamented with -panels containing regular rows of round stones embedded in the coating. -Some unimportant fragments of sculpture in stone and terra-cotta were -found in the ruin. El Castillo is of special interest because of the -well-preserved condition of its superstructure. About one hundred and -fifty or sixty miles north-west of the city of Vera Cruz, the German -artist Nebel found a group of ruins known as those of _Tusapan_, buried -in a dense forest at the foot of the Cordillera. The only structure -which remains standing closely resembles the pyramid above described, -except that the walls of the pyramid are not terraced, and the tower -surmounting the pyramid is built with a single story. The only opening -in the tower is the doorway at the head of the stairway. The interior -contains a single apartment twelve feet square. The ceiling is said -to have been arched or pointed, but Herr Nebel has failed to furnish -definite information as to whether the arch was of overlapping stones -or not, an oversight of an unpardonable character, since it would be of -greatest interest to know whether the Maya arch existed so far north. -The pyramid is described as thirty feet square, and built of irregular -blocks of limestone, which was probably covered with a coat of the -plastering generally employed and so polished in its appearance.[530] -One remaining structure in the State of Vera Cruz merits special -attention, namely, the pyramid of Papantla. This pyramid, known as -El Tajin, “the thunderbolt,” is situated in a dense forest near the -modern town of Papantla, which lies about forty miles east of Tusapan. -There is a wide divergence of expression as to the dimensions of the -pyramid. Herr Nebel, however, makes the base something over ninety -feet square and the height fifty-four feet. The pyramid is seven -stories high and apparently solid, except the topmost story which -contained interior departments. This crowning structure is now sadly -dilapidated. Dupaix’s statement, copied by Humboldt, that the material -of the pyramid is porphyry, cut in immense blocks, appears to be an -error, since later exploration has revealed the fact that the pyramid -was constructed of regularly cut blocks of sandstone laid in mortar, -and coated with a hard, smooth cement, three inches thick. A stairway -on the eastern front is divided as well as being guarded by solid stone -balustrades.[531] - -For Nahua monuments of the purest type we naturally turn to Anahuac -the home of Toltec and Aztec art during its most advanced period of -development. But alas! the hand of the conqueror and the zeal of the -fanatic have robbed irretrievably the antiquarian and the student -of the history of architecture and art, of the best and noblest -remains of that strangely interesting civilization. Our attention -is naturally directed to the architecture of that ancient religious -centre—Cholula—the origin of which, together with that of its great -pyramid, we have described in a previous chapter. We have already -seen that the prime object for erecting the immense pile, according -to Duran, was the worship of the sun, and not to afford a refuge from -a deluge as has been generally supposed. The pyramid of Cholula is -situated in the eastern portion of a village to which it has given its -name, and is reached by a ride of about ten miles westward from the -city of Puebla de los Angelos. The magnificent temple upon its summit -dedicated to Quetzalcoatl, fell a prey to the destroying vengeance -of Cortez, who no doubt was enraged at the stubborn resistance with -which he was met by the devoted natives, in a hard-fought battle at -the foot and upon the slopes of the pyramid. Of the large number of -descriptions, either made from personal observation or written from a -comparison of accounts, none surpass that of Humboldt, which was the -result of a careful survey, performed in 1803. Humboldt’s drawing, -however, was a restoration and not a picture of the condition of -the shrub-grown hill as he saw it.[532] The pyramid, according to -Humboldt, measures at the base six hundred and thirty-nine metres or -a trifle more than fourteen hundred and twenty-eight feet square; in -other words, about forty-four acres. The base is shown by Humboldt to -be more than twice as large as that of Cheops. Humboldt and Dupaix -give its height as fifty-four metres or one hundred and seventy-seven -feet; Mayer says it is two hundred and four feet; Tylor, two hundred -and five feet, and Heller[533] states that its summit platform covers -an area of 13,285 square feet. Its height is somewhat greater than -that of the pyramid of Mycerinus. Humboldt compares it to a mass of -brick, covering a square four times as large as the Place Vendôme and -twice the height of the Louvre. He considers it of the same type as -the temple of Jupiter Bélus—the pyramids of Meïdoùn Dahchoùr, and the -group of Sakharah in Egypt. This great monument was constructed in four -equal terraces of small sun-dried bricks, laid in a mortar which has -been pronounced by some a mixture of clay with fragments of stones and -pottery, by others a cement intermixed with small pieces of porphyry -and limestone. Herr Heller discovered that the entire structure had -been covered with a coating of cement composed of lime, sand and -mortar.[534] The present appearance of the pyramid is sufficient to -induce the opinion that it was originally a natural eminence faced up -with adobes in terraces, in accordance with the architectural idea, but -its position in the centre of a plain, together with the revelations -as to its contents, disclosed by the construction of the Pueblo road -through one corner of its base, furnish partial if not conclusive -proof that it was entirely of artificial construction. The excavation -revealed the perfect regularity with which the bricks were laid in -the interior, and brought to light a tomb containing two skeletons, -two basalt figures, a collection of pottery and other articles not -described. Humboldt has fully described this chamber, which was -constructed with stone walls supported by cypress timbers. No doorway -could be found opening into the tomb. - -At Xochicalco, the “hill” or “castle of flowers,” situated seventy-five -miles south-west from the city of Mexico and distant from Cuernavaca -fifteen miles in nearly the same direction, are found the most -remarkable specimens of ancient Mexican architecture north of the -isthmus of Tehuantepec. The most important descriptions of the ruins -are by Alzate y Ramirez,[535] Humboldt,[536] Dupaix and Castañeda,[537] -Nebel,[538] and one prepared by the authority of the Mexican -government.[539] - -These ruins are both beneath and upon a natural hill of oval form -measuring about two miles in circumference and from three hundred to -four hundred feet in height, authorities differing considerably on this -point. At the foot of the hill on its northern side, are the entrances -of two tunnels, one of which extends to a point eighty-two feet from -the edge of the hill, where it terminates abruptly. The second tunnel -penetrates the solid limestone of the hill in the form of a square -gallery nine and a half feet high and broad, extending inward for -several hundred feet and branching into several auxiliary galleries, -which terminate in some instances abruptly. The floors are paved with -small blocks of stone, to a thickness of a foot and a half; masonry -in some places support the sides, and all the interior surface shows -traces of red paint upon the polished cement coating with which it was -finished. The principal gallery, after turning a right angle toward the -left and extending some hundred feet in a straight line, enlarges into -a subterranean chamber eighty feet long by about sixty feet in width. -Two circular columns of living rock were left in making the excavation -as supports for the roof. The most singular feature connected with the -chamber is the perfectly circular excavation found at its south-east -angle, or that corner of the room diagonally opposite to the corner at -which the passage-way enters it. This circular apartment is only about -six feet in diameter, and while it is no deeper than the adjoining -chamber, rises above its ceiling in a dome-shaped roof, lined with -stones hewn in curved blocks. The curve of this dome-like ceiling -corresponds with that of a well-proportioned Gothic arch. At the apex -of the dome, a round hole ten inches in diameter extends vertically -upwards; some suppose to the pyramid above, but a moment’s calculation -suffices to show that in view of the considerable diameter of the hill -and the comparatively short distance from the chamber to its exterior -slope, such is impossible. The exterior of the hill presents a most -wonderful display of masonry. Its entire circuit is compassed with -five terraces of well-laid stone and mortar, faced with perpendicular -walls. Each terrace of masonry is about seventy feet in height, and -is constructed in an irregular line, forming sharp angles, like the -bastions of a fortress; each wall supporting the terraces rises above -the level of their respective platforms in parapets, evidently for -defence. The pavements of the platforms are of stone and inclined -slightly toward the south-west, with a view to draining off the -rainfall. Dupaix is the only explorer who mentions the means of ascent, -which he describes as a roadway eight feet wide, leading to the summit. -The summit platform measures 285 by 328 feet, and is surrounded by a -wall which is perpendicular on the inside, and on the outside conforms -to the slope of the terrace wall of which it is an extension. This -parapet, built of stones without mortar, rises five and a half feet -above the plaza, and is two feet and nine inches thick, we presume at -its top, since the outer slope of the terrace would make a difference -between the top and bottom. Near the centre of the plaza stands -the base of a pyramid which presents some remarkable architectural -contrasts from anything we have thus far described. Its sides face -the cardinal points, and measure sixty-five feet from east to west, -and fifty-eight feet from north to south. One of the façades, the -northern, according to Nebel, and the western, according to the Mexican -Government Survey in the _Revista_, is cut in two in the centre by an -opening twenty feet wide, where it is supposed a stairway formerly -led to the superstructure. The cut from Nebel, and reproduced by Mr. -Bancroft, shows the façade to the left of the opening, as the observer -faces the pyramid. - -[Illustration: Pyramid at Xochicalco.] - -The great granite or porphyritic stones which constitute the facing -of the pyramid, some of them eleven feet in length and three feet in -height, must have been brought to the summit of the hill at the expense -of great labor, especially since they must have been transported from a -considerable distance, no such material being found within a circuit of -many leagues. The stones were laid without mortar, and so nicely that -it is said the joints are scarcely perceptible. Fragments of a ruined -superstructure surmount the pyramid. The foundation walls of the second -story were two feet and three inches from the edge of the cornice below -it, except on the west where the space was four and a half feet wide. -In 1755, so say the inhabitants of the vicinity, the structure was yet -complete, having five receding stories like the first, and probably -reaching a height of sixty-five feet. On its crowning summit, on the -eastern side, stood a large throne-like block of stone, ornamented -with elaborate sculptures. The second story foundations indicate the -position of three doorways at the head of the grand stairway, and -the account in the _Revista_ describes an apartment twenty-two feet -square observable at the summit of the first story, but now filled with -fragments of stone. Mr. Bancroft suggests that from this apartment -there may have been some means of communication with the subterranean -galleries already described. The colossal sculpture on the face of the -pyramid will receive our attention on a future page.[540] - -The general description given above, together with the reported -character of the superstructure of this magnificent monument, calls to -mind the main features of the great teocalli dedicated to the bloody -god Huitzilopochtli in the Aztec capital called Tenochtitlan or Mexico. -This blood-stained temple upon whose altars smoked the hearts of -countless human victims, is supposed to have occupied the site of the -cathedral fronting the Plaza Mayor of the modern city of Mexico. Not a -vestige of that terraced pyramid has survived the destructive hand of -fanaticism and the transforming work of man and nature which have been -going on ever since upon the old site of the capital of the Montezumas. -It is said to have been built in five stories, with flights of steps -affording access to the summit; but each flight was so constructed with -reference to the platform at its top, as to require almost a complete -circuit of the building before the next flight could be reached. It was -necessary, therefore, in order to reach the summit platform, to pass -four times around the pyramid. It is supposed that this was intended -to display to better advantage the solemn processions of the priests -as their long train mounted gradually the sides of the edifice. The -specialist is already familiar with the descriptions by Bernal Diaz, -whose particular extravagance of statement renders his work altogether -unreliable. Also with the accounts by Torquemada, Gomera, Cortez and -Clavigero. The reader has no doubt acquainted himself with the main -facts in the writings of the graceful and imaginative Prescott, whose -seeming romance, _The History of the Conquest of Mexico_, has been -proven by recent and reliable investigation to have approached much -nearer to fact than to fiction. Mr. Tylor, after careful exploration, -has expressed in his “Anahuac” his surprise and satisfaction at what -he considers to be the proof of Mr. Prescott’s general correctness -of statement as to the extent of the Aztec capital and the probable -character of its edifices.[541] - -For a description of the palaces of Mexico and Chapultepec, the -museums, mansions of the nobles, the pavements and aqueducts of that -buried city, we refer the reader who has not access to the sources, to -the admirable account by Prescott, especially since it more properly -belongs to the province of history (now that all traces of them have -disappeared) than to that of archæology.[542] - -Of many interesting localities where architectural remains still exist, -we select one more in the Central region, to illustrate our subject. -The ancient religious city of the early Nahuas, Teotihuacan, with -its famous pyramids—the traditional origin of which we have already -noted[543]—deserves our attention. The city of the gods has had -many describers, from the illustrious Humboldt to the observant and -philosophical Mr. Tylor. The most complete description, however, is -that given in the report of a scientific commission appointed by the -Mexican government in 1864, containing accurate plans and views.[544] -Sr. Antonio Garcia y Cubas, a member of the commission, subsequently -published a most interesting memoir on the pyramids of Teotihuacan, -entitled _Ensayo de un Estudio comparativo entre las Pirámides Egípcias -y Mexicanas_ (Mexico, 1871). The analogies between Teotihuacan and -Egyptian pyramids receive the greater share of attention, though some -valuable facts not mentioned in the report of the commission are here -made known. Mr. Bancroft has reproduced the main features of the report -of the Mexican Commission and compared it with previous researches, -thus presenting the reader with probably the best critical version of -the exploration of Teotihuacan, to be found in any language.[545] The -cut reduced from Almaraz for Mr. Bancroft’s work shows the plan of the -Teotihuacan monuments on a scale of about twenty-five hundred and fifty -feet to an inch. - -[Illustration: Plan of Teotihuacan.] - -The pyramid marked A in the plan is known as Metztli Itzacual, which -is interpreted “House of the Moon.” It measures 156 metres or 512 -feet from east to west by 130 metres or 426 feet from north to south. -According to Almarez, its height is 42 metres or 137 feet, but Sr. -Garcia y Cubas, who took his measurement on the opposite side of the -pyramid from that measured by Almaraz, says that it is 46 metres or -150 feet high. The summit platform, according to Garcia y Cubas, is -six metres or nineteen and a half feet square; quite a discrepancy -is here observable between the estimated area given by Beaufoy and -copied by Mr. Bancroft as thirty-six by sixty feet, and this actual -measurement. The sides of the pyramid nearly face the cardinal points. -The eastern slope is 31° 30′, while the southern is somewhat steeper, -being 36°. The slope on the east seems to have been unbroken except -by a zigzag roadway, leading to the summit. The remaining sides -are plainly marked by the remains of three terraces, one of which -is still about three feet wide. Humboldt and Tylor both speak of -remains of stairways of which no mention is made by the Government -Commission. Most observers have described the pyramids as faced with -hewn stone, but the commissioners on the contrary found them coated -with successive layers of different conglomerates as follows: “1st, -small stones from eight to twelve inches in diameter, with mud forming -a layer of about thirty-two inches; 2d, fragments of volcanic tufa, -as large as a man’s fist, also in mud, to the thickness of sixteen -inches; 3d, small grains of tetzontli (a porous volcanic rock) of -the size of peas, with mud, twenty-eight inches thick; 4th, a very -thin and smooth coat of pure lime mortar. These layers are repeated -in the same order nine times and are parallel to the slopes of the -pyramid, which would make the thickness of the superficial facing -about sixty feet.”[546] On the southern slope, sixty-nine feet from -the base, according to Almarez, a gallery large enough to admit a -man crawling on hands and knees, extends inward on an incline, a -distance of twenty-five feet, and terminates in two square wells or -chambers, each five feet square, and one of them fifteen feet deep. -Mr. Löwenstern, according to Mr. Bancroft, states that “the gallery -is a hundred and fifty-seven feet long, increasing in height to over -six feet and a half, as it penetrates the pyramid; that the well is -over six feet square, extending apparently down to the base and up to -the summit; and that other cross galleries are blocked up by débris!” -It is probable that these remarkable galleries never existed, except -in Mr. Löwenstern’s imagination, since Sr. Almarez in the report of -the official survey pronounces the tunnel already described as simply -excavations by treasure-hunters. The pyramid B of the plan, situated -five hundred and seventy-five yards south of the House of the Moon, is -called Tonatiuh Itzacual, or “House of the Sun.” This pyramid requires -no description, except to give its dimensions, since in all other -respects it is precisely similar to the House of the Moon. The House -of the Sun, according to the measurement of Sr. Garcia y Cubas, which -is the most recent, is at the base 232 metres or 761 feet by 220 metres -or 722 feet. Its height is 66 metres or 216 feet, while the summit -platform measures 18 by 32 metres or 59 by 105 feet. Both this pyramid -and the preceding have each a small mound on one of their sides near -their base. In the latter instance this mound seems connected with an -avenue of mounds just west of it. An embankment marked _a_, _b_, _c_, -_d_, one hundred and thirty feet wide on the summit and twenty feet -high, widening out at the extremities into platforms, extends around -three sides of the “House of the Sun.” Across the Rio San Juan, and at -the distance of twelve hundred and fifty yards southward of the “House -of the Sun,” stands the Texcalpa or “citadel.” This is a quadrangular -enclosure, measuring on its exterior twelve hundred and forty-six by -thirteen hundred and thirty-eight feet. The embankments are of enormous -strength, being two hundred and sixty-two feet thick by thirty-three -feet high, except on the western side, which is but sixteen feet high. -The enclosure is divided unequally by a wall as strong as that upon -the sides. On the centre of this wall stands a pyramid ninety-two feet -high. At its base are two small mounds besides one in the western -enclosure, while fourteen others averaging twenty feet in height are -arranged with regularity upon the summit of the enclosing wall. An -avenue two hundred and fifty feet wide formed by mounds and measuring -two hundred and fifty rods in length, extends from a point south of -the “House of the Moon” to the river, as is shown from C to D, in the -plan. The avenue is cut up into compartments by six cross embankments, -a rather strange feature for which no explanation has been afforded. -These mounds are mostly conical, built of fragments of stone and clay, -and some of them reach a height of thirty feet. The native traditions -call it Micaotli, which may indicate that they were designed for the -purposes of sepulture. Almaraz, who excavated one of the multitude of -mounds or _tlalteles_ in the vicinity, found four walls meeting at -right angles, though a little inclined and forming a small square. -Connected with this were steps, at the top of which four other walls -enclosed a little room, supposed to have been a tomb. The natives -describe the discovery of a stone box in one of the mounds containing -a skull, with about such a collection of trinkets as is commonly met -with in the stone graves of Tennessee. Mayer describes a massive stone -column, ten feet long and four feet square, cut from a single block. -This resembles the elaborate capitol of a column resting on a base with -scarcely a shaft intervening. It is called the fainting stone by the -natives, who believe that whoever sits on it is sure to faint instantly. - -One additional group of ruins, as yet unclassified with any of the -types we have described, merits our attention. This group is known -as Los Edificios of Quemada, situated in southern Zacatecas north of -the Central plateau and probably the home of the Chichimecs.[547] Mr. -Bancroft has attempted to reconstruct the unsatisfactory accounts of -the several explorers of Quemada, but with little success. We therefore -decline adding another comparative failure to the list of literature -on these ruins. Some general observations, however, may not be out of -place. The Cerro de los Edificios is a natural eminence about half a -mile long and between one hundred and two hundred yards wide, except at -its southern extremity where it increases to a width of five hundred -yards. The authorities differ as to its height, one saying from two -to three hundred feet, and another eight to nine hundred feet above -the plain. Ancient roads well paved radiate in various directions from -the hill, some of them extending a distance of five or six miles. The -northern brow of the hill, where the descent is not so precipitous -as at the other points, is guarded by a stone wall, as are all other -points where the precipitous sides do not offer a sufficient barrier -to an intruder from without. The surface of the hill is quite uneven, -and these irregularities have been formed into terraces supported by -stone walls. Foundations have thus been secured for a multitude of -structures, some of them perfectly pyramidal and others consisting -of quadrangular enclosures or squares, terraced and having steps -descending to the court within, where pyramidal structures of stone are -found. On the eastern terrace of the Cerro, a round pillar, eighteen -feet high and nineteen feet in circumference, stands in proximity to a -wall of as great height as the pillar. Traces of nine similar pillars -are visible, and the probability is that they formed part of a balcony -or perhaps a portico. Adjoining this wall is an enclosure measuring 138 -by 100 feet, in which are eleven pillars in line, each seventeen feet -in circumference and as high as an adjacent wall, namely eighteen feet. -The distance from the wall is twenty-three feet, and the presumption is -that the pillars supported a roof. There are no doorways, properly so -called, since the doorways are large quadrangular openings extending to -the full height of the halls. No windows were discovered anywhere. The -material is gray porphyry from hills across an intervening valley, and -the mortar is reddish clay, mixed with straw, and is of poor quality. -Sculpture, hieroglyphics, pottery, human remains, idols, arrow-heads, -and obsidian fragments are totally wanting, thus presenting a strange -contrast with all other Mexican ruins. Nevertheless, the massiveness -of the fortifications, the height and great thickness of the walls, -none of which are less than eight feet thick and in one instance over -twenty, the extensive system of paved roads, besides great elevated -stone causeways running through the city, the size of the enclosed -squares, one of which contains six acres, all indicate that this -might have been the capital city of a powerful people, a people whose -architectural affinities with all others that we are acquainted with -are very few, and whose contrasts are numerous. Certainly the type and -execution of the masonry, though massive, is more primitive than found -elsewhere in Mexico. We do not mean that it is more ancient, for such -cannot be true, but inferior to that in other parts of Mexico and the -Central American region. The arch of overlapping stones is entirely -wanting, and but for the round columns without either base or capitol, -the steps toward advancement in the art would only be those common to -that generally vigorous and warlike period which, in the history of -every people, has preceded a higher civilization. Mr. Bancroft has -published Burghes’ plan of Quemada but to little purpose, since the -descriptive matter available does not contain a reference to more than -one-fourth of the many structures indicated. - -In the course of the chapter, we have indicated the principal -resemblances and contrasts between the various styles treated. The -pyramidal structure we have found employed by both Mayas and Nahuas, -with certain modifications and with such resemblances as would seem to -indicate that both peoples had been originally, or at an early day, -near neighbors, and that the younger people, at least the more recent -in their occupancy of Mexico and Central America, the Nahuas, may -have copied the pyramid in its perfected form from the Mayas. We have -noted some difference between the ancient and modern Maya styles. In -the ancient or Chiapan, the irregularities in the face of the pyramid -caused by constructing it of tiers of rectangular stones were filled -with mortar, and an even surface produced. In the modern or Yucatec -style the blocks of stone-facing are bevelled to the angle of the -slope. Furthermore, in some instances the corners of the pyramids were -rounded. At Palenque the superstructures were of only one story, while -Yucatec structures were often formed of three receding stories. Of the -Copan ruins little can be said intelligently, except that the pyramid -combined with the terrace is all-pervading, but still is not unlike the -Palenque style in its main features. The Nahua architecture offers a -great variety of styles, but at the same time the pyramidal structure -is the fundamental feature of all kinds of structures. Mitla offers an -exception to this rule, but there are doubts as to whether Mitla may be -classified as a Nahua ruin at all. The early writers devoted much of -their attention to seeming old world resemblances in ancient American -architecture, but their speculations in most cases were puerile and -trivial. Mr. Stephens, with the experience which the careful study -and observation of old world monuments afforded him, strongly denies -that any such analogies are to be found among the Maya groups.[548] M. -Viollet-le-Duc considers the monuments of Mexico, especially those of -Maya origin, to have been influenced by white and yellow races, the -former of the Aryan from the north-east, the latter the Turanian from -the north-west. He seems to find some analogy between ancient Japanese -temples (and quotes a description from Charlevoix, _Histoire du Japan_, -ed. 1754, tom. i, chap. x, p. 171) and those of ancient America. He -thinks that the style of architecture at Uxmal indicates clearly that -the first structures were of wood and resembled the style prevalent in -Japan. However, the wooden structures more properly originated with -the white races, while the use of stucco is characteristic of the -Turanian or Yellow races of the north-west. He thinks it certain that -Mitla and Palenque were influenced by a white race.[549] Señor Garcia -y Cubas has attempted to prove in a careful argument that the pyramids -of Teotihuacan were built for the same purposes as were the pyramids -of Egypt. He considers the analogy established in eleven particulars, -as follows: the site chosen is the same; the structures are oriented -with slight variation, the line through the centres of the pyramids -is in the astronomical meridian; the construction in grades and steps -is the same; in both cases the larger pyramids are dedicated to the -sun; the Nile has a “valley of the dead,” as in Teotihuacan there is -a “street of the dead;” some monuments of each class have the nature -of fortifications; the smaller mounds are of the same nature and for -the same purpose; both pyramids have a small mound joined to one of -their faces; the openings discovered in the Pyramid of the Moon are -also found in some Egyptian pyramids; the interior arrangement of the -pyramids is analogous.[550] Mr. Delafield by a less systematic argument -advocates the same theory. However, his capability to discern analogies -is not confined to a single structure, since in the pyramid of Cholula -and the teocalli of the city of Mexico he finds a counterpart to the -temple of Belus at Babylon, as described by Herodotus. The walls -around the hill at Xochicalco explain the use of similar embankments -at Circleville and Marietta in Ohio, while the order of the apartments -at Mitla bears a striking analogy to the arrangements of apartments -in the temples of upper Egypt. This and much more Mr. Delafield has -been able to discover, but unfortunately only with certainty to -his own mind.[551] Löwenstern is equally certain that the American -monuments were not constructed by a nation analogous to that which -built the pyramids of Egypt.[552] Ranking, on the other hand, finds -that Teotihuacan was named after the illustrious dead buried beneath -its pyramids, as was the custom in Egypt, but in this instance the -name is analogous to that of Thiautcan or Khan, the name of the grand -Khan of the Monguls and Tartars who occupied the throne of China at -the time of Sir John Mandeville’s visit to Pekin in the fourteenth -century; and as at Teotihuacan and among the Monguls the sun and moon -were worshipped, so, according to Ranking, those American monuments -are attributable to Mongul architects.[553] It would be easy for us to -continue the citation of these fancied analogies, but it is no doubt -already apparent to the reader that they are generally of too trivial a -character to serve the ends of science, and we therefore dismiss their -further consideration.[554] - -[Illustration: Stucco Bas-relief in the Palace. - - Fig. 1.] - -_Sculpture and Hieroglyphics._—The mound sculpture, as has been -observed in the cuts illustrating a previous chapter of this work, -though comparatively rude in most cases, still, in a few instances, -is quite remarkable as affording true representations of animals -and possibly of the human face. Considerable progress in the art of -ornamentation in terra-cotta is displayed on many of the vases and -burial urns exhumed from the mounds. Many of the lines, figures and -borders traced in relief and sometimes in taglio on those vessels -indicate not only that a sense of the beautiful was present, but that -it had been cultivated to a considerable extent. The same remarks apply -to the pottery of the Pueblos and Cliff-dwellers. At Palenque, however, -the student of art meets with no mean attempts at delineating the -human form—in fact, the success obtained in this difficult field alone -characterized the work of the Palenque artists. It is presumed that -nearly all of the piers separating the doorways in the eastern wall of -the palace were ornamented with stucco bas-reliefs. Two out of six of -the best preserved are shown in the following cuts. The most remarkable -feature of the first (Fig. 1, reduced from Waldeck for Bancroft’s -work) is the cranial type, deformed to a shocking degree, probably by -artificial pressure, so generally employed by the ancient American -races. Possibly it is but a caricature. - -[Illustration: Stucco Bas-relief in the Palace. - - Fig. 2.] - -Fig. 2 (a photographic reduction from Waldeck) presents us with a -subject which has called forth no little discussion. The “elephant’s -trunk” which protrudes from the elaborate head-dress of the priest has -been thought to indicate an Asiatic influence.[555] We have already -referred to the frequent occurrence of the “elephant trunk” ornament in -Yucatan. The hieroglyphic signs at the top and on the faces of these -reliefs no doubt hold locked up in their mysterious symbols the history -of the scene. - -In all of these reliefs the flattened cranial type is present, and -no doubt represents the ideal of beauty among those ancient people. -The stuccoes appear to have been moulded upon the undercoating of -cement after it had become hard. The brush of the painter was then -employed in its final embellishment.[556] Adjacent to the eastern -stairway leading downward into the main court of the palace are great -stone slabs, forming a surface on each side of the steps fifty feet -long by eleven feet high. Waldeck, Stephens and Bancroft furnish -views of gigantic human figures sculptured in low relief upon these -surfaces. Both the attitudes and expressions portrayed indicate that -the groups represented are either captives or possibly victims for -sacrifice.[557] On the opposite side of the court, and on the stone -face of the balustrade of a stairway, two figures, male and female, are -sculptured, which, according to Waldeck, are of the Caucasian type. The -same artist has shown the beautiful grecques which adorn the panels of -the cornice.[558] Waldeck and Bancroft have figured a remarkable stone -tablet of elliptical form, in which a princely personage is represented -as sitting cross-legged on a chair formed of a double-headed animal, -pronounced by Stephens to resemble a leopard. Catherword’s plate, in -Morelet’s _Travels_, shows an ornament suspended from the neck of -the chief figure resembling an effigy of the sun, while in Waldeck’s -drawing the Egyptian Tau is graven upon the ornament.[559] The -accompanying cut shows Waldeck’s drawing (employed by Mr. Bancroft). - -[Illustration: Sculptured Tablet in the Palace.] - -Four hundred yards south of the palace stands the ruins of a pyramid -and temple, which, at the time of Dupaix’s and of Waldeck’s visits -were in a good state of preservation, but quite dilapidated when seen -by Charnay. The temple faces the east, and on the western wall of its -inner apartment, itself facing the eastern light, is found (or rather -was, for it has now entirely disappeared) the most beautiful specimen -of stucco relief in America. M. Waldeck, with the critical insight -of an experienced artist, declares it “worthy to be compared to the -most beautiful works of the age of Augustus.” He therefore named the -temple the Beau Relief. The above cut is a reduction from Waldeck’s -drawing used in Mr. Bancroft’s work, and is very accurate. However, -the peculiar beauty of Waldeck’s drawing is such that it must be seen -in order to be fully appreciated. - -[Illustration: Beau Relief in Stucco.] - -It is scarcely necessary for us to call the reader’s attention to the -details of this picture, in which correctness of design and graceful -outlines predominate to such an extent that we may safely pronounce -the beautiful youth who sits enthroned on his elaborate and artistic -throne, the American Apollo. In the original drawing the grace of the -arms and wrists is truly matchless, and the chest muscles are displayed -in the most perfect manner. The embroidered girdle and folded drapery -of the figure, as well as the drapery around the leopards’ necks, are -arranged with taste. The head-dress is not unlike a Roman helmet in -form, with the addition of numerous plumes. The sandals of the feet are -secured by a cord and rosette, while ornaments on the animals’ ankles -seem secured by leather straps. The engraving does not do justice to -the face-like ornament suspended by the string of pearls upon the -youth’s breast. In the original drawing it is quite beautiful, and of a -female cast.[560] - -The next subject of interest to the student of sculpture is found in -the Temple of the Cross, in the inmost sanctuary of all, and is known -as the Tablet of the Cross. Three stones cover most of the surface of -the rear wall of the sanctum sanctorum, and present an area six feet -four inches high by ten feet eight inches wide. The central of the -three stones bears the celebrated sculpture of the cross which has -excited so much interest and comment, to say nothing of speculation -as to its origin. The cut is a photographic reduction from Waldeck’s -drawing. A priest and priestess appear to be offering an infant to an -ugly bird which stands perched upon the cross. The infant’s face is -completely hid by a fantastic mask or cap. The expression of pain on -the faces of the officiating personages is very marked. The symmetry -of proportion employed in the sculpture is conceded by all observers. -The two lateral stones (the left-hand one being shown in our cut) are -covered with hieroglyphics, which begin at the left-hand upper corner -with a large capital letter. Some one had removed the central stone -from its position prior to Waldeck’s visit, and conveyed it to a point -in the forest not far distant. Stephens also found it in the same -locality. By referring to the hieroglyphic tablet at the left of the -cross it will be observed that just below the large initial letter or -word is a threefold hieroglyphic, while seven others in the same column -are double. This would indicate, we should think, that the characters -were read from the top downwards, though it is possible that the lines -were read horizontally, each line beginning with a capital as in -poetry.[561] - -[Illustration: Tablet of the Cross.] - -[Illustration: Palenque Statue.] - -On either side of the doorway opening to the inner sanctuary of the -Cross, were originally two male figures sculptured in low-relief on -stone; one of them, which appears to represent an aged royal person, -is beautifully clad in a leopard’s skin, while the opposite figure, -designed probably to represent youthful manhood, is arrayed in what -may be an elaborate military dress and plumed crest of magnificent -character. He wears what appears to be a cuirass about his shoulders -and chest. These tablets were removed to the village of Santo Domingo -years ago and set up in a modern house, where they were offered to -M. Waldeck on the sole condition that he should marry one of the -proprietresses, though he at the time was more than sixty-four years of -age. Stephens could have obtained them by purchasing the house in which -they had been placed, but did not.[562] On the slope of the pyramid of -the Cross, M. Waldeck found two statues just alike, one of which was -unfortunately broken; the other, subsequently sketched by Catherwood, -is shown in the cut, a photographic reduction from Waldeck. These -statues were ten and a half feet high, though two and a half feet of -their length, not shown in the cut, formed a tenon by which they were -embedded in the floor of the pyramidal surface, where Waldeck supposes -they stood supporting a platform about twenty feet square, in front of -the central doorway. These are the only statues ever found at Palenque; -but it is doubted whether they can be technically called statues, since -the back is of rough stone, and unsculptured. They probably rested -against a wall and served as supports for an upper roof or floor, as -indicated by Waldeck. The head-dress has been pronounced Egyptian by -all who have seen it.[563] - -In the temple of the Sun, in a position precisely corresponding to -that occupied by the tablet of the cross, stands a somewhat similar -tablet cut in low-relief on three slabs covering an area of eight by -nine feet. The figure of the cross in this instance is displaced by -a hideous face or mask supposed to represent the sun, supported by a -framework resting on the shoulders of crouching men. The priest and -priestess occupy the same positions as occupied by them in the tablet -of the cross. Each is in the act of presenting a child with masked face -to the sun, and each is standing upon the back of a kneeling slave. -The lateral tablets are covered with columns or rows of hieroglyphics, -as in the tablet of the cross.[564] The stuccoed roofs and piers of -both the temples—Cross and Sun—may be truly pronounced works of art -of a high order. On the former, Stephens observed busts and heads -approaching the Greek models in symmetry of contour and perfectness -of proportion. M. Waldeck has preserved in his magnificent drawings -some of these figures, which are certainly sufficient to prove -beyond controversy, that the ancient Palenqueans were a cultivated -and artistic people. In passing to Uxmal the transition is from -delineations of the human figure to the elegant and superabundant -exterior ornamentation of edifices, and from stucco to stone as the -material employed. The human figure, however, when it is represented, -is in statuary of a high order. The artists of Uxmal did not improve -upon the Palenque models so much in the design as in the execution -of their subjects. Uxmal statuary approximates more closely to what -properly may be called statuary, being cut more nearly “in the round” -and having less unfinished back surface than the Palenque statue. The -elegant square panels of grecques and frets which compose the cornice -of the Casa del Gobernador, delineated in the works of Stephens, -Baldwin and Bancroft, are a marvel of beauty, which must excite the -admiration of the most indifferent student of this subject. The -ornamentation of this great cornice, equal to one-third the height of -the building, is cut on blocks of stone and inserted in the wall with -the utmost precision, so that every line matches, and the graceful -arabesques and bas-reliefs, which sometimes cover several blocks with a -single figure, are unbroken by apparent joints. The grandest specimens -of American ornamental sculpture are, however, to be seen on the inner -fronts of the four buildings of the Casa de Monjas, a plan of which is -given on page 351 of this work. It will be remembered that these fronts -face the court around which the buildings were constructed. The court -front of the eastern building is probably one of the most tasteful and -interesting specimens of sculpture to be met with in America.[565] M. -Waldeck considers that it presents an appearance of grandeur of which -it would be difficult to give an idea, while Stephens considers its -chasteness of design a great relief from the gorgeous masses of other -façades. The cornice over the central doorway and the corners of the -eastern court façade are ornamented with ugly masks and “elephant -trunks” protruding from them, as in the Governor’s home.[566] If the -preceding façade is the most generally admired of those at Uxmal, “the -most magnificent and beautiful front in America” is that of the Serpent -Temple, or western court façade of the Nunnery, as is shown in the -accompanying engraving, which is a photographic reduction of Waldeck’s -drawing employed in Mr. Bancroft’s work. - -[Illustration: Western Court Façade—Casa de Monjas.] - -[Illustration: Sun Symbol.] - -The marked feature of the sculpture is the formation of square panels -by the intertwined bodies of two huge stone serpents with monster -heads, surmounted by plumes and enclosing between the jaws of each a -human face. A head and tail as shown above occupy opposite extremes of -the front. This may be a representation of the plumed serpent of the -Central American mythology. The stone lattice-work (a feature of Uxmal -sculpture) underlying the serpents and covering the panels formed -by their folds, is more complicated and beautiful than any other in -America. At regular intervals large grecques or arabesques, with their -connecting bars lengthened to the width of the entire sculptured -portion of the façade, are distributed. Several panels are ornamented -with life-sized human figures, while each panel contains a human -face, some of which are as beautiful as the Greek models. The upper -cornice is ornamented, as are all the other cornices of the Nunnery, -with what are supposed to be Sun symbols, one of which is shown in the -cut, reduced photographically from Waldeck’s drawing. The appended -“feathers” are almost Assyrian in their type, while the double triangle -within the circle is certainly an ancient symbol in the old world. - -[Illustration: “Elephant Trunk.”] - -The “elephant trunks” and rude masks employed as ornaments above -the doorways of the other fronts, are also numerous here. Since -M. Waldeck’s visit portions of this wonderful example of ancient -decorative art have fallen.[567] The northern building of the court -offers no sculptured contrasts with the other buildings, except that -above the upper cornice, thirteen turrets, each seventeen feet high -and ten feet wide, are distributed at regular intervals, and are -also covered with sculpture resembling the grecques of the Serpent -temple. Most of the sculptures at Uxmal were probably painted, as -traces of various colors were observed in sheltered localities. The -rich sculptures of the prophet’s house were painted blue, red, yellow -and white, according to M. Waldeck. The Mayas no doubt employed the -brush freely, and in some instances with skill. In the gymnasium at -Chichen-Itza, Stephens grew enthusiastic over the exceedingly fine -series of paintings in bright colors, which cover the walls of one -of the chambers. Many of the pictures have been destroyed by the -falling of the plaster upon which they were painted. In this series of -pictures, battles, processions, houses, trees and a variety of objects -are represented—blue, red, yellow and green are the colors employed, -though the human figures are painted reddish brown.[568] At Chichen, as -elsewhere, the favorite subject for the Maya sculpture was the serpent. -A colossal serpent balustrade is one of the wonders of this interesting -place. - -Dr. Augustus Le Plongeon, during the last quarter of the year 1875, -made an extensive exploration of Chichen-Itza. The reports of his -discoveries seem at first well-nigh fabulous, though their authenticity -is so well attested as to leave no room for doubt. Mr. Stephen -Salisbury, Jr., of Worcester, Massachusetts, has in several memoirs -of intense interest and unusual scientific value, communicated the -progress and results of Dr. Le Plongeon’s exploration in Yucatan to -the American Antiquarian Society. Mr. Salisbury has also presented -the explorer’s original memoirs, accompanied by photographs made at -Chichen-Itza and on the Islands of Cozumel and Mugeres. These valuable -documents have reached the public in Mr. Salisbury’s publications -entitled, (1.) _The Mayas, the Sources of their History_ (Worcester, -1877, with heliotype reproductions of the photos); (2.) _Maya -Archæology_ (Worcester, 1879, with heliotype reproductions of photos -and drawings).[569] In these pages we are impressed with the fact that -the darkness which has so long enveloped the antiquity of Yucatan is -soon to be displaced by the noon-day of scientific investigation. Still -we cannot refrain from expressing the regret that Dr. Le Plongeon’s -enthusiasm is so apparent in his reports. A judicial frame of mind, -as well as the calmness which accompanies it, are requisites both for -scientific work and the inspiration of confidence in the reader. -Notwithstanding this, our views have been most happily expressed by the -committee of the American Antiquarian Society, to whom was entrusted -the publication of Dr. Le Plongeon’s memoirs. Their statement is as -follows: “The successes of Du Chaillu, Schliemann, and of Stanley, are -remarkable instances of triumphant results in cases where enthusiasm -had been supposed to lack the guidance of wisdom. If earnest men are -willing to take the risks of personal research in hazardous regions, -or exercise their ingenuity and their scholarship in attempting to -solve historical or archæological problems, we may accept thankfully -the information they give, without first demanding in all cases -unquestionable evidence or absolute demonstration.” - -Dr. Le Plongeon says of the columns at Chichen, “the base is formed by -the head of Cukulcan, the shaft by the body of the serpent, with its -feathers beautifully carved to the very chapter. On the chapters of -the columns that support the portico, at the entrance of the castle -in Chichen-Itza, may be seen the carved figures of long bearded men, -with upraised hands, in the act of worshipping sacred trees. They -forcibly recall to mind the same worship in Assyria.” In consequence -of the successful interpretation of certain hieroglyphic inscriptions -at Chichen, the explorer and his wife (who accompanied him in his -perilous enterprise), learned that the statue of Chaac Mol, or Balam, -(the tiger king), the greatest of the Itza monarchs, had been buried -below the surface of the ground at a certain point, distant four -hundred yards from the palace. The first result of excavation in -the locality indicated was the discovery of a sculptured tiger of -colossal size, having a human head, which, unfortunately, was broken -off. Several slabs bearing sculptures of tigers and birds of prey in -relief were unearthed. A pedestal supporting the sculptured tiger -apparently had once occupied the spot, and its destruction had left a -mound of débris. Seven metres below the surface of this mound a rough -stone urn containing a little dust was secured, and upon it an earthen -cover. This was near the head of the statue of Chaac Mol, which was -next disclosed. The statue is of a white calcareous stone, one metre -fifty-five centimetres long, one metre fifteen centimetres in height, -and eighty centimetres wide, and weighed fifty kilos. The statue -represents the reclining figure of a man, who is naked except that he -is adorned with a head-dress, with bracelets, garters of feathers, -and sandals similar to those found upon the mummies of the ancient -Guanchies of the Canary Islands. - -[Illustration: Sculptured Slab found at Chichen-Itza.] - -The statue of Chaac Mol was seized by Mexican officials and sent to the -capital. Our friend, the Rev. John W. Butler, of the city of Mexico, -writes to us (letter received October 10, 1878) concerning the statue: -“It is just as represented. It may be seen in the National Museum, just -opposite its exact duplicate, which was found under the Plaza of the -city of Mexico, some years ago. What is the meaning of this? The tribe -whose king (or god) it was, must have _migrated southward_, for the one -excavated in Mexico shows _greater age_ than the one from Yucatan.” In -reply we would say that the evidences are sufficient that the Maya -civilization once extended farther north than the city of Mexico, but -the conquests of the Nahuas drove that ancient people no doubt to -abandon their northern territory and to confine themselves to their -lands farther south. - -[Illustration: Sculptured Slab found at Chichen-Itza.] - -[Illustration: Statue of Chaac Mol.] - -Dr. Le Plongeon, in speaking of the historical value of the statue, -says Chaac Mol was one of the three brothers whom tradition declares -were the co-rulers of Yucatan at a very ancient period. Chaac Mol and -his beautiful queen Kinich-Kakmó were the powerful sovereigns of the -kingdom of Chichen-Itza. Aac, one of the brothers, becoming enamored of -his sister-in-law Kinich-Kakmó, slew Chaac Mol that he might make her -his wife. The funeral-chamber, the mural paintings, the statues, and -the monument of the murdered king found by the explorer, were memorials -of the sad event which the faithful queen caused to be executed by the -artisans and artists of the royal city. Dr. Le Plongeon remarks: “In -the funeral-chamber, the terrible altercation between Aac and Chaac -Mol, which had its termination in the murder of the latter by his -brother, is represented by large figures, three-fourths life size. -There Aac is painted holding three spears in his hands, typical of the -three wounds he inflicted on the back of his brother. These wounds are -indicated on the statue of the dying tiger (symbol of Chaac Mol) by two -holes near the lumbar region, and one under the left scapula, proving -that the blow was aimed at the heart from behind. The two wounds are -also marked by two holes near each other in the lumbar region, on the -_bas-relief_ of the tiger eating a human heart that adorned the Chaac -Mol mausoleum (see sculptured slab on page 398).”[570] - -Mr. Stephen Salisbury, Jr., in his _Maya Archæology_, has reproduced -one of Dr. and Mrs. Le Plongeon’s tracings of a mural painting in the -funeral-chamber of the Chaac Mol monument at Chichen-Itza. Through the -courtesy of Mr. Salisbury we have been permitted to copy it for this -work. The Doctor interprets it as representing the queen Kinich-Kakmó -when a child consulting an _H-Men_, one of the Maya wise men or -astrologers, in order to know her destiny. The prediction is based upon -the lines produced by fire on the shell of an armadillo or turtle, and -is expressed in the colors of the elaborate scroll proceeding from the -throat of the _H-Men_. Referring to his tracings of mural paintings -at Chichen-Itza, Dr. Le Plongeon says “they represent war scenes -with javelins flying in all directions, warriors fighting, shouting, -assuming all sorts of athletic positions, scenes from domestic life, -marriage ceremonies, temples with complete domes, proving that the Itza -architects were acquainted with the circular arch, but made use of the -triangular probably because it was the custom and style of architecture -of the time and country.”[571] Besides the sculptures of long-bearded -men seen by the explorer at Chichen-Itza mentioned on a preceding -page, were tall figures of people with small heads, thick lips, and -curly short hair or wool, regarded as negroes. “We always see them as -standard or parasol bearers, but never engaged in actual warfare.”[572] -He pronounces the features of the long-bearded men pictured on the -walls of the queen’s chambers to be Assyrian in their type. On the Isla -Mugeres (in the latter part of the year 1876), Dr. Le Plongeon exhumed -portions of a female figure in terra-cotta, which indicate an advanced -state of art among the ancient Mayas. The fragments of the statue, -consisting of the head and feet, were probably attached to the front -of a brasero or incense-burner used at the shrine of the Maya Venus, -located on the southern extremity of the island. It was immediately -in front of this shrine, visited by Cordova in 1516,[573] that the -remains of the statue were found buried in the sand. The expression of -the face is cruel and savage, the nostrils are perforated and also the -pupils of the eyes. The teeth are filed as those of the statue Chaac -Mol are said to be. The head is surmounted by a head-dress eight inches -high. The fragments of this statue are now in the possession of Mr. -Salisbury.[574] - -[Illustration: Mural Painting from Chaac Mol Monument - Chichen-Itza.—(From a copy by Dr. and Mrs. Le Plongeon.)] - -[Illustration: Terra-cotta Figure from Isla Mugeres.] - -Through the courtesy of the owner we are enabled to present a -photographic reduction of the relics in the preceding cut. - -[Illustration: The Cara Gigantesca.] - -At Izamel, the burial-place of the culture-hero Zamna, a remarkable -example of aboriginal sculpture is found upon the side of a mound now -enclosed in a private court-yard. This specimen of art, known as the -Cara gigantesca, or gigantic face, measures seven feet in width and -seven feet eight inches in height. “The features were first rudely -formed by small rough stones, fixed in the side of the mound by means -of mortar, and afterwards perfected with a stucco so hard that it has -successfully resisted for centuries the action of air and water.” -The accompanying cut from Mr. Bancroft’s work will show the type of -features. - -The subject of Maya sculpture is almost a limitless one, but we trust -that the above-cited examples may give the reader a comprehensive -acquaintance with the existing types. The sculpture of Copan is no -less remarkable than its architecture. In fact, every object bore the -skillful marks of the graver’s chisel. The great number of sculptured -obelisks, pillars and idols have been the wonder of every reader of Mr. -Stephens’ description. Since his work is so generally known, we refrain -from presenting more than one example of Copan art. In the accompanying -cut employed in Mr. Bancroft’s work the elaborateness of the sculpture -will be observed, and may well be pronounced a marvel of aboriginal art. - -[Illustration: Copan Statue.] - -But for the perfectly horizontal position of the eyes, the aspect of -some of the faces represented by Stephens would strike us as having -a Mongolian cast. The magnificently sculptured hieroglyphics which -cover the sides and backs of these huge idols, no doubt could tell -the sealed story of Copan’s greatness and the attributes of its many -gods, were the key once discovered. Everything is covered with these -significant symbols, differing slightly from those at Palenque; but who -will read them? In the court of the temple, a solid block of stone six -feet square and four feet high, resting on four globular stones was -sketched by Catherwood, and pronounced an altar by Stephens. Sixteen -figures in profile, with turbaned heads, breast-plates, and each -seated cross-legged on hieroglyphic-like cushions, are sculptured in -low-relief, four figures being on each side of the block. The top of -the altar is covered with thirty-six squares of hieroglyphics, shown -in a cut on a future page. Besides numbers of masks, effigies and rows -of death’s heads at Copan, there are sculptures of the face which we -may believe to have been portraits. The Copan sculpture is generally -admitted to be of a high order, and Stephens thinks it unsurpassed in -Egypt. The receding forehead of most of the portraits have excited -general interest, and are believed to be delineations of the priestly -or aristocratic type. No weapons are sculptured at Copan, but on the -contrary altars abound in considerable numbers, especially in front -of the sculptured obelisks or idols. The presumption is therefore -strong that this was a religious centre, unmolested by any enemy, and -undisturbed by the alarm of war.[575] - -[Illustration: Figure from Monte Alban.] - -_Nahua Sculpture._—The Nahua sculpture is not of as high an order nor -of as frequent occurrence as that of the Mayas. At Monte Alban in -Oajaca, in a gallery within a mound, Castañeda sketched the sculptured -profile shown in the accompanying cut, employed in Mr. Bancroft’s work. -It is cut upon the face of a granite block about three feet square, and -is interesting because of the Chinese-like queue which hangs from the -figure’s head. At Mitla the grecques and arabesques which cover the -façades of the several edifices are not sculptured, except in cases -where large stones serve as lintels over doorways. On them the running -borders are sculptured in low-relief, while the remainder of the -profuse ornamentation is of the nature of mosaic work, being built into -the wall. - -Several minor objects of sculpture found in the States of Oajaca and -Vera Cruz might be cited, but their interest for the reader would be -too insignificant to justify a description.[576] One of the principal -objects of this class and much superior to any of the others is a -grotesque fountain cut in the living rock at Tusapan. The statue is -that of a woman in a kneeling posture, and measures nineteen feet in -height. The waters of a neighboring spring formerly ran into a basin -formed among the plumes of the female’s head-dress, from which it found -its way through the entire length of the figure, and flowed forth from -beneath her skirts.[577] At Panuco the traditional point of the arrival -of the Nahuas, several rude limestone statues were found, some of which -have been figured in the _Journal of the London Geographical Society_, -by Mr. Vetch, one of which is copied by Mr. Bancroft.[578] The marked -features of these statues is the elaborateness of the style of -head-dress worn. We cannot see that they are far removed in their style -from similar statues dug from mounds in the Mississippi Valley. In the -State of Puebla, at various points, especially at Tepexe el Viejo, at -Tepeaca, and at Quanhquelchula, minor sculptures of animals, birds, -reptiles, monsters, etc., were observed by Dupaix.[579] Rattlesnakes -were found plentiful both in sculptures and in a state of nature. -At Cuernavaca, in the State of Mexico, numerous boulder-sculptures, -finely executed in low-relief, exist. Dupaix has figured and Bancroft -copied one in particular, showing a beautiful coat-of-arms, sculptured -on the smooth face of a huge boulder. A circle of arrows and Maltese -cross which compose them, are all symbolical of power.[580] Similar -coats-of-arms were observed in the State of Puebla. Probably the most -remarkable sculpture found in the country occupied by the Nahuas, is -that upon the walls of the pyramid of Xochicalco, illustrated on a -preceding page.[581] Most of the sculptures are of colossal dragons’ -heads, which occur at each of the corners. Human figures, seated -cross-legged and holding something like the Assyrian sun symbol in the -left are found on the frieze, though some observers have considered -this figure to be that of a curved cross-hilted sword, a weapon never -employed by the Nahuas. The elaborate head-dresses and strings of -enormous pearls worn by the seated figures bear a striking resemblance -to the stuccoes of Palenque. At Xochimilco on the western shore of -Lake Chalco, Dupaix found several interesting specimens of ancient -sculpture.[582] The most celebrated article of Aztec sculpture, -unquestionably, is the calendar-stone, which, together with the -so-called sacrificial stone and the idol Teoyaomiqui, was in December, -1790, dug up in the Plaza Mayor, in the city of Mexico, on the -supposed site of the great teocalli, destroyed by the conquerors. The -calendar-stone, now built into the wall of the cathedral, where it can -be seen by all passers-by, is a rectangular block of porphyry, thirteen -feet one inch square and three feet three inches thick, and of the -enormous estimated weight of twenty-four tons. The sculptured portion -of the block, on the exposed face, is contained in a circle, eleven -feet one inch and four-fifths of an inch in diameter. The regularity -and geometrical precision with which the figures are executed called -forth enthusiastic admiration from Humboldt, and has been the source -of equal wonderment to many later observers. Our cut is a reproduction -of Charnay’s photograph, by means of the photo-engraving process, and -may be relied upon as absolutely correct. Prescott considers that the -original weight of the block before it was mutilated must have been -nearly fifty tons; and as no similar stone is found within a radius -of twenty-five miles of Mexico, that it must have been brought from -the mountains beyond Lake Chalco.[583] Some remarks upon the Aztec -calendar will be found in the following chapter. The sacrificial stone -is a cylindrical block of porphyry, nine feet ten inches in diameter -and three feet seven inches thick, and is now lying in the courtyard -of the University of Mexico. If the reader will imagine the border -of the calendar-stone outside of the eight triangular points removed -entirely, will substitute a concave basin in the place of the central -face or sun, also instead of all the calendar signs intervening between -the face and the circle, upon which the base of the four principal -triangular figures rest, will imagine the existence of several -concentric circles not unlike strings of beads, he will have a general -idea of the top of the stone. We should not omit to state that a groove -or channel leads from the central basin to the outer circumference. The -use of the stone is a matter of controversy, Humboldt considering it -the gladiatorial stone, Gama a calendar-stone, and Tylor that it was -an altar on which animals were sacrificed. Fifteen groups of two human -figures, each dressed in the insignia of royalty, are sculptured around -its circumference. Bancroft, as well as several others, give cuts of -the stone and sculptures. The horrid monster Teoyaomiqui—goddess of -death—is sculptured in high-relief on a block of porphyry ten feet -high and six feet wide and thick. Probably no mythology nor all the -mythologies of the world besides could produce so hideous and unsightly -a combination of reptile, human and infernal forms, as make up the -three sides of this idol.[584] Mr. Bancroft first figured the beautiful -earthen burial vase dug up in the Plaza Tlatelulco and sketched by Col. -Mayer. It is twenty-two inches high and fifteen and a half inches in -diameter; a closely fitting lid most chastely sculptured covered it, as -will be seen in the accompanying cut. - -[Illustration: Aztec Calendar Stone in its Present Condition.] - -[Illustration: Burial Urn from Mexico.] - -Among the elegant sculptures upon one of its sides is a comely face -surmounted by a crown, from each side of which project wings of -the same character as were employed to symbolize the sun among the -Assyrians.[585] The original is pronounced one of the finest relics -preserved in the Mexican Museum. M. Waldeck has figured many beautiful -examples of Mexican ceramic art preserved in the above collection as -well as in others. The finest specimens of ancient terra-cotta work of -which we have any knowledge are shown in the cut, photographically -reduced from Waldeck’s plate.[586] - -[Illustration: Vases from Waldeck.] - -No description can convey any idea of their beauty. The upper left-hand -vase, it will be observed, is supported on three feet, each perforated -by a perfect Maltese Cross. The central lower vase, of remarkable -symmetry, is distinguished by the perfect _crux ansata_ which adorns -its side. The lower right and left hand figures are different views of -a swinging lamp. These vases cannot but command the admiration of all -who see them. M. Waldeck has delineated with remarkable artistic skill -three specimens of Mexican mosaic work now in the Christy collection in -London. One of these beautiful relics is shown in the cut, reduced from -Waldeck’s colored plate for Mr. Bancroft’s work. - -[Illustration: Mosaic Knife—Christy Collection.] - -However, the cut conveys but a faint idea of its beauty, especially -of the handle. The blade is of semi-translucent chalcedony from the -volcanic regions of Mexico, while the handle is a most artistic mosaic -of bright green turquoise, malachite, and white and red shells. The -blade is of a light straw-colored tint, and is mortised in the handle, -which is wrapped nearest to the blade with what appears to be a golden -braid. Mr. Bancroft remarks “it is certainly most extraordinary to -find a people still in the stone age, as is proved by the blade, able -to execute so perfect a piece of work as the handle exhibits.”[587] -Among the few relics recovered at Tula, the ancient Toltec capital -Tollan, the column shown in the cut (from Mr. Bancroft’s work) is very -interesting, both for its sculpture and for the exhibition it affords -of the manner in which the Toltecs formed their columns, namely, by -fastening the sections together by means of circular tenons. The -largest block measures four feet long by two and a half in diameter. - -[Illustration: A Column from Tula.] - -Our National Museum at Washington contains numerous fine specimens of -Mexican terra-cotta ware, some of which have been figured recently -in Dr. Charles Rau’s “Archæological Collection of the U. S. National -Museum.”[588] Two large vases in particular demand attention. These -were brought to the United States by General Alfred Gibbs at the close -of the Mexican war, and are shown in the cut. - -The upper vase, which is thirteen and a half inches high, is very -elaborately wrought, being surrounded with ten female figures in -relief, each alternate figure bearing a child on the left arm. It is -noticeable that the head-dresses of the figures holding the children -are more elaborate than those of the remaining figures. The second or -lower vase, Dr. Rau considers equal to many Etruscan or Greek vases -in gracefulness of outline. “The vessel may be compared to a pitcher -with two handles, standing opposite each other, and with two mouths -projecting between them.” Among the terra-cotta images of Mexican -origin in the National Museum the two shown in the cut are of interest. -The left-hand figure is that of a woman pressing her hands upon her -ears. The face represents an aged individual. The Museum possesses -almost an exact duplicate of this image. The right-hand figure is -much smaller and is hollow, enclosing a clay ball, and was probably -used as a rattle. It is scarcely necessary for us to remark that the -seeming analogies between the Maya (Central American) sculpture and -that of Egypt have often been noted. Juarros, in speaking of Palenque -art, says: “The hieroglyphics, symbols and emblems which have been -discovered in the temples, bear so strong a resemblance to those of -the Egyptians, as to encourage the supposition that a colony of that -nation may have founded the city of Palenque or Culhuacan.”[589] -Giordan found, as he thought, the most striking analogies between the -Central American remains, as well as those of Mexico, and those of -the Egyptians. The idols and monuments he considers of the same form -in both countries, while the hieroglyphics of Palenque do not differ -from those of ancient Thebes.[590] Señor Melgar, in a communication -to the Mexican Geographical Society, has called attention to the -frequent occurrence of the (Τ) _tau_ at Palenque, and has more -studiously advocated the early relationship of the Palenqueans to -Egypt than any other reliable writer.[591] He cites Dupaix’s _Third -Expedition_, page 77 and plates 26 and 27, where in the first figure -is a goddess with a necklace supporting a _tau_ like medallion to -which the explorer adds the remark that such is “the symbol in Egypt -of reproduction or abundance.” In the second plate he finds an altar -dedicated expressly to the _tau_. He considers that the cultus of this, -the symbol of the active principle in nature, prevailed in Mexico in -many places. Señor Melgar also refers to two idols found south of the -city of Mexico, “in one of which two symbols were united, namely, the -Cosmogonic egg, symbolical of creation, and two faces, symbols of the -generative principle. The other symbolized creation in the bursting -forth of an egg. These symbols are not found in the Aztec mythology, -but belong to the Indian, Egyptian, Greek, Persian, Japanese and other -cosmogonies.” This, the Señor considers proof that these peoples were -the primitive colonists of that region, and seeks to sustain his views -by references to the Dharma Sastra of Manou and the Zend Avesta. The -reader has no doubt been surprised at the frequent occurrence of the -[Τ]-shaped niches in the Palenque palace, and has observed the same -symbol employed on some of the hieroglyphics of the Tablet of the -Cross. The Egyptian tau, one of the members of the _Crux ansata_, is -certainly present at Palenque, but whether it was derived from any one -of the Mediterranean peoples who employed it, cannot be ascertained. -Among the Egyptians it signified “life,” as is shown by the best -Egyptologists.[592] The tau was usually surmounted by a roundlet, -though such was not always the case. On a stele from Korasabad, an -eagle-headed man is depicted as holding the oval in one hand and the -cross in the other.[593] M. Mariette recently, while exploring the -ancient temple of Denderah, discovered the sacred symbol in a niche of -the holy of holies. It is probable that this emblem was the central -object of interest in these inner precincts of the temple, as it was -preserved with scrupulous care as the hidden wisdom.[594] Macrobius -tells us that the _crux ansata_ was the hieroglyphic sign of Osiris -or the Sun,[595] but other writers inform us that it was an ancient -symbol of majesty and divinity, and so employed in a modified form in -the hands of Brahma, Vishnu and Siva.[596] The associations of the -tau in Central America are such as to lead us to believe that it may -have had a significance analogous to that which it possessed on the -shores of the Mediterranean, the Nile, and the Ganges. The Palenque -Cross tablet is a most singular work of American antiquity, and though -Mr. Stephens attempted to prove that no analogy exists between it and -Egyptian sculptures, still Mr. Bancroft has shown that the former was -unfortunate in his selection of Egyptian specimens for the purpose of -comparison, since marked analogies between the sculpture of the Vocal -Memnon of Thebes and the top of the fallen obelisk at Carnac and the -Palenque Tablets exist.[597] - -[Illustration: Mexican Vases in the National Museum.] - -[Illustration: Statuettes in the National Museum.] - -It has been argued that the Egyptian and Palenque sculpture resemble -each other in that both are generally in profile; but the trivialness -of the reasoning will be at once apparent. On the contrary, Mr. -Bancroft remarks, “Sculpture in Egypt is for the most part in intaglio, -in America it is usually in relief.” Notwithstanding the oft-repeated -assertion that a resemblance between Egyptian and Maya hieroglyphics -exist, no one of the Egyptologists so successful in their chosen field -have been able to decipher the Maya writing. It is not improbable -that the Palenque and Copan civilization received its first impulse -from some of the peoples of the southern or eastern shores of the -Mediterranean, but from which it would be impossible to say even if we -were certain that such was the case. Whatever of a foreign character -it may have had at first has been mostly lost in the independent -development of new and original characteristics, the natural outgrowth -of new wants and new conditions, arising through the lapse of many -centuries. The latter remark we think may be applied with even more -certainty to the Nahua civilization as displayed in its sculpture. All -through Mexico the favorite subject for the Toltec or Aztec sculptor -was the serpent, generally the rattlesnake. Mr. Bancroft in his fourth -volume has given numerous examples of this fact. Serpent sculpture -was also common among the Mayas, but to a less extent, and it is not -improbable that the symbol entered into their art through the Quichés—a -mixed people composed of Mayas and Nahuas. We have already observed the -same disposition to sculpture the rattlesnake among the Mound-builders. -In the great serpent upwards of a thousand feet in length on Brush -Creek, Adams County, Ohio, we find a striking analogy to the tendency -of Mexican art. Furthermore, the great serpent grasps in its jaws -(if they may be so called) an immense oval figure of precisely the -shape of an egg, and “the combined figure is regarded as a symbolical -illustration of the Oriental cosmological idea of the serpent and the -egg.” We have seen in the remarks of Señor Melgar that two examples of -the egg possessing precisely the same significance which is attached to -it in Eastern Asia were found near the City of Mexico. The part which -the serpent symbol plays in the south and east Asiatic sculpture and -mythology is probably well known to the reader; and if not, a perusal -of Maurace’s _Indian Antiquities_ or Moor’s _Hindu Pantheon_ will -satisfy him that it occupied a place equally important among Nahuas and -Hindoos. The great serpent in Ohio may be a connecting link between -the art of both Mexicans and Asiatics. In the course of independent -development which the Nahuas underwent during thousands of years, the -cosmological symbol of the egg may have been lost and supplanted by -that of the serpent alone, the emblem of the life principle in both -America and Asia. However, we may safely close these speculations -with the conclusion that though the Mayas and Nahuas were probably -descendants of foreign stock, their civilization, so far as we are able -to judge from their arts, was indigenous—developed upon our soil, and -offering but few analogies to any other. - -_Hieroglyphics._—No well authenticated Mound-builder hieroglyphics -have as yet come to light. The Grave Creek Mound tablet we believe is -now shown unquestionably to be an archæological fraud. The Cincinnati -tablet figured in our first chapter seems to bear some symbolic signs -upon its face, but no resemblance can be traced between them and any -other known hieroglyphic signs. The Davenport tablet if genuine is -of great interest in that it abounds in hieroglyphics, some of which -are not unlike some of the signs employed by the Aztecs; besides, the -element of picture-writing so common to that people plays a prominent -part on both sides of that mysterious stone. Col. Charles Whittlesey, -in the second chapter of his _Report to the Centennial Commission of -Ohio_ (already cited), has figured and described rock sculpture near -Barnesville, Newark, Independence, Amherst and Wellsville, most of -which are of the lowest grade of savage art, and we think can only be -attributed to the red Indian. - -Mr. W. H. Holmes has furnished specimens of picture-writing of a -rude character found engraven in the rocks of the cañon of the Rio -Mancos and San Juan, but there is no evidence that they are or are not -the work of the Cliff-dwellers whose works abound upon neighboring -rocks.[598] We have already called attention to the tablets of -hieroglyphics at Palenque, Copan and in Yucatan, a specimen of which is -shown in a cut on page 390. The accompanying cut, employed by Stevens, -Baldwin and Bancroft, show the thirty-six squares of hieroglyphics -engraven upon the top of a Copan altar. - -In addition to these stone and stucco records, the Mayas had books, -which Bishop Landa describes as written on a large leaf doubled in -folds and enclosed between two boards which they ornamented; they -wrote on both sides of the paper, in columns accommodated to the -folds; the paper they made from the roots of trees, and coated it -with a white varnish on which one could write well. These books were -called _Analtees_, a word which, according to Villagutierre, signifies -the same as history.[599] Bishop Landa confesses to having burned -a great number of the Maya books because they contained nothing in -which were not superstitions and falsities of the devil.[600] Bancroft -has quoted from Peter Martyr a description of these books, which -conveys the additional information that they were written on many -leaves joined together but folded so that when opened two pages are -presented to view.[601] Three of the Maya manuscripts are known to -have escaped the vandalism of the early Fathers. These are, first, the -Mexican MS. No. 2 of the Imperial Library at Paris, called by Rosny -the _Codex Peresianus_, which has been photographed by order of the -French government, but we believe is still unedited. The second, the -_Dresden Codex_, in the Royal Library at Dresden, a complete copy of -which was published by Lord Kingsborough. It is a Maya, and not an -Aztec MS., as is proven by its marked resemblance to the tablets of -Palenque and Copan, a fact pointed out by Mr. Stephens, though at -the date of his exploration everything was pronounced Aztec.[602] The -third, the _Manuscript Troano_, found by Brasseur de Bourbourg at -Madrid in 1865 in the possession of Señor Tro y Ortolano, from whom -it derives its name, is a Maya MS. of unknown origin and history. The -French government and the Commission Scientifique du Mexique reproduced -it in fac-simile by means of chromo-lithography, and Brasseur, with -the expenditure of great labor, attempted to translate part of it, -which he has published; but in a subsequent work he confesses that -he began his reading at the wrong end of the manuscript, which, as -Mr. Bancroft humorously remarks, was a “trifling error perhaps in the -opinion of the enthusiastic Abbé, but a somewhat serious one as it -appears to scientific men.”[603] Mr. Bancroft has reproduced a page -of the MS. Troano in his work, and accompanied it with a condensed -account from the Abbé’s description as follows: “The original is -written on a strip of maguey paper about fourteen feet long and nine -inches wide, the surface of which is covered with a whitish varnish, -on which the figures are painted in black, red, blue and brown. It is -folded fan-like in thirty-five folds, presenting when shut much the -appearance of a modern large octavo volume. The hieroglyphics cover -both sides of the paper, and the writing is consequently divided into -seventy pages, each about five by nine inches, having been apparently -executed after the paper was folded, so that the folding does not -interfere with the written matter. * * * The regular lines of written -characters are uniformly in black, while the pictorial portions, of -what may perhaps be considered representative signs, are in red and -brown, chiefly the former, and the blue appears for the most part as -a background in some of the pages.”[604] Notwithstanding the bigoted -spirit exhibited by Bishop Landa in his destruction of the native Maya -books in the presence of their sorrowful and helpless owners, he did -one act of service for the antiquarian, which will ever entitle him to -the gratitude of every student of ancient American civilization. That -act was the record which he made of the Maya hieroglyphic alphabet. The -Bishop has left us scarcely two and a half octavo pages (of his work as -edited by Brasseur de Bourbourg) upon this important subject, yet it is -the only known key to the mysteries of Palenque, Copan and the numerous -inscriptions found in Yucatan. His explanation of the manner in which -letters are combined into words is not clear, and though Mr. Bancroft -has translated it literally and introduced parenthetic explanations, -still the sense is not very apparent. Brasseur de Bourbourg in his -French translation has not succeeded much better, and complains of -Landa’s style as being untranslatable. One important fact, however, -is deducible from the Bishop’s remarks and example, namely, that the -Maya letters were formed into words in much the same order as in the -English and other languages which read from the left to the right.[605] -Landa’s alphabet is given in the accompanying cut which is an exact -photographic reproduction of the original. - -[Illustration: Hieroglyphics on the Copan Altar.] - -Landa adds nothing after this table except the remark: “Of the letters -which here fail, this language is wanting and has others added of -ours, for other things of which they have need, and already they do -not use these characters of theirs, especially the young people who -have learned ours.”[606] Landa has left us other hieroglyphic signs, -relating to the Maya months and days, which will be given in the -next chapter. Many of the hieroglyphics in his alphabet are plainly -recognizable in the three Maya MSS. which we have named, though it is -quite certain that other signs, which are wanting in his list, are -found not only in the MSS. but also among the inscriptions of the -several localities we have already described. Besides the attempts -made by Brasseur de Bourbourg to decipher the Maya writing, three -Américanistes in particular have bestowed labor upon the subject. These -are Mr. Wm. Bollaert,[607] M. Hyacinthe de Charencey,[608] and M. Leon -de Rosny,[609] the latter of whom is the honorable president of the -Société Américaine de France. - -[Illustration: Landa’s Alphabet.] - -By means of Landa’s key, Mr. Bollaert obtained encouraging results -from hieroglyphics figured in Stephens’ works. In that author’s -_Yucatan_, vol. ii, page 292, is seen a sculptured figure with -hieroglyphics represented on the upper part of the door called Akatzeeb -at Chichen-Itza. This tablet is examined by Mr. Bollaert with the -following result: “The figure (male) is nude; the cap is like those on -the figures at Kabab, and has an ornament round the neck; the large -crucible-form before him contains fire, in which some small animal is -being burnt or sacrificed. Comparing the hieroglyphs on either side -of the figure with the Maya key, I get the following words: _Ahau_, -‘king’; _oc_, ‘leg’; _Muluc_, ‘to unite’; _ik_, ‘courage’; _cib_, -‘copal’; _eznab_, ‘magician’; _no_, ‘frog’; which may mean that the -magician has in the crucible a frog to be sacrificed, in which copal -as incense is used. The two lines of hieroglyphs give something like -the following: Kings must die—they have courage, and after death are -united to those who went before them. The king is with his fathers; -the chief and his family burn copal and mourn for his death.”[610] -On the tablet of the cross at Palenque, Mr. Bollaert found in squares -_eznab_, “magician”; _dz_, “a hand”; the “aspiration sign” ⋃; and a -part of _zip_, “tree.” Among the hieroglyphs he traced _ahau_, “king”; -_zip_, “tree”; _akbal_, “a plant”; _pax_, “a musical instrument.” Mr. -Bollaert has attempted to read several other inscriptions with no more -satisfactory results.[611] One or two of the same scholar’s attempts -with the _Dresden Codex_ yield the following: _We come to thy presence -to implore. The young female implores before the deity, she weeps -but has courage._ In a group representing a king and a young female, -he reads: _She has made a vow about the king to the magician, the -king is happy._ Again: _The sacred bird chel is sacrificed, there is -weeping; the bride weeps for the bird, she makes a vow or prays for -the king, she offers a tortoise, a great feast is given._[612] M. de -Charencey translates the hieroglyph found just above the child which -is being offered to the bird on the tablet of the cross at Palenque, -by the word _Hunabku_, “the only holy one.” He also finds the name of -_Kukulcan_ and _eznab_, “magician,” the name of a month.[613] M. de -Rosny in his able essay on the decipherment of the hieratic writings -of Central America has undertaken the solution of this interesting and -perplexing problem in a scientific manner, and we have the fullest -confidence that his system constructed on Landa’s key will open to -us the books and inscriptions of the Mayas. But two of the four -parts which constitute the work have been published, still we think -sufficient data has been placed at the hands of scholars by M. de Rosny -to justify the opinion that if the remainder of his essay should never -appear, the work of interpreting some of the Maya writings might be -carried on with reasonable certainty. Landa’s key contains seventy-one -signs (twenty for the days, eighteen for the months, and thirty-three -in the alphabet.) M. de Rosny, by a careful examination of all the -hieratic texts of the Mayas which are known, has discovered more than -seven hundred different signs. Of this number he has deciphered and -classified four hundred and thirty-nine as follows: Alphabetic signs, -including Landa’s (of which all the others are but varieties), two -hundred and sixty-two; signs of the days, one hundred and fifty-nine; -and the eighteen signs of the months given by Landa. All these signs -are classified in a double folio plate (Pl. XIII) which we believe -deserves to be regarded as the larger portion of the much-sought-for -Maya Rosetta stone. Considerable difference of opinion has existed as -to the direction in which the hieroglyphics should be read. Brasseur -held the view that the proper order was from right to left, and that -the beginning of a book was where our books end. This mistake brought -down the ridicule of scholars upon the Abbé’s head, when it was -discovered that he had begun at the wrong end to translate the _Troano -MS._ Mr. Bollaert says, “I have read from the bottom upwards and from -right to left.”[614] Dr. Brinton[615] has suggested some such order as -the following arrangement of the word _marvellous_: - - o ll m - u e a - s v r - -M. de Rosny has shown that the statement of Landa and the fact that the -human faces shown in the hieroglyphs look toward the left, indicate -that the signs should be read from left to right.[616] In rare cases -this order is reversed, as is seen on a couple of leaves of the _Codex -Peresianus_. There are, no doubt, numerous instances in which the -signs are arranged in perpendicular columns, and the order in which -such columns are to be read is not the same in all manuscripts. In the -Maya inscriptions and manuscripts, the “illustrations” or pictorial -figures are interwoven with the alphabetic signs forming an important -part of the writing. In many cases a page of MS. (as shown in Rosny’s -plates) is divided into sections or squares, in which the hieroglyphics -are inseparably connected with grotesque figures which accompany -them and form a part of the writing. M. de Rosny has undertaken the -classification and interpretation of all these figures which are found -in the existing Maya MSS. This doubtless will prove an important -auxiliary to the table of signs already alluded to. We may reasonably -expect that since M. de Rosny has shown the extensive character of the -Maya phonetic and symbolic alphabet, he will furnish us examples of its -application in the practical interpretation of the hieroglyphics, in -the latter part of his work. Recently Dr. Ph. Valentini has pronounced -the Landa alphabet a Spanish fabrication, of later date than the -conquest. See _Proceedings of Amer. Antiquarian Soc._ for April, 1880. - -We do not deem it necessary to assure the reader that while the Aztec -picture-writing was not as far advanced in the scale of graphic -development as the system employed by the Mayas, still it was an -accurate means of communication and of recording events. The “scribes” -of the Mexicans were an educated class of men, who with strictest -accuracy painted in hieroglyphic symbols the record of national, -historic and traditional affairs, as well as the tribute rolls, the -calendar with its feast days, the stated services of the gods, the -genealogical tables of noble and royal personages, and even the -customs of the humble classes. No doubt many educated persons who did -not belong to the priestly and lettered class, were acquainted with -the system employed, and many others understood it sufficiently to -recognize calendar and feast signs. The Aztec books were painted mostly -on cotton cloth, prepared skins and maguey paper, and when not rolled -were folded fan-like and bound with thin wooden covers, like the Maya -books. The priests who accompanied the conquerors and immediately -followed them, mistook the pictured figures painted in these books to -be representations of heathen deities, and consequently inaugurated a -system of wholesale destruction of all the picture-writing. Las Casas -informs us that they were actuated by the fear that in matters of -religion the existence of these books would be injurious. The infamous -crime committed against the cause of knowledge and the irreparable -injury done to the natives, their successors, and to students of -history for all time, by the destruction of those valuable MSS., must -ever remain an unerasable blot upon the name of the early church in -Mexico, and must be ranked with the worst deeds of Goths and Vandals. -Juan de Zumárraga, the chief of these sacrilegious destroyers who -committed the annals of the Mexican States publicly to the flames -in his tour of the principal cities of the country, will ever be -remembered with proper contempt. Fortunately, many of the MSS. were -hidden by their owners and have since come to light; the greater -number of these, however, were tribute rolls, which, down to the last -century, played an important part in the Mexican courts of justice. -Prescott informs us that “until late in the last century, there was -a professor in the University of Mexico especially devoted to the -study of the national picture-writing. But as this was with a view to -legal proceedings, his information probably was limited to deciphering -titles.” In the course of time the priests became acquainted with the -harmless nature of the hieroglyphics, through their use by the natives -in their making confessions and in recording the Lord’s prayer. Many -documents written since the conquest were provided by their authors -with a Spanish translation or with an explanation in Aztec written -with Spanish letters. Many of these are in existence, and with a few -authentic documents, written previous to the conquest, are preserved -in public and private libraries of Europe and this country, the finest -collection of which is that of the National Museum of the University -of Mexico. The reader is no doubt already familiar with the splendid -fac-similes of several Mexican MSS. published in Lord Kingsborough’s -work. Mr. Bancroft has concisely narrated the events and vicissitudes -which have attended the transmission of some of these documents through -the hands of successive owners to their present depositories.[617] -Several writers on hieroglyphic systems, and the above author among -them, have classified the progressive steps of picture-writing into -_representative_, _symbolic_, and _phonetic_. Of these, the first -is by far the simplest, and has invariably preceded the others in -the development of the graphic art. It was natural for the savage to -represent an object by a picture, in which that object was surrounded -with certain conditions; at first the entire object was pictured, but -subsequently only a portion of the object, as in the case of a bird, -the head or foot or wing in the more advanced stages of art, would be -substituted for the object itself. In symbolic picture-writing, we find -an attempt at representing abstract ideas and actions. Some quality -or attribute of a person is portrayed by means of the representative -process, by symbols which would naturally seem to suggest the -distinguishing characteristic of the person or occasion. A certain -Aztec festival might be symbolized by the conventional calendar sign, -an altar, a flint knife held by a human hand, and a smoking human -heart. Phonetic picture-writing is, of course, dependent upon the -sounds of the language for which it is designed. Its province is to -represent those sounds by pictures of objects in whose names the sounds -occur. Words, syllables and elementary sounds which are represented by -alphabets, are thus gradually evolved in the progression which follows. -Mr. Bancroft, by a most ingenious example, has illustrated this -principle as applied to our own language. “According to this system,” -he says, “the [left hand pointing up] signifies successively the word -‘hand,’ the syllable ‘hand’ in handsome, the sound ‘ha’ in happy, the -aspiration ‘h’ in head, and finally, by simplifying its form or writing -it rapidly, the [left hand pointing up] becomes [left hand pointing -up outline] and then the ‘h’ of the alphabet.”[618] The Aztecs never -reached the last stage of phonetic development, namely, the alphabet. -They, however, employed the system in the syllabic formation of words -to a very considerable extent. The priests soon found the natives -applying their art of writing to the record of the standard expressions -employed in teaching the new faith. Amen was expressed by the sign -of water, _atl_ associated with a maguey plant, _metl_ which united -gave the word _atl-metl_, or after the ever present Aztec termination -_tl_ is stricken off, we have _a-me_, an approximation to our word -Amen. Mr. Bancroft gives also the following example of the manner in -which the name Teocaltitlan was expressed by this syllabic-phonetic -writing: “It is written in one of the manuscripts of the Boturini -collection by a pictured pair of lips, _tentli_, for the syllable _te_; -footsteps, symbolic of a road, _otli_ for _o_; a house, _calli_ for -_cal_; and teeth, _tlantli_ for _tlanti_, being a common connective -syllable.” We think the reader will find a clearer illustration in the -word Chapultepec, which literally means “hill of the grasshopper.” -By reference to the Aztec migration map which has been published by -several authors[619] (the most correct copy accessible to the general -reader is that by Bancroft).[620] A hill surmounted by a grasshopper -will be observed among the figures. The same representation in -different form will be seen in Boturini’s picture-map of the migration. -Chapultepec is well known as the royal hill, a short distance west of -the city of Mexico, celebrated as the country residence of Montezuma. -Numerous similar examples might be selected from the migration maps -of this combination of the three methods employed. Proper names were -always expressed in a similar manner. An example of the representative -and symbolic stages of the picture-writing of the Aztecs has been -given by Mr. Bancroft from the _Codex Mendoza_ in Kingsborough.[621] -We here reproduce the plate used in the _Native Races_. It describes -four steps or periods in the education of children; each period is -supposed to refer to a particular year. In the upper left-hand group -we see a father (fig. 3) punishing his son by holding him over the -fumes of burning chile (fig. 5); in the right-hand group the mother -threatens her daughter with similar punishment. In the second group -(figs. 12–13), a father punishes his son by exposing him bound hand -and foot on the damp ground. A bad boy twelve years of age, according -to Aztec custom was always punished in this way, and his punishment -lasted during an entire day. A disobedient girl of the same age was -obliged to rise in the night and sweep the whole house, as is shown -in the right-hand group, or, as no tear is seen in her eye, she may -be learning. At the age of eight years children were only shown the -instrument of punishment; at ten they were pricked with maguey thorns, -or if still unruly, were whipped. The above groups show the methods -employed during the eleventh and twelfth years, after which age a child -was supposed to be pretty well disciplined. In the third group a father -directs his boys (fig. 21) how to transport wood, both upon the back -and in the canoe, while the mother teaches the daughter (fig. 23) to -make tortillas and use the mealing stone and other utensils (figs. 25, -26, 28); the tortillas are also represented (fig. 27). In the fourth -group the son learns the use of the fish-net and the daughter that of -the loom. The allowance of tortillas apportioned to the children at the -ages represented are shown in figs. 2, 8, 11, 16, 20, 24, 30 and 34. -The remaining figures are not representative, but symbolic. The small -circles (figs. 1, 10, 19, 29) are numerals indicating that the child -was successively eleven, twelve, thirteen and fourteen years of age. A -circle or dot was always used for a unit. The comma-like figure issuing -from the mouth of the parent is the symbol of speech. The tears in the -children’s eyes need no explanation. The singular figure (17) above -the girl in the second group is said to be symbolical of night, and to -indicate that the sweeping was required in the night. - -[Illustration: Education of Children according to the Codex Mendoza.] - -For most interesting specimens of Aztec picture-writing as well as -their supposed explanation, we refer the reader to the Gemelli Carreri -and Boturini Migration maps in the Atlas of Garcia y Cubas, or in the -second volume of Mr. Bancroft’s work, which are the only places where -they are to be found correctly reproduced. Mr. Delafield sought to -find an analogy between the Aztec and Egyptian hieroglyphic systems -on no other ground than that both were representative, symbolic and -phonetic, a most wonderful discovery indeed.[622] Notwithstanding this -fact, and many similar efforts, no marked analogy between the Aztec -picture-writing and the hieroglyphic systems of any other peoples has -yet been pointed out.[623] - - • • • • • - - MAP OF YUCATAN.—We have found it impossible in this chapter to - convey any adequate idea of the number and extent of the ruins - scattered over Central America and Mexico. Only by reference to - an accurately prepared map, having distinctness and detail, can a - proper understanding of this interesting field be reached. Maps of - Northern and Central Mexico alone, meeting the requirements, have - for some time been accessible, but a reliable map of Yucatan and - of neighboring States has long been a desideratum. This great want - has recently been supplied by the publication in New York of a rare - specimen of cartography, bearing the title, _Mapa de la Peninsula - de Yucatan, compilado por Joaquin Hübbe y Andres Azuar Perez y - revisado y aumentado con datos importantes por C. Hermann Berendt_, - 1878—size, 28 × 36 inches. Stephens, in his work on _Yucatan_, - indicated the sites of many remains discovered by him; but Señor - Perez has for the first time brought before us a view of the whole - field, including Yucatan and Campeachy, together with the greater - part of Tabasco and Belize, and portions of Guatemala and Chiapas, - showing, by means of appropriate symbols, the great number of known - ruins. The map has met with merited approval from the American - Antiquarian Society, and has been reproduced in _Dr. A. Petermann’s - Mittheilungen aus Justus Perthes Geographische Anstalt, Gotha, Band - 25_, No. VI, 1879. - - - - - CHAPTER IX - - CHRONOLOGY, CALENDAR SYSTEMS AND RELIGIOUS ANALOGIES. - - No Mound-builder Chronology known — Maya Calendar — Landa on - the Calendar — Maya Days — Maya Months — The Katun — The - Ahau Katun or Great Cycle — The Maya System Adjusted to our - Chronology — The Adjustment by Perez — Intercalary Days — The - Nahua Calendar — The Sources — Divisions of Mexican Calendar - — The Aztec Year — The Nemontemi — Aztec Months — Aztec Days - — Nahua Ritual Calendar — Mexican Calendar Stone — Sources - of Interpretation — History of the Stone — Interpretation of - the Stone — Date of the Origin of the Calendar Stone — Date - of the Nahua Migration — Analogies with the Nahua Calendar — - Religious Analogies — Jewish Analogies — Deluge Traditions — - Supposed Parallels in Jewish and Mexican History — Analogies of - Doctrine — Analogies of Ceremonial Law — Yucatanic Trinity Myth - — Mexican and Asiatic Analogies — Buddhism in the New World — - Scandinavian Analogies — Mexican and Greek Analogies — Brasseur - de Bourbourg’s Comparisons. - - -_Chronology and Calendar Systems._—No tablet or relic of Mound-builder -origin has yet been discovered, which can be said to give any clue to -the system of chronology employed by that people. Several supposed -calendar stones have been found, such, for instance, as the Cincinnati -Tablet referred to in Chapter I, and the Tablet from Mississippi in -the possession of Wm. Marshall Anderson, Esq., of Circleville, Ohio. -However, their character is only a matter of conjecture, since no -progress whatever has been made toward evolving any system from them. -Farther south, on the soil where a higher civilization flourished, we -meet with two calendar systems, which, while they have several points -of resemblance, are quite distinct from each other. - -The first of these, the Maya, is probably the most ancient. Bishop -Landa is our chief authority in this field, though Don Juan Pio Perez, -a more recent writer, also familiar with the Maya language, has -furnished us some material.[624] Bishop Landa informs us that the Mayas -had a year of 365 days and 6 hours divided into months (a month being -called a _U_) in two ways, first into months of thirty days each, and -second, into eighteen months of twenty days each. As the Bishop makes -no explanation of the former statement, we are unable to determine -whether the months of thirty days each were employed in Yucatan prior -to the conquest, or not, but we are rather inclined to the opinion that -they were not. - -[Illustration: The Maya Days.] - -The month of twenty days was called the _Uinal-Hun-ekeh_, and might -commence on any of the days represented by the hieroglyphics in the -left-hand column of the table of days. These months were eighteen in -number, thus making a year of 360 days. The Mayas, however, corrected -the error by adding five intercalary days and six hours to the 360 -days; and once every four years, Landa informs us, they counted 366 -days a year. The five supplementary days were considered unlucky, and -were known as the “nameless days” because they were never called by -any particular designation. The accompanying cut is a photographic -reproduction of Landa’s plate, and shows accurately the Maya days in -their proper order.[625] (Page 436.) - -[Illustration: The Maya Months.] - -Though the intercalary days were “nameless” and characterized as -the “bed or chamber of the year,” “the mother of the year,” “bed of -creation,” “travail of the year,” “lying days,” or “bad days,” etc., -still five of the above twenty were reckoned for them in regular order. - -The year began on a day corresponding to our 16th of July—“a date,” as -Mr. Bancroft observes, “which varies only forty-four hours from the -time when the sun passes the zenith—an approximation as accurate as -could be expected from observation made without instruments.”[626] - -The Maya months as figured in Landa’s work are shown in the -accompanying photo-engraving. (Page 437.) - -The translation of the names of the days and months is somewhat -uncertain. The following equivalents are the same as those given by -Señor Perez, except in a few instances where Brasseur and Rosny have -made corrections. - - TRANSLATION OF THE DAYS. - - 1. _Kan_, “string of twisted hemp” (yellow). - 2. _Chicchan_, signification unknown. - 3. _Cimi_, preterit of _cimil_, to kill = “dead.” - 4. _Manik_, “wind that passes” (??) - 5. _Lamat_, signification unknown. - 6. _Muluc_, “reunion” (??) - 7. _Oc_, “that which may be held in the palm of the hand.” - 8. _Chuen_, “board” (??) - 9. _Eb_, “ladder.” - 10. _Ben_, “to distribute with economy” (??) - 11. _Ix_, “fish-skin” (Rosny), “witch, witchcraft” (Brasseur), - “roughness” (Perez). - 12. _Men_, “builder.” - 13. _Cib_, “gum copal.” - 14. _Caban_, “heaped up” (Brasseur). - 15. _Ezanab_, “flint” (Brasseur). - 16. _Cauac_, signification unknown. - 17. _Ahau_, “king, or period of twenty-four years.” - 18. _Ymix_, signification unknown. “Corn” (??) - 19. _Ik_, “wind,” “spirit,” according to Rosny, one of the symbols of - Kukulcan or Quetzalcoatl. - 20. _Akbal_, “approach of night” (Brasseur). - - TRANSLATION OF THE MONTHS. - - 1. _Pop_, “mat of cane.” - 2. _Uo_, “frog.” - 3. _Zip_, “a tree” (Perez), “fault, error” (Brasseur). - 4. _Tzoz_, “a bat.” - 5. _Tzec_, signification unknown. - 6. _Xul_, “end or conclusion.” - 7. _Yaxkin_, signification unknown. “Summer” (??) - 8. _Mol_, “to re-unite, to recover.” - 9. _Chen_, “a well.” - 10. _Yax_, “first,” or _Yaax_, “blue.” - 11. _Zac_, “white.” - 12. _Ceh_, “a deer.” - 13. _Mac_, “a lid or cover.” - 14. _Kankin_, “yellow sun,” “because in this month of April the - atmosphere is charged with smoke,” owing to the work of - clearing the soil. - 15. _Muan_, “cloudy weather” (Brasseur). - 16. _Pax_, “musical instrument.” - 17. _Kayab_, “singing.” - 18. _Cumhu_, “thunder-clap,” “detonation.”[627] - -Though these translations may seem uninteresting by themselves, they -are of great value when taken in connection with Landa’s alphabet and -M. de Rosny’s interpretations. They must ever be important factors in -attempts to translate the inscriptions and codices. - -Another division of time among the Mayas of a complicated character -was the Katun or Cycle of 52 years. The Katun was composed of four -periods (indictions or weeks) of 13 years each, enumerated by a system -of reckoning kept simultaneously with the current reckoning of days, -months and years. The mode of computing the Katunes was, according -to Landa and Perez, briefly as follows:[628] The year was divided -into twenty-eight periods of thirteen days each. These periods for -convenience have been called weeks, and the number of days of which -each is composed may have been suggested by the number of days embraced -in the moon’s _increase_, and _decrease_, twenty-six days constituting -about the actual time in which the moon is seen above the horizon -during each lunation.[629] The weeks were divided off by counting -thirteen days from the beginning of the list of days shown on page -436, Kan constituting the first day of the first week and according to -usage applying its name to the weeks. The week was consequently called -by the name of the day on which it began. Caban being the fourteenth -day of the current month, became the first day of another week; but -as not enough days remain to complete it, the enumeration is begun -again and continued down to Muluc, the sixth day of the next month. -Oc, the seventh day, then becomes the starting point for another week, -which assumes its name, and thus the computation is carried on _ad -infinitum_. A numeral preceded each day designating its position in -the week. The people of Yucatan painted a small circle in which they -placed the four hieroglyphics of the initial days which constitute -the left-hand column of signs given on page 436. Kan was placed in -the east, Muluc in the north, Ix in the west and Cauac in the south. -These signs were termed the “carriers of the years” because no month or -year could begin on any of the twenty days, but on one of these. Since -twenty days constitute a current month, it is apparent that every month -in a given year must begin with the same day. However, the introduction -of the five intercalary days at the end of the year, changed the -initial day on which the months of the different years began. In -reckoning the Katun it is further observed that the numeral which -indicates the day of the week (of thirteen days) which falls upon the -first of a given month, varies. Supposing the month to begin on Kan and -the numeral of the first day to be 1, the numerals indicative of the -days of the week (composed of thirteen days) falling on Kan throughout -the eighteen months, would be, 8, 9, 3, 10, 4, 11, 5, 12, 6, 13, 7, 1, -8, 2, 9, 3. - -The Katun year consisted, as we have seen, of twenty-eight weeks of -thirteen days each, and _one additional day_, making in all 365 days. -If the year commenced with number one of the week, the additional day -(the 365th) caused it to end on the same number. The ensuing year would -then begin with number two, and so on through the thirteen numbers of -the week, as follows: 1. Kan, 2. Muluc, 3. Ix, 4. Cauac, 5. Kan, 6. -Muluc, 7. Ix, 8. Cauac, 9. Kan, 10. Muluc, 11. Ix, 12. Cauac, 13. Kan, -thus completing an indiction or week of years. The same combination -of names and numerals can only occur after the lapse of the Katun or -cycle comprising four of these indictions or fifty-two years. Not only -the years of the week, but also the indictions themselves were named -by the four initial symbols. The first indiction of each Katun being -named Kan, the second Muluc, the third Ix, and the fourth Cauac. The -completion of a Katun or fifty-two years was celebrated with feasts -and rejoicings as an event of great moment. A monument was reared as a -memorial of the event. It is not impossible that the great number of -pillars, observed by Stephens at Chichen-Itza were of this character, -serving as landmarks to Maya chronology.[630] - -A third division of time employed by the Mayas was the great cycle of -312 years, composed, according to Señor Perez,[631] of thirteen periods -of time, each embracing twenty-four years. Each of these thirteen -periods was called an Ahau Katun, and was divided into two parts. -The first part, embracing twenty years, was enclosed in a square and -called _Amaytum lamayte_, or _lamaytum_; and the other part of four -years, which formed as it were a pedestal for the first, was called -_Chek oc Katun_, or _lath oc Katun_, meaning “stool” or “pedestal.” He -affirms that the latter were intercalated, therefore believed to be -unfortunate as were the five supplementary days of the year. This may -account for their not being reckoned with the Ahau Katun by any other -writer. Just here lies the discrepancy which has created most of the -confusion in the investigation of this subject. However, if we accept -the statement of Señor Perez, that the Ahau Katun embraced twenty-four -years instead of the testimony of every other writer that it included -but twenty years, we shall have moderately fair sailing until we split -upon the rock of his inaccuracies as to dates. He tells us that these -periods took their name from Ahau, the second of those years that began -in Cauac, and from the order of the numerals accompanying those days -would succeed each other according to the numbers 13, 11, 9, 7, 5, 3, -1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4, 2. The Indians established the number 13 Ahau as -the first, because some great event happened in that year. If the 13 -Ahau Katun began on a second day of the year, it must have been the -year which began on 12 Cauac, and the 12th of the indiction. The next -or the 11 Ahau would commence in the year 10 Cauac, which combination -in its rotation would happen after a lapse of twenty-four years. The -third or 9 Ahau would begin in 8 Cauac twenty-four years later, in -illustration of which we follow out the rotation of the four names of -the years, Kan, Muluc, Ix and Cauac, through the indictions of thirteen -years each, until we have noted the numerals accompanying them during -twenty-four years. Our starting point will be the commencement of the -second Ahau Katun on the second day of 10 Cauac. - - +-----------+---------------+--------------+ - | _Year of | | _Year of | - | 13 Year |_Name of Year._| Period of | - |Indiction._| | 24 Years._ | - +-----------+---------------+--------------+ - | 10 | Cauac | 1 | - | 11 | Kan | 2 | - | 12 | Muluc | 3 | - | 13 | Ix | 4 | - | 1 | Cauac | 5 | - | 2 | Kan | 6 | - | 3 | Muluc | 7 | - | 4 | Ix | 8 | - | 5 | Cauac | 9 | - | 6 | Kan | 10 | - | 7 | Muluc | 11 | - | 8 | Ix | 12 | - | 9 | Cauac | 13 | - | 10 | Kan | 14 | - | 11 | Muluc | 15 | - | 12 | Ix | 16 | - | 13 | Cauac | 17 | - | 1 | Kan | 18 | - | 2 | Muluc | 19 | - | 3 | Ix | 20 | - | 4 | Cauac | 21 | - | 5 | Kan | 22 | - | 6 | Muluc | 23 | - | 7 | Ix | 24 | - | 8 | Cauac | 1st of a new | - | | | period. | - +-----------+---------------+--------------+ - -As above stated the new Ahau Katun begins in the year 8 Cauac, and as -it invariably began on the second day of the year, that day would be -9 Ahau, as Ahau is the next letter in the alphabet after Cauac. An -extension of the table will show that the next period will begin in 6 -Cauac on 7 Ahau, and so on in the order of the numerals given above. -Thirteen Ahau Katunes, as previously stated, constituted a great cycle -of three hundred and twelve years. Sr. Perez states that according to -all sources of information, confirmed by the testimony of Don Cosme -de Burgos, one of the conquerors and a writer (but whose observations -have been lost), the year 1392 A. D. corresponded to the Maya year 7 -Cauac, and as the second day of that year was the beginning of an era -of twenty-four years, it must have been 8 Ahau Katun. By dividing off -the time between that date and the beginning of the present century -into periods of twenty-four years each, and extending a table of the -rotation of the four names of the years, the reader will observe -that 13 Ahau will fall in the year 1800; 11 Ahau in 1824; 9 Ahau in -1848; 7 Ahau in 1872, and 5 Ahau in 1896, three hundred and twelve -years intervening before this, and any similar combination of Ahau -Katunes either have occurred or can be repeated. This would be highly -satisfactory if Sr. Perez could be relied upon in this particular, -which is doubtful. We are sorry to say that he is certainly chargeable -with inaccuracies, which impair the value of his whole system. Most -conspicuous of these is one pointed out by Mr. Bancroft, to which we -refer the reader below. Señor Perez sets about the verification of his -system by citing the death of a notable personage named Ahpula. He -states that Ahpula died in the sixth year of 13 Ahau, when the first -day of the year was 4 Kan, on the day 9 Imix, the eighteenth of the -month Zip. It is seen that 13 Ahau is the second day of the year 12 -Cauac which falls in the year 1488, also that the year 1493 is the -sixth from the beginning of 13 Ahau, and that its first day is 4 Kan, -which is the title of the year. The day is the eighteenth of the month -Zip, corresponding to the eleventh of September. The statement is also -made that this date fell on 9 Imix. This is tested as follows: The -first month of that year commenced on 4 Kan, which combination names -the year. The number (of the week of thirteen days) is found by adding -seven to the number of the first day of each month successively. The -number of the first day of the first month, Pop, in this case being 4, -the number of the first day of the second month (Uo) would be 4 + 7 -= 11, and that of the first day of the third month (Zip) would be 11 -+ 7 = 18, but as the week consists of but thirteen days, that number -must be substracted, leaving 5 Kan as the first day of Zip. If Zip -begins on the twenty-fifth of August, the day 9 Imix will be found -to correspond both with the eighteenth of Zip and the eleventh of -September, if the Katun week of thirteen days is counted off regularly, -beginning with 5 Kan. Sr. Perez is correct enough in his calculations, -but unfortunately his system of twenty-four years to the Ahau Katun -or his informant as to the correspondence of the Ahau Katunes with -our chronology (no doubt the latter) is incorrect, since the Maya -manuscript furnished and translated by Perez and published in the works -of Stephens and Landa, states explicitly that Ahpula died in A. D. -1536, instead of 1493 (incorrectly printed 1403 in Bancroft’s work), -a date which is irreconcilable with the system of twenty-four years -to the Ahau, reckoned from 1392 as a starting point. Neither will the -statement of Landa that the year 1541 corresponded with the beginning -of 11 Ahau relieve the difficulty, but rather increases it, since it -will neither harmonize with the date of Ahpula’s death given in the -MS. nor with the system by Perez. Furthermore, while Landa gives the -same succession of numerals for the recurrence of the Ahaus, he states -that they embraced but twenty years each, thus making it impossible -for the combinations of names and numerals to correspond to the order -which he lays down for their succession. Landa is no doubt incorrect -in his statement. Sr. Perez is at least consistent in his adaptation -of the length of the Ahau Katun to the order of numerals given by -Landa and others. Recently, M. Delaporte, a member of the Société -Américaine de France, has, by a series of extended calculations, -vindicated the correctness of the statement of Sr. Perez, that the -Ahau Katun embraced twenty-four years. M. de Rosny agrees with M. -Delaporte in his conclusions. The fault of Perez, probably, lies in -his adaptation of the Ahaus to our chronology, and in carelessness. -Amidst these discrepancies it is impossible to fix accurately the -dates of the Maya history, though they can be approximated.[632] Señor -Perez cites Boturini as stating that the day introduced every four -years to compensate for the annual loss of six hours, was observed by -counting the symbol for the three hundred and sixty-fifth day twice, -as the Romans did with their bissextile days, thus leaving the order -undisturbed.[633] - -_The Nahua Calendar_ system closely resembles that of the Mayas, a fact -which adds to the abundant proof that both civilizations had grown up -under nearly the same influences, and that they had largely affected -each other. If the trifling differences of a few writers concerning -some of the details of the Aztec calendar be overlooked, and the best -authorities (together with a little exercise of judgment) be followed, -the system becomes comparatively simple. Sahagun, Leon y Gama, -Humboldt, Veytia, Galatin, McCulloch, Müller, Bancroft, Chavero, and -Prof. Valentini, are the authorities to whom we refer the reader.[634] - -_The Mexican Calendar_ contains divisions as follows: The age, called -_huehuetiliztli_, embraced two cycles of fifty-two years each, thus -equalizing one hundred and four years. The cycle of fifty-two years was -named _xiuhmolpilli_, _xiuhmolpia_, and _xiuhtlalpilli_, signifying the -“binding up of the years” and consisted of four periods of thirteen -years each. These periods or indictions were called “knots,” while the -single years were called _xihuitl_ or “new grass,” because anciently, -before the invention of the calendar, the Nahuas were only able to -distinguish the revolution of the years by the annual appearance of -fresh vegetation and new grass. The age was but little used, the -cycle being the common measure for long periods. The years in a given -cycle were designated as among the Mayas, by means of the consecutive -rotation of four signs, each accompanied with a numeral. The signs were -_tochtli_, “rabbit”; _acatl_, “cane”; _tecpatl_, “flint,” and _calli_, -“house.” The following table illustrates the rotation occurring in one -cycle: - - -------------------------------+-------------------------------+ - 1ST TLALPILLI. | 2D TLALPILLI. | - ------------------+------------+------------------+------------+ - | _Names of | | _Names of | - _Names of | Years | _Names of | Years | - Years._ |Translated._| Years._ |Translated._| - ------------------+------------+------------------+------------+ - Ce Tochtli | 1. Rabbit. | Ce Acatl | 1. Cane. | - Ome Acatl | 2. Cane. | Ome Tecpatl | 2. Flint. | - Yey Tecpatl | 3. Flint. | Yey Calli | 3. House. | - Nahui Calli | 4. House. | Nahui Tochtli | 4. Rabbit. | - Macuilli} | 5. Rabbit. | Macuilli} | 5. Cane. | - Tochtli} | | Acatl } | | - Chicoace} | 6. Cane. | Chicoace} | 6. Flint. | - Acatl } | | Tecpatl} | | - Chicome } | 7. Flint. | Chicome } | 7. House. | - Tecpatl} | | Calli } | | - Chico y Calli | 8. House. | Chico y Tochtli | 8. Rabbit. | - Chico Nahui} | 9. Rabbit. | Chico Nahui} | 9. Cane. | - Tochtli } | | Acatl } | | - Matlactli} |10. Cane. | Matlactli} |10. Flint. | - Acatl } | | Tecpatl } | | - Matlactli } |11. Flint. | Matlactli occe } |11. House. | - occe Tecpatl} | | Calli } | | - Matlactli } |12. House. | Matlactli omome} |12. Rabbit. | - omome Calli } | | Tochtli } | | - Matlactli } |13. Rabbit. | Matlactli omey } |13. Cane. | - omey Tochtli} | | Acatl } | | - ------------------+------------+------------------+------------+ - - -------------------------------+------------------------------- - 3D TLALPILLI. | 4TH TLALPILLI. - ------------------+------------+------------------+------------ - | _Names of | | _Names of - _Names of | Years | _Names of | Years - Years._ |Translated._| Years._ |Translated._ - ------------------+------------+------------------+------------ - Ce Tecpatl | 1. Flint. | Ce Calli | 1. House. - Ome Calli | 2. House. | Ome Tochtli | 2. Rabbit - Yey Tochtli | 3. Rabbit. | Yey Acatl | 3. Cane. - Nahui Acatl | 4. Cane. | Nahui Tecpatl | 4. Flint. - Macuilli} | 5. Flint. | Macuilli} | 5. House. - Tecpatl} | | Calli } | - Chicoace} | 6. House | Chicoace} | 6. Rabbit. - Calli } | | Tochtli} | - Chicome } | 7. Rabbit. | Chicome } | 7. Cane. - Tochtli} | | Acatl } | - Chico y Acatl | 8. Cane. | Chico y Tecpatl | 8. Flint. - Chico Nahui} | 9. Flint. | Chico Nahui} | 9. House. - Tecpatl } | | Calli } | - Matlactli} |10. House. | Matlactli} |10. Rabbit. - Calli } | | Tochtli } | - Matlactli occe} |11. Rabbit. | Matlactli } |11. Cane. - Tochtli } | | occe Acatl } | - Matlactli omome} |12. Cane. | Matlactli } |12. Flint. - Acatl } | | omome Tecpatl} | - Matlactli omey } |13. Flint. | Matlactli } |13. House. - Tecpatl } | | omey Calli } | - -----------------+------------+------------------+---------- - -As in the Maya rotation of years no confusion could occur, so with the -Mexican, as the same combination could be made only once in fifty-two -years. The cycles themselves were distinguished by numbers. Confusion -is liable to arise in studying the early writers, since the Toltecs and -Aztecs began their reckoning on different signs, the former on Tecpatl, -and the latter on Tochtli. The year consisted of eighteen months of -twenty days each, to which were added five days called _nemontemi_ or -“unlucky days.” Every superstition seemed to centre in the _nemontemi_, -for no business of importance nor enterprise of the most insignificant -character would be undertaken upon these days. Both the names of the -months and the particular month which served to begin the year, as well -as the date of the first day of the year, have been fruitful subjects -of controversy between authors. Mr. Bancroft has tabulated the names -given by twenty-one writers, and shown the disagreements existing -between them.[635] The dates for the first day of the year range -between the ninth of January and the tenth of April. Gama, Humboldt and -Gallatin, by careful calculations, have shown that the first year of a -Nahua cycle commenced on the thirty-first day of December, old style, -or on the ninth day of January, new style, with the month Titill and -the day Cipactli.[636] - -The names and order of the months, together with their etymologies, -as adopted by Mr. Bancroft, are as follows: 1. Titill, meaning “our -mother,” according to Boturini, or “fire,” according to Cabrera; 2. -Itzcalli, translated “regeneration” by Boturini, “skill” by the Codex -Vaticanus, and the “sprouting of the grass” by Veytia; 3. Atlcahualco, -meaning the “abating of the waters.” Another name (Quahuillehua) -applied to this month signified “burning of the mountains,” referring -to the forests; 4. Tlacaxipehualiztli, is translated “the flaying of -the people.” Another name applied to this month, Cohuailhuitl, means -the “feast of the snake”; 5. Tozoztontli is rendered “small fast” -or “penance”; 6. Hueytozoztli, means “great fast” or “penance”; 7. -Toxcatl, a “necklace”; 8. Etzalqualiztli, “bean stew” or “maize gruel”; -9. Tecuilhuitzintli, “small feast of the Lord”; 10. Hueytecuilhuitl, -“great feast of the Lord”; 11. Miccailhuitzintli, translated “small -feast of the dead”; 12. Hueymiccailhuitl, “great feast of the -dead”; 13. Ochpaniztli, “cleaning of the streets”; 14. Teotleco, -“arrival of the gods.” The names Pachtli, “moss hanging from trees,” -and Pachtontli, “humiliation,” were often applied to this month; -15. Hueypachtli, “great feast of humiliation,” sometimes called -Tepeilhuitl, “feast of the mountains”; 16. Quecholli, “peacock”; 17. -Panquetzuliztli, “the raising of flags and banners”; 18. Atemoztli, -means the “drying up of the waters.” - -The month, consisting of twenty days, was divided into four weeks -of five days each. Mr. Bancroft states that each of the weeks began -with one of the four signs—Tochtli, Calli, Tecpatl or Acatl, used -to designate the years; but his own engraving of the Aztec month, -and the order of the days on the Calendar-Stone, contradict this -statement.[637] The following are the days in their proper order, with -their translations affixed: 1. Cipactli, “sea-animal,” “sword-fish,” -or “serpent with harpoons.” 2. Ehacatl, “wind.” 3. Calli, “house.” 4. -Cuetzpalin, “lizard.” 5. Coatl, “snake.” 6. Miquiztli, “death.” 7. -Mazatl, “deer.” 8. Tochtli, “rabbit.” 9. Atl, “water.” 10. Itzcuintli, -“dog.” 11. Ozomatli, “monkey.” 12. Mollinalli, “brushwood” or “tangled -grass.” 13. Acatl, “cane.” 14. Ocelotl, “tiger.” 15. Quanhtli, “eagle.” -16. Cozcaquauhtli, “vulture.” 17. Ollin, “movement.” 18. Tecpatl, -“flint.” 19. Quahuitl, “rain.” 20. Xochitl, “flower.” - -The day was divided into sixteen hours.[638] Sahagun and several -authors state that the loss of six hours in each Aztec year was -counterbalanced by the addition of a day every four years. Gama -demonstrates this to be a mistake, and states that they added twelve -and a half days at the close of every cycle of fifty-two years. Mr. -Bancroft cites this fact, and states the time added to have been -thirteen days.[639] - -The Nahuas had also a ritual calendar, for the purpose of reckoning -their religious feasts, which was altogether different from the civil -system, except that it employed the twenty days, the year of 365 days, -and at the end of a cycle added the thirteen days to compensate for the -time lost during that period.[640] The year consisted of two parts, the -first composed of twenty weeks of thirteen days each (for there were no -months in the ritual year) making 260 altogether. This portion of the -year was called _Meztli pohualli_ or the “lunar computation,” from the -fact that half of the time during which the moon is visible is thirteen -days. The smaller part, composed of 105 days reckoned by a continuation -of the periods of thirteen days, was called _Toualpohualli_ or “solar -computation.”[641] The days were numbered from one up to thirteen, the -fourteenth day of the first solar month being counted the first of -another lunar week, and thus the reckoning continued. However, it will -be observed that the same number would fall twice on one name in the -course of a year; accordingly accompanying signs were provided for the -regular names of days. The duplication could not occur if the second -division embraced 104 days instead of 105. - -The distinguishing signs were nine in number, called _quecholli_, -“lords of the night.” They were as follows: Tletl, “fire”; Tecpatl, -“flint”; Xochitl, “flower”; Centeotl, “goddess of maize”; Miquiztli, -“death”; Atl, “water”; Tlazolteotl, “goddess of love”; Tepeyollotli, “a -mountain deity”; Quiahuitl, “rain,” the god Tlaloc. The lords of the -night, though reckoned from the first of the year, were not mentioned -except in connection with the 105 days of the second division. - -The reader will more clearly understand the relation of the two -systems to each other by constructing a table of four parallel columns. -In the left-hand column place the months of one year, numbering the -days of each month in order, but beginning on the ninth day of January. -In the second column place the names of the Mexican months, numbering -the days of each month from one to twenty in regular order. In the -third column place the _names_ of the Mexican days, twenty in number, -repeating them in their regular rotation throughout the year, but -in addition prefix to the names such numerals as will fall opposite -to each in the process of dividing them off into thirteens. These -divisions into thirteens represent the ritual weeks. Acatl being the -13th day of the month will end the first week of the year, and Ocelotl -being the 14th day of the month will constitute the 1st day of the -second week. In the fourth column place the nine signs of the “lords -of the night” in regular order. Divide the year into periods of nines, -and it will be found that the same combination of days of the month -(twenty days), of days of the week (thirteen days), and the “lords of -the night,” will not recur for a considerable period. - -The most remarkable embodiment of this complex system is found in the -symbols and concentric zones graven upon the face of the Calendar -Stone, described in the last chapter. The interpretation of its -mysterious disk was partly accomplished by the learned antiquarian -Leon y Gama; Gallatin, and after him Bancroft presented those -investigations to the public. In 1875 (Nov.), Don Alfredo Chevero, of -the Liceo Hidalgo of Mexico, published his _Calendario Azteca_, in -which it was shown that many of Gama’s interpretations would have to be -abandoned. It was proven that the “Calendar Stone” was a sun-disk or -stone of sacrifice, and that Gama had pursued his investigations with -a mistaken view of its character. Chevero’s account of the history of -the stone is full and satisfactory, Duran being the authority cited. An -interpretation of some of the concentric zones, two in particular, is -attempted with a result somewhat different from that obtained by any -other investigator. Recently, Prof. Ph. Valentini, by the light of his -extensive researches into Nahua literature, has compelled the sun-disk -to give up its secrets. The illustration on the preceding page is a -reproduction of a pen-and-ink drawing made by the Professor from the -most recent and correct photograph which has been made of the Calendar -Stone. It was kindly furnished for this work. The same conclusion -concerning the character of the stone was reached independently by -both Chevero and Valentini. The latter’s account of the stone and -its history is drawn from Tezozomoc, and though agreeing in the main -facts with Duran’s account as rendered by Chevero, bears the evidence -upon its face of independent research.[642] The originality of Prof. -Valentini is vindicated in his masterly interpretation of all the zones -of the Calendar Stone. Whether the interpretation will ever give way to -some other is a question of the future, though it is probable that it -will not. - -[Illustration: The Mexican Calendar Stone.] - -We are indebted to Professor Valentini for a communication on the -History of the Calendar Stone, condensed from his unpublished MS. -_Description and Interpretation of the Mexican Calendar Stone_. An -extract from the communication is as follows: “King Axayacatl of -Mexico, 1466–1480, the builder of the large pyramid, at the approach of -the last year of the national cycle (1479), ordered the altar standing -on the platform of the pyramid to be covered with a stone disk, the -surface of which was to be sculptured with the image of the Sun-god, -and, as the text says, ‘to be surrounded by all the national deities’ -(see Alvaro de Tezozomoc, 1598, _Chronica Mexicana_, Ternaux-Compans, -vol. i, chap. xlvii, pp. 249 _et seq._). A large slab, carried for the -purpose from the quarries of Cuyoacan, when rolled over the bridge -of Xoloc, crushed this structure, fell to the bottom of the lake and -remained there. Another slab was broken and a new bridge built, and -50,000 Indians succeeded in transporting the slab to the foot of the -pyramid, where the sculptor accomplished his task to the satisfaction -of the king. The cyclical festival of the sun (1479) was celebrated, -and on the disk which now had been inserted into the surface of the -sacrificial altar, thousands of captives were slaughtered. The king is -said to have overworked himself, slaying one hundred of the victims, -and feasting upon their flesh and blood—that very soon after he died -in consequence of these exertions. In the year 1512, Montezuma II, for -reasons unknown, expressed the wish to replace the altar cover, which -his father had consecrated, by a new and still larger one. The people, -horrified and out of patience with the bloody proceedings connected -with these consecration festivals of sacrificial disks, contrived to -let the slab, brought expressly for the purpose, fall into the lake -again, pretending as an excuse, that the stone had spoken and said -that it was to go back to the quarry. Montezuma, superstitious as -he was, took the accident for a bad augury, desisted from his plan, -and left the stone in its place. We may thus infer that it was _our_ -disk on which, in the year 1520, those Spaniards of Cortes’ troops -which were made captives had been immolated, and the screams and -cries of whom reached the ears of their comrades, and as Bernal Diaz -narrates, ‘filled their hearts with the most awful forebodings.’ -Cortez demolished the pyramid, and with its débris filled the canals -of the city. The disk was preserved, for we know from Duran, who -wrote a _Historia de la N. España_, 1588, that he and many of his -fellow-citizens had often been standing before this disk admiring it, -until the Archbishop Montufar, scandalized by the existence of such a -barbarous relic, caused it to be buried in the immediate neighborhood -of the Metropolitan cathedral in the year 1551. This procedure was -forgotten; so much so, that when this disk was disinterred in the year -1790, even Gama the archæologist and its later interpreter, had not the -remotest idea what purpose it could have served, for the manuscript -chronicles of Duran and Tezozomoc still slumbered in the dust of the -archives. The viceroy, Reviellagigedo, ordered the disk to be fitted -into the outer wall of one of the towers of the cathedral. There it is -to this day.” - -We now ask your attention to the stone itself. The central circle -contains the face of the Sun-god bedecked with ornaments, earrings, -and jeweled lip. In the next zone we observe four large parallelograms -containing hieroglyphic signs: Nahui Ocelotl, Nahui Ehecatl, Nahui -Quahuitl and Nahui Atl. Between the upper and lower enclosures on both -sides of the central disk are circular figures containing hieroglyphics -resembling claws, said to represent two ancient astrologers, man and -wife, who, according to the early writers, invented the calendar. -These four signs are identical with the days on which, according to -the traditions, the world was destroyed at four different times. -These destructions mark four ages represented by the signs of the day -on which they occurred. These ages were also called suns. The first -destruction occurred in Ce Acatl, and is represented by the sign -Nahui Ocelotl, or 4 Tigre, seen in the upper right-hand tablet. The -small figure above and towards the left is the sign for 1. Tecpatl, a -feast-day kept by the Aztecs in memory of the first destruction. The -second tablet bears the symbol for Ehecatl or Wind, in memory of the -destruction of the world by hurricane, which occurred in the year Ce -Tecpatl or Nahui (4) Ehecatl. Between the tablet and the triangular -figure to the right is a sculpture in which a broken wall with -towers appears. The sign 1. Calli is associated with it, indicating -a ritualistic feast-day kept on that sign. The third tablet bears -the symbol of the rain-god Tlaloc, in memory of the destruction of -the world from frequent rains. The last tablet represents the fourth -destruction by a flood on Nahui Atl in the year Ce Calli. - -The faces of Cox-Cox, the Mexican Noah, and his wife are delineated in -the picture. The symbol for water is seen immediately below the faces. -Between the two lower tablets, two small quadrilateral enclosures -will be observed, each containing five round points, supposed to mean -10 Ollin (the sun being called _ollin tonatiuh_). Below the lower -tablets and almost in contact with the next concentric circle are the -hieroglyphics 1. Quiahuitl and 2. Ozomatli. The first, namely 10 Ollin, -corresponds with our twenty-second of September in the first year of -a cycle, and its hieroglyphic on this astronomical disk represents -the autumnal equinox. At the extreme top of the Calendar Stone is a -central figure, well known to be the hieroglyphic for 13 Acatl. This -fact known, the interpretation of the two remaining symbols is easy. -In the year 13 Acatl, the day 1. Quiahuitl would correspond to our -twenty-second of March, and represent the vernal equinox. In the same -year 2. Ozomatli would correspond with our twenty-second of June, or -summer solstice. Thus it is that the stone speaks and testifies to -the astronomical knowledge of the Aztecs, the accuracy of which casts -into the shade the imperfect Julian Calendar in use by Europeans at -the time of the conquest. In the next zone, encircling that which -contains the tablets of the cosmological ages, are twenty enclosures, -containing the symbols of the twenty days. The triangular pointer -which extends upwards from the crest of the sun-face indicates the -dividing line between the first and last days of the month. Cipactli, -whose hieroglyphic stands at the left of the pointer is unquestionably -distinguished as the first day of the month. The second symbol to the -left is that of the second day Ehecatl, wind, the third Calli, house, -the fourth Cuetzpalin, lizard, the fifth snake, and so on to the end -of the list. In the next zone we find a succession of small squares, -each enclosing five round points. The circle is divided into four parts -by four large triangular pointers or gnomons. In each division of the -zone are ten squares containing five points each, or in the four, -we have 200 points. Gama states that the space for sixty additional -points is occupied by the feet or curves of the large indices. By -experiment it is found that the mean of the space occupied by the -feet of the pointers is equal to the width of one and a half of the -square enclosures. Eight times this space gives us twelve squares with -sixty points. Thus we have the ritualistic division or lunar reckoning -(Metzli pohualli) of 260 days. In the next zone the symbols of the -remaining 105 days or solar reckoning of the ritualistic year is found. -Eight pointers divide the circle; the six upper divisions of which -contain each ten figures resembling a grain of maize, while the two -lower divisions have but five figures in each. This gives us seventy -figures. Under each limb of the pointers is space for one and a half of -the figures, giving twenty-four more or ninety-four in all. The space -of ten additional figures is occupied by the helm-plumes of the heads -which are figured at the lower margin of the stone. This gives us 104 -figures, or one less than the required number. It will be remembered -that the five intercalary days called the nemontemi, or unlucky -days, though reckoned in regular order at the close of each year, -were considered separate and apart from it. The artist who executed -the Calendar Stone has carried out this custom in placing the figures -of the nemontemi between the tablets of the two last destructions of -nature, where they will be found by themselves. It will be observed -that four of the signs correspond to those wanting under the lower -pointer and the adjacent plumes, with this further departure from the -general plan of the design, that the central figure or maize grain -corresponds to the space between the limbs of the great pointer below. -Here, then, we have the missing symbol, and are able to find the 105 -hieroglyphics of days for the lesser division of the year. The two -zones consequently represent the complete year of 365 days. - -The most conspicuous of the remaining zones is the outer, and last of -all. The attention is asked to one of the twenty-four quadrangular -figures composing it. The Mexican Codices in the Kingsborough -collection furnish similar symbols for the cycle of 52 years.[643] The -ancient Mexicans had a superstition that in the last night of the 52d -year of their cycle the sun would destroy the world. Consequently, at -every recurrence of the eventful night, all fires were extinguished, -the people clothed themselves in mourning, and forming a long -procession, repaired to a neighboring mountain, where at midnight a -priest sacrificed a man in their presence. A second priest placed a -round block of dry wood over the ghastly wound from which the heart -had been torn; while a third, kneeling over the corpse, rested a hard -shaft or stick upon the block, revolving it between his two hands -with pressure until the friction produced fire. This was considered -a promise from the god that the destruction of the world would be -postponed until another cycle had elapsed.[644] A moment’s observation -will disclose the fire symbol in the hieroglyphics for the cycle -as delineated on the stone; the perpendicular shaft with handles, -surrounded by flames and smoke, rising from a hole below. In the same -zone, above, we have two groups of pleats or bow-like figures, which -are clearly proven to be the symbol for the binding of two 52-year -cycles into an age.[645] - -The zone immediately within the one we have been considering, contains -the symbols of the rain-god Tlaloc. No writer has as yet given a -satisfactory explanation of the plumed head at the bottom of the stone. -It will be readily seen that the two serpent heads, plumed, and with -extended jaws, armed above and below with great fangs, enclose two -human faces. These are but the heads of the serpents whose bodies -constitute the outer zone of the disk and terminate in the triangular -points above. - -If the reader will but turn to our cut of the serpent temple at Uxmal -(p. 394), the same symbol of Cukulcan or Quetzalcoatl, the feathered -serpent, will be seen. Dr. Le Plongeon, in his recent researches, is -convinced that Uxmal was built, or more properly rebuilt, by Nahua -invaders, who afterwards became amalgamated with the Mayas.[646] Most -of the Mexican historians represent Quetzalcoatl as the founder of -the Nahua civilization. Torquemada states that he was their leader -when they first arrived in Mexico.[647] If the “Feathered Serpent” -was the founder of their institutions, it was not inappropriate for -the Aztec artist to place the hero’s face at the bottom of the stone, -and represent the symbols of the cycles as huge scales upon his body, -since the influence of the civilization which he established had been -felt throughout their entire history. To return to Prof. Valentini’s -investigations, it will be observed that there are twenty-four of the -cycle symbols, two of which are nearly hidden under the helm-plumes. -The product of 24 and 52 gives us a period of 1248 years. But what have -we to do with this result? The triangular-shaped figures which point to -the central tablet cut at the top of the stone, indicate that we must -make a calculation, and it remains for us to interpret that symbol. It -is recognizable as the sign Acatl accompanied by the number thirteen; a -year which, according to the authentic tables of reduction, corresponds -to the year 1479 A. D.; a date which is confirmed as being the year in -which the Calendar Stone was finished and set up in the great pyramid -of Mexico by the statement of the native writer Tezozomoc, that its -author, King Axayacatl, became ill from his exertions at the tragic -celebrations of the completion of the temple and lived scarcely a year, -at the same time fixing the date of his death in 1480. If we subtract -1248 years from the known date 1479 A. D., we have the year 231 A. D.; -a date which no doubt marks the beginning of the national era of the -Nahuas, and probably designates the year of their arrival in Mexico -by the ports of Tampico, Xicalanco and Bacalar. Thus it is that the -uncertainty of the traditions relating to the obscure events of early -Nahua history is removed, and we are enabled to settle upon the third -century of our era as the period when the great migration took place. -We will say more than Professor Valentini or his predecessor; we -believe this to be the date of the migration from Hue hue Tlapalan, the -country of the Mound-builders of the Mississippi valley, and we further -think we are sustained in this view both by the early writers and by -the condition of the mounds and shell-heaps of the United States. At -first thought, it would seem that the year 231 might be the date in -which the astrologers assembled in Hue hue Tlapalan for the correction -of the calendar (a fact to which we have previously referred), but it -is distinctly stated that the assembly convened in the year 1 Tecpatl; -a date which, according to the received reduction tables, corresponds -to the year 29 B. C. - -Humboldt by an elaborate discussion has satisfactorily shown the -relative likeness of the Nahua Calendar to that of Asia. He cites the -fact that the Chinese, Japanese, Calmouks, Mongols, Mantchoux and -other hordes of Tartars have cycles of sixty years duration, divided -into five brief periods of twelve years each. The method of citing -a date by means of signs and numbers is quite similar with Asiatics -and Mexicans.[648] He further shows satisfactorily that the majority -of the names of the twenty days employed by the Aztecs are those of -a zodiac used since the most remote antiquity among the peoples of -Eastern Asia.[649] Cabrera thinks he finds analogies between the -Mexican and Egyptian calendars. Adopting the view of several writers -(Acosta, Clavigero and others) that the Mexican year began on the 26th -of February, he finds the date to correspond to the beginning of the -Egyptian year. He also observes that both peoples intercalated five -days at the close of their year.[650] M. Jomard, quoted by Delafield, -denies that the Egyptians intercalated, but believes sufficient -analogies exist to prove a common origin for the Theban and Mexican -calendars;[651] his argument, however, is worthless, as are many others -of a similar character. - -_Religious Analogies._—In contrast with the obscure subject of the -calendar requiring such close attention, we present to the reader -a few of the analogies supposed to exist between Mexican and other -religious systems. The majority of our references will be made more -with a view to satisfying curiosity than for the establishment of -a theory. Argument from analogy is at best unscientific—it proves -nothing. It is a matter of surprise how much has been written to -establish the theory that the Mexicans were descendants of the Jews -both in race and religion. Mr. Bancroft has collected many of Lord -Kingsborough’s arguments in proof of the theory to which he devoted -his fortune and sacrificed his life. We have done a similar work with -a somewhat different arrangement, and call the attention of the reader -to some of the fanciful and we must add mirth-provoking analogies to -which the great Americanist attached so much importance. “The Mexicans -spoke of their god as the _invisible and incorporeal Unity_, and they -furthermore believed man to be created in his image.”[652] He states -further that the doctrine of the trinity was also held by them.[653] He -considers that Eden and the temptation were portrayed by the American -artists. “The Toltecs had paintings of a garden with a single tree -standing in the midst, one especially drawn on coarse paper of the -Aloe, round the root of which tree is entwined a serpent, whose head -appearing above the foliage displays the features and countenance of a -woman. * * * Torquemada admits the existence of this tradition amongst -them, and agrees with the Indian historians who affirm this was the -first woman in the world who had children, and from whom all mankind -are descended.”[654] - -Lord Kingsborough is no doubt warranted in holding that the Nahuas -were of old world origin at a very remote period prior to their having -developed any special tribal characteristics, because of their singular -and we think certain knowledge of the Mosaic deluge; but he is not -justified in claiming for them any particular relationship to the -Jewish or any Shemitic people.[655] - -In a preceding chapter we have given the deluge tradition from -Ixtlilxochitl, who states that the waters rose _fifteen cubits_ -(caxtolmoletltli) above the highest mountains, and that a few escaped -in a close chest (toptlipetlacali), and after men had multiplied, they -erected a very high _zacuali_ or tower, in order to take refuge in it -should the world be again destroyed. He further states that then their -speech was confused, so that they could not understand each other, and -that they dispersed to different parts of the earth.[656] Whether the -native historian of Tezcuco who gives us this account, so remarkable -for its similarity to the Mosaic, was influenced by Spanish priests -and warped from the truth, we are not prepared to affirm at this -distant day, since such an assumption would strike the very keystone -from the arch upon which all historical evidence rests. Much of the -aversion to the view that the Mexican deluge legends are authentic -and of old world origin, has been generated by the unscientific and -presumptuous style of most of its advocates. Lord Kingsborough himself -is ever ready to catch at a straw, and out of customs the most remote -to evolve an analogy. Nevertheless, we are not at liberty to reject -the Mexican deluge legend as a fable without assuming the burden of -proof.[657] Remarkable parallels (?) in the history of both Jews and -Mexicans are thought to be discovered by the sanguine Kingsborough. -Of a number, two or three specimens will suffice. Hue hue Tlapalan is -claimed to have been situated on the Californian coast since the Gulf -of California until a late period was called the _red river_ or _gulf_, -a name they brought with them.[658] Again: “As the Israelites were -conducted from Egypt by Moses and Aaron who were accompanied by their -sister Miriam, so the Aztecs departed from Aztlan under the guidance -of Huitziton and Tecpalzin, the former of whom is named by Acosta and -Herrera, Mixi, attended likewise by their sister Quilaztli, or as she -is otherwise named Chimalman or Malinatli, both of which names have -some resemblance to Miriam as Mixi has to Moses.”[659] “The destruction -of the rebellious Kohra (Gen. xvi) is repeated after the arrival of -the Mexicans at Tulan, who, enchanted with the land, were unwilling -to go further in search of their promised land. They murmured at -Huitzilopochtli, and suffered a dreadful punishment at his hands that -night by the death of every one who had rebelled against his will.”[660] - -Lord Kingsborough discovers in a Mexican painting in the Bodleian -library, a symbol resembling the jaw-bone of an ass, from the side -of which water flows forth. This, of course, commemorated the story -of Sampson.[661] Among the conspicuous doctrines held by both Jews -and Mexicans, we note that the latter believed their children to be -the gift of Tezcatlipoca as the former ascribed them to the favor -of Jehovah.[662] The doctrine of sin and atonement was held by -the Mexicans. Confession and sacrifice of atonement were common, -for “half the offerings represented in the Mexican paintings were -trespass-offerings, or sacrifices for the commission of sins.”[663] -“The Mexicans, like the Jews, were accustomed to do penance by sitting -on the ground, in which posture their priests are often represented -in the Mexican paintings.”[664] “The Mexicans were as punctilious -about washings and ablutions as the Jews.”[665] Baptism was considered -the means of regeneration in Yucatan,[666] and was practised by the -Mexicans as a religious ceremony.[667] Both peoples had devils and the -leprosy,[668] both considered women who died in child-bed as worthy -of honor as soldiers who fall in battle.[669] The doctrine of hell, -according to the most orthodox theology, was held by the Mexicans.[670] -Both Jews and Mexicans believed in the resurrection of the body and the -immortality of the soul.[671] The latter people sprinkled the face of -a corpse with water as a baptism after death.[672] Numerous analogies -are found to exist between the Mosaic and the religious code of the -Mexicans, as in profanity, sabbath-keeping, disobedience to parents, -the smiting of a servant to death, and in the punishment by stoning of -persons guilty of fornication and adultery.[673] Kingsborough maintains -that circumcision was performed on the eighth day, declaring it to -have “prevailed thousands of leagues along the coast of the Atlantic, -amongst nations very remote from each other, and who spoke very -different languages.”[674] Both peoples had a mutual disgust for swine -flesh, and refused to eat the blood of any animal.[675] The latter -statement is altogether unwarranted in fact. The ceremonial of both -peoples have many features in common. As the Jews killed the paschal -lamb in the evening, so the Mexicans offered up their sacrifices at -night.[676] The Jews in Mexico substituted llamas for sheep in their -sacrifices.[677] Both Jews and Mexicans worshipped toward the east, -or toward their chief temples, and both called the _south_ by the -designation of “right-hand of the world.”[678] Both burned incense -toward the four corners of the earth.[679] As David leaped and danced -before the ark of the Lord, so did the Mexican monarchs before their -idols.[680] Both peoples had an ark, and Duran states that in the ark -of the Aztecs which figured so prominently in their migration, was -the image of their invisible god.[681] Numerous analogies relating -to astrology, omens, witchcraft, dreams, etc., are recorded.[682] -References to prophecy are not wanting: Quetzalcoatl predicted the -destruction of the temple of Cholula, furnishing a parallel to Christ’s -prophecy of the destruction of the temple.[683] In the Mexican -mythology, by means of an active imagination, he finds an allusion to -the “stone which was carved without hands.”[684] A tiger represented -in the Bologna MS. he supposes to be the lion of the tribe of Juda—the -Jews of the New World having metamorphosed it into a tiger.[685] -Kingsborough supposes that the crosses found in Mexico may have been -carried there by Irish monks, “especially,” he adds, “as M. de Humboldt -informs us that the first Spanish monks and missionaries gravely -discussed the question of whether Quetzalcoatl was an Irishman.”[686] -The fanaticism of the eminent Americanist, however, reaches its -culmination in his supposed discovery of analogies to Christ in Mexican -mythology. The story of the virgin, the annunciation, and the identity -of Christ and Quetzalcoatl, are clearly discernible to his practised -eye.[687] Christ stilled the tempest, and, like Quetzalcoatl, was god -of the air.[688] In Yucatan, in the priestly fable of Bacab, he finds a -complete and true account of the trinity.[689] It is hardly necessary -for us to remark that these ingenious comparisons, tinged with a -coloring of fanaticism and yet so full of interest, are useless to the -cause of science and prove nothing. With the single exception of the -remarkable tradition of the deluge and its literal correspondence in -detail to the Mosaic account, we must dismiss the multitude of supposed -analogies between Mexican and Hebrew traditions, customs and religion, -which Kingsborough and others have discovered, as either imaginary or -accidental.[690] - -The hypothesis that the Nahua religion may have received some of its -characteristics from India is altogether plausible and not without -support in resemblances. The cosmological conception of the egg and -serpent is found, as previously stated, on Brush Creek, in Adams -County, Ohio. It certainly comes to us from Asiatic India. Serpent -worship, not only among the people of the mounds but especially of -Mexico, is the most patent fact revealed to us in ancient American -sculpture. “Humboldt thinks he sees in the snake cut in pieces, the -famous serpent Kaliya or Kalinaga, conquered by Vishnu, when he took -the form of Krishna, and in the Mexican Toua-tiuh, the Hindu Krushna, -sung of in the Bhagavata-Purana.”[691] Count Stolberg and Tschudi have -both made arguments in favor of this view.[692] Humboldt characterizes -Quetzalcoatl as the Buddha of the Mexicans, the founder of the monastic -establishments resembling those of Thibet and Western Asia.[693] He -further considers the flood of which they speak, identical with that -of which traditions are preserved by the Hindoos, the Chinese, and the -Shemitic peoples. - -Advocates of Scandinavian analogies in religion are not wanting. -Although Viollet-le-Duc finds parallels existing between the -Brahmanistic ideas of divinity and passages of the _Popol Vuh_, still -he is of the opinion that the strongest resemblances have been found -to exist between the religious customs of the Scandinavians and those -recorded in the _Popol Vuh_.[694] Humboldt remarks, “we have fixed the -special attention of our readers upon this Votan or Wodan, an American -who appears of the same family with the Wods or Odins of the Goths -and of the peoples of Celtic origin. Since, according to the learned -researches of Sir William Jones, Odin and Buddha are probably the same -person, it is curious to see the names of _Bondvar_, _Wodansdag_ and -_Votan_ designating in India, Scandinavia, and in Mexico, the day of a -brief period.”[695] - -Lafitau, in his _Mœurs des Sauvages_, is as enthusiastic in his -advocacy of the theory that the ancient Americans derived their -religion from the Greeks, as Kingsborough is certain that it was of -Jewish origin. He devotes his fourth chapter, and furnishes numerous -illustrations, in support of his view.[696] Our limited space precludes -the possibility of presenting in full the analogies discovered -by the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg between the Mexican deities and -those of Greece and Egypt. If we hesitate sometimes in accepting his -conclusions, we cannot but wonder at his erudition and his zeal in -research. He calls attention to the fact that the cult of Pan and -Hermes were identical in Greece, and refers to Maia, a personification -of the earth, and the mother of the Hermes having been the consort -of Zeus or Pan himself. So in Mexico he finds Pan in the person of -_Cipactoual_, who, under the name of _Cuextecatl_, has for his consort -_Maia_ or _Maiaoel_. This god was adored in all parts of Mexico and -Central America, and at _Panuco_ or _Panco_, literally _Panopolis_, the -Spaniards found upon their entrance into Mexico, superb temples and -images of Pan.[697] The names of both Pan and Maia enter extensively -into the Maya vocabulary, _Maia_ being the same as _Maya_, the -principal name of the peninsula, and _pan_, making Mayapan, the ancient -capital. In the Nahua language _pan_ or _pani_ signifies “equality to -that which is above,” and _Pantecatl_ was the progenitor of all beings. -The Abbé has little difficulty in proving the identity of Zamna, -Hunab-ku and other Maya deities, with the gods of Greece.[698] In the -name of the Egyptian god Horus, he finds the significance of hurricane, -or in the dialects of the Antilles, _huracan_ or _urogan_, the god -Hurakan of the Quichés. Also in the Egyptian hieroglyphic symbol which -Salvolini found equivalent to the phonetic K, namely, the singular -reptile _Uraeus_, which resembles a serpent in an erect position -with an enlarged body, and employed extensively as a decoration in -hair of the Egyptian deities and the Pharaohs; he sees the emblem of -Quetzalcoatl (Ketzalcohuatl) the feathered-serpent, called Gukumatz -in Quiché, and Kukulcan in Maya. The same symbol is represented on -the Egyptian monuments with a feather rising from the serpent’s -crest.[699] It would be easy to pursue these ingenious comparisons -through a number of pages, but we question their value in throwing any -light on the subject in hand. The reader will find them scattered in -profusion through the voluminous writings of the learned Abbé. It is -sufficient to say that most of the seeming analogies between the new -and old world religions cannot be other than accidental, since it is -probable that the aborigines entered our continent at a very remote -antiquity, long before the religions with which theirs have been so -persistently compared, took on their distinctive features. If after -they were separated from the rest of the world by seas and mountains, -the Americans developed religious systems presenting analogies to -those of other lands, it furnishes us but another proof of the common -parentage and brotherhood of the race, of the universal outgoing of the -human mind after the deity, and the sameness of mental operations and -processes under the same given conditions.[700] - - - - - CHAPTER X. - - LANGUAGE AND ITS RELATION TO NORTH AMERICAN MIGRATIONS. - - Diversity of Languages in America — Causes of Diversity — Richness - of American Languages — Polysynthesis — Grimm’s Law — The - Maya-Quiché Languages — Stability of the Maya — Oldest American - Language — The Maya compared to the Greek, the Hebrew, the - North European, the Basque, West African, and the Quichua - Languages — Epitome of Maya Grammar — The Mizteco-Zapotec - Languages — The Nahua or Aztec — The Classic Tongue — Ancient - and Modern Nahua — Epitome of Aztec Grammar — Geographical - Extension of the Aztec — In the South — In the North-west — - Buschmann’s Researches — Sonora Family — Opata-Tarahumar-Pima - Family — Moqui and Aztec Elements — Aztec in the Shoshone and - in the Languages of Oregon and the Columbian Region — Line - of Aztec Elements — The Nahua probably the Language of the - Mound-builders — The Otomi — Supposed Chinese Analogies — - Japanese Analogies — Geographical Names. - - -Language in aboriginal America may be pronounced a mystery of mysteries -and a Babel of Babels. Mr. Bancroft has catalogued nearly six hundred -distinct languages, existing between northern Alaska and the Isthmus -of Panama. Many of these, however, scarcely deserve to be called more -than dialects; while each has its individuality, it is true that all -have certain characteristics in common, a fact which by some has been -considered sufficient ground for belief in the unity of the American -race, a hypothesis which is by no means tenable. The geographical -division and intermixture of languages, for instance, in California, -is without a parallel elsewhere in the world. By the accidents -attendant upon savage life, resulting from ceaseless hostilities and -the frequent inroads of tribes upon their neighbors, a nation has often -been scattered in fragments, and its refugees, separated into small -bands, have taken up their residence in the midst of other tribes at -localities far removed from their central home. In a generation or -two a modification of the parent speech has been brought about by the -surrounding influences, all of which vary in the several localities in -which the refugees have found their new homes. New tribes thus formed, -soon become unintelligible to their brothers, who have developed a -dialect under different influences from theirs. When we consider that -for thousands of years this wholesale division and subdivision of -tribes and languages has been going on, as the result of ceaseless -hostilities, we can easily account for the multitude of languages -and dialects on the one hand, and the existence of a thread of unity -or similarity on the other, said to run through them all. Supposing -the continent to have received its population from several different -quarters, the natural expectation would be that in the course of time -this process of general intermixture would result in developing in -each language much that was common to the others—hence the foundation -for the hypothesis of their unity of origin. In the study of American -languages it has often been a matter of surprise that their structure -and expressiveness indicates a degree of perfection far in advance of -the civilization out of which they had sprung. This superiority, we -think, can be accounted for on the principle, first, that the evolution -of languages on this continent has been more active and constant -here than elsewhere, though unfortunately not always operating under -favorable conditions; and second, that in the frequent catastrophes -which have resulted from inter-tribal warfare, even in language, the -law of the survival of the fittest is apparent, in the preservation -of those etymological forms and principles of structure which are -most useful. We by no means agree with the eminent philologist Dr. -W. Farrar, F.R.S., chaplain to the Queen, and others who, taking -but a partial and second-hand view of American languages, pronounce -their elaborateness a childish excess, and their vaunted wealth a -concealment of their poverty.[701] An examination of the poems of -Nezahualcoyotl, king of Tezcuco, recorded by Ixtlilxochitl, will -afford sufficient proof of the expressiveness and richness of the -Aztec language.[702] The song on the “Mutability of Life” and the ode -on the tyrant Tezozomoc have often been translated and admired.[703] -One of the leading characteristics of American language, it has been -said, is “_agglutination_,” but we must add that the term employed is -not sufficiently comprehensive. “Agglutination,” says Farrar, “may be -described as that principle of linguistic structure which consists -in the mere placing of unaltered roots side by side; as when to -express ‘discipline’ the Chinese say ‘law-soldier,’ or for ‘elders’ -‘father-mother,’ or for ‘enjoyment’ ‘luxury-play-food-clothes.’”[704] - -The term _polysynthesis_, the synthesis of many words into one, with a -little explanation will describe the characteristic, so prominent, to -which we allude. In their polysynthesis, the syllables or words which -are compressed into one long word, no longer retain their individual -forms, but are clipped and altered so as to be scarcely recognizable. -A sentence by this process of fusion is compressed into a single -long word. Dr. Farrar cites the following example from the Aztec: -_achichillacachocan_, means “the place where people weep because the -water is red.” The component parts are: _atl_ “water,” _chichiltic_ -“red,” _tlacatl_ “man,” _chorea_ “weep,” all of which have nearly lost -their identity in the inflection and contraction necessary in the -synthesis.[705] As in the Aryan and other families, Grimm’s system of -_Lautverschiebung_—sound changing, or shunting—better known by Prof. -Max Müller’s designation as “Grimm’s law” prevails, so there are groups -or families in northern Mexico pointed out by Buschmann to which -this law is clearly applicable. No doubt the number of relationships -already established between aboriginal languages, as the result of -classification, will be greatly augmented when, if ever, the subject -receives special attention.[706] Mr. Bancroft classifies the languages -in his catalogue under three great families, namely, the Tinneh, Aztec -and Maya. The first, which covers the territory around the northern -extremity of the Rocky Mountains, and sends its offshoots as far south -as northern Mexico, only concerns us incidentally in treating the -ancient languages of North America.[707] The two families (and their -far-reaching branches) in which we are interested, are the Maya and the -Aztec, the latter the survivor of the speech of the Nahuas. - -To the Maya, or rather, the Maya-Quiché stock, no doubt belongs the -greatest antiquity assignable to any language or languages on the -continent. The mother tongue, the Maya, prevails throughout all of -Yucatan, and together with its dialects extends itself over Tabasco, -Chiapas and Guatemala, and is even present in the states of Tamaulipas -and Vera Cruz, in the Huastic and Totonac languages. Numerous -catalogues of the branches of this family have been made, but the most -recent, and we think the most complete, is one constructed in 1876 on -Señor Pimentel’s classification by the Mexican scholar, Señor Garcia y -Cubas. It is as follows: 1. Yucateco or Maya; 2. Punctunc; 3. Lacandon -or Xochinel; 4. Peten or Itzae; 5. Chañabal, Comiteco, Jocolobal; 6. -Chol or Mopan; 7. Chorti or Chorte. 8. Cakchi, Caichi, Cachi or Cakgi; -9. Ixil, Izil; 10. Coxoh; 11. Quiché, Utlatec; 12. Zutuhil, Zutugil, -Atiteca, Zacapula; 13. Cachiquel, Cachiquil; 14. Tzotzil, Zotzil, -Tzinanteco, Cinanteco; 15. Tzendal, Zendal; 16. Mame, Mem, Zaklohpakap; -17. Poconchi, Pocoman; 18. Atche, Atchi; 19. Huastic, and probably -20. the Haytian, Quizqueja or Itis, with their affinities, the Cuban, -Boriguan and Jamaican languages.[708] - -The author of the above list has compensated us for its length by -giving each of the names with its variation in orthography according -to different writers. The classification is altogether superior to any -other. The Maya is of peculiar interest to us, especially since within -the territory over which it extends are found the most celebrated -architectural remains known to Central American archæology. The -majority of the sculptured tablets which are preserved are no doubt -in the Maya or some of its dialects. What is most satisfactory to us, -is the probability that the language is spoken to-day by the mass of -the native population of Yucatan as it was anciently, for says Señor -Pimentel, “the Indians have preserved this idiom with such tenacity -that to this day they will speak no other,” and he adds that it is -necessary for the whites to address them in their own tongue in order -to communicate with them.[709] - -Señor Orozco y Berra furnishes us evidence that little change has -taken place in the language since the earliest times, in the statement -that all the geographical names of the peninsula are Maya, which -is considered proof in his judgment that the Mayas were the first -occupants of the country.[710] It is but a reasonable expectation, -therefore, that at no distant day, by the aid of Landa’s alphabet, the -inscriptions will be compelled to reveal their mysterious contents. -The Tzendal, the language in which Votan is said to have written a -history of the foundation of his city, and still spoken near the ruins -of Palenque, is said to have been the oldest of American languages, -but linguistic investigations have proven that it is an offshoot from -the Maya, the mother tongue.[711] It is probable that the Maya was -first planted at some point in the territory which it now occupies, and -gradually extended its domain until its colonies reached northern Vera -Cruz and southern Nicaragua. Whether at any time it was the language -of a people inhabiting central and southern Mexico at a date anterior -to the arrival of the Nahuas, is unknown though probable. Señor Orozco -y Berra has shown by linguistic studies that probably the Mayas -occupied the Atlantic seaboard of the United States, having in their -migration passed from the Floridian peninsula to Cuba and thence to the -other Caribbean isles, and to Yucatan. He states that the Mayas possess -traditions of a northern home from which they passed by means of the -islands of the Gulf to Yucatan. Both he and Señor Pimentel agree that -the languages of the West Indies belong to the Maya family.[712] - -The characteristics of the Maya-Quiché languages are; flexibility, -expressiveness, vigor, approximating harshness, yet on the contrary -rich and musical in sound. The Maya itself has more than once been -compared to the Greek, and even said to be derived from it. Dr. Le -Plongeon, who for four years has been exploring the ruins of Yucatan -and especially of Chichen-Itza, writes thus in connection with the -discovery of a well-sculptured bear’s head at Uxmal: “When did bears -inhabit the peninsula? Strange to say, the Maya does not furnish the -name for bear. Yet one-third of this tongue is pure Greek. Who brought -the dialect of Homer to America? Or who took to Greece that of the -Mayas? Greek is the offspring of the Sanscrit. Is Maya? Or are they -coeval? A clue for ethnologists to follow the migrations of the human -family on this old continent. Did the bearded men whose portraits -are carved on the massive pillars of the fortress at Chichen-Itza, -belong to the Mayan nations? The Maya is not devoid of words from the -Assyrian.”[713] He does not hesitate to say that “the Maya, containing -words from almost every language, ancient or modern, is well worth -the attention of philologists,” a statement which might with but -little breach of propriety be made as well concerning almost any -other language. In referring to its antiquity, the writer says, “I -must speak of that language which has survived unaltered through the -vicissitudes of the nations that spoke it thousands of years ago, and -is yet the general tongue in Yucatan—the Maya. There can be no doubt -that this is one of the most ancient languages on earth. It was used by -a people that lived at least 6000 years ago, as proved by the Katuns, -to record the history of their rulers, the dogmas of their religion, on -the walls of their palaces, on the façades of their temples.”[714] The -Mexican scholar, Señor Melgar, is convinced that he sees resemblances -between the names employed by the Chiapenecs in their calendar, and -the Hebrew, and furnishes comparative lists to sustain his hopeless -theory.[715] - -The speculations of the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg are none the -less remarkable and about equally as plausible as those of Dr. Le -Plongeon or Señor Melgar. The Abbé after years of study among the -peoples of Central America, was convinced beyond a doubt that a marked -relationship existed between the Quiché-Cakchiquel and Zutugil and the -languages of the north of Europe. He considers the evidence sufficient -that peoples speaking the Germanic and Scandinavian languages migrated -to Central America and infused their idioms into the Maya.[716] - -With Mr. Bancroft we agree that no value can be attached to these -speculations, until impartial comparisons are made by scholars who -have no theories to substantiate. It is worthy of note that several -eminent scholars have observed the remarkable similarity of grammatical -structure between the Central American and certain transatlantic -languages, especially the Basque[717] and some of the languages of -Western Africa.[718] Dr. Le Plongeon, after several years spent amid -the antiquities of Peru and in the study of the Quichua language, -says, “The Quichua contains many words that seem closely allied to the -dialects spoken by the nations inhabiting the regions called to-day -Central America, and the Maya tongue.” In referring to the mural -paintings at Chichen-Itza, he further remarks, “By comparing them with -those of the Quichuas, I cannot but believe that Manco’s ancestors -emigrated from Xilbalba or Mayapan, carrying with them the notions of -the northern country.”[719] Interesting as these speculations are, they -must be received with allowance and viewed with doubt, until thorough -linguistic researches test their value. - -The most important features of Maya grammar are as follows: The letters -of the alphabet are, a b c ɔ e, ch, c_h_, h, i, k, l, m, n, o, p, _p_, -ó, pp, t, th, tz, u, x, y, _y_, z. The letter ɔ is pronounced like the -English _dj_, _h_ is not aspirated, _th_ is hard, and the _k_ guttural. -Much of the beauty of the pronunciation depends on the elision of -certain vowels and consonants, as for instance instead of _ma in kati_ -they say _min kati_, or instead of _ti ca otoch_ they would say _ti c -otoch_. The plural is distinguished from the singular by the addition -of _ob_ (those). Verbs ending in _an_ take _tac_ in the plural. The -masculine of rational beings is denoted by the prefix _ab_, the -feminine by _ix_. The words _xibil_ and _chupul_, signifying male and -female respectively, are used to express the gender of animals. The -case of nouns is determined by their position in the sentence and -their relation to the prepositions, the most frequent of the latter -being _ti_, which has various significations. Adjectives accompanying -substantives always precede them, but the number is only expressed -by the substantive. The comparative is formed by adding _l_ to the -adjective, sometimes _il_, and prefixing _u_ or _y_ the pronoun of the -third person. The superlative is formed by prefixing _hach_ to the -positive. - -The Maya pronouns are as follows: - -----------------------------+------------------------+------------------ - _Personal Pronouns._ | _Possessives._ | _Reciprocals._ -----------------------------+------------------------+------------------ -Ten, en, I |In, u, Mine. |Inba, Myself. -Tech, ech, Thou. |A, au, Thine. |Aba, Thyself. -Lay, laylo, lo, He, that. |U, i, His, of that.|Uba, Himself. -Toon, on, We. |Ca, Ours. |Caba, Ourselves. -Teex, ex, You. |Aex, auex, Yours. |Abaex, Yourselves. -Loob, ob, They, those.|Uob, yob, Of those. |Ubaob, Themselves. -----------------------------+------------------------+------------------ - -The verb has four conjugations and that of the auxiliary _teni_, to -be, the present tense of which is the same as the personal pronouns -given in the left hand column, _Ten_, _Tech_, etc. The other cases are -as follows: Imperfect, _Ten cuchi_; Perfect, _Ten hi_; Pluperfect, -_Ten hi-ilicuchi_; Future, _Bin ten-ac_; Future perfect, _Ten hi-ili -coshom_; Imperative, _Ten-ac_; Subjunctive present, _Ten-ac en_; -Imperfect, _Hi ten-ac_. - -The verb _Nacal_, to ascend, of the first conjugation, is inflected as -follows: - - PRESENT INDICATIVE. - -Singular, 1st per., _Nacal in cah_; 2d per., _Nacal a cah_; 3d per., -_Nacal u cah_. - -Plural, 1st per., _Nacal ca cah_; 2d per., _Nacal a-cah-ex_; 3d per., -_Nacal-u-cah-ob_. - -The Imperfect, _Nacal in cah-cuchi_; Perfect, _Nac-en_; Pluperfect, -_Nacen ili cuchi_; Future, _Bin nacac-en_; Future perfect, _Nacen -ili-cuchom_; Imperative, _Nacen_. - - - THE LORD’S PRAYER IN MAYA. - - Cayum ianeeh ti càannob cilichthantabac akaba; tac a - Our Father who art in Heaven blessed be Thy name; it may come - - ahaulil c’ okol. Mencahac a nolah uai ti luum bai ti caanè. - Thy kingdom us over. Be done Thine will as on earth as in heaven. - - Zanzamal uah ca azotoon heleae caazaatez c’ ziipil he bik c’ - Daily bread us give to-day us forgive our sins as we - - zaatzic uziipil ahziipiloobtoone, ma ix appatic c’ lubul ti tuntah - forgive their sins to sinners, not also let us fall in temptation - - caatocoon ti lob.[720] - us deliver from evil. - -In the state of Oajaca and occupying the western portion of the Isthmus -of Tehuantepec, in a position intermediate between the Maya on the -one hand and the Nahua on the other, is found the ancient family of -languages known as the Mizteco-Zapotec, the various dialects of which -are spoken to this day by the natives occupying those regions. No -tradition throws any light on the origin of this group, nor do any -affiliations in vocabulary or grammmatical structure seem to exist -between them and any other family, American or foreign. The Miztec -language is exceedingly difficult to acquire, being characterized by -words of extraordinary length. The Zapotec on the contrary, with its -several dialects, is elegant, sonorous, and _less_ difficult.[721] - -The language pre-eminent above all others in Mexico for its territorial -extent, for the refinement and civilization which it represented, and -its own inherent beauty and elegance, is known as the Nahua or Aztec, -or more modernly the Mexican. It was the language of the Toltecs and -of their advanced civilization, and after them of the seven tribes of -_Nahuatlacas_, that in the year 1196 established themselves in the -Mexican plateau. The Aztecs, one of these tribes, in the course of -events gaining the ascendency, gave their name to the language which -their conquests speedily extended over a territory four hundred leagues -in length, and in width from the Gulf to the Pacific, in the latitude -of the capital. The Aztec tongue prevailed continuously from a point -on the Gulf of California, under the twenty-sixth parallel of latitude -south-easterly to Rios Goatzacoalco and Tobasco; and southward to the -fifteenth parallel, extending along the coast of San Salvador and -appearing in the interior of Nicaragua. Its dialectical extension north -of Mexico we will consider on a future page. Twenty languages besides -the Aztec are said to have been spoken throughout Montezuma’s empire, -but the Aztec alone was recognized as the official and classic tongue. -The Chichimecs are said to have spoken a language of their own, until -the ruler Techotlalatzin commanded them to learn the Mexican.[722] Mr. -Bancroft is of the opinion that the Nahua was the original language of -the Chichimecs, and consequently does not agree with Señor Pimentel -who advocates the opposite view, and, we think, sustains it.[723] The -copiousness and grace of the Aztec has furnished a theme for many -Spanish writers whose praises have found an echo in the works of our -most able scholars and historians. If the Maya has been compared to the -Greek, the Aztec has often been likened to the Latin, not in structure -or vocabulary, but in its relation to ancient American civilization, -in its expressiveness, politeness, its capacity for the sublime, and -for the romantic coloring with which it is able to clothe that which is -humble and even insignificant. “It was the court language,” says Mr. -Bancroft, “of American civilization, the Latin of medieval and the -French of modern times.”[724] - -The Nahua attained its highest development during the century preceding -the conquest in the schools of oratory, poetry and history, established -at Tezcuco, to which the sons of nobles were sent, as much to acquire -the purity of the idiom as the science which they taught.[725] Señor -Orozco y Berra says that the difference existing between the ancient -Nahua and the modern, may be compared to that difference observed -between the Castilian of the Romance of the Cid and that of the present -day.[726] - -The outlines of the Aztec grammar are briefly as follows: The alphabet -contains the letters a, ch, e, h, i, k, l, m, n, o, p, t, tl, tz, u, v, -x, y, z, but lacks our consonants b, d, f, r, g, s. No word commences -with l. The _a_ is clear; _ch_ before a vowel is pronounced as in -Spanish, but before a consonant or when final it differs somewhat; _e_ -is clear; _h_ is moderately aspirated and soft, but strong when it -precedes _u_; _t_ is omitted except when it comes between two _l’s_. -The _tl_ in the middle of a word is soft as in Spanish, but at the end -is pronounced _tle_, the _e_ being half mute. The pronunciation of _tz_ -is similar to the Spanish _s_, but stronger. The _v_ is pronounced -by the women as in Spanish and French, but by the men like _hu_ in -Spanish; _x_, soft like the English _sh_, and _z_ like the Spanish _s_, -but not quite so hissing.[727] - -By composition, words containing sixteen syllables are formed, though -many simple words are quite long. We have already explained the process -of polysynthesis or compounding by means of clipping the syllables -and words with a view to brevity and euphony. The following example -furnished by Pimentel and copied by Mr. Bancroft, further illustrates -the principle: _tlazotli_, esteemed or loved; _maviztik_, honored -or reverenced; _teopixki_, priest; _tatli_, father, and _no_, mine, -furnishes as a result: _notlazomaviztcopixkatatzin_, “my esteemed -father and reverend priest.” An example of the termination _tzin_, -signifying respect, is presented in this word. Several illustrations of -the same principle are furnished by Señor Pimentel, showing that often -a sentence is compounded into a single word. Indeed a great many of the -component parts of these long words, though words in themselves, are -incapable of being used separately. In composition the verb succeeds -the nominative and is placed at the end of the sentence. The adverb -precedes the verb, as does the adjective the substantive. - -The Aztec is rich in terminations for the formation of the plural. -Generally no change is required for inanimate objects, as multiplicity -is expressed by means of numerals or the adverb _miek_ (much), e. g., -_ze tetl_, one stone; _yei tetl_, three stones; _miek tetl_, many -stones, though often the terminations used for the plural of persons is -applied to inanimate objects, particularly when they are connected with -persons, as _zoquitl_, mud; _tizoquime_, we are earth; however, there -are exceptions to the rule, as in the Aztec words for the heavens, -the mountains and the stars. Furthermore, the first syllable is often -doubled in order to form the plural of inanimate things. Señor Pimentel -has embraced the entire subject of the formation of the plural in six -rules. - -1. Primitive words form their plural in _me tin_ or _ke_, as _ichkatl_, -a ewe, a sheep; _ichkame_, sheep; _zolin_, a quail; _zoltin_, quail; -_kokoxki_, sick; _kokoxke_, sick (plural). - -2. Derivatives form their plural as follows: the so-called -“reverentials” in _tzintli_, have the plural in _tzitzintin_; the -diminutives in _tontli_ form the plural _totontin_, and the diminutives -in _ton_ and _pil_, augmentatives in _pol_ and reverentials in -_tzin_ double the final syllable; as, _tlakatzintli_, person; -_tlakatzitzintin_, persons, etc. - -3. Words either primitive or derived into which the possessive pronouns -enter, form the plural in _van_ (_huan_ according to the common -orthography); as, _noichkavan_, my sheep, _noichkatotonvan_, my little -sheep. - -4. The words _tlakatl_, person; _zivatl_, woman; terms of gentilitious -character or expressive of office and profession, form their plural by -the omission of the final letters, as _Mexicatl_, a Mexican; _Mexika_, -Mexicans; in which case the final vowel is accented. - -5. Some words form the plural by omitting the terminals and by doubling -the first syllable, while others double the first syllable without -omitting the terminal; as, _teotl_, god; _teteo_, gods; _zolin_, quail; -_zozoltin_, quails; _telpochtli_ and _ichpochtli_, double the syllable -_po_. - -6. Some adjectives have various plurals, as _miek_, much; whose plural -is _miektin_, _miekintin_ or _miekin_. - -In most cases the adjective and its substantive agree in number. The -only means of expressing gender is by adding the words _okichtli_, -male, and _zivatl_, female. - -In the absence of a regular declension the cases are formed as -follows: The genitive is indicated by the possessive pronoun or by -the juxtaposition of the words, the dative by means of verbs called -applicatives, the accusative by certain particles accompanying the verb -or by juxtaposition, the vocative by adding e to the nominative or by -the change of _i_ into _e_ in words ending in _tli_ or _li_ and the -_in_ into _e_ in words ending in _tzin_. - -The ablative is indicated by various particles and prepositions. The -language surpasses the Italian in the number of its augmentatives and -diminutives. The former take the syllable _pol_, the latter _tontli_ -and _ton_. The Aztec is richer in verbal nouns than any other language. -Those derived from active, neuter, passive, reflective and impersonal -verbs, terminate in _ni_, _oni_, _ya_, _ia_, _yan_, _kan_ or _ian_, -_tli_, _li_, _liztli_, _oka_, _ka_, _ki_, _k_, _i_, _o_, _tl_. - - TABLE OF PRONOUNS. - - PERSONALS. | POSSESSIVES. - | - _Nevatl_, _neva_, _ne_, I. | _No_, Mine. - _Tevatl_, _teva_, _te_, Thou. | _Mo_, Thine. - _Yevatl_, _yeva_, _ye_, He, or somebody. | _I_, His. - _Tevantin_, _teva_, We. | _To_, Ours. - _Amevantin_, _amevan_, You. | _Amo_, Yours. - _Yevantin_, _yevan_, They. | _In_ or _im_, Theirs. - | _Te_, Of or belonging - to others. - -“The possessives,” says Pimentel, “are always used in composition, and -change the final syllable of the word to which they are joined; as, -_teotl_, God, _noteuh_, my God,” etc.[728] - -The modes of the verb are: the indicative, imperative, optative -and subjunctive. The indicative has the following tenses: present, -imperfect, perfect, pluperfect, future. The subjunctive has one tense -which is translated by the imperfect. - -The following example of the conjugation is given from Pimentel: - - INDICATIVE. - - _Present._ - _Ni-chiva_, I make. _Ti-chivâ_, We make. - _Ti-chiva_, Thou makest. _An-chivâ_, You make. - _Chiva_, He makes. _Chivâ_, They make. - - _Imperfect._ - _Ni-chiva-ya_, I made. - - _Perfect._ - _Oni-chi-uh_, I have made. - - _Pluperfect._ - _Oni-chi-uhka_, I had made. - - _Future._ - _Ni-chiva-z_, I shall make. - - - IMPERATIVE. - _Present_: _Ma xi-chiva_, Make thou. - _Future_: _Ma ti-chiva-z_, Make thou presently. - - - OPTATIVE. - _Imperfect_: _Ma ni-chiva-ni_, Would that I should make. - _Perfect_: _Ma oni-chi-uh_, Would that I have made. - - - SUBJUNCTIVE. - _Imperfect_: _Ni-chiva-zkia_, or } That I should make. - _Ni-chiva-zkiayo_, } - -There is no infinitive in the conjugation, it being expressed by the -future indicative. Only verbs in _liztli_ have this mode. The passive -voice, save in a few exceptional cases, is formed as follows: _lo_ is -added to the present indicative of the active voice. In the perfect -tense, _k_ is added to the previously affixed _o_ in the singular and -_ke_ in the plural. The other modes and tenses form their passive -voice by adding to the present indicative passive their own final -termination, as, for instance, we have _nichiva_, I make, _nichivalo_, -I am made, _onichivalok_, I was made, _onichivaloka_, that I should be -made, etc. The Aztec contains only six irregular verbs. - - THE LORD’S PRAYER IN AZTEC. - - Totatzine in ilvikak timoyetztika ma yektenevalo in - Our reverend Father who heaven in art be praised () - - motokatzin mavallauh in motlatokayotzin ma chivalo in tlaltikpak in - thy name may come () thy kingdom be done () earth above () - - motlanekilitzin in yuh chivalo in ilvikak. In totlaxkal mo moztlae - thy will () as is done () heaven in. () our bread every day - - totech moneki ma axkan xitechmomakili, ivan ma xitechmopopolvili in - to us is necessary to-day give us and forgive us () - - totlatlakol in yuh tikintlapopolvia intechtlatlakalvia ivan makamo - our sins () as we forgive those who us offend and not - - xitechmomakavili inik amo ipan tivetzizke in teneyeyekoltiliztli, zanye ma - lead thou us that not in we fall () temptation, but - - xitechmomakixtili in ivikpa in amo kualli.[729] - deliver us () against () not good. - -Language has ever been an important factor in determining the original -home and the migrations of peoples. With this view the Aztec has -received the attention of some of the best scholars of both continents. -The most prominent results merit attention. The Nahua language is -unquestionably spoken far to the south, in Guatemala, Honduras and -Nicaragua, and this fact has been persistently cited as conclusive -proof of the southern origin of the Nahuas; but even Mr. Bancroft, the -most eminent of the advocates of this hypothesis, admits that there -“it is dialectic rather than aboriginal in appearance, so that the -testimony of language is all in favor of the plateau of Anahuac having -been the primal centre of the Aztec tongue.”[730] - -The reports of several of the adventurers into the unexplored north, -were to the effect that the aborigines whom they encountered spoke -Aztec. Father Roque of Oñate’s expedition into New Mexico at the close -of the sixteenth century, and Father Gerónimo de Zárate subsequently -at the Rio del Tizon, are authority for the most positive statements -that the Mexican was encountered. Mr. Anderson, a companion of Captain -Cook in 1778, discovered the Aztec terminal _l_ _tl_ or _z_ of frequent -occurrence among the Nootkas of the North-west coast. With this data -and the traditions of the Aztecs, which all point to the north as their -ancient home, sufficient basis was found for a general belief that the -Mexican peoples had migrated down the coast of California and left an -unbroken linguistic line along the entire route of their wanderings. -At the beginning of the present century, the great German philologist, -Vater, sought to establish this line by his extensive investigations, -published in his _Mithridates_.[731] Unfortunately for his labors, -later researches have shown his generalizations too sweeping. Wilhelm -von Humboldt considered the Cora, under the twenty-second degree of -latitude on the Rio de Santiago, to be a mixture of Aztec and some -older and rougher language.[732] In 1855–59, Dr. Buschmann of Berlin -issued two celebrated works,[733] in which the subject was critically -examined, and as far as possible, with the data at hand, the true -proportion of Aztec elements entering into all the languages spoken -north of the Mexican plateau, was indicated. The researches were -systematically made, beginning with the North Mexican, languages and -proceeding northward in the supposed line of the Aztec migration. In -four languages of North-western Mexico in particular, did Dr. Buschmann -find the conspicuous presence of Aztec elements. These are the Cora -of Jalisco, referred to above; the Tepehuana of northern Sinaloa, -Durango and southern Chihuahua, spoken between the twenty-third and -twenty-seventh parallels, in a crescent-shaped territory the points -of which touch the Aztec on the west, intervening between it and the -Gulf of California; the Tarahumara, spoken in the Sierra Madre, of -the State of Chihuahua and Sonora, and fourthly, the Cahita occupying -the east coast of the Gulf of California between the twenty-sixth and -twenty-eighth parallels. By a liberty in classification, Buschmann -calls this group the Sonora family, although the languages are entirely -different from each other, with the exception that they are all -pervaded by the Aztec element. This is their only bond of union. They -contain about two hundred Aztec words, and about eight hundred words -derived from the Aztec in the several idioms.[734] “The Aztec _tl_, -and _tli_ in the Cora, are found changed in _ti_, _te_ and _t_; in -the Tepehuana into _de_, _re_ and _sci_; in the Tarahumara into _ki_, -_ke_, _ca_ and _la_, and in the Cahita, into _ri_. In all four of -the languages substantive endings are dropped, first, in composition -when the substantive is united with the possessive pronoun; secondly, -before an affix; thirdly, in the Cora alone, before the ending of the -plural and before affixes in the formation of words.”[735] North-east -of the Tarahumara and reaching to the Rio Grande is the Cnocho, and -directly to the east of the Cnocho, is the territory of the Toboso, -also bounded on the north by the Rio Grande. It is uncertain whether -the Aztec was ever the language of these large districts, though -testimony is not wanting that it was understood by both peoples.[736] -In fact throughout all northern Mexico, the Aztec was understood, -and, in some instances, entered prominently into the languages of the -north-western tribes. Grimm’s law of _Lautveränderung_, sound changing -or shifting, is as conspicuous in its application to the Aztec-Sonora -family of Buschmann as it is to the members of the Aryan family, and -often far more so. Occupying the north-western extremity of Mexico -are the Pima-Alto and Bajo, and the Opata, the principal dialect of -the latter being the Eudeve. Here again the Aztec appears both in the -identity of words and the similarity of grammatical structure. These -languages are recognized as branches of the Aztec-Sonora family, so -much so that Orozco y Berra has classified them together under the name -of the Opata-Tarahumar-Pima. He accounts for the presence of the Aztec -element upon the supposition that the language and civilization of -Mexico once extended over this region, but were subverted and displaced -by the incursions of northern peoples toward the close of the twelfth -century.[737] Not only is this probable, but, on the other hand, it -would be a matter of surprise if traces of the Aztec were not found -in languages bordering upon so vast and powerful an empire as that of -Montezuma. Still this fact alone is scarcely sufficient to account for -the prominence of the Aztec element in the northern languages, while it -is almost totally wanting in others more central and southern. Crossing -into the United States territory, we first encounter the Moqui of the -pueblo towns of Arizona; to the west in south-eastern California, we -meet the Cahuillo, Chemehuevi, Kizh, Netela and Kechi; at the other -extreme on the east, we have the Comanche of New Mexico and Texas, -while to the north, in Utah, Nevada, Idaho and Oregon, we have the -great Shoshone and Utah families. But why group these languages in -such a wholesale manner? Is it because of inter-linguistic affinities? -No. Simply because of the Aztec element (though insignificant it is -true), which unquestionably pervades them all.[738] Six of the Moqui -towns speak the language which bears their name. But, strange to say, -Harno the Seventh uses the Tequa, a language of one of the New Mexican -Pueblos. The Moqui language contains much that is Aztec, and because -of its substantive endings in _pe_ and _be_, etc., is considered by -Buschmann a branch of his Shoshone-Comanche family of the Sonora -idiom.[739] Coupling this fact with the traditions of the Moquis (see -pages 302–304) descriptive of their migrations from the North under the -pressure of the hordes of savages who deprived them of their cultivated -lands and slaughtered their families, we are at a loss to account for -this infusion of Aztec elements, except on the hypothesis that at a -remote day large numbers of Nahuas came in contact with the ancestors -of this people in their ancient home. Equally conspicuous is the Aztec -element in south-east California languages and the great Shoshone and -Utah families, which occupy the great central basin and stretch away -into Idaho and Oregon. Grimm’s law of sound-shifting is seen in their -adjective and substantive endings, _p_, _pa_, _pe_, _pi_, _be_, _wa_, -_ph_, _pee_, _rp_, and _rpe_. The Shoshone and Utah still retain _ts_, -_tse_, and _tsi_, all of which are but variations of the Aztec _tl_, -_tli_, according to the law above-named. Buschmann pronounces this -group the capstone of his Sonora edifice.[740] In Western Oregon, from -the source to the mouth of the Willamette River, the Yamkally and -Calapooya languages preserve traces of the Aztec both in words and -terminal sounds.[741] The same is even more evident concerning the -Chinook, of the lower Columbia River, in which the Aztec _thl_ and _tl_ -is a regular termination.[742] Throughout the entire region drained -by the Columbia and its tributaries, Dr. Buschmann found well-marked -Aztec elements. The Clallum and Lummi languages of the great Salish or -Flathead family, which touches the coast opposite Vancouver’s Island -and extends into the interior, have the _tl_ termination and other -phonetic resemblances to the Aztec.[743] Furthermore, Mr. Gibbs has -discovered that the cardinals employed by the Clallam and Lummi in -their system of enumeration are of a threefold character, and, as Mr. -Gallatin has shown, are similar to those of the Mexicans and Mayas.[744] - -Whether the Aztec is represented in the language of the Nootkas -on Vancouver’s Island is uncertain. Certainly strong marks of -similarity are observable. Buschmann, while admitting the existence -of resemblances, thinks that hardly enough of them exist to warrant -relationship.[745] The inquiry naturally arises, how came this Aztec -element which, three and a half centuries after the overthrow of the -Aztec empire, we observe in faint, though unbroken lines running from -the centre of Mexico to the vicinity of Vancouver’s Island to find its -way into a multitude of languages, some of which are separated from -others by a vast region more than two thousand miles in width? How -did it come to be the only bond of union between so many languages -in all other respects so dissimilar? It has been suggested that this -wide-spread dissemination of the Aztec is owing to the trade probably -carried on between Mexico and the North. However, this is merely -conjecture and is incapable of proof. It will be observed that the -linguistic line is faintest in the central basin among the Shoshones -and Utahs, where the relationship is established mainly by the -sound-shifting of the terminals according to Grimm’s law, but in the -languages of the Columbia River and its tributaries, and especially of -the Salish or Flathead family bordering on the strait of Juan de Fuca, -the Aztec terminal is actually present and in constant use. The most -critical researches have established this as an incontestable fact. In -this connection it is worthy of note (as shown in our first chapter) -that the works of the Mound-builders abound in this region in great -numbers, extending into the interior, appearing upon the upper Missouri -and its tributaries, and continuing to the Mississippi Valley and -thence into Mexico instead of following the coast or the central basin -at the west. Whether the Nahua was the language of the Mound-builders -of the United States, we are unable to determine, but the probabilities -that it was are considerable; because (1) the people of the mounds -built structures similar to those which prevail all over Mexico, -though in a less degree of perfection; (2) they carried obsidian -from Mexico to the North Mississippi Valley, showing both regions -to have enjoyed intimate commercial relations. This is no evidence -that the Mound-builders were colonists sent out from Mexico, since it -is improbable that colonists would have penetrated into the extreme -North-west by way of the Missouri River. Furthermore we have the -valuable argument of Baron von Hellwald made at the Luxembourg session -of the Congrès International des Américanistes in favor of a migration -from north to south, in his reply to Mr. Robert S. Robertson’s paper -on “the Mound-builders,” namely, that no evidence exists of the -Mexicans or Central Americans having worked copper mines anterior to -the conquest; hence it follows that since copper was employed by both -Mexicans and Mound-builders, it must have been carried southward by the -latter.[746] (3) We have testimony of the early writers that the Nahuas -came from the North-east; Sahagun says from the direction of Florida, -which then embraced the Mississippi Valley. (4) We have the statements -of Acosta and Sahagun that the Apalaches occupying the region east of -the Mississippi extended their colonies far into Mexico. According to -Acosta the Mexicans called them Apalaches, Tlautuics or Mountaineers. -“Sahagun speaking of them says: ‘They are Nahuas and speak the Mexican -language.’ This is by no means improbable, as the Aztec is found -eastward in the present states of Tamaulipas and Coahuila, and thence -the distance to the Mississippi is not so far.”[747] In their search -for the Aztec element in the North, every investigator—Buschmann -among the rest—has made a great oversight. They have expected to -find resemblances to the Aztec as it was spoken at the time of the -conquest after centuries of culture had been bestowed upon it in the -schools of Mexico and Tezcuco. It appears never to have occurred to -these scholars, that if Mexican similarities exist at the North they -are with the ancient form of the Nahua, which Orozco y Berra tells us -“differs as much from the modern Nahua or Aztec as the Spanish of the -Romance of the Cid from the Spanish of to-day,” or coming nearer home, -we may say that it probably differed as much as the Anglo-Saxon of -King Alfred and the English of the present. The linguistic researches -referred to have certainly been made over a wide chasm of time and -change, as viewed in this light, and when we consider the instability -of language in America, the wonder is that any Nahua traces exist -at the North-west at this late date.[748] This phenomenon can only -be accounted for on the supposition that, at a remote period, large -numbers of Nahua-speaking people resided for a considerable length of -time in those regions. The presence of the mounds in such numbers in -Washington and the British possessions north of it, leads to this view, -provided it can be established that the Mound-builders were Nahuas. -The fact that the line of mounds is toward the interior precludes the -expectation that the Nahua is to be found prominently present west of -the Rocky Mountains. It is plausible to consider the Moquis a branch -from the Nahuas, separating from them at an early day and establishing -themselves in Southern Oregon and Utah, whence, according to their -tradition, they were driven by the Utes. In the course of time, their -language, which contains a Nahua element, may have become changed and -lost much of its original character. To their residence, migration, and -the possible captivity of many of their number, the traces of Aztec -found in the Shoshone and Utah tongues may be due. - -Analogies between the Nahua and all the other languages of the world -have been assiduously sought for, and supposed affiliations advocated -by theorists, but in the present unsatisfactory state of philological -science it would be presumptuous for us to pretend that any claim for -linguistic analogies with the old world could be sustained. There is no -doubt that strong analogies are observable between the Otomi and the -Chinese. Señor Najera, to whom the former is vernacular, has appended -to his excellent grammar of the Otomi a comparative table of Chinese -and Otomi words, which while it shows strong resemblances, is not -sufficient in itself to establish relationship.[749] - -Warden has treated the grammatical resemblances, which in many respects -are striking.[750] It is one of the most singular phenomena met with -in the whole range of ethnography and philology, that a monosyllabic -language should be found in the very heart of Mexico surrounded by -the most remarkable poly-syllabism in the world, touching the capital -on the south-east and extending north-west into San Luis Potosi and -over portions of Queretaro and Guanajuato. It is no doubt a language -of great antiquity, and whether Chinese in origin is not fully -determined.[751] Numerous claims have been set forth that some of the -Californian languages bear a striking resemblance to the Chinese, and -that Indians and Chinese in some cases have found so much in common in -their respective languages as to be able to hold conversations with -each other. These claims have in most instances been supported by -persons having little knowledge of the principles of philology, and -who are scarcely aware of the difficulty of comparing two monosyllabic -languages in which the finest shade of pronunciation carries with -it the greatest significance.[752] Japanese claims have been urged -with some reason by ethnologists no less eminent than Latham, who is -confident that the “Kamskadale, Koriak, Aino-Japanese and the Korean -are the Asiatic languages most like those of America.”[753] - -Comparisons of the Indian languages with those of the old world -have often been made, most frequently in a haphazard manner and -to little purpose. Recently, however, Herr Forchhammer of Leipzig -published a truly scientific comparison of the grammatical structure -of the Choctaw, Chickasaw, Muskogee and Seminole languages, with the -Ural-Altaic tongues, in which he has developed many interesting points -of resemblance.[754] Prof. Valentini has called attention to the fact -that Ptolemy (Geography, Asia Minor, Chapter X, Armenia Major) gives in -his list of cities belonging to the Roman province in his time (A. D. -140), the names of five cities situated in the region of the historic -Ararat, which have nearly their counterpart in five proper names -applied to localities in Mexico by its ancient colonists. The cities -of Armenia Major, according to Ptolemy, are: Chol, Colua, Zuivana, -Cholima, Zalissa. “The first name _Chol_ is contained in _Cholula_; -the second, _Colua_, in _Coluacan_; the third, _Zu vana_, in _Zuivan_, -which is the ancient name of the Yucatanic province of Bacalab (see -Perez in Stephens’ _Yucatan_, Appendix, vol. ii, _Chronology of -Yucatan_). _Cholima_ is to-day written _Colima_, _Zalissa_ is contained -in _Xalisco_, the Spanish _x_ sounding in the Nahua language like the -English _sh_.”[755] Generally we have been disposed to pronounce all -such coincidences accidental, as most of them certainly are. In this -case we leave the decision to the reader. In this chapter we have -noticed two prominent families of languages, (1) the Maya-Quiché, -having such transatlantic affinities as to furnish presumptive evidence -that if it did not originate from, it was at least influenced by the -West European or African languages. (2) The great Nahua family, which -linguistic researches, together with the circumstantial evidence -furnished by architectural remains, commercial intercourse and the -testimony of early writers, assign to at least a temporary occupancy of -the Columbian region on the North-west coast. Concede this fact, and -you must look elsewhere, possibly to the opposite continent, for the -early beginnings of a language so ancient and polished. - -While the proof is not conclusive, yet we think it is presumptive that -both of these families, as well as some other American languages, are -of old world origin. - - - - - CHAPTER XI. - - THE PROBABILITIES THAT AMERICA WAS PEOPLED FROM THE OLD WORLD, - CONSIDERED GEOGRAPHICALLY AND PHYSICALLY. - - Legends of Atlantis — Brasseur de Bourbourg’s Theory — The Subject - Examined Scientifically — Retzius’ View — Le Plongeon’s - Observations — Identity of European and American Plant Types - — Revelations of the _Dolphin_ and _Challenger_ Expeditions — - The Atlantic Floor — Challenger and Dolphin Ridges — Challenger - Plateau probably once Dry Land — Identity of European and South - American Fauna — Elevation and Depression of Coast Level of - Greenland, United States, and South America — Gulf Stream — - Equatorial Current — The Trade-Winds — Accidental Discovery of - Brazil — America Probably Reached by Ancient Navigators — The - Caras — Atolls of the Pacific Ocean — A Pacific Continent — - Contiguity of the Continents at the North — Aleutian Islands - — Kuro-Suvo — Behring’s Straits — Inviting Appearance of the - American Shore — Remoteness of the Migration — Prof. Grote’s - View — Prof. Asa Gray’s Observations — Conditions Favorable to - a Migration — John H. Becker’s Observations. - - -We have observed that traditional and linguistic evidence seems to -point to a trans-Atlantic origin for some of the American peoples. -In a preceding chapter (iii), we quoted the story of the Platonic -Atlantis, as recorded in the _Critias_, and alluded to the advocacy by -the Abbé Brasseur de Bourbourg of the hypothesis that the submerged -continent of Egyptian tradition was a reality. In support of this -view, the Abbé has cited the opinions of geologists and the remarkable -traditions preserved by the Central Americans, the Mexicans, and the -Haytians, concerning the earthquakes and volcanic eruptions which -submerged beneath the ocean a continent, of which the Antilles are but -its mountain summits. Attach as little importance as we may to these -ancient legends, which no doubt refer to some extraordinary cataclysm, -the memory of which was preserved for ages by periodic feasts and -religious celebrations,[756] in which the gods were besought by princes -and people for security against a similar calamity, still our minds -naturally associate them with the story of the Platonic Atlantis.[757] - -Until recently the mere expression of belief in the former existence -of an Atlantic continent has been the signal for criticism, and has -called forth the smile of pity, if not of contempt. Such, however, is -no longer true, since scientific investigation, consisting chiefly in -deep-sea soundings and the study of the fauna and flora of the opposite -shores of the Atlantic, call for the respectful attention of all who -are interested in the ancient history of this continent. Prominent -among the men of science who have expressed confidence in this -hypothesis is Prof. Andres Retzius of Stockholm, who was convinced from -a study of comparative craniology, that the primitive dolichocephalic -skulls of America, especially of the ancient Caribs of the Antilles, -were nearly related to the _Guanches_ of the Canary Islands.[758] - -Dr. Le Plongeon observed that the sandals upon the feet of the statue -of Chaacmol, discovered at Chichen-Itza, and of the statue of a -priestess found on the island of Mugeres, “are exact representations -of those found on the feet of the _Guanches_, the early inhabitants of -the Canary Islands, whose mummies are yet occasionally met with in the -caves of Teneriffe and the other isles of the group.”[759] The great -number of American plant-types in the Miocene flora of Switzerland, -led Prof. Unger to espouse the view that a continent formerly existed -in the present Atlantic ocean.[760] Professor Heer, the celebrated -botanist of Zurich, for the same reasons promulgated this hypothesis, -and in his _Flora Tertiaria Helvetiæ_, defines the location of the -continent, which he believes to have been as wide as Europe.[761] In -opposition to this view, it is urged by Professors Oliver and Asa Gray, -that the flora of America and Europe are united by means of a former -overland communication at Behring’s Straits.[762] The conformation -of the ocean-bed is the next matter of importance in examining the -subject. The deep-sea soundings taken for the submarine cable between -Newfoundland and Ireland, led to the impression that the Atlantic -floor was comparatively a level, forming but one great trough between -the continents. The United States exploring ship _Dolphin_, however, -subsequently dispelled this illusion, by revealing the fact that a -great submarine plateau or mountain chain which has been denominated -the “Dolphin Rise,” divided the North Atlantic into two longitudinal -troughs running north and south. This is described as a seal-shaped -ridge with its tail joining a connecting ridge at the south in 15° -North Lat. and 45° West Long., while its body widens as it runs towards -the north, reaching its maximum width under the forty-fifth parallel, -and finally tapering to a narrow isthmus at 52° North Lat. and 30° West -Long., which connects the ridge with the great northern submarine -table-land.[763] - -This work was prosecuted further by the German frigate _Gazelle_, -and by H. M. ships _Lightning_ and _Porcupine_, with confirmatory -results.[764] The most thorough and satisfactory work of this -character, however, was performed during the cruise of H. M. ship -_Challenger_, from December 30, 1872, until May 24, 1876, inclusive. -Sir C. Wyville Thomson, the director of the expedition, in his -excellent work, _The Atlantic_, has contributed much exact information -relative to the contour of the sea-bed. The frontispiece to his second -volume is a chart illustrative of the relative depths of different -localities in the Atlantic ocean. Almost its entire length from north -to south, the great chain whose loftiest summits tower above the sea -in the Azores Islands, St. Paul’s Rocks, Ascension and St. Helena -Islands, is indicated by a white irregular belt representing a depth -of one thousand fathoms, but shading off into the blue, indicative -of the depths on either hand. Professor Thomson says, “Combining our -own observations with reliable data which have been previously or -subsequently acquired, we find the mean depth of the Atlantic is a -little over 2000 fathoms. An elevated ridge rising to an average height -of about 1900 fathoms below the surface, traverses the basin of the -North and South Atlantic, in a meridional direction from Cape Farewell, -probably as far south, at least, as Gough Island, following roughly -the outlines of the coasts of the old and new worlds. A branch of this -elevation strikes off to the south-westward, about the parallel of 10° -North, and connects it with the coast of South America at Cape Orange; -and another branch across the eastern trough, joining the continent of -Africa, probably about the parallel of 25° South.”[765] - -The width of the great land ridge as well as its relation to the -North Atlantic islands is indicated in the following: “One of the -most remarkable differences between the Azores and Bermuda is, that -while Bermuda springs up an isolated peak from a great depth, the -Azores seem to be simply the highest points of a great plateau-like -elevation, which extends for upwards of a thousand miles from west -to east, and appears to be continuous with a belt of shallow water -stretching to Iceland in the north and connected probably with the -‘Dolphin Rise’ to the southward, a plateau which in fact divides the -North Atlantic longitudinally into two great valleys, an eastern and -a western.”[766] A member of the _Challenger_ staff, in a lecture -delivered in London soon after the termination of the expedition, -expressed the fullest confidence that the great submarine plateau is -the remains of the “lost Atlantis,” citing as proof the fact that the -inequalities, the mountains and valleys of its surface, could never -have been produced in accordance with any laws for the deposition of -sediment nor by submarine elevation, but, on the contrary, must have -been carved by agencies acting above the water level.[767] The volcanic -character of the Azores and Philippines, together with the prevalence -of volcanic deposits found upon the entire ridge by the officers of the -_Challenger_, lend probability to the Egyptian and American legends of -a tremendous catastrophe in which a continent was submerged beneath the -waves.[768] - -Sir C. Wyville Thomson found that the fauna of the coast of Brazil -brought up in his dredging machine, were similar to that of the western -coast of South Europe.[769] This is of particular interest, since -at a short distance north of the Amazon an arm of the central ridge -connects the sunken plateau with the coast of South America. Mr. J. -Starke Gardner, the eminent English geologist, is of the opinion that -in the Eocene period a great extension of land existed to the west of -Cornwall. The extraordinary mingling of American, Asiatic, Australian -and African genera in all European floras of the Tertiary period leads -him to the conviction that at a remote time they were all connected. -Referring to the locations of the _Dolphin_ and _Challenger_ ridges, -he asserts that a great tract of land formerly existed where the sea -now is, and that Cornwall, the Scilly and Channel islands, Ireland and -Brittany are the remains of its highest summits.[770] The question at -once arises, “What ground have we for believing that the great Atlantic -ridges ever occupied a higher altitude than at present?” The answer is -found in the comparison of facts with the following theory set forth by -Prof. Joseph Le Conte: “Any increase in the height and extent of the -whole amount of land on the globe must be attended with a corresponding -depression of the sea-bottoms, and therefore an actual subsidence -of the sea-level everywhere. Hence if it be true, as is generally -believed, that the continents have been, on the whole, increasing in -extent and in height, in the course of geological history, then it is -true also that the seas have been subsiding, and that therefore the -relative changes are the sum of the two.”[771] It cannot be denied that -the processes of elevation and depression are now actively going on -along the eastern coast of both the Americas. The coast of Greenland -is sinking along a distance of 600 miles so markedly that ancient -buildings on low rock-islands are now submerged, and the Greenlander -has learned by experience never to build near the water’s edge.[772] -The subsidence along our Atlantic seaboard is slowly going on, being -most marked on the coast of South Carolina and Georgia, while on the -other hand the elevation of the eastern coast of South America has -been accomplished by the hidden forces, volcanic or otherwise, on a -stupendous scale. “Raised beaches” have been traced 1180 miles down -the eastern shore and 2075 miles along the western, ranging from -100 to 1300 feet above the sea, and Alexander Agassiz has recently -identified them at a height of 3000 feet above the present sea-level -by means of corals found adhering to the rocks.[773] In view of these -facts, so familiar to any student of geology, it is not difficult to -conceive of the former existence of Atlantis where the _Dolphin_ and -_Challenger_ locate the mid-Atlantic ridge, described as 1000 miles -in width in the latitude of the Azores. Supposing the existence of an -Atlantic continent in the Tertiary period conceded, we have no means at -present of determining the approximate time of its subsidence, unless -we associate it with the dim and uncertain legends of the Egyptian -priests and the ancient Americans. Whether the Atlantidæ who threatened -to overthrow the earliest Greek and Egyptian states, but who were -swallowed up by the sea in the engulfment of their island continent, -were the inhabitants of the _Dolphin_ and _Challenger_ ridges and the -colonists of Eastern America, must for the present at least remain in -doubt, though strong probabilities point to the conclusion that they -were.[774] - -The colonization of America by transatlantic peoples, it seems to us, -did not depend upon the existence of a land bridge at a remote period, -but could have been accomplished without the aid of the compass, either -intentionally or accidentally, through the agency of the equatorial -current and the trade-winds, two mighty forces perpetually tending -toward the shores of the new world. The return current of the Gulf -Stream which describes a semicircle in the east Atlantic washes in -its sweep the Azores, the Madeira, the Canary and Cape Verde Islands, -approaching in its southern course the shores of Portugal, Morocco, and -the Sahara Desert, and finally uniting with the stronger equatorial -current which rushes up the coast of Africa, crosses the Atlantic under -the equator, and skirts the coast of South America until it reaches the -Caribbean Sea and the Gulf of Mexico.[775] The north-east trade-winds -blowing perpetually from the coast of Europe in a belt from eighteen to -twenty degrees in width (or from 1245 to 1275 miles) reach the coasts -of the American continent over an area which extends from the mouth of -the Amazon to the northern boundary of Florida. Through the agency -of these mild but almost unvarying forces Columbus was steadily borne -on to the accomplishment of the greatest event of modern history. The -companions of the Admiral were dismayed by the persistency with which -they were wafted beyond the bounds of the known world, and ascribed the -unceasing east wind, which they supposed offered them no hope of return -to their homes, to a device of the devil. In one of the houses on the -island of Guadaloupe Columbus on his second voyage saw the stern-post -of a vessel, supposed to have been the fragment of some ship that had -drifted across the Atlantic and been cast, together with the crew, upon -unknown shores. How often and how long this same process had operated -it is impossible to conjecture.[776] The accidental discovery of Brazil -by Cabral furnishes an additional reason for believing that anciently -vessels may have reached the new world. Pedro Alvarez de Cabral was -dispatched by the Portuguese on the 9th of March 1500, with a fleet of -thirteen vessels on a voyage around the Cape of Good Hope, to Calicut. -After passing the Cape Verde Islands he bore away to the west, in -order to avoid the calms prevailing on the Guinea coast. On the 25th -of April, to his surprise he discovered what proved to be the South -American continent, at a point which he named Porto Securo.[777] When -we consider that the distance from the coast of Africa to Cape Frio, -Brazil, is but 1530 miles, and realize that twelve centuries B. C. the -Phœnicians and probably other maritime peoples of the Mediterranean -visited Britain at the north and coasted Africa to the south, the -probabilities are strong that, through the natural agency of the -Atlantic currents and the trade-winds, some ancient mariners reached -the American coast.[778] - -Brasseur de Bourbourg, on the authority of Baron de Eckstein and -his own researches, points to the fact that the Barbarians who are -alluded to by Homer and Thucydides, are a race of ancient navigators -and pirates called _Cares_ or _Carians_, who occupied the islands of -Greece and a part of the coast of the Peloponnesus, Arcanania and -Illyria, before the Pelasgi. They ruled in Phrygia and other states -of Asia Minor, antedating the Phœnicians in their sovereignty of the -sea and the Indo-European peoples in their domination of the land. The -same people extended their borders into Nubia and Libya and became -the ancestors of the nations of the Barbary States. The Abbé, to all -appearances, easily identifies them with _Caracars_ or _Caribs_ of -the Antilles, the _Caras_ or _Cariari_ of Honduras, and even with the -_Gurani_ of South America. We submit the question for the investigation -of the student, rather than with our endorsement.[779] Whether a great -continent ever existed in the Pacific Ocean since man’s appearance -on the earth, or whether the great area occupied by Oceanica and -the Coral Islands of the Central Pacific was once a continent, are -questions which cannot now be determined. It is certain, however, as -Professor Dana has shown in his study of the atolls and barriers of -the Pacific, that if not a continent, at least a great archipelago -measuring 6000 miles in length by from 1000 to 2000 miles in breadth, -has subsided to a depth ranging from 3000 to 6000 feet. Professor Dana -states that two hundred islands have thus been lost.[780] Professor Le -Conte estimates the loss of land to equal 20,000,000 square miles, and -defines its boundaries by the Hawaiian and Feejee groups, north and -south, and the Paumotu group and Pelews, east and west. He fixes the -extreme subsidence at 1000 feet, since the average height of the high -islands of the Pacific at present is not less than 9000 feet above the -sea level, while some of them reach 14000 feet.[781] Professor Dana is -of the opinion that this vast area has subsided since the _Tertiary -age_. Whether such is the case or not is a matter of conjecture, but -it is certain that much of it has been accomplished within the human -era. That a higher civilization once prevailed throughout Polynesia -we need only cite the remains found on Easter Island by Captain Cook, -and refer to the Appendix of Mr. Baldwin’s work, where ruins of a high -order are named as existing on Ascension, Marshall, Gilbert, Kingsmill, -Ladrones, Swallow, Strong’s, Navigators and Hawaiian Islands. A -quadrangular tower forty feet high and several stone-lined canals are -to be seen at the harbor at Strong’s Island. On the adjoining isle -of Lele, cyclopian walls forming large enclosures are overgrown by -forests. “These walls are twelve feet thick, and within are vaults, -artificial caverns, and secret passages.” “Not more than five hundred -people now inhabit these islands; their tradition is that an ancient -city formerly stood around this harbor, mostly on Lele, occupied by a -powerful people whom they called ‘Anut,’ and who had large vessels, in -which they made long voyages east and west, ‘many moons’ being required -for these voyages.”[782] It is altogether probable that not only a -higher civilization once prevailed in Polynesia, but that within the -history of man, the greater extent of land, now submerged, made the -passage to America comparatively easy. If we turn to the North Pacific, -all doubts vanish in the presence of the most favorable conditions for -a migration from our continent to the other. With Latham, we believe -that if America had first been discovered from the west, and Alaska -and the north-west coast been as well known as our Atlantic coast, -North-eastern Asia would have naturally passed for the _fatherland_ of -North-western America.[783] It is scarcely necessary to occupy space -in pointing out the facilities which the Aleutian Islands offer for a -migration even in inferior boats, and at all seasons of the year. The -climate, though cool, is not severe, owing to the proximity of the warm -current of the Kuro-suvo, and it only requires an inspection of the map -to convince the most conservative. Col. Barclay Kennon, formerly of -the United States North Pacific Surveying Expedition, after referring -to the conspicuousness of the volcano Petropaulski on the shores of -Kamtschatka, says: “Proceeding along this coast to Cape Kronotski, -which lies north of Petropaulski, the distance to Behring’s Island is -about one hundred and fifty miles—course east. Fifteen miles only from -it is Copper Island, and about one hundred and fifty miles south-west -of it is Attou Island, the most westerly of the Aleutian group, which -is an almost unbroken chain, connecting the American continent to the -peninsula of Alaska.”[784] It is evident that the voyage from the -Asiatic to the American coast can be made as far south as the Aleutian -Islands without losing sight of land but a few hours at a time—a matter -of no consequence to the intrepid navigators found everywhere among -the aborigines upon the islands and coast.[785] The Kuro-suvo or Japan -current sweeps along the Asiatic coast, bears away to the east, and -describing a semicircle, bends its course southward to the shores of -California and Mexico, until it reaches about the tenth parallel of -north latitude, when it returns to the Japanese coast. - -This Gulf Stream of the Pacific, which nearly every season casts -wrecks of Japanese junks upon our shores, no doubt has been an -active agent in giving character to our ancient population.[786] -Added to these twofold facilities for communication—of currents and -an almost continuous chain of islands—we have a third in the narrow -channel at Behring’s Straits. These straits, according to Sir John F. -Herschel, are now “only thirty miles broad where narrowest, and only -twenty-five fathoms in their greatest depth.”[787] Sir Charles Lyell, -in alluding to the above fact, remarks: “Behring’s Straits happen to -agree singularly in width and depth with the Straits of Dover, the -difference in depth not being more than three or four feet.”[788] With -this statement before us while standing upon the deck of a vessel -midway between Calais and Dover, with the shores of France and England -in full view, we felt, as never before, how absurd is the opinion -which has been advanced more than once, that no general migration -was likely to take place across Behring’s Straits. As well say that -no general migration was likely to take place across the Straits of -Dover; yet we learn that Britain was known to be inhabited as early -as the twelfth century B. C.[789] The weather at Behring’s Straits, -though cold even in summer, is not nearly as cold as the winters of -Japan.[790] In winter the waters of the straits are frozen over -generally as late as April, furnishing a continuous connection between -the continents, while in summer the communication at present between -the aborigines inhabiting opposite shores is continuous.[791] Frederick -von Hellwald furnishes an argument for the naturalness of a migration -to the American shores the fact that, “while the Asiatic projection -near Behring’s Straits is almost a sterile rocky waste, the opposite -coast presents a much more inviting appearance, abounding in trees and -shrubs. Moreover, the climate when we pass southward of the peninsula -of Alaska, is of a genial character, the temperature continuing nearly -the same as far down as Oregon.”[792] The difference in the two shores -is owing to the fact that the cold current from the Arctic Ocean passes -southward along the Asiatic coast, while a portion of the water of the -warm current passes up the American shore.[793] It is impossible to -approximate the period of the world’s history in which the migration -must have taken place. No doubt it was in a remote age, before the -old world peoples had developed their present or even historic -peculiarities and types of civilization. If this be true, the futility -of all old world comparisons, and the unceasing search for analogies -which has been going on since the discovery of the continent, is at -once apparent.[794] - -Prof. Grote thinks the first migration may have taken place in the -Tertiary period in Pliocene time, and that the subsequent advent -of the ice period cutting off all communication with the old world -until recent times, produced a modification in the race, and that man -retired with the glacier on its return to the north, where we see his -descendants in the Eskimo.[795] If Prof. Croll’s theory of climatic -change resulting from the maximum eccentricity of the earth’s orbit be -true, or even if the ordinary time at which the American glacial period -is supposed to have occurred be taken into consideration, we hardly -think the evidences of man’s pre-glacial residence on this continent -are sufficient on which to base a safe hypothesis.[796] Of course Prof. -Grote would assign a comparatively recent migration to the civilized -nations. Whether a continuous land communication ever existed between -the continents at the Aleutian Islands[797] or at Behring’s Straits -cannot be determined, though the probabilities seem to favor the view -that they were once united.[798] - -Prof. Asa Gray has satisfactorily shown the intimate relationship -between the North American and Asiatic vegetation, while many of our -fauna are clearly of Asiatic origin.[799] However, it is of little -moment in this discussion whether the land bridge ever existed; the -conditions for migration from one continent to the other are now, -and no doubt ever have been favorable, and that different peoples at -different times have availed themselves of those conditions is equally -certain. We have already alluded to the climatic conditions south of -Alaska which would naturally allure a migrating tribe down the coast -to Oregon and the Columbian region. Once there, however, a tribe of -considerable numbers and enterprise would soon be stimulated to push -farther, because of the demands for a more ample support than could be -found on the Pacific coast in the region of the Columbia and Frazier -Rivers. Still, progress to the south is practically cut off, since -the dryness and sterility of the Californian coast, the ice-capped -mountains intervening between the north and the Sacramento and San -Joaquin rivers and the desert highlands which rise with bleak and -forbidding aspect between the Sierra Nevada and the eastern Rocky -Mountains, combine in forming a barrier sufficient to turn the course -of a migration.[800] Add to this the fact that the country south -of Oregon rises over 2000 feet above the head of the waters of the -Columbia and Missouri rivers, and it is apparent that an outlet must be -sought in another direction. Nature has provided the highway. Alluding -to this fact and to the unbroken line of mounds from the north and west -down the Missouri valley, Mr. Becker remarks: “On the head of (canoe) -navigation we have what is known as ‘portages.’ These are depressions -in the continuous range of the Rocky Mountains of such a nature that -they fairly invite a travelling tribe to cross from the river system -of the upper Columbia, emptying into the Pacific Ocean to that of the -Missouri, on which a canoe need but be floated in order to arrive in -the far distant Gulf of Mexico. Canoes can easily be carried from -one river system to the other. Nothing like it exists in the whole -mountain range southward, until we arrive at Nicaragua Lake in Central -America.”[801] It will not require long for the matter of fact reader, -who comprehends the well-nigh insurmountable difficulties which lie in -the way of populating America in tropical or southern latitudes, and -compares with them the facilities which the proximity of the continents -and the topography of our country afford, to determine from what -quarter America received the greater part of its inhabitants. - - - - - CHAPTER XII. - - CONCLUSION. - - -The dim uncertainty which envelopes the most ancient period of American -antiquity, like that which obscures the beginnings of Egyptian, -Assyrian and Trojan history, to say nothing of the origin of the -venerable Asiatic civilizations, renders much of the effort in this -field unsatisfactory. Still the results are of surpassing interest. A -new cosmogony, mythology and traditional history full of weird poetic -inspiration, an inspiration such as is begotten in contemplating the -struggles of nature’s children after a higher development, is added to -the fund of human knowledge. The poetry of the Quiché cosmogony must -some day find expression in verse of Miltonic grandeur. The fall of -Xibalba will no doubt afford the materials for a heroic poem which will -stand in the same relation to America that the Iliad does to Greece. -The doctrines of the benign and saintly Quetzalcoatl or Cukulcan -must be classed among the great faiths of mankind, and their author, -alone of all the great teachers of morals except Christ himself, -inculcating a _positive_ morality, must be granted a precedence of -most of the great teachers of Chinese and Hindoo antiquity. It is the -custom of many Europeans to regard America as having no heroic or -legendary period, no heroes like Achilles, Æneas, Sigfried, Beowolf, -Arthur and the Cid; but who will review the romance of American -antiquity and longer entertain this view? A few years ago, writers -dated North American history from the discoveries made by Columbus -and his immediate successors. Now they go back to the Northmen for a -starting-point. May not the beginning be pushed even farther back, -and the _ancient history of America_ receive the attention of the -historiographer? - -The origin of the North American population cannot be positively -settled at present, though the probabilities are that new facts will be -brought to light establishing the relationship of the ancestors of the -Nahuas with some ancient Asiatic race, as the Eskimo have clearly been -proven to belong to the Arctic race which encircles the globe near the -North pole.[802] We have seen that groups of facts unquestionably point -to Northern Asia as the ancient home of a large share of the tribes of -North America, civilized and savage. The autochthonic hypothesis which -had its first great advocate in Dr. Morton, receives no support from -his mistaken argument for the unity of the American race. We think -we have shown, as did Prof. Wilson before us, that no such fact as -ethnic unity exists in America. Dr. Morton’s own measurements of crania -which we have classified, and the recent measurements of mound skulls, -disprove the argument which he sought to establish. The autochthonic -hypothesis owed much of its popularity to the support which it received -from Prof. Agassiz’s doctrine of the separate creations of races of -men, a hypothesis which has rapidly lost ground since the decease of -its eminent advocate. It is impossible to determine whether the people -of the mounds of the United States were preceded in this country by any -other people. Certainly they had intercourse with some race having a -cranial type quite different from their own, as several low-type skulls -taken from the mounds testify. If the rude weapons found in New Jersey -are as old as Dr. Abbott supposes[803]—belonging to the inter-glacial -age—the question of man’s antiquity on this continent may have to -be viewed in a different light from that in which it has hitherto -appeared. It is conjectured that this supposed inter-glacial race were -the ancestors of the Eskimo of to-day, and retired or were driven -to the Arctic regions, where their racial characteristics became -permanent. The traditional history of both Mayas and Nahuas seem to -indicate an old world origin. The former people clearly claim an origin -which, if their traditions are worth anything, must be assigned to some -Mediterranean country. While, on the contrary, the Nahuas persistently -state that they came from the north or north-west. It is certain that -many of their cosmological traditions closely resemble those of Central -and Western Asiatic peoples. Why should the traditions of the ancient -Americans be less reliable than those of the most ancient Egyptians, -Greeks, or Hindoos?[804] - -Tradition, language and architectural remains furnish us the data by -which to trace the migrations of peoples. In addition to the testimony -of tradition, the languages of the Mayas and Quichés present affinities -to the west European and African languages; also to the languages -of the West Indies and the Antilles. Whether the Quiché traditions -concerning their ancient home have reference to the Atlantic coast of -the United States is uncertain, though Señor Orozco y Berra believes -their ancestors to have migrated from Florida to Cuba and thence -to Yucatan. Linguistic and architectural evidences show that the -Maya-Quiché family extended its civilization north as far as Panuco, -and south as far as Honduras. - -The Nahua migrations are more numerous and their accounts somewhat -obscure. It is not improbable that while few in number the Nahuas -arrived on our north-western coast, where they found a home until they -had become a tribe of considerable proportions. Crossing the watershed -between the sources of the Columbia and Missouri Rivers, a large -portion of the tribe probably found its way to the Mississippi and -Ohio Valleys, where it laid the foundations of a wide-spread empire, -and developed a civilization which reached a respectable degree of -advancement. - -The remainder of the Nahuas, we think, instead of crossing the -Rocky Mountains, migrated southward into Utah, and established a -civilization the remains of which are seen in the cliff-dwellings -of the San Juan Valley and such extensive ruins as exist at Aztec -Springs. It must be conceded that this hypothesis rests on linguistic -and traditional evidence, as no affinity between the architecture -of the Cliff-dwellers and either the Mexicans or Mound-builders is -traceable. We have in a preceding chapter summarized our reasons for -considering the Mound-builders to have been Nahuas. The Olmecs, the -first Nahuas to reach Mexico, came in ships from the direction of -Florida, landed at Panuco, and journeyed southward until they came in -contact with the advanced and already old civilization of the Mayas. -The Toltecs came into Mexico by land from the North. The Chichimecs, -their former neighbors in Hue hue Tlapalan, whether Nahuas or not -originally, followed them and adopted their language. The Nahuatlaca -tribes, speaking the same language, arrived centuries afterward from -the same quarter—the North. Finally the Aztecs, the last of the Nahuas, -reached Anáhuac four centuries before the Spanish conquest. Mr. Becker -has conjectured that Aztlan (land of whiteness) was the name applied -to the southern Mississippi Valley and the region of the Gulf States; -that Hue hue Tlapalan (old red land), the ancient empire of the Nahuas, -was situated on the great plains of the west and in the region occupied -by the Cliff-dwellers and Pueblos, and further, that the “seven caves” -or “ravines,” the Tulan Zuiva of the Quichés, is the region of the -Colorado River, the land of cañons. - -At best these can be but conjectures, yet the probabilities are -that Hue hue Tlapalan bordered upon the great Mississippi Valley. -Traditional and architectural evidence lead us to this conclusion. The -linguistic argument is wanting, except the statement of the historians -that the people of the Floridian region spoke Nahua. It remains for -some one to compare the Aztec with the languages of the southern -Indians before the investigation is complete. While the probability is -pre-eminent that the ancient Americans are of old world origin and that -the Mayas and Nahuas reached this continent from opposite directions, -it is certain that the civilization developed by each people is -indigenous—that it grew up on the soil where we find it, and was shaped -by the wants of man as influenced and modified by the conditions of -nature and physical surroundings. The most persistent investigation has -failed to disclose any marked resemblance between the architecture, -art, religion and customs of the North Americans considered as a whole -and of any old world people. It is true that occasional analogies -suggest intercourse and even relationship with particular races, as -for instance the serpent and phallus worship common to the aboriginal -Americans and the people of India. Sun-worship, so wide-spread, may -also indicate an ancient community of residence for those peoples who -practise it. The Calendar systems of Mayas and Nahuas present analogies -to the systems employed by the Persians, Egyptians and certain -Asiatic nations, and the presumption is very strong that the latter -furnished the ground-plan upon which the Nahua system was constructed. -The accuracy of the Aztec calendar must ever be a monument to their -intellectual culture, and an undeniable proof of the advanced state of -ancient Mexican civilization. The fact that Cortez found the Julian -reckoning, employed by his own and every other European nation, to be -more than ten days in error when tried by the Aztec system—a system -the almost perfect accuracy of which was proven by the adjustments -which took place under Gregory XIII in 1582 A.D.—excites our wonder -and admiration. How the Nahuas, whether Toltec or Aztec we know not, -were able to approximate the true length of the year within two -minutes and nine seconds, thus almost rivalling the accuracy of the -learned astronomers of the Caliph Almamon, is a mystery. The venerable -civilization of the Mayas, whose forest-grown cities and crumbling -temples hold entombed a history of vanished glory, no doubt belongs to -the remotest period of North American antiquity. It was old when the -Nahuas, then a comparatively rude people, first came in contact with -it, adopted many of its features, and engrafted upon it new life. Like -Rome, overwhelmed by the Teutons of the North, it no doubt succumbed -to the vigorous aggressions of the invaders, and was compelled to -resign the dominion of much of its northern territory. The powerful -empire of the Quiché-Cakchiquels was the result of the union of the -old and new races. The otherwise inviting picture of ancient American -civilization is marred by the introduction of human sacrifices which -in each instance occurred in the period of the political decadence -of the people practising it, and no doubt was the most potent factor -in the downfall of both Toltec and Aztec monarchies. Still, when we -reflect upon the Druidical horrors of the Britons at the time of the -Roman conquest, and realize that our Anglo-Saxon ancestors in the sixth -century sold their relatives and even their own children into slavery, -and were but slightly removed from the condition of cannibals if they -were not actually such, the ancient American civilization with its many -humane features and advanced culture rises up in splendor before us, in -marked contrast with our barbarous origin. Although this civilization -was indigenous and peculiar to itself, we find all of the American -tribes possessed of certain arts and traditions which seem common to -mankind in all parts of the world. The character of flint weapons and -implements are the same among all primitive peoples. The modes of -producing fire by friction and of grinding grain differ little, if -any, in America, from those employed by ancient peoples elsewhere. The -first efforts toward the development of the architectural idea all -round the globe, seem to find expression in the rude mound and then in -the more perfect pyramid. These and other considerations which have -been noted in the preceding pages, lead us to the conclusion that at a -remote period, before racial and national characteristics had been well -defined, this continent received its population from the old world, at -different times and from different quarters. - -The uniformity with which the human mind operates in all lands for the -accomplishment of certain ends, has in many instances resulted in the -independent development of institutions common to several peoples. This -fact, together with the probability that occasionally foreigners were -cast upon the American shores, will be sufficient to account for many -features which have been discovered in Mexican and Central American -architecture, art, and religion, presenting analogies with the old -world. The fact that civilizations having such analogies are developed -in isolated quarters of the globe, separated from each other by broad -seas and lofty mountains, and thus indicating a uniformity of mental -operation and a unity of mental inspiration, added to the fact that the -evidence is of a preponderating character that the American continent -received its population from the old world, leads us to the truth that -God “hath made of one blood all nations of men.” - - - - - APPENDIX. - - - - - A. - - MADISONVILLE EXPLORATIONS. - - -Since the greater part of this work was put in type, the exploration -of ancient mounds in several localities in the United States has -yielded gratifying results. Most conspicuous for rich returns, -both in pottery and human remains, are the researches which have -recently been prosecuted with such rare intelligence and vigor by -the Literary and Scientific Society of Madisonville, Ohio, in the -aboriginal burying-grounds and among the mound-works of the Little -Miami Valley. Through the liberality of the society and the courtesy -of its secretary, Mr. Frank W. Langdon, we are enabled to present -an authorized account of the explorations. We take this opportunity -of expressing our obligations to the society, and especially to Mr. -Langdon, who has kindly prepared the following report: - -NOTICE OF SOME RECENT ARCHÆOLOGICAL DISCOVERIES IN THE LITTLE MIAMI - VALLEY. _By FRANK W. LANGDON, Secretary of the Literary and - Scientific Society of Madisonville, Ohio._ - -The valley of the Little Miami River, in South-western Ohio, has long -been noted for the number and extent of its pre-historic earthworks, -which, distributed on either side of the river, from its confluence -with the Ohio to the well-known Fort Ancient and beyond, form an almost -continuous chain of mounds, forts, circles, and embankments, extending -for more than fifty miles, and constituting an important division of -the great earthworks system of the Mississippi Valley. - -Of the few publications relating more especially to the ancient works -of this series, one of the most important, perhaps, is the paper by -Dr. Charles L. Metz, entitled “The Prehistoric Monuments of the -Little Miami Valley,”[805] accompanied by a chart showing the location -and character of more than forty of these earthworks, situated in -Columbia, Spencer and Anderson Townships of Hamilton County. The Hon. -Joseph Cox, H. B. Whetsel, Esq., Mr. Charles F. Low, and the several -other gentlemen composing the organization known as the Literary and -Scientific Society of Madisonville, have also, at various times, -given considerable attention to archæological investigations in this -vicinity, and the valuable and interesting collections of objects -of pre-historic art accumulated by these gentlemen afford abundant -evidence of the long-continued occupation of this region by a numerous -and somewhat intelligent people of whom we have no historic record. - -A renewed interest in the subject has been recently developed by the -discovery, near Madisonville, of one of the cemeteries of this unknown -people, and the explorations therein by the above-named society, are -perhaps among the most interesting that have ever been conducted in the -Mississippi Valley. - -This cemetery, which is distant about one and one-half miles south-east -from Madisonville, occupies the western extremity of an elevated -plateau overlooking the Little Miami River, and situated from eighty -to one hundred feet above the water-line. It is bounded on the south -by the river “bottom”; on the north and west by a deep ravine, through -which flows a small stream known as Whisky Run; on the east the plateau -slopes gradually up to the general level of the surrounding country, -of which it is in fact a continuation or spur, its character of an -isolated plateau being derived from its position between the eroded -river valley and the deep ravine above referred to. The precipitous -but well-wooded bluff which forms the southern limit of this plateau -extends eastward, facing the river, for perhaps half a mile, and -distributed along its edge are a number of mounds and other earthworks; -at its base are the Cincinnati and Eastern and Little Miami Railways, -the nearest station being Batavia Junction, distant about half a mile -east of the cemetery. - -The original forest still covers the site of the cemetery, and -measurements of some of the principal trees are recorded by Dr. Metz -in his paper before mentioned, as follows: a walnut, 15½ feet in -circumference; an oak, 12 feet; a maple, 9½ feet; an elm, 12 feet. The -locality has long been known to local collectors and others interested -in archæological matters, as the “Pottery Field,” so called on account -of the numerous fragments of earthenware strewn over the surface; and -it was until recently supposed to be a place where the manufacture of -pottery had been carried on by the ancient inhabitants of the valley, -the fragments found being considered the _debris_. A few scattered -human remains had also been found in the adjoining ravines, but it was -not until some time in March, 1879, that its true character and extent -as a cemetery were brought to light. - -It then became apparent that some concerted action would be necessary, -in order to secure the best scientific results from the discovery; and -early in April excavations were begun under the auspices of the before -mentioned organization, the proprietors of the premises, Messrs. A. -J. and Charles K. Ferris, having kindly granted to it the exclusive -privilege of making a thorough and systematic exploration of the -ground. From that time until the present (July 19, 1879) excavations -have been continued with a force varying from one to three men, -assisted by members of the society, every foot of the ground gone over -being thoroughly explored, and full notes taken as the work progressed. - -The following brief outline of the results, taken from the records of -the society, will but serve to convey an idea of the general features -of the discovery and of its importance to archæological science, time -and space not permitting a detailed account in the present connection. - -Of the four or five acres of ground over which the cemetery is believed -to extend, only a small segment of the south-western portion has been -explored. The exploration, however, has been exceedingly thorough and -comprises an extent of perhaps half an acre of ground, from which have -been exhumed in all one hundred and eighty-five skeletons. Of these, -however, but a small proportion are in a good or even tolerable state -of preservation, as with the utmost care only about forty crania could -be preserved sufficiently well for measurement. The preservation of -even this number must probably be attributed to the favorable character -of the soil, a compact gravelly drift, as the various surroundings, -position of some skeletons under large trees, etc., all indicate for -these interments a remote antiquity. - -With respect to the mode of burial, this is far from being uniform. A -large majority of the skeletons are found at a depth of from two to -three feet, in a horizontal position, face upwards; but exceptions -to this rule are numerous, many interments being made in a sitting -position, and some in groups of from three to six individuals -irregularly disposed. There has been no attempt in any instance at -the construction of a stone coffin, but in one case the skeleton was -covered with a layer of small flat limestone from the adjacent stream. -The heads of those in the horizontal position are generally directed to -the east or south-east; but this rule is not constant, several being -found at right angles to these. It is worthy of note, however, that, -with scarcely an exception, those skeletons accompanied by the finer -vases, pipes and other choice relics, have their heads directed east or -south-east. - -During the progress of the work on April 12, a cranium, unaccompanied -by other bones, was exhumed; in searching for the rest of the skeleton, -a circular excavation, three and a half feet in diameter and four and a -half feet in depth, was made, from which were taken bones sufficient to -represent twenty-two skeletons. But two of the crania, both evidently -those of females, could be preserved; they are remarkable for their -whiteness and smooth texture as compared with the average crania -from this cemetery. A sacrum taken from this pit has imbedded in its -anterior surface, near the promontory, one of the small triangular -flints known as “war arrows,” which had passed obliquely from above -downwards, and to the right, necessarily penetrating the abdominal -walls and viscera in order to reach its final lodging place. The bottom -of the pit was paved with the common river mussel shells (_unios_), and -there appeared to have been some attempt at a natural disposition of -the bones, those of the lower extremities being placed at the bottom, -the crania at the top. - -Among the human remains from this cemetery are many possessing features -of surgical and anatomical interest, as, for instance, an adult male -cranium in which complete anchylosis of the atlas to the condyles -has occurred, the posterior arch remaining free. Other crania show -evidences of severe injury with subsequent repair, and among the long -bones are several showing characteristic lesions strongly indicative -of rachitis and of syphilis, a fact of considerable interest in its -relation to the geographical distribution of the latter disease, and -also as bearing on the theory of its introduction into Southern Europe -from America in the fifteenth century. - -Among the graves opened are several of children, who are usually buried -in close proximity to adults, and with them are found various ornaments -or toys of perforated shell, bone, etc., as well as small earthen -vessels. - -[Illustration: Bowl from Ancient Cemetery, Little Miami Valley. - - (Collection of W. C. Rogers, Madisonville, O.)] - -The pottery ware which accompanies the skeletons is usually situated -near the head and presents many features of special interest. It is -made of clay, finely tempered with pounded unio shells, and much care -has evidently been bestowed upon its manufacture, some pieces being -scarcely thicker than an ordinary teacup. Many specimens are in a -perfect condition, or nearly so, and they usually contain a single -unio shell when found, the shell being evidently intended for use as a -spoon. The vessels range in capacity from a third of a pint, or even -smaller, up to a gallon or more, the smaller ones, as before stated, -being usually found in the graves of children. They are symmetrical -in shape and varied in design, some being artistically ornamented -with scroll work, handles representing lizards, human heads, etc., -and are almost invariably provided with four handles. Among the -few exceptions to this latter rule is an eight-handled bowl (see -cut), in the collection of W. C. Rogers, Esq., which is a two-story -affair, apparently made by combining two distinct vessels, and then -removing the bottom of the upper one. Vessels having but two handles -occasionally occur, and others with holes in lieu of handles; but -these are exceptions to the general rule as above noted. - -The total number of vessels taken from the cemetery to date is -eighty-eight. There is good reason to believe, however, that each -interment has been originally accompanied by a vessel, the present -disparity between the number of vessels and the number of skeletons -being accounted for by the fragments thickly strewn over the surface -and intermingled with the surrounding soil, which have doubtless at one -time constituted portions of the missing burial urns. To the growth -of trees, action of frost and rooting of hogs, the destruction of so -much of this valuable ware must be attributed, and to the latter cause, -irregularities observed in the disposition of some of the skeletons are -probably due. - -Among the other articles of utility or ornament found in the graves -are twelve pipes, of various patterns, three of them being made from -the Minnesota Catlinite or Red Pipestone; also stone disks, axes -and chisels, flint knives and spear-heads, and many ornaments and -implements of bone, such as beads, awls, needles, perforated teeth, -etc., together with others of unknown uses. Two small cylinders of -rolled copper, about two inches in length, and two flat pieces of the -same metal an inch or more square, are among the collections, as are -also two stones bearing inscriptions as follows: one, an irregular -piece of sandstone, measuring about 3 × 2 × 1 inches, on the flat -surface of which are cut two parallel figures made of straight lines -and apparently intended to represent arrows; this specimen is now in -the writer’s collection. The other stone, which is in the collection of -E. A. Conkling, Esq., is a flattened dark-green boulder measuring about -3½ × 2½ inches, one side of which is completely covered with a network -of lines from ⅛ to ¼ of an inch apart and crossing each other at nearly -right angles, thus forming quadrangular divisions of various sizes. - -An interesting feature of these excavations has been the discovery of -what may be designated as “ashpits”; being circumscribed deposits of -ashes, shells, sand, etc., from two to three feet in thickness, placed -at varying distances below the surface. A perpendicular section made -of one of these pits answers to the following description, which will -serve to convey a fair idea of them all. Diameter of pit, three feet; -the first eighteen inches consisted of leaf mold and sandy soil; then -followed nine inches of clay, burnt earth and charcoal; next, ashes -and charcoal, twelve inches; clay, three inches; white ashes, two -inches; sand and unio shells, six inches; pure ashes, twelve inches; -total depth, five feet two inches. - -Of these ashpits, more than fifty have been opened, situated in -continuous rows near the edge of the bluff. They are quite uniform in -size, measuring from three to four feet in diameter and from four to -six feet in depth, and with one or two exceptions have not been found -in any other than the above-mentioned situation. Intermingled with the -ashes are pipes, implements of bone, shell, and stone, a mastodon’s -tooth, bones of various wild animals, including birds and fishes, and -in some of them large sherds of pottery-ware indicating vessels of from -ten to twelve gallons capacity or even larger. With the exception of a -single dorsal vertebra no human remains have yet been found in these -pits, unless the ashes be so considered. - -From the uncharred condition of the above articles it is evident that -the ashes have been placed in the pits _as ashes_, after having been -burned elsewhere, as in no case do the relics or the walls of the pits -show any traces of the action of fire. - -With respect to the length of time that has elapsed since these -interments, mention has already been made of the situation of some of -the skeletons under large trees, an instance of which may be cited: On -Saturday, April 5, the ground was visited by Judge Cox and Mr. Low, -in company with Dr. Metz, and in excavating beneath an oak tree, six -feet two inches in circumference, a skeleton was discovered, its lower -extremities extending under the tree; overlying the lower extremities -of this skeleton was another, its body situated directly under the -trunk of the tree and the skull so surrounded and penetrated by roots -as to prevent its removal except in fragments. The bones of both -skeletons were much decayed and exceedingly fragile. - -In forming an estimate as to the probable antiquity of these -interments, the time that must necessarily have elapsed between the -abandonment of the cemetery and the springing up of the forest; the age -of the trees now present and of others that have fallen and decayed; -the advanced state of decay in which the human remains are found; the -character of the pottery-ware; and lastly, the total absence of any -evidences of communication with civilization, in the shape of glass -beads or other trinkets, must all be taken into account; and it does -not appear at all unreasonable to conclude that the use of this ground -as a cemetery probably antedates the discovery of America by Columbus. - -As regards the particular race to which this people belonged,—whether -they were identical with, or related to, the celebrated “stone-grave -people” of Tennessee,[806] as some of their pottery-ware and the shape -and dimensions of their crania would seem to indicate; or whether they -were the last remnants of the once powerful nation that erected Fort -Ancient and other gigantic works in this region,—these and similar -queries remain as yet unanswered. More extended investigations and a -careful comparison of large amounts of material from this and other -localities, may be expected to assist in the solution of these obscure -but interesting problems. - -At the present writing excavations are still in progress, with new -developments daily, and a publication of the entire results, with full -details and illustrations, may be looked for in due season. - - MADISONVILLE, Hamilton County, Ohio, _July_ 19, 1879. - - NOTE.—An illustrated report of the continuation of the Madisonville - exploration, so remarkable in results, will be found in the - _Journal of the Cincinnati Society of Natural History_, vol. - iii, Nos. 1, 2, and 3; also a sketch by F. W. Putnam in _Harvard - University Bulletin_ for June 1, 1881. - - - - - B. - - -[Illustration: Elephant Pipe from Louisa Co., Iowa.] - -The question as to whether man and the mastodon were contemporaneous in -America, has long been a matter of dispute as the reader is aware after -the perusal of our second chapter and other sources. The “elephant -pipe” figured in the accompanying cut has been the means of calling -fresh attention to the subject. Dr. R. J. Farquharson, of the Davenport -Academy of Sciences, who kindly furnished us the photo from which our -illustration is a reduction, states that six or seven years ago Mr. -Peter Mare, a farmer (whose estate was situated on both sides of the -line dividing Muscatine and Louisa Counties, Iowa) found the elephant -pipe while plowing corn on his land in Louisa County. The finder, -who had no idea of its archæological value, kept it with a number of -“Indian stones,” as he termed them, until last year (1878), when it -became the property of the Davenport Academy. Dr. Farquharson says: -“The ancient mounds were very abundant in that vicinity (Louisa Co.), -and rich in relics which are deposited on the surface of the soil (not -in excavations), as we found in exploring a number. In such a case -it is not strange that a mound having been gradually removed by long -cultivation, the relics so deposited should be reached and turned up -by the plow.” * * * “The pipe, which is of a fragile sandstone, is of -the ordinary Mound-builder’s type, and has every appearance of age and -usage. Of its genuineness I have no doubt. Together with the ‘Elephant -mound’ of Wisconsin, the elephant head of Palenque (depicted in Lord -Kingsborough’s great work), our pipe completes the series of what the -French would call ‘documents’ proving the fact of the contemporaneous -existence on this continent of man and the mastodon.”[807] The above -facts, as stated by Dr. Farquharson, were substantially embodied in a -paper read by Mr. Pratt before the Davenport Academy, April 25, 1879. - - - - - C. - - THE CHARNAY EXPLORATION. - - -The exploring expedition under French and American patronage, led by -M. Désiré Charnay, began its labors in Mexico, May 1st, 1880, and -continued them nearly a year. During this time a large number of ruins, -scattered over the area extending from Teotihuacan and Tollan, on the -north, and Palenque, on the south, are reported to have been examined. -How thorough the examination was, or how scientifically accurate -were the published reports, it would at present (September, 1881) be -impossible to determine. Suffice it to say that they are generally -viewed with distrust, partly on account of the disjointed, haphazard -form in which they have appeared in the _North American Review_ -(September, 1880-June, 1881—doubtless without blame on the part of the -editor), where the splendid heliotype illustrations have been rendered -nearly valueless by the frequent omission, from the text and elsewhere, -of descriptive reference; and partly on account of the over-confident -style of the writer. It is to be hoped that the ground for criticism -may be removed when M. Charnay shall formally publish his reports. - -It would be superfluous in this connection to summarize his work, since -his papers are accessible to all. - -It is worthy of note, however, that he reports Teotihuacan, on the -authority of several authors, to have contained twenty-seven thousand -dwellings, besides its temples, and that the heaps of ruins which -remain justify the statement. The whole area of five or six miles -in diameter was found covered with heaps of ruins. Cement roadways, -containing broken pottery, seemed to afford evidence of occupancy -in even a more ancient epoch than that in which Teotihuacan was -founded. Excavations revealed two halls of a supposed temple at the -base of one of the pyramids. One of these halls is reported to be -nearly fifty feet square, in the middle of which stood six pillars -which had served to sustain the roof. At Tula, the ancient capital of -Tollau, north-west of the city of Mexico, hitherto so fruitless of -archæological, and especially of architectural remains, M. Charnay -made remarkable discoveries of pyramids, and several Toltec houses of -immense proportions, one of which contained forty-three apartments, -besides corridors and a staircase. Sculptures were numerous, and bricks -of burnt clay, twelve inches long by five inches wide, were found to -have been used in constructing stairways. - -Near the village of Comalcalco, thirty-five or forty miles -north-west of San Juan Bautista, the capital of Tabasco, vast ruins -were discovered, particularly pyramids, towers, and edifices, all -forest-grown, equalling and even surpassing in proportions those at -Palenque. Upon a pyramid 115 feet high an edifice of brick and mortar -234 feet in length was explored. - -At the village of Palenque, M. Charnay found the two bas-reliefs seen -by Waldeck and Stephens a half century ago, now built into the outer -wall of a church (see this work, p. 391). - -At the ancient city itself the explorer discovered the ruins to be -more extensive than ever heretofore supposed, and estimates that it -would require the labor of five hundred men for six months, under the -direction of a corps of topographers, simply to determine the general -plan of the city. Eight hundred and sixty-one square feet of casts of -bas-reliefs were taken. It was ascertained at Palenque, by breaking off -portions of the vesture upon the stucco reliefs, that the human body -had in all cases been first carefully modeled, and that the drapery had -subsequently been superposed. Whether this fact throws light simply -upon the process employed, or indicates a reaction or evolution in art, -is equally interesting and uncertain. - - - - - D. - - HOUSE ARCHITECTURE OF THE MOUND-BUILDERS AND PUEBLOS. - - -Among the unsolved problems of American archæology is that of the -use to which the extensive systems of embankments attributed to the -Mound-builders were put. The Newark (Ohio) system of works, now -covering two miles square, but formerly presenting twelve miles of -embankment, reaching at some points a height of thirty-five feet, -with sufficient width for a carriage-way on top, has been a veritable -sphinx to all inquirers. Nor does it stand alone in an architectural -aspect. Its square is precisely of the dimensions of a similar figure -found at Hopetown, in the Scioto Valley. Its circles are connected -with squares or octagons, a typical combination of features generally -prevalent in mound structures. Furthermore, its trenches are all within -the enclosures. The probability is that the clew to the solution of -the problem has come to light. The discovery of what are pronounced -to be mound-works, in connection with the Pueblo ruins of Colorado -and New Mexico and Arizona, has given us the hint. Mr. Wm. H. Holmes -in “A Notice of the Ancient Ruins of South-western Colorado, examined -during the Summer of 1875,”[808] shows us the Mound and Pueblo ruin in -close proximity. In describing a ruined village on the Rio La Plata, -he says: “North of this, about 300 feet, is a truncated rectangular -mound, 9 or 10 feet in height and 50 feet in width by 80 in length. -On the east end, near one of the angles, is a low, projecting pile -of débris that may have been a tower. There is nothing whatever to -indicate the use of this structure. Its flat top and height give it -more the appearance of one of the sacrificial mounds of the Ohio Valley -than any other observed in this part of the West. It may have been, -however, only a raised foundation, designed to support a superstructure -of wood or adobe.... South of this, and occupying the extreme southern -end of the terrace, are a number of small circles and mounds, while -an undetermined number of diminutive mounds are distributed among the -other ruins.” Mr. W. H. Jackson, in the same document (p. 29) that -contains Mr. Holmes’ report, mentions the remains of “many circular -towns” on a high plateau between the Montezuma and the Hovenweep. The -year following, the lamented scholar, Mr. Lewis H. Morgan, acting on -the suggestion or originating a hypothesis of his own, announced in the -_North American Review_ for July, 1876, what has since been called his -“Pueblo Theory.” A fuller exposition of his views were embodied in his -paper “On Houses of the American Aborigines,” published in the _Report -of the Archæological Institute of America for 1879–1880_. Mr. Morgan -illustrates the prevalence of communal houses among the aborigines east -of the Mississippi, citing the long houses of the Iroquois; and west -of the river the communal lodges of the Minnitares and Mandans, and -of Columbia River Indians seen by Lewis and Clark in 1805. The writer -further illustrates the communal architecture of the aborigines by -discussions relating to the joint tenement houses of the Pueblos of New -Mexico and Arizona. Having thus laid his foundation, he applies the -communal idea and its expression in the Mandan and Pueblo structures -in a conjectural restoration of the mound villages. He supposes that, -as adobe would not withstand the frosts and rains of the Ohio Valley, -the Mound-builder people resorted to the structure of wooden edifices. -He says: “They might have raised these embankments of earth, enclosing -circular, rectangular, or square areas, and constructed their long -houses upon them.” Mr. Morgan would build upon the squares and circles -houses having a wooden framework, upon which turf and grass were placed -both upon roof and sides. In order that this should be possible, the -sides are supposed to have been inclined at the same angle with the -embankment, the superstructure being a continuation of the earthern -foundation so far as outline and geometrical figure is concerned. To -preserve analogy with the closed, windowless ground-storey of New -Mexico Pueblos, Mr. Morgan supposes that the outer side or sides of -the edifice were closed, presenting only blank walls of heavy turf -or gravel to view; while the walls facing within the enclosure were -windowed, and pierced with doors. The entrances to the enclosures, he -supposes, were guarded with palisades. There the defensive feature of -the Pueblo house was preserved. In his elaborate work, the “Houses -and House Life of the American Aborigines,”[809] that last touch of a -vanished hand, the author has discussed at length the development of -the joint tenement house among the Mound-builders. After illustrating -the principle, as applied in the restoration of High Bank works -(Ross County, Ohio), he adds: “These embankments, therefore, require -triangular houses of the kind described, and long houses as well, -covering their entire length. But the interior plan might have been -different; for example, the passage-way might have a long exterior -wall, and the stalls or apartments on the court side, and but half as -many in number; and, instead of one continuous house, in the interior, -450 feet in length, it might have been divided into several, separated -from each other by cross partitions. The plan of life, however, which -we are justified in ascribing to them, from known usages of Indian -tribes in a similar condition of advancement, would lead us to expect -large households formed on the basis of kin, with the practice of -communism in living in each household, whether large or small.” The -plausibility of Mr. Morgan’s hypothesis is, to say the least, striking. -However, his supposition that the Mound-builders and Pueblos were of -the same race, is not unattended with difficulties. Conspicuous among -them is the marked dissimilarity of the ceramic ornament employed by -the two peoples. Nothing is more stable than the art of a race or -age. Nothing more truly reveals the inner life of a people than its -pottery. The Mound-builders and Pueblos each had their ceramic types. -But they were wholly unlike—apparently the work of unrelated races. -Yet, community of burial, as well as community of residence, to which -may be added similarity of cranial type, are facts that declare for Mr. -Morgan’s hypothesis as to the relation of the peoples in question.[810] - - - - - INDEX. - - - A. - - Abbott, discoveries in New Jersey. 127–8; - view of Eskimo, 128. - - Aboriginal painting of sun, 65; - trade, 98; - Rau on, 98. - - Aborigines, American, 21. - - Acolhuas, Nahua tribe, 256. - - Agassiz on Floridian jaw-bone, 112; - on origin of nations, 158–9; - on physical life and nature, 158; - views of untenable, 159, 516. - - Ages of stone and bronze in Mississippi valley, 27. - - Age of trees on mounds, 104. - - Agglutination in languages, 471. - - Alabama mounds, 71–72. - - Alaska, climate of, 511. - - Aleutian islands, 509; - migration by, 509. - - Alleghany Mts., boundary of Mound country, 58. - - Alligator mound, 34. - - Allighewi, 102. - - Allouez, Father, on aboriginal copper, 92–3. - - Al-Mamoun, state of learning during kalifate of, 132. - - Altar mounds, 37; - Squier and Davis on, 83–87; - stratification of, 83–84; - Prof. Andrews on, 83, n. 1. - - Alton, mounds at, 41. - - Amaquemecan, Chichimec home, 248, 256. - - American civilization (ancient) contrasted with that of Britons, 520. - “Bottom,” recent discoveries in, 43–44. - languages, number and variety of, 190; - instability of, 190. - race not unique, 165; - of old world origin, 201–2. - - Anahuac, 249. - - Analogies in geographical names, 497. - in religion, 459–68. - of ceremonial law, 463. - Scandanavian and Mexican, 464. - Hindoo and Mexican, 465. - Greek and Mexican, 466. - Egyptian and Mexican, 467. - - Anchylosis (bony) observed in mound-builder remains, 184. - - Ancient copper mines, 89–94. - - Ancient forts of New York, 28; - of Lake Erie, 28; - Col. Whittlesey on, 28; - Dr. Foster on, 28. - - Anderson’s, W. M., “Calendar Stone,” 70. - - Andrews, E. B., explorations by, 55. - - Antiquity of man, chap. ii; - testimony of geology, 102; - in Europe, 24, n. 1. - - Antiquity of mounds, 101, 103, 104. - Red man, 22. - - Antipodes, St. Augustine on, 132; - Aristarchus of Samos on, 132. - - Apes, American group of, 194. - - Ararat, Mt., 497. - the Mexican, 261–63. - - Arch, pueblo, 292. - - Architecture, analogies in, real and fancied, 339. - Maya, 340–55. - classification of styles, 340. - Palenque, 340; - Yucatan style, 346; - Uxmal, 347. - Kabah, 352; - Zayi, 353; - Labná, 354. - Quiché, 355–59. - Nahua, 359–83; - Mitla, 360–64. - Maya and Nahua compared, 381. - - Architectural progress in mound works, 79–80. - - Argyll, Duke of, on Negroid type, 197. - - Art, unity of style in savage, 196. - high order at Palenque, 389, 392; - at Uxmal, 393, 395; - at Copan, 404. - Palenque and Egyptian compared, 418. - - Astronomical knowledge of Aztecs, 455. - Mound-builders, 94–6. - - Atlantic Ocean, floor of, 502, 505. - submerged land ridge of, 503. - mean depths of, 502. - sea-board, changes in level of, 504. - continent, 505. - - Atlantis, Platonic, tradition of, 142, 498–505. - Brasseur de Bourbourg on, 498–500. - Legends of from _Popol Vuh_ and _Codex Chimalpopoca_, 499. - Retzius on, 500; - Unger, 501; - Heer, 501. - - Atolls of the Pacific, 507; - Dana and Le Conte on, 507–8. - - Atoyac, Mexican river, 234. - - Autochthones, mound-builders not, 97. - - Autochthon, the American an, 192. - - Autochthonic origin of Americans, 155. - - Axayacatl, Mexican king, 452. - - Azores, volcanic character of, 503. - - Aztec calendar, 446–59; - year, 447; - months, 447; - weeks and days, 448; - inter-calation, 448; - Ritual year, 449, 455; - Lords of night, 449. - Stone, 450; - lunar reckoning, 455. - chronology, 458. - - Aztec language, richness of, 471, 480, 481; - extent of, 480, 492. - the classic tongue, 480; - ancient and modern, 481. - grammar, 481–85; - Lord’s prayer in, 485. - traces of north of Mexico, 486–90, 491. - elements in Nootka languages, 491. - - Aztec picture-writing, 428–33. - - Aztec springs, 300, 324–26; - Aztec-Sonora languages, 487–8. - - “Aztec theory,” the, 331. - - Aztecs, migrations of, 259–263; - date of, 259; - stations, 260–61; - southern origin of considered, 266, n. 1. - - Aztlan, Nahua home, 257–9, 518; - location of, 257–9, 264–65. - description of by Duran, 258. - - Aztlan, Wis., mound works at, 36. - - - B. - - Babel myths, 140; - tower of, 205; - Cholula, 235–37. - - Bacab myth, 465. - - Balam-Agab, Quiché progenitor, 214. - - Balam-Quitzé, Quiché progenitor, 214. - - Baldwin, J. D., on mounds of North-west, 31, 32. - - Bancroft, H. H., on Hue hue Tlapalan, 251–53. - resumé of Toltec annals by, 255. - observations on Cox-cox myth, 263. - on Maya chronology, 438. - on Aztec language, 476, n. 2. - - Baptism, Mexican, 462. - - Barber, E. A., 305. - - Barrandt on Dakota mounds, 31. - - Basque and Maya languages compared, 476; - Dr. Farrar on, 476, n. 2. - - Bartlett’s exploration of Casas Grandes, 276–83. - - Bayou St. John, earthworks on, 76. - - Beard mound, 56. - - Bearded men at Chichen-Itza, 401. - - Beau Relief in Stucco, 388. - - Becker, J. H., on traditions of Nahua Mound-builders, 102, n.; - on ancient home of Nahuas, 248; - on Toltec migration, 248–50. - - Behring’s Straits, Bancroft’s remarks on, 147. - width and depth of, 510; - Lyell and Herschel on, 510; - Hellwald on migration by, 511; - Dall, W. H., on migration _via_, 512, n. 1. - - Berthoud, E. L., stone implements collected by, 124. - - Big Harpeth valley works, 60–65. - - Blake, J. H., collection of Peruvian skulls by, 176–7. - - Bollaert’s interpretation of hieroglyphics, 425. - - Books used by Mayas, 420. - by Aztecs, 428. - - Bourbeuse River, mastodon discovered at, 116. - - Brasseur de Bourbourg, estimate of by Bancroft, 142, n. 1. - on the Platonic Atlantis, 142, 498–500; - on Igh and Imox, 205, n. 1; - on Maya hieroglyphics, 421–25; - on religious analogies, 467–8; - on Scandinavian and Maya languages, 476. - - Brachycephalic crania classified, 162–3. - - Brazil, accidental discovery of by Cabral, 506. - - Brentwood, Tenn., stones graves at, 60. - - Brick, sun-dried, from mounds, 72–75. - - Brinton, Dr., phonetic alphabet, 427; - Buddha and Quetzalcoatl compared by, 466. - - Brown, Thos., mounds of, 63–4. - - Browne, Ross, explorations by, 282–3. - - Buckle, on learning in Spain, 133, n. 2. - - Buddhist missionaries in America, 148–50. - - Burial, “intrusive” in mounds, 85; - ceremony, 40; - in stone coffins, 60; - vase from Mexico, 410. - - Butler, J. W., on Chaac-Mol, 399. - - Buschmann’s researches on American languages, 487–88. - Sonora family, 487; - on Aztec element in Nootka language, 491. - - - C. - - Cabots, 22. - - Cabral, discovery of Brazil by, 506. - - Cabrera on the origin of the Votanites, 208–9; - on Votanic document, 207. - - Cahita, language of New Mexico, 487. - - Cahokia mound, 41. - - Calapooya language, traces of Aztec in, 490. - - Calaveras Co. (Cal.) cranium, 125; - views of Whitney, Wyman and others on, 125. - - Calendar systems, mound-builder, 40. - Maya, 435–45; - days, 436; - months, 437; - the Katun, 439–40; - Ahau Katun, 441; - succession of, 442. - Nahua or Mexican, its construction, 243, 446–59; - perfection of, 519; - year, 447; - days and weeks, 448; - inter-calation, 448; - Ritual year, 449; - lords of night, 449; - Calendar Stone, 408–9; - interpreted by Gama, Chevero and Valentini, 450–58; - history, 452–3, 457. - - California, traces of antiquity of man in, 125. - - California languages and their affinities to Chinese, 495; - Japanese, 496. - - Canals constructed by Mound-builders, 98–100. - - Caras or Carians ancient navigators, 507; - Brasseur on, 507. - - Carr’s Measurements of Crania, 173; - on low-type mound crania, 174. - - Carter, 22; - Carter, Dr. J. Van A., on stone implements, 24, n. 1. - - Carthaginian colonization of America, 145–6 - - Cara Gigantesca, 404. - - Casa del Ecó, 312. - Gobernador (Uxmal), 347–50. - Grande of Zayi, 353. - de Monjas, sculptures of, 394. - - Casas Grandes, Chihuahua, 276; - Aztec station at, 277. - of the Gila, 284. - - Cataclysm, traditions of a, 499. - - Cave explorations, 26. - dwellings, 292–311, 313. - village of Rio Chelley, 313. - shelters of San Juan, 319. - fortresses of Rio Mancos, 320. - - Ceacatl Quetzalcoatl, Toltec king, 272. - - Cemetery, aboriginal, 65. - - Centennial Report of Ohio Arch. Asso., 82. - - Centla, pyramid of, 365–6. - - Cephalic index of crania, 160. - - Ceremonial law, analysis of, 463. - - Chaac-Mol, statue of, 397–400. - - Chaco Valley, ruined pueblo in, 291; - peculiarity of architecture, 292. - - Chalcas, Nahua tribe, 256. - - Chalco, lake, 264. - - Challenger, voyage of, 502; - “Challenger plateau,” 502–3. - - Chalcatzin, Toltec chief, 244. - - Chamber, interior in mound, 75. - - Chanes, ancient races, 206. - - Charencey, 425. - - Chelly Cañon, antiquities of, 293; - cave-village of, 313–14; - house in, 315. - - Chevero, interpretation of Mexican Calendar Stone by, 450–2. - - Chiapan architecture, 340. - - Chiapas, ancient civilization of, 203. - - Chichen-Itza, antiquities of, 353–5, 397–403; - mural paintings at, 401. - - Chichilticale, “red house,” 281. - - Chichimecs, Mexican nation, 243; - dynasty of, 254; - language of, 255, 480; - Pimentel on, 255–6. - - Chicomoztoc (Chichimostoc) Nahua home, 256–7; - identical with “seven caves,” 261, n.; 264–66. - - Chihuahua, Casas Grandes of, 275; - original descriptions of, 276; - material and dimensions of, 276–77. - - Children’s graves in Tennessee, 66–8. - - Chimalhuacan, Toltec station, 245. - - Chinook language, traces of Aztec in, 490, n. 3. - - Cholula pyramid, 235; - not related to a flood, 235, 237; - origin according to Duran, 236, 368–70. - - Christ myth in Yucatan, 231, 464. - - Christy collection, Mosaic knife from, 412. - - Chinese colonization of America, 148. - - Chronology, accepted faulty, 199, 200; - Duke of Argyll on, 200. - Maya, 435–45; - adjusted to ours, 443–45. - - Cibola, seven cities of, 288. - - Cincinnati mound-works. 44–6; - tablet, 44–6. - - Circumcision, 463. - - Cists, stone, 60. - - Civilization, American contrasted with that of ancient Britons, 520. - - Clallam and Lummi languages, Aztec element in, 490. - - Clarke, Robert, on Cincinnati Tablet, 44–6. - on Morgan’s Pueblo theory, 55, n. 2. - - Classification of crania, 160–3. - of mound-works by Squier and Davis, and Foster, 81. - of mound relics by Rau, 82, n. 1. - - Clavigero, views on origin of Americans, 140, n. 1. - on first colonists of America, 204. - - Cliff-dwellers, 293; - their traditional history, 302. - - Cliff-dwellings of the Mancos Cañon, 298–99, 319. - McElmo Cañon, 302. - Hovenweep, 305–7. - San Juan, 307, 308, 319. - and Rock Shelters on San Juan, 309. - house of Chelly Cañon, 315. - in Montezuma Cañon, 316. - - Cloth from mounds, 37, 43. - - Coast level, elevation and depression of, 405. - - Coffins, stone, 60. - - Columbus, 22; - stern-post of ship seen by, 506. - - Colonists, first in Mexico, 242. - - Color, variety in human races, 197, 198; - Darwin on origin of, 199. - - Color of ancient Americans, 189; - Pritchard on, 189, n. 2. - - Colorado River, ruins in Grand Cañon of, 285. - Major Powell’s exploration, 285–87. - - Colorado Chiquito, antiquities of, 287. - - Columbia River languages, 492. - - Conant, A. J., explorations by, 76, 77; - on ancient canals, 98, 100. - - Conflict of science and dogmatism, 131. - - Confusion of tongues, 238. - - Connett mound, 56. - - Conquest of Xibalba, 222–5. - - Copan, 221; - ruins of, 356–59; - sculpture of, 404–5. - - Copper in mounds, 85; - ancient mines of, 89–94; - theory of Mexican supply, 93, 493. - relics from Wisconsin, 99. - - Cora language and its relation to Aztec, 486–7. - - Cosmogonic egg, 416, 419, 465. - - Coronado’s journey to New Mexico, 281, n. 1. - - Cox, Prof., discoveries cited, 75. - - Cox-cox, Mexican Noah, 262, n. 1. - - Cox-cox, Bancroft’s observations on, 263, 454. - - _Crania Americana_, measurements of, classified, 161–3. - - Cranial measurements, 159–60. - - Crania from mounds, testimony of, 105–6. - River Rogue, 167; - measurements by Gillman, 168. - Davenport, Farquharson’s measurements, 169–70; - from Ohio, 170; - from Kentucky, 171; - from Tennessee, 171; - comparison, 174; - compression of common, 178, 184; - among Chinooks, 182; - among other American tribes, 183. - - Cranium, low type, discovered by Conant, 174. - - Cremation probable, 85. - - Cristone of McElmo Cañon, 301. - - Cross, subterranean temple of, 363. - Tablet of, 390. - - Cruciform works at Trenton, Wis., 35. - - Crux Ansata at Palenque, 416–17. - - Cukulcan culture hero, 230–31, 272, 394, 457. - - Culhuacan, 226. - - Culhuas (Nahuas) sometimes applied to Mayas, 209. - - Curtiss, Ed., explorations by, 65. - - - D. - - Dablon, Father, on aboriginal use of copper, 92–3. - - Dakota mounds, 31, n. 2. - - Dall, W. H., on migration by Behring’s Straits, 512, n. 1. - - Dana, J. D., review of Dr. Koch’s discoveries, 120. - - Darwin on old world origin of Americans, 194. - - Davenport Academy, explorations conducted by, 37–40. - - Davenport Tablet, 38, 40. - - Davenport mound crania, 169–70. - elephant pipe, Appendix B. - - Days, Maya, 436–38. - - Deguignes, 148. - - Deluge myths, Mexican, 262–3, notes. - Tezpi, 263, n.; - Analogies, 460. - - Development of American Race (see Evolution). - - Dickson, Dr., examination of “Mammoth Ravine” by, 113–14. - - Diseases of Mound-builders, 184. - - Dogmatism and science, 131. - - Dolechocephalic crania classified, 161. - - “Dolphin Rise,” the, 501. - - Domenech, Abbé, note on works, 139, n. 4. - - Dowler, Dr., skeleton discovered by, 123; - estimate of antiquity, 123. - - Drake, account of works at Cincinnati by, 44. - - Drift (modified), fossil from, 121. - - Dwellings of Mound-builders, 67. - - - E. - - Earth, globular form discovered, 133. - - Echevarria y Veitia on the origin of the Americans, 138. - - Eckstein, Baron de, on the Caras, 507. - - Eden, Mexican analogies with, 460. - - Edificios de Quemada, 379. - - Education of Aztec children, 432. - - Effigy mounds of Wisconsin, 33–36; - of Ohio, 34; - of Georgia, 35. - - Egypt and Teotihuacan compared, 383. - - Egyptian influence on American civilization, 147. - - Egyptian painting, 197. - - Egyptian Tau at Palenque, 416. - - El Castillo, pyramid, 366. - - Elephant mound. 35–6; - “Trunk,” 385, 395; - pipe, 530. - - El Moro, ruins on, 290. - - Elyria cave, Whittlesey on, 26. - - Engleman, Dr. J. G., 43. - - Enoch, H. R., discovery by, 44. - - Epsom Creek, antiquities of, 315; - elevated tower on, 316. - - Eric the Red, 153. - - Ericson, 32. - - Eskimo, the first occupants of America, 512. - - Estufa (Pueblo sanctuary), 292; - entrance peculiar, 322. - - Etowah valley mounds, 72. - - Europe, antiquity of man in, 24, n. 1. - - Evolution, origin of the Americans by, 191; - views of Hellwald on, 191; - regarded improbable by Hæckel and Darwin, 195. - - - F. - - Fanaticism of early writers on America, 133. - - Farquharson, Dr., reports by, 38. - - Farrar, Dr. W., on American language, 470. - - Feathered Serpent (Quetzalcoatl, Gucumatz Cukulcan), 272, 394, 457. - - Festival of the Mexican Cycle, 456. - - Flood myths of the Mexicans, 262, n. 1, 499; - of Pueblos, 335–6. - - Floors of burnt clay, 66. - - Florida, ancient home of Mayas, 517. - - Floridian jaw-bone, Agassiz and Pourtales on, 112–13. - - Fontaine, Mr., on Tennessee valley mounds, 71. - - Forchhammer on Indian languages, 496. - - Forest growth on mounds, 104. - - Forshey, Prof. C. G., on southern mounds, 77–79. - - Fort Ancient, 51; - Judges Dunlevy and Force on, 51, 52. - - Fortifications (ancient) in New York, on the Lakes, and in Butler - Co., Ohio, 50; - in Miami valley, 51, 75. - - Foster’s _Pre-historic Races_, importance of, 100, n. 2. - - Foster, Dr. J. W., on Cahokia mound, 42; - classification of mound-works by, 81; - on Indian traditions, 102; - on age of “New Orleans skeleton,” 124. - - Fossil from drift, Jersey Co., Ill., 121; - Foster’s observations on, 121. - - Fremont, Montezuma legend by, 334. - - Frio, Cape, distance from Africa, 506. - - Fuentes, description of Copan by, 356. - - Funeral ceremony, 39, 40. - - Fusang, 148–51; - views of Neuman on, 149; - Bretschneider, 150; - Klaproth, 150; - D’Eichthal, 151. - - - G. - - Gama, Leon y, on Mexican Calendar Stone, 450–55. - - Garcia on origin of Americans, 136–7. - - Gardner, J. Starke, on Dolphin and Challenger ridges, 503. - - Gass, Rev. J., discoveries of, 37, 40. - - Gemelli Carreri, migration map of, 261–3. - - Geometrical knowledge of Mound-builders, 49. - - Geographical names, analogies in, 497. - - Gest, Mr. E., 46. - - Giants, race of, 232; - destruction of, 235. - - Gila river, Casa Grande of, 279. - accounts of, 279; - ground plan of, 281. - view of, 283. - - Gillman, Henry, explorations of, 29. - on crania from River Rogue, 167–8. - on crania from Chamber’s Island, 169. - - Goazacoalco (various spellings) river and province, 251. - - Gobernador, Casa del, 347–50. - - Grammar of Maya language, 477–9. - - Aztec language, 481–85. - - Grave Creek mound, 87. - - Gravier on Northmen, 153. - - Gray, Asa, on American and European flora, 501; - on Asiatic flora, 513. - - Graphic systems, see Hieroglyphics. - - Great Serpent, mound-work, 34, 70. - - Grecques at Mitla, 363. - - Greek analogies of religion, 466. - - Greek colonization of America, 146; - advocates of, 146. - - Greek gods in Yucatan, 467. - - Green County, Missouri, mound, 74. - - Greenland, subsidence of coast, 504. - - “Grimm’s Law,” 471–488. - - Grote, Prof. A. R., observations on Eskimo, 128, 512. - - Guatemalians, origin and flood myths of, 228–9. - - Gucumatz, Quiché, deity, 213, 222, 226, 227. - search for maize by, 241, 272. - - Gulf Stream, 505. - - - H. - - Hacavitz, mountain and deity, 215–16. - - Hæckel, on origin of Americans, 195. - - Hair of ancient Americans, 186. - - Hair-cloth from mounds, 43. - - Hanno’s naval expeditions, 145. - - Hands, prints of ancient cliff-dwellers, 312. - - Haywood, mummies described by, 187. - - Head-flattening, history of, 178–80; - practiced in America, 180–84; - Prof. Wilson on, 180; - among the Chinooks, 182; - among Mound-builders, 183. - - Headlee, Dr., cited, 75, n. - - Hearths (ancient) in Ohio valley, 122. - - Helena, Missouri, sun-dried bricks at, 75. - - Hellwald, F. von, and copper in Mexico, 93. - - Herrera on origin of Americans, 137. - - Heroic period of American history, 515. - - Hieroglyphics, from the mounds, 419. - of cliff-dwellers, 420; - of Mayas, 420–28; - Landa’s key to, 223–25. - Mexican, 429–34. - - Hill, S. W., on ancient copper mines, 91. - - Hindoo and Mexican analogies, 465. - - Hiram and Solomon’s fleet, 154. - - Hitchcock, Prof. Ed., on age of Mississippi delta, 128. - - Hivites, ancestors of Votanites, 208–9, n. - - Hoei-Shin, report on Fusang, 148. - - Holmes, W. H., explorations of, 297, 305, 317. - on Rio de la Plata, 318; - mound-works reported, 318; - discoveries on San Juan, 319. - in Mancos Cañon, 320–24. - - Hooker, Sir Joseph, 43. - - Hopetown works, 49. - - Hosea, S. M., on sacrificial mounds, 74, n. 2. - - Houses of Mound-builders, 67. - - Hovenweep, ruined city of, 304; - niche stairway of, 306; - cliff-house of, 307. - - Howland, H. R., discoveries by, in “American bottom,” 43–4. - - Huastecs, Maya nation, 234. - - Hueman (Huematzin), Toltec astrologer and leader, 245, 253. - - Hue hue Tlapalan, ancient Nahua home, 238, 240, 248; - date of migration from, 240, 241, 244, 245, n., 458; - location of, 244, 518. - in Mississippi Valley, 253; - not in North-west, 253. - - Huehuetan, in Chiapas. 206. - - Huemac, Toltec king, 268. - - Hueyxalan, Toltec station, 245. - - Humboldt, William von, on Aztec language, 486. - - Humphries and Abbott’s estimate of age of Mississippi delta, 124. - - Hunahpu, Quiché, hero, 222; - exploits of, 222–3. - - Hunab Ku (only god), 231. - - Hunbatz, 223. - - Hun Came, 222–24. - - Hunchouen, 228. - - Hunhunahpu, Quiché, chief, 222–3. - - Hurakan, Quiché, deity, 212, 222, 226. - - - I. - - Iaia, tradition of, 499, n. - - Igh, one of the first colonists of Chiapas, 204. - - Imox, one of the first colonists of Chiapas, 204. - - Inca-bone, 173. - - India and Mexico, religious analogies of, 465. - - Indiana mounds, 57, n. 2. - - Indigenous Americans, 155. - views of writers on, 156. - - Infant burial in Tennessee, 60, 66. - - Ingersoll, Mr., tradition of cliff-dwellers recorded by, 302–4. - - Intercalary days, 445, 455. - - Interglacial race, 512–516. - relics from Waynesville, Ohio, 126; - President Orton on, 126–7. - - Interglacial man in New Jersey, 127–8. - - Iqi-Balam, Quiché, deity, 214–15. - - Irish colonists of America, 152. - - Israel, lost tribes of in America, 135–6; - views of Duran on, 135; - Thorowgood, 136; - L’Estrange, 136; - Garcia, 137; - Pineda, 138; - Echevarria y Veitia and Kingsborough, 143. - - Isle Royal, copper mines on, 91; - Henry Gillman 91, n. 1; - Foster on, 92–3; - Aboriginal use of copper, 92–3. - - Issaquena County, Mississippi, mounds, 70; - Anderson’s Calendar Stone from, 70. - - Ixtlilxochetl’s _Relaciones_, 240, 250. - - - J. - - Jackson, W. H., discoveries by in the McElmo and Mancos cañons, 294. - in the Hovenweep, 305–7. - - Janos river, antiquities of, 278. - - Japanese and American affinities, 496. - colonization of America, 148. - - Jaredites, colonists of America, 144. - - Jaw-bone from Florida, Agassiz and Count Pourtales on, 112–13. - - Jewish theory of colonization, 143. - - Jewish and Mexican historical analogies, 461. - - Jones, George, on Phœnician colonization of America, 146; - estimate of his work, 146, n. 2. - - Jones, Prof. Joseph, Mound explorations in Tennessee, 171–3; - cranial measurements by, 172. - - - K. - - Kabah, peculiarity of architecture at, 352. - - Kamucu, Quiché national song, 217. - - Kennebec valley mound, 28. - - Kennon, Col., on Aleutian islands, 509. - - Kentucky mound crania, 171. - - Kinich-Kakmó, queen of Chichen-Itza, 400. - - Kingsborough’s fancied analogies, 460–65. - - Kitchens of the Mound-builders, 76. - - Kitchen-middens, see _Shell-heaps_. - - Knapp, S. O., discovery of ancient copper mines by, 89. - - Koch, Dr., discoveries of, 116–121; - J. D. Dana on, 120–21; - Koch, valuable services of, 121, n. 2. - - Kuro-suvo, or Japan current, 509. - - - L. - - Labná, architecture of, 353. - - Lake Superior copper mines, 90–92. - - Lamnites, colonists of America, 144. - - Landa’s Alphabet, 423–25. - Maya days and months, 436–7. - - Languages (American), multiplicity of, 190, 469; - instability of, 493–4, n. 1. - survival of the fittest, 470. - the Maya-Quiché, 472; - classification of, 472; - stability of the Maya, 473. - the oldest American, 473; - Orozco y Berra on, 473, 493; - Maya-Quiché characteristics, 474; - Dr. Le Plongeon on, 474. - the Aztec, 479–90; - epitome of grammar, 481–85; - affinities to Asiatic, 495–96; - bearing on migrations, 486. - - Lapham, Dr., survey of mound-works in Wisconsin, 34–5. - - Lascarbot on origin of Americans, 137. - - Las Casas, on origin of Guatemalians, 228. - on flood myth, 228; - on creation myth, 228, n.; - on Christ myth, 231. - - Latham on Morton’s theories, 165, n. - - Lautverschiebung, 471, 488. - - Leather relic from mound, 56. - - Le Conte, Prof., on changes of coast level, 504. - - Legendary period of American history, level, 515. - - Leidy, Prof. Joseph, on stone implements, 24. - - L’Estrange on origin of Americans, 136. - - Leroux, M., discoveries of, 284. - - Le Plongeon, Dr., explorations in Yucatan, 396–403; - on Maya language, 474–77; - on analogies between Yucatan and Canary Islands, 500. - - Liberty, Ohio, works at, 48. - - Lief, Norse discoverer of America, 153. - - Lord’s prayer in Maya, 479. - in Aztec, 485. - - Louisiana mounds, 77–79. - Prof. C. G. Forshey on, 77; - pyramidal mounds, 78. - - Low type crania from mounds, 174. - - Lund, Dr., explorations by, 116. - - Lyell, Sir Charles, on remains at Santos River, Brazil, 113; - observations on Natchez bone, 113–14; - on age of Mississippi delta, 123; - on New Orleans skeleton, 123. - - - M. - - McElmo Cañon, cliff-dwellings of, 300, 302. - square tower in, 301; - triple-walled tower of, 224. - - McGuire on antiquity of Red man, 27, n. - - McKinley, William, mounds described by, 73. - - Madisonville explorations, 523. - - Mahucutah, Quiché progenitor, 214. - - Maize, discovery of, 241. - - Man, antiquity of in South America, 109–10, 129; - four creations of, 214. - - Man’s influence on nature, 110–11; - measure of antiquity, 110; - Martius on, 111, n.; - Dr. Brinton on, 111; - Dr. Meigs on Santos River remains, 113. - - Man of recent origin in America, 130; - Lubbock’s remarks on, 130; - Foster on, 130, n. - - Manchester stone fort, 59. - - Mancos Cañon, cliff-houses of, 294, 295, 298, 299; - watch-tower of, 296–97, 300; - cave-fortresses of, 320–24. - - Manuscripts of Mayas, 421. - Troano MS, 422. - of Mexicans, 429; - Mendoza Codex, 431–33. - - Maps, Aztec migration, 261–63. - - Marietta mounds, 54. - - Marsh, Prof. O. C., exploration by, 87–9. - - Mastodon discovered by Dr. Koch, 116–18. - - Mayas, traditional origin of, chap. v.; - earliest home, 210; - venerable civilization, 519; - architecture of, 340–55; - sculpture, 384–403; - compared to Egyptian, 415; - calendar of, 435–45; - Katun or Cycle, 439–40; - Ahau Katun, 442; - intercalary days, 445; - system adjusted to our chronology, 443–45; - observations of Landa, Perez, Bancroft and Delaport on, 443–45. - - Maya-Quiché languages classified, 472; - stability of, 473; - antiquity of, 474–5. - - Maya Grammar, 477–79; - Maya, Lord’s prayer in, 479. - - Maya and Hebrew compared, 475. - compared to Scandinavian languages, 476. - compared to the Basque, 476; - to West African languages, 477. - - Maya writing, see Hieroglyphics. - - Mazatepec, Toltec station, 246. - - Mecitl (or Mixi), Aztec leader, 259. - - Meigs on mean of Indian cranium, 167. - - Melgar on two idols near Mexico, 416; - on Maya language, 475. - - Menominees, “White Indiana,” 189. - - Mexican baptism, 462–3; - crania, 175. - Calendar, divisions of time, 446; - the Cycle, 446; - festival of, 456; - months, 447; - New Year, 447. - Calendar Stone, 450; - its interpreters, 450; - dates furnished by, 458; - Lunar reckoning, 455. - - Mexican language, see Aztec language. - - Mexico, pyramid of, 374; - sculpture from, 408–11; - vases from, 410; - vases in the United States National Museum, 413–415. - - Miami Valley, aboriginal cemetery in, 523. - - Miamisburgh mound, 52. - - Mica, use of by Mound-builders, 98. - - Michigan mounds, 29. - - Migration, the first to America, 512. - conditions favorable in North-west, 513. - Becker on, 513–14. - of the Quichés, 215. - of the Tolteca, 244–251. - of the Aztecs, 259–63; - of Tarascos, 261. - - Migration map of Boturini, 433. - of Gemelli Carreri, 261–63, 483. - Gemelli interpreted by Ramirez, 262. - - Minas Geraes, caves of, 116. - - Mississippi delta, age of, 122–24; - estimate by Lyell, 122; - by Dr. Dowler, 123; - by Dr. Hitchcock, 123; - by Humphries and Abbott, 123. - - Mississippi mounds, 69–70, 71. - - Mitchell, Dr. A., explorations cited, 73. - - Mitla, antiquities of, 361–62. - - Mizteco-Zapotec languages, 479. - - Miztecs, Mexican tribe. 234. - - Mongol colonization of America, 151. - - Monjas, Casa de, 350. - - Montezuma Cañon, cliff-dwellings of, 316. - - Montezuma, culture-hero, 333; - legend of his birth, 334; - legend concerning by Papagoes chief, 334; - Montezuma II., Mexican emperor, 453; - languages of his empire, 480. - - Months, Maya, 437–39. - - Monosyllabism, 495. - - Moqui towns, Becker on origin, 332; - name, 332; - Lieutenant Ives’ description of, 326–30; - pottery, 327; - interior of dwellings, 328. - - Moqui language, Aztec traces in, 489. - - Mooshahueh, Moqui town, 328. - - Morgan, L. H., Pueblo theory of, 55; - Robert Clarke on, 53, n. - - Mormon colonisation of America, 144; - Bancroft on, 144. - - Morton, Dr., classification of American races by, 157–59; - table of cranial measurements by, 158, n. 1; - views untenable, 159–165, 516; - measurements of _Crania Americana_ classified, 161–63. - - Moody, J., on Rockford Tablet, 44. - - Moss, Captain, 302. - - Mosaics at Mitla, 362–3. - - Mosaic knife, 412. - - Mosaic deluge, Mexican analogies with, 460. - - Mound-builders, geographical distribution of works, 27; - Mica mines of, 28; - copper mines of, 92–94. - no tradition of, 102–3; - Mound-builders and Indians distinct, 65. - language of, 492; - diseases of, 184. - - Mound-works at St. Clair river, 30; - in British Columbia, 30; - in Oregon, 31; - Bonhomme’s island, 31; - Missouri valley, 31, 33; - on Butte prairies, 31, n. 1; - in Dakota, 31, n. 2; - in Wisconsin, 33; - at Davenport, 37; - heart of country, 40; - St. Louis and American bottom, 41; - in Ohio, 48; - at Newark, 53–55; - in Wabash valley, 57, n. 2; - in Tennessee, 58–68; - in North and South Carolina, 67; - in Mississippi, 67; - in Alabama, 71; - in Georgia, 72, 73; - in Missouri, 74–77; - in Louisiana, 77–79; - in Texas, 78; - antiquity of, 101; - abandonment, 101–5, 458–9; - age of vegetation on, 104; - of Mancos Cañon, 294; - in Vera Paz, 359; - in Tehuantepec, 360; - in Vera Cruz, 364. - - Mound crania, condition of a measure of antiquity, 105–6; - typical mound skull, 166. - - Mound sculptures, 187–9. - - Mugeres Isla, statue from, 403. - - Müller, Max, 471. - - Mummies from Peru, 186. - from Tennessee, 187. - - Mural paintings at Chichen-Itza, 401. - - - N. - - Nachan, “city of serpents,” 205. - - Nahua architecture, 359–83. - sculpture, 406–15. - - Nahua Calendar, 445–459. - writers on, 445, n. 3. - analogies with calendars of Asia and Egypt, 459. - - Nahua language, see Aztec language. - ancient and modern, 480, 481, 486, 493–4, n. 1. - elements of in language of North-west, 491. - the probable language of Mound-builders, 492. - spoken in Florida, 493; - analogies to, 494. - - Nahua nations, origin of, 232. - predecessors of in Mexico, 232. - chronology of according to _Codex Chimalpopoca_ and _Popol Vuh_, - 241, 250. - their arrival at Panuco, 242. - extent of territory in Mexico, 248. - migrations of, 244, 251, 517. - southern origin considered, 252. - - Nahuatlacas, seven Nahua tribes, 256–9. - - Najera on the Otomi and the Chinese, 494–5. - - Nashville, Tenn., mounds near, 62, 65, 67. - - Natchez pelvic bone, discovered by Dr. Dickson, 113. - Lyell’s observations on, 113–14. - Foster’s observations on, 114, n. 4. - - Negroid type, ancient, 197. - - Nemontemi, Aztec intercalary days, 455. - - Neolithic age in America, 23. - - Nephites, colonists of America, 144. - - Newark, Ohio, works at, 53–55. - - New Jersey, traces of inter-glacial man in, 127–8. - - New Madrid, Missouri, great mound near, 75–76. - - New Orleans, ancient skeleton discovered at, 123. - - New York, ancient forts of, 28. - - Nezahualcoyoth, King of Tezcuco, poems of, 470. - - Niche stairway, 315. - - Nootkas, Aztec traces among, 486. - - Norse discovery of America, 153. - - North-west, antiquity of man in, 128–9. - - Nott and Gliddon on the origin of nations, 159. - - - O. - - Oajaca, antiquities of, 360–64. - languages of, 479. - - Observations on places of sanctuary, 80. - - Obsidian in mounds, 85. - - Occupancy of Mississippi valley by Mound-builders, 106. - - Ocean currents, 505. - - Ococingo, ancient city in Chiapas, 211. - site of, 226. - - Ohio Archæological Society report, 82, n. 1. - - Ohio mound crania, 170–1. - - Ohio mound-works, 47. - estimated number of, 48. - - Ojo del Pescado, ruins at, 289. - - Oldtown art, 64. - - Oldtown, Tennessee, mounds, 61–3. - - Olmecs, First Nahuas, 232–4, 518. - destroy the giants, 235. - build Chohila, 235, 248, 264. - - Opata-Tarahumar-Pima family of languages, 488. - - Ophir, 145. - - Oraybe, Moqui town, 330. - - Ordoñez, history of, 207. - - Oregon, traces of Aztec in, 490. - - Origin of the Americans, Autochthonic, 192 _et seq._ - - Origin of Americans reviewed, 516. - - Origin of Ancient Americans, 134, 153. - views of Duran, 135; - L’Estrange, 136; - Thorowgood, 136; - Garcia, 136–7; - Herrera, 137; - Torquemada, 137; - Pineda, 138; - Echevarria y Veitia, 138; - Ulloa, 139; - Domenech, 139; - Clavigero, 139. - Bancroft’s summary of views cited, 139; - views of modern authors, 201–2, notes; - of old world origin, 202. - - Origin of the Nahuas, according to Sahagun, 242. - - Origin tradition of Mayas, 204. - of Quichés, 211–12. - - Orton, President Edward, on inter-glacial relics in Ohio, 126–7. - - Otomi language compared to Chinese, 494–5. - - Oztotlan, home of Aztecs, 248. - - - P. - - Pacific Continent, 508. - - Page, J. R., explorations by, 67. - - Painted desert, 332. - - Painting practised by Mound-builders, 65. - - Palæolithic age in America, 23. - - Palenque art compared with Egyptian, 418. - - Palenque, centre of the earliest American civilization, 204, 208–9. - - Palenque, situation, 340; - antiquities, 340; - palace, 342; - architectural features of, 343; - Tau at, 343; - roofs, 344; - arch, 345–6; - tower, 345; - sculpture at, 384–92; - statue, 391. - - Panuco (Panco, Panutla or Panoaia, Pantlan) Mexican port, 242. - - Papantla, pyramid of, 367. - - Patton, Dr., on Indiana mounds, 57, n. 2. - - Pecos, New Mexico Pueblo, 331. - - Pentateuch, true chronology of, 199. - - _Peresianus Codex_, 427. - - Peruvian crania, 175. - - Petit Anse Island, remains from, 115. - Foster’s observations on, 115. - Hilgard and Fontaine’s report on, 115. - - Physiognomy of ancient Americans, 186. - - Phœnician colonization of America, 145–6. - George Jones on, 145–6. - - Picture-writing of Aztecs, 428–33; - specimen from _Codex Mendoza_, 431–2. - - Pimentel on Chichimec language, 255. - - Pimentel’s classification of Maya languages, 472; - epitome of Aztec Grammar from, 482–83. - - Pineda on origin of Americans, 138. - - Plastered room in mound, 75 - - Platycnemism, 183; - Gillman’s discoveries of, 185, n. 2. - - Plato’s Atlantis, tradition of, 142. - - Polynesia, ancient empire of, 508. - Baldwin on, 508. - - Polysynthesis, a law of American language, 471. - - Pomme-de-Terre River, Dr. Koch’s discoveries at, 118–19. - - Pontonchan, 234. - - _Popol Vuh_ (national book of the Quichés), 212, n. 2. - second division of, 221. - - Pottery from the cliff-houses, 327. - - Powell, Major J. W., explorations, 285–287. - - Pratt, W. H., explorations by, 42, n. 2. - - Pre-Columbian colonization, views on, 141–154. - - Progress, architectural, in mound-works, 79–80. - - Prophecy, analogies of, 464. - - Ptolemy cited, 497. - - Pueblo civilization, extent of, 283. - architecture, chap. vii. - transition in style, 284. - - Pueblos of New Mexico, 330–1. - in ruins, 331. - - Pueblo Pintado, 291. - - Pueblos, the, and Aztecs, 331; - and mound-builders, 332; - architecture and remains compared, 333; - creation and flood and Babel myths of, 335–6. - - Puente Nacional, pyramid at, 365. - - Putnam, F. W., explorations by, 57, 65, 67. - explorations in Tennessee, 173. - - Pyramid, the American, 341. - structure according to Bancroft, 341. - of Tehuantepec, 360. - of Puento Nacional, 365. - of Centla, 366. - of El Castillo, 366. - of Tusipan, 367. - of Papantla, 367. - of Cholula, 368. - of Xochicalco, 370–73. - of Mexico, 374. - of Teotihuacan, 375–9. - - - Q. - - Quemada, Los edificios of, 379–81. - - Quiché architecture, 355–9. - - Quiché-Cakchiquel languages, 476. - - Quinames (Quinametin), 282; - first inhabitants of Mexico, 245; - their destruction, 233. - - Quiché poetry, 515. - - Quichés reputed to be Carthaginians, 226. - - Quichés, Maya nation, 211; - origin tradition, 211–12; - creation myth, 213; - creations of men, 214; - migrations, 215; - deities of, turned to stone, 216; - heroic age of, 220. - - Quetzalcoatl, culture hero, 219, 237; - traditions of, 267–71; - from Hue hue Tlapalan, 267; - priest and God of Toltecs, 268; - habits, 268; - author of letters and Mexican calendar, 268; - his enemy, 269; - departure from Tulla, 270; - reign at Cholula, 270; - departure to the East, 271; - expectation of his return, 271; - origin of legends concerning him, 272, 394, 457; - nationality, 464; - positive morality, 515; - discovery of maize, 242. - - Quiyahuitztlan, Anahuac, Toltec station, 245. - - - R. - - “Raised Beeches,” discovered by Alexander Agassiz, 504. - - Ramirez, on Aztec migration map, 263. - - Rau, Charles, on Mexican copper mining, 94, n. 2. - on aboriginal trade, 98. - - Red Man, antiquity of, 22; - traditions, 22. - - Read, M. C., on Grave Creek Tablet cited, 87, n. - - Religious analogies, 459–68. - - Religion of the Quichés, 212. - a war of, 226. - - Remains at Santos River, Brazil, Lyell and Meigs on antiquity of, 113. - - Reviellagigedo, viceroy to Mexico, 453. - - Report of Ohio Archæological Society, 82, n. 1. - - Retzius, on Morton’s measurements, 165. - on Mexican crania, 175, n. - - River Rouge mound, 29. - crania from, 167–8. - - River Terraces, mound-works on, 103. - Mr. Baldwin’s views, 103. - Foster’s view, 104. n. 1. - - Rock shelters in San Juan Cañon, 309. - in Montezuma Cañon, 316. - - “Rockford Tablet,” 44. - - Room plastered in mound, 75. - - Rosny, M. Leon de, essay by, 425–26. - key to hieratic writings of Mayas, 427. - - Ross County (Ohio) works, 48. - - Roque, Father, observations on Aztec, 486. - - Russell, G. P., explorations by, 87–89. - - - S. - - Sabine worship, 40–85. - - Sacrifices, human, 273, 452–53. - - Sacrificial mounds, 83–6; - stratified according to Squier and Davis, 84; - stratification denied by Prof. Andrews, 83. - - Sacrifices, probably human, 39. - - Sahagun’s account of the first Nahuas, 240–6. - - Salado Rio, antiquities of, 283. - - Salinas River, 283. - - Sadelmair, discoveries of, 283. - - Salisbury, Stephen, cited, 396–401. - - Salish family of languages, Aztec element in, 492. - - Sanctuary, places of, 80. - - Sandals of Chaac-Mol, 398. - - San Juan Cañon, cliff-dwellings of, 307. - Echo Cave in, 310–11. - - San Miguel Valley, antiquities of, 275–7. - - Savage Art, unity in style of, 196. - - Scandinavian and Mexican analogies, 466. - discovery of America, 22, 153; - Prof. Rafn on, 153. - - Schools of Tezcuco, 481. - - Sculpture, from mounds, 382; - at Palenque, 384–92; - Uxmal, 393–95; - Chichen-Itza, 398–403; - Copan, 405; - Monte Alban, 406; - at Tusapan, 407; - Xochicalco, 408; - at Mexico, 409–10. - - Sculptures from the mounds, 187–9. - - Seltzertown pyramidal mound, 72. - - Separate creation theory, Morton and Agassiz’s views of, 157–9; - groundless, 191. - Sepulture, mounds of, 86–88. - - “Serpents,” kingdom of, 222. - - Serpent Temple, 394; - symbol, 419, 272; - Serpent-work, Adams county, Ohio, 34. - - “Seven Caves,” 215, 219, 248, 264–66. - - Shaler, Prof., on Dr. Abbott’s discoveries, 128. - - Shell-heaps on Atlantic sea-board, 28, 106–7. - fresh-water of, 107–9; - in Florida, 107. - Prof. Wyman on, 106–8; - Dr. Brinton on, 107; - on Pacific coast, 109; - examination by Paul Schumacher, 109. - - Shoshone-Comanche languages, 489; - Aztec elements in, 492. - - Signal Systems of the Mound-builders, 52. - on Great Miami River, 52. - Squier and Davis on, 53. - - Skrellings, 22. - - Sorcery practised upon Xibalban kings, 225. - - Spain’s state of learning in 17th century, 133, n. 2. - - Squier and Davis, estimate of number of mound-works in Ohio, 48; - classification of mound-works by, 81. - - Squier on Newark works, 53. - - Stations, of Toltec migration, 244–46; - of Aztec migration, according to Veytia, Tezozomoc and Clavigero, - 260; - names interpreted by Humboldt, 261, n. 3. - - Statuettes in National Museum, 415. - - St. Clair River mounds, 30. - - Stephens and Catherwood, explorations, chap. viii., _passim_. - - Steinthal, Prof., classification of languages by, 471, n. 4. - - Stevenson, M. F., description of mounds by, 72. - - St. Francis Valley mounds, 74. - - St. Louis, mound-works at, 40, 73. - - Stone Age in New Jersey, 26; - Dr. Abbott on, 26. - - Stone coffins, burial in, 60. - - Stone graves in Tennessee, 60; - in Indiana, 57. - - Stone implements from Bridger basin, Wyoming, 24, n. 1. - - Stone tubes used by Mound-builders, 96. - - St. Patrick in America, 152. - - Stucco reliefs at Palenque, 384–88. - - Sun-dried brick, 75; - wall of at Seltzertown, 72; - in Phillips County, Missouri, 75. - - Sun, tablet of, 392. - symbol of, 395. - - Sun worship, 40, 85. - - Swallow, Prof., explorations by, 75. - - Syphilis among Mound-builders, 184. - - - T. - - Tabasco, ancient civilization of, 203. - - Tablet of cross, 390; - of sun, 392; - at Chichen-Itza, 398. - - Tablet, Rockford, 44; Cincinnati, 44. - - Tablets at Palenque, 384–90. - - Table Mountain, cranium from, 125. - - Tamoanchan, city of Tobasco, 241, 243. - - Tarahumara, language of North Mexico, 487. - - Tarascos, migrations of, 261. - - “Taylor mound,” the, 87–89. - - Tehuantepec, antiquities of, 350–60; - language of, 479. - - Tegua, Moqui pueblo, 326. - - Temple base near Nashville, 62. - - Temple of Mexico, 374. - - Tennessee mound-works, 58; - explorations of Prof. Jones in, 58–65; - of Prof. Putnam, 65–67. - - Tennessee mound crania, 171–4. - - Tennessee Valley mounds, 71; - Mr. Fountain on, 71. - - Teo-Culhuacan, 250–60, 265, 266. - - Teotihuacan, pyramids of, 375–79; - compared with Egypt, 375, 382, 383. - - Teotihuacan, sacred city of, 234, 343, 266. - - Tepanecs, Nahua tribe, 256. - - Tepetla, Toltec station, 246. - - Tepehuana, language of North Mexico, 487. - - Terra-Cotta, figure from Isla Mugeres, 403. - - Terminos, Laguna de, 234. - - Texas mounds, 78. - - Tezcatlipoca, bloody god of the Nahuas, 269–70; - sorcery of, 269. - - Tezcuco, schools of, 481. - - Tezpi, flood myth, 263, n. - - Tezquil nation, 208. - - Theban calendar compared to the Aztec, 459. - - Thomas, Dr., on Dakota mounds, 31–2. - Gen. H. W. on same, 32; - low type skull cited, 128, n. 5, 167. - - Thomson, Sir C. Wyville, on Atlantic land ridge, 502–3. - - Thompson, Dr. J. P., on Usher’s chronology, 201. - - Thorowgood on origin of ancient Americans, 136. - - Thorwald, Ericson, 22. - - Tibiæ, flattened, 30. - - Time, Absolute and Relative, 200. - - Tlacamitzin, Toltec chief, 244. - - Tlachicatzin, city in Hue hue Tlapalan, 245. - - Tlahuicas, Nahua tribe, 256. - - Tlaloc, Aztec rain-god, 457. - - Tlapalans, four, 252; - Bancroft and Brasseur’s views upon, 251–2. - - Tlapallan de Cortes, 251; - location of examined, 251. - - Tlapallanconco, Toltec station, 245. - - Tlascatecs, Nahua tribe, republic of, 257. - - Tohil (Quiché deity), 215. - - Tollan, Toltec capital, 218, 246. - - Toltec migration, 244, 251; - migration according to Becker, 248–50; - according to Ixtlilxochitl, 244–46, 250; - account examined, 246. - - Toltec flood myth, 238. - - Toltecs, origin according to Ixtlilxochitl, 239. - southern origin considered, 252; - outlines of history, 254; - annals, Bancroft’s resumé of, 255. - - Tomlinson’s report on Grave Creek mound, 87. - - Tongues, confusion of, 238. - - Totonacs, Mexican nation, 234. - - Totzapan, 246. - - Tower of Mancos Cañon, 297–300; - McElmo, 324; - at Chichen, Mayapan and Tuloom, 355. - - Toxpan, Toltec station, 245. - - Trade-winds, 508; - agents in the discovery of America, 506. - - Tradition (Indian) valueless, 102. - Dr. Foster on, 102. - of Nahua Mound-builders, Becker on, 102–3, n. - - Tradition and History and their scope, 109–10. - - Tradition of uncertain value, 204. - - Trinity myth in Yucatan, 231. - - Troano MS, 422. - - Tula (Tulha or Tulan), 211. - sculptured column from, 413. - - Tulan, 215–16; - four in number, 217–18. - - Tulancingo (Tollancingo), Mexican city, 246. - - Tulan-Zuiva, 215, 264–66, 248. - - Tumuli of Vera Paz, 359; - Tehuantepec, 360. - Vera Cruz, 364. - - Tusapan, antiquities of, 367. - - Typical mound skull, 166. - - Tzendal, language of Chiapas, dialect of the Maya, 206. - - Tzendel, a Maya dialect, the oldest American language, 473. - - - U. - - _Uraeus_, Egyptian symbol, 467. - - Ural-Altaic languages compared to Indian tongues, 496. - - Usher, Bishop, chronology of faulty, 199. - - Usumacinta Valley, the seat of most ancient American civilization, - 208. - - Utah languages, 489–90. - - Utatlan, Quiché city, 227; - antiquities of, 358. - - Utes, the enemies of the cliff-dwellers, 303. - - Uxmal, architectural remains, 347–52. - arches and roofs, 349–50. - sculpture, 393; - Façades at, 394. - Le Plongeon’s observations on, 457. - - - V. - - Valentini, Dr. Ph., interpretation of Mexican Calendar Stone, 453–59; - on analogies in geographical names, 497. - - Vancouver’s Island, Aztec termination used, 490; - elements in, 491. - - Vases from Casas Grandes, 278; - burial from Mexico, 410; - after Waldeck, 410; - from National Museum, 414–15. - - Vater, on the Aztec language, 480–90. - - Vega, Bishop Nuñez de la, 200. - - Vegetation, age of on mounds, 104; - relation between American and Asiatic, 513. - - Vera Paz, mounds of, 359. - - Verda Rio, antiquities of, 284. - - Verrezano, 22. - - Vespucius, 22. - - Voc, mythical personage, 222. - - Votan (culture hero), tradition of cited, 133–9, 145, 204. - document written by, 206–10. - - Vucub-Cakix, Xilbalban monarch, 222. - - Vucab-Came, 224. - - Vukub-Hunapu, Quiché chief, 222. - - - W. - - Wabash Valley, mounds in, 57, n. 2. - - Watch-tower of the Mancos, 300. - - Waterbury Mine, 91. - - Waynesville, Ohio, inter-glacial relics from, 126. - - Welsh discovery of America, 154. - - Whipple, Lieut., explorations by, 284. - - “White-man’s land,” 152. - - Whittlesey, Col., on Shelter Caves, 26. - on ancient copper mines, 91, 94. - - Wilson, Dr. Daniel, cranial measurements tabulated, 164; - observations by, on Morton’s theory, 165, n. 2; - examinations of Peruvian crania by, 176; - on head-flattening, 180–2; - on Cincinnati Tablet, 47. - - Wisconsin mound-works, 33; - effigy and animal mounds of, 33. - - Worship of sun, 40. - - Writing, systems of, see Hieroglyphics. - - Wyman, Jeffries, on shell-heaps of Florida, 155–8. - - - X. - - Xalisco, Toltec station, 245. - - Xan, Quiché messenger, 224. - - Xbalanque, Quiché hero, 222–3. - - Xelhua, builder of Cholula, 236. - - Xibalba, kingdom of Votanites, tradition of fall, 220–26; - date of, 227; - fall of, a theme for poetry, 515; - hatred of, 221. - - Xicalancas, 234; - origin of, 234. - - Xicalanco, Mexican city, 234. - - Xmucane, 222–3. - - Xochicalco, pyramid of, 370–3. - - Xochimilcos, Nahua tribe, 256. - - Xpiyacoc, 222. - - Xquiq, Xibalban princess, 223. - - - Y. - - Yamkally language, traces of Aztec in, 490. - - Yaqui, Mexican tribe, 219. - - Yazoo Valley mounds, 71. - - Yellowstone, mounds of, 31. - - Yond Mountain, 73. - - Yucatan, origin of population, 229–30; - Greek gods in, 467. - - Yztachnexucha, 246. - - - Z. - - Zacotlan, Toltec station, 246. - - Zamna, Maya culture hero, 229–30. - - Zapotecs, Mexican nation, 234; - antiquities of, 360–64. - - Zárate, on the Aztec, 486. - - Zayi, Casa Grande of, 353. - - Zipacua, Xibalban warrior, 222. - - Ziuhcohuatl, Toltec station, 246. - - Zumárraga, destruction of Aztec MS. by, 429. - - Zuñi, description of, 288–89; - Valley, Pueblos of, 288. - - Zutugil, language, 476. - - - THE END. - - - - - FOOTNOTES: - -[1] Las Casas: _Historia de Indias_, lib. I, cap. 40, tom. I, MS. -Irving: _Columbus_, vol. I, p. 158 (N. Y., 1851 ed.). Navarrete: -_Coleccion de los viajes_, tom. I, p. 176. Grynaeus: _Novus Orbis_, -p. 66, Basil, 1555, fol. Herrera: _Historia General_, Dec. I, lib. I, -cap’s ii et vi, Madrid, 1730. - -[2] Rafn: _Antiquitates Americanæ_, p. 45, note. Rafn: _Op. cit._, pp. -xxx–xxxiii. - -[3] Rafn: _Historia Thorfinni Karlsefnii_ (in Ant. Am.), pp. 149, -181; also, De Costa: _Pre-Columbian Discovery of America_, pp. xxxii, -xxxiii, 21, 41, 57, 58, 69, 70, 73, 74, 110; Gravier: _Découverte de -l’Amérique par les Normands au Xᵉ Siècle_, p. 83. Paris, 1874, 4to. - -[4] Prof. Jos. Leidy, in _Hayden’s 6th Ann. Report of the U. S. -Geological Survey of the Territories_ (1872), pp. 652–3, describes -the stone implements found in the Bridger basin in southern Wyoming. -He remarks, “The question arises, who made the stone implements and -when, and why should they occur in such great numbers in the particular -localities indicated. My friend, Dr. J. Van A. Carter, residing at Fort -Bridger, and well acquainted with the language, history, manners, and -customs of the neighboring tribes of Indians, informs me that they know -nothing about them. He reports that the Shoshones look upon them as the -gift of God to their ancestors. They were no doubt made long ago, some -probably at a comparatively late date, that is to say, just prior to -communication of the Indians with the whites, but others probably date -centuries back.” - -[5] It would be foreign to the object of this work to enter upon a -discussion of the antiquity of man in Europe. Were we to follow the -example of several writers on the antiquities of America, we might -present a resumé of the splendid achievements of science in determining -the approximate age of man, as an inhabitant of different portions of -the old world, but such condensed accounts at best are unsatisfactory -and often detrimental to science because of their very slenderness. The -evidences of man’s antiquity being far more remote than the generally -accepted historic period, antedating its beginning by several thousand -years, no doubt exist. The discoveries in the Liége caverns, in the -caves of Languedoc and in the cave of Engihoul in Belgium; in the -Neanderthal and Engis caves; at Abbeville and Amians; the valley of the -Somme; the basin of the Seine; of the Thames; and of the lake dwellers -of Switzerland, as well as the shell-heaps of Denmark, point to an -antiquity which half a century ago it would have been heresy to have -dreamed of. We have but to refer to the admirable work of Sir Charles -Lyell: _The Antiquity of Man_ (Phil., 1863), and to the well-known -works of Lubbock, Tylor, Vogt, and others. A good treatment of the -subject in brief will be found in Foster: _Pre-Historic Races of the -U. S._ (1873), and a pointed and popular reference to it in Bryant’s -_History of the U. S._, vol. I. N. Y., 1876. - -[6] _Evidences of the Antiquity of Man in the U. S._, by Col. Charles -Whittlesey. A memoir of 20 pp. Perhaps the chief importance of the -above-cited cave discoveries is derived from the eminence of the -antiquarian who cites them, rather than in their real value to science. -In the case of the Elyria cave—examined by Dr. E. W. Hubbard, Prof. -J. Brainerd, and the author of the memoir—“the grindstone grit,” -resting on shale, formed a grotto of considerable size. Four feet of -the floor of the cave, consisting of charcoal, ashes and bones of the -wolf, bear, deer, rabbit, squirrels, fishes, snakes and birds (“all -of which existed in this region when it became known to the whites”), -was removed and three human skeletons discovered. The author states -that the three had been crushed by a large slab of the overhanging -sandstone falling on them, but fails to state how much of the overlying -material consisted of this sandstone slab. He remarks: “Judging from -the appearance of the bones, and the depth of the accumulations over -them, two thousand years may have elapsed since the human skeletons -were laid on the floor of this cave.” The Louisville cave discovery -is no more satisfactory than the above. It is scarcely necessary to -remark that all the evidences are of a comparatively recent interment, -and much less than two thousand years would have been sufficient to -produce the conditions described. See also discoveries at High Rock -Spring, Saratoga, N. Y., cited by Col. Whittlesey, p. 10, and more -fully treated by Dr. McGuire in the “_Proceedings of the Boston Soc. of -Nat. Hist._,” vol. xii, p. 398, May, 1839, in which the latter claims -to find traces of the Red man 5470 years ago. It is not probable that -Dr. McGuire’s _traces_ are those of the Indians, nor is it certain that -they were left by human beings at all, since the pine tree (found at a -considerable depth and worn as he supposes by the feet of Indians) was -as liable to have been worn by the feet of animals as of men. See also -Dr. Abbott, _The Stone Age in New Jersey_, Smithsonian Report, 1874, p. -246 _et seq._ See this work, pp. 127–8. - -[7] _Squier and Davis: Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley_, -Washington, 1848, 4to, 1st vol. of Smithsonian Contributions; _Dr. J. -A. Lapham: Antiquities of Wisconsin_, Smithsonian Contributions to -Knowledge, 1855. More recently—_The Upper Mississippi_, by _George -Gale_, Chicago, 1868; _The Mississippi Valley_, by _Dr. J. W. Foster_, -Chicago, 1869, 8vo, and his _Pre-Historic Races of the U. S._, Chicago, -1873, 8vo. We might add a list of names scarcely less eminent, of -authors who have written upon special fields and examined particular -works. A reliable bibliography of literature on the Mound-builders is -a desideratum which we trust some enterprising Americanist may soon -supply. - -[8] Described by Dr. Wm. Blanding in a letter to Dr. Morton, of -Philadelphia. Foster: _Pre-Historic Races of the U. S._, p. 148, and -_Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley_, p. 105. Foster: p. 151. - -[9] Squier: _Antiquities of Western New York_, vol. ii, Smithsonian -Contributions, 1851. See an interesting account of the _Antiquities of -Orleans County, New York_, by F. H. Cushing, in _Smithsonian Report_ -for 1874, p. 375. - -[10] _Antiquity of Man in U. S._, p. 12; also, _Ancient Earth Forts of -the Cuyahoga Valley, Ohio_, by _Col. Charles Whittlesey_, Cleveland, -O., 1871, pp. 40 and plates. - -[11] _Pre-Historic Races of the U. S._, p. 145. - -[12] _Smithsonian Report_ for 1873, p. 364 _et seq._, from which we -draw the above. _The Proceedings of the American Ass. for the Adv. of -Science_ for 1875. - -[13] See Mr. Gillman’s in _Sixth Annual Report of the Trustees of -the Peabody Museum of Archæology and Ethnology_, p. 12 _et seq._, -Cambridge, 1873, and _Am. Jour. of Arts and Sciences_, 3d ser., vol. -vii, pp. 1–9, Jan., 1874. - -[14] _Foster’s Pre-Historic Races_, p. 151. “There is a large mound, -three hundred feet high and three hundred yards in diameter at the -base, at the southern end of the prairie, about twenty-five miles from -Olympia; and scattered over the prairie for a distance of fifteen miles -are many smaller mounds, not more than four feet high and twenty or -thirty in diameter. * * * A few days ago one of the engineers of the -Northern Pacific Railroad opened one of them and found the remains -of pottery; and a more thorough examination of others revealed other -curious relics, evidently the work of human hands; in fact, in every -mound that has yet been opened there is some relic of a long-forgotten -race discovered.” In quoting the above, Dr. Foster remarks that the -great mound was no doubt a natural eminence artificially rounded off. - -[15] _Narrative of the U. S. Exploring Expedition during the Years -1838–42._ Phila., 1844. Tom. IV, p. 334. “We soon reached the Butte -prairies (on Columbia River) which were extensive, and covered with -_tumuli_ or small mounds, at regular distances asunder. As far as I -could learn there is no tradition among the natives relative to them. -They are conical mounds thirty feet in diameter, about six to seven -feet high above the level, and many thousands in number. Being anxious -to ascertain if they contained any relics, I subsequently visited these -prairies, and opened three of the mounds, _but found nothing_ in them -but a pavement of round stones.” - -[16] _Baldwin_ (_Ancient America_, pp. 31–2) remarks: “Lewis and Clark -reported seeing them on the Missouri River a thousand miles above its -junction with the Mississippi River; but this report has not been -satisfactorily verified.” - -[17] See Mr. A. Barrandt in _Smithsonian Report_, 1870, for an account -of discoveries on Clark’s Creek in Dakota; on the Bighorn River; on the -Yellowstone; on the Morean and the banks of the Great Cheyenne. See -Foster’s _Pre-Historic Races_, pp. 153–4. The proof is conclusive that -the head-waters of the Missouri was one of their ancient seats. The -same gentleman (Mr. Barrandt) describes a remarkable mound in Lincoln -County, Dakota, situated eighty-five miles north-west of Sioux City, on -the west fork of the Little Sioux of Dakota or Turkey Creek. The mound -is known as the “Hay Stack.” Its dimensions are 327 feet in length at -the base on the north-west side, and 290 on the south-east side, and -120 feet wide. It slopes at an angle of about 50°, is from thirty-four -to forty feet in height, the north-east end being the higher. To the -summit, which is from twenty-eight to thirty-three feet wide, there is -a well-beaten path. The remarkable feature of the mound is the fact -that part of the north-east side is walled up with soft sandstone and -limestone, brought a distance of at least three miles from an ancient -quarry. The remainder of the surface is pronounced to be of calcined -clay. The mound contained a large interior circular chamber, in which -the bones of animals, thirty-six pieces of pottery, and a mass of -charcoal and ashes were found.—_Smithsonian Report_ for 1872, pp. 413 -_et seq._ - -[18] Since this is a contested point, both as to the presence of the -works of the Mound-builders in the North-west and as to their great -antiquity, I subjoin a portion of a report on these mounds made by Gen. -H. W. Thomas, U. S. A., to Dr. Thomas of the Surveying Expedition, in -the _Sixth Annual Report of the U. S. Geological Survey_ under Dr. -Hayden in 1872, pp. 656–7: - - “‘Lewis and Clarke reported seeing Indian mounds 1000 miles above - the confluence of the Mississippi and Missouri, but this report - is not verified.’ So says Mr. John D. Baldwin, A. M., in his work - entitled ‘Ancient America.’ - - “I now and here propose to contribute my mite toward the - verification of the statement of Lewis and Clarke. - - “The few men whom duty or wild inclination have from time to - time brought into this, for the most part, uninhabited region of - treeless prairie, have all known of the existence of thousands of - artificial mounds. What was in them they knew not, and but two or - three, to my knowledge, have ever been opened. On August 16, 1872, - I opened one on the high table-lands that spread out on both sides - of a little stream called the James. The point is about 47° north - latitude, and 98° 38´ longitude west from Greenwich. It is within - three miles of the line of the North Pacific Railroad. The mound is - circular in form, 30⁸⁄₁₀ feet in its shorter, and 35³⁄₁₀ feet in - its longer diameter, and five feet high. I opened four trenches, - three feet wide, from the outer edge, meeting in the centre, - forming a cross when finished. I then excavated the entire mound - from the centre outward, until there was nothing more to find. - For results I had several two-bushel bags full of bones, eight - skulls, many pieces of skulls too small to be of value (there must - have been at least twenty-five bodies buried there), a rough-hewn - stone ten inches high and five and a half inches in diameter, in - shape resembling closely a conical shell, a cutting half an inch - deep around the centre. (This was evidently tied with thongs to a - stout handle, and used in pulverizing their maize.) A portion of a - shell necklace, two flints, two heads of beaver, and some bones of - animals unknown, and a large quantity of bivalves, much like the - clam (_Mya oblongata_) of our Atlantic coast, but thicker, and the - interior surface much more pearly. - - “The mounds and their contents are apparently of great antiquity. - They are, in every case, on the very highest point in their - immediate neighborhood, and perfectly drained. The climate is - excessively dry; so dry that the James River is entirely dry at - a point about 500 feet above the contemplated railroad-bridge - across the river. Notwithstanding this, many of the bones crumbled - into white dust on being brought to the air, like those found in - Herculaneum and Pompeii, and it was absolutely impossible to get - out a single one in anything like perfection. Around and over - these bodies stones and sticks were placed, doubtless to preserve - the remains from the coyote and the fox. The wood could be rubbed - into fine yellow-brown dust between the thumb and forefinger. Any - trace of excavation around the mound for dirt to heap it with had - been entirely obliterated. The upright position of the skulls also - indicated that the bodies were buried in a sitting posture. The - leg-bones, however, lay lower and horizontal. - - “The number of mounds indicates a denser population than ever has - been known here, or than the natural resources of this region can - now support by the chase. At the same time the number of dry lakes - scattered all over would indicate that at some remote period the - country may have been a better one than now, and supported a larger - population.” - - -[19] “_Antiquities of Wisconsin_,” _Smithsonian Contributions to -Knowledge_, vol. vii, 1855. - -[20] _Squier and Davis: Ancient Monuments_, pp. 97–99. Recent and -possibly more exact surveys of the Alligator give the figures -as somewhat less than the above. Isaac Smucker, a very reliable -antiquarian of Licking Co., Ohio, in an address before the Ohio State -Archæological Convention, held at Mansfield in September, 1875, -corrects the figures in the following statement: “The Alligator mound -is upon the summit of a hill or spur, which is nearly 200 feet high, -six miles west of Newark, and near the village of Granville. The -outlines of the Alligator (or Crocodile) are clearly defined. His -entire length is 205 feet. The breadth of the body at the widest part, -twenty feet, and the length of the body between the fore-legs and -hind-legs is fifty feet. The legs are each about twenty feet long. The -head, fore-shoulders and rump have an elevation varying from three to -six feet, while the remainder of the body averages a foot or two less.” - -[21] _Lapham’s Antiquities of Wisconsin_, pp. 18, 20, 36, 37, 39, 52, -54, 55, 56, 57, 62, 69. - -[22] _W. H. Canfield’s Sketches of Sauk County, Wisconsin_; -_Foster’s Pre-Historic Races_, p. 101. On the copper remains of the -Mound-builders, see _Pre-Historic Wisconsin_, by _Prof. James D. -Butler, LL.D._, annual address before the State Historical Society of -Wisconsin, Feb. 18, 1876. Wisconsin Hist. Col., vol. vii. Privately -printed. - -[23] _Smithsonian Report_ for 1872, figured and described on p. 416 by -Jared Warner of Patch Grove, Wis. (Oct. 1872). A further description of -mounds in the same locality, by Moses Strong, M. E., will be found in -_Smithsonian Report_ for 1876, p. 424. - -[24] _Antiquities of Wisconsin_, pp. 42–5: “The main features of these -remains is the enclosure or ridge of _earth_ (not brick, as has been -erroneously stated), extending around three sides of an irregular -parallelogram; the west branch of Rock River forming the fourth side on -the east. The space thus enclosed is seventeen acres and two-thirds. -The corners are not rectangular, and the embankment or ridge is not -straight. The earth of which the ridge is made was evidently taken -from the nearest ground, where there are numerous excavations of very -irregular form and depth; precisely such as may be seen along our -modern railroad and canal embankments. These excavations are not to be -confounded with the hiding-places (caches) of the Indians, being larger -and more irregular in outline. Much of the material of the embankment -was doubtless taken from the surface without penetrating a sufficient -depth to leave a trace at the present time. If we allow for difference -of exposure of earth thrown up into a ridge and that lying on the -original flat surface, we can perceive no difference between the soil -composing the ridge and that found along its sides. Both consist of a -light yellowish sandy loam. The ridge forming the enclosure is 631 feet -long at the north end, 1419 feet long on the west side, and 700 feet -on the south side; making a total length of wall 2750 feet. The ridge -or wall is about twenty-two feet wide, and from one foot to five in -height.” * * * After describing one of the mounds of this enclosure, he -remarks: “The analogy between these elevations and the ‘temple mounds’ -of Ohio and the Southern States, will at once strike the reader who has -seen the plans and descriptions. They have the same square or regular -form, sloping or graded ascent, the terraced or step-like structure, -and the same position in the interior of the enclosure. This kind of -formation is known to increase in numbers and importance as we proceed -to the south and south-west, until they are represented by the great -structures of the same general character on the plains of Mexico.” - -[25] D. Gunn in _Smithsonian Report_ for 1867. - -[26] Dr. Farquharson in _Proceedings of Am. Ass. for the Adv. of -Science_, vol. xxiv, p. 305. - -[27] Through the courtesy of Dr. R. J. Farquharson I am enabled to -append the original report made by Mr. Gass to the Davenport Academy, -Jan. 26, 1877. It is as follows: - - “We broke the surface on the north-east slope of the mound about - ten or twelve feet from the opening on the west side made in - 1874. The earth was frozen to a depth of about three and a half - feet. Five or six inches below the surface we came upon a layer - of shells one or two inches in thickness, which sloped downward - toward the south-east, reaching a depth of two feet or rather more - below the surface, and extending for a distance of ten or twelve - feet. Between the surface and this first layer of shells a number - of small fragments of human bones were found scattered through - the soil. Under this shell layer was a stratum of earth of from - twelve to fifteen inches in thickness, resting on a second layer of - shells, from three to four inches in thickness. Both shell layers - sloped downward nearly parallel with each other. - - “Below the second shell layer the earth was of the nature of a - light mould, darker in color than the earth above and thickly - interspersed with fragments of human bones. These circumstances - arrested my attention and caused me to proceed from this time on - with the greatest caution. At a depth of about fifteen inches under - the lowest part of the shell layer exposed in this excavation—the - shell stratum at this point being five or six inches thick—the - inscribed slates were found. The slate is the same as that usually - found overlying coal beds in this vicinity, and is such as is - frequently seen cropping out from the hill-sides or in isolated - slabs in the beds of streams. Both plates lay close together on the - hard undisturbed clay bottom of the mound. - - “The engraved side of the smaller tablet was upward, and also - that side of the larger one presenting the heavenly bodies, - hieroglyphics, etc. The larger plate being partially divided by - natural cleavage, its upper layer was unfortunately broken in - two by a slight stroke of the spade. The two plates were closely - encircled by a single row of weathered limestones. These stones are - irregular in shape, but almost of the same size, their dimensions - being about three by three by seven or eight inches, and the - diameter of the circle about two feet. - - “In the immediate vicinity were found a number of fragments - of human bones, one being a portion of a skull saturated with - carbonate of copper. A small piece of copper was found; also many - fragments of slate and a piece of bone artificially wrought.” - -Also see _Proceedings of the Davenport Academy of Natural Sciences_ for -_Account of the Discovery of Inscribed Tablets_, by Rev. J. Gass, with -_A Description_ by Dr. R. J. Farquharson. Davenport, Iowa, July, 1877. -Cuts and views. - -[28] _Pre-Historic Paces of the U. S._, p. 107. See especially _12th -Annual Report Peabody Museum_. - -[29] In a paper, _A Deposit of Agricultural Flint Implements Found in -Southern Illinois_, _Smithsonian Report_, 1868, Dr. Chas. Rau treats -the subject of Aboriginal Agriculture at considerable length. In -the _Smithsonian Report_ for 1873, p. 413 _et seq._, Dr. A. Patton -describes the exploration of several remarkable mounds in Lawrence -Co., Illinois. In the _Smithsonian Report_ for 1874, p. 351, Taylor -McWhorter describes a number of mounds in Mercer Co., Illinois. He -estimates the number in the county at one thousand, mostly on the -Mississippi River bank. _The Antiquities of Whiteside County, Ill._, -by W. H. Pratt, of Davenport, Iowa, printed in the same Report, p. 354 -_et seq._, is a most valuable contribution to our knowledge of the -mounds. The first mound examined yielded eight skulls, two of which -were preserved. The third mound opened yielded the skeletons of four -adults and several articles of interest, such as pieces of mica, a lump -of galena and a dove-colored arrow-head. From the fifth mound opened, -a remarkably well-preserved skeleton was recovered. Dr. Farquharson, -of the Davenport Academy of Sciences, has contributed one of the most -valuable tables of mound-cranial measurements ever published. - -[30] The best and most exhaustive treatment of the above is by _Mr. -Robert Clarke: The Pre-Historic Remains which were Found on the Site -of Cincinnati, Ohio, with a Vindication of the Cincinnati Tablet_. -Cincinnati, 1876. 8vo, 34 pp. It is to be regretted that this -valuable discussion of the genuineness of one of the most important -Mound-builder relics is only “privately circulated.” Mr. Clarke has -fully accomplished the design for which he wrote. - -[31] _Dr. Daniel Drake’s Picture of Cincinnati_, Cincinnati, 1815. -_Squier and Davis in Ancient Monuments_. _Gen. Harrison: Ohio Hist. and -Phil. Society Trans._, vol. i, and others. - -[32] _Dr. Daniel Wilson’s Pre-Historic Man_, 3d ed., 1876, vol. i, -pp. 274–5. The following description is given in _Squier and Davis’s -Ancient Monuments of the Mississippi Valley_: “The material is -fine-grained, compact sandstone of a light-brown color. It measures -five inches in length, three in breadth at the ends, and two and -six-tenths at the middle, and is about half an inch in thickness. The -sculptured face varies very slightly from a perfect plane. The figures -are cut in low relief (the lines being not more than one-twentieth -of an inch in depth), and occupy a rectangular space four inches -and two-tenths long by two and one-tenth wide. The sides of the -stone, it will be observed, are slightly concave. Right lines are -drawn across the face near the ends, at right angles, and exterior -to these are notches, twenty-five at one end and twenty-four at the -other. The back of the stone has three deep longitudinal grooves, and -several depressions, evidently caused by rubbing—probably produced by -sharpening the instrument used in the sculpture.” [Mr. Gest, however, -does not regard these as tool marks, but thinks they are of peculiar -significance.] “Without discussing the singular resemblance which -the relic bears to the Egyptian _Cartouch_, it will be sufficient to -direct attention to the reduplication of the figures, those upon one -side corresponding with those upon the other, and the two central ones -being also alike. It will be observed that there are but three scrolls -or figures—four of one and two of each of the others. Probably no -serious discussion of the question whether or not these figures are -hieroglyphical is needed. They more resemble the stalk and flowers of -a plant than anything else in nature. What significance, if any, may -attach to the peculiar markings or graduations at the end, it is not -undertaken to say. The sum of the products of the longer and shorter -lines (24 × 7 + 25 × 8) is 368, three more than the number of days in -the year; from which circumstance the suggestion has been advanced that -the tablet had an astronomical origin, and constituted some sort of -a calendar.” We may here add that Col. Chas. Whittlesey published at -Cleveland, Ohio, in _Historical and Archæological Tract No. 9_ (Feb. -1872) of the Western Reserve Historical Society, a statement that the -“Cincinnati Tablet” was a fraud. But we are informed that he is since -convinced of its genuineness. - -[33] Judge M. F. Force: _Mound-Builders_. Cincinnati, 1872. Rev. S. D. -Peet in the _American Antiquarian_ for April, 1878, refers to the visit -of the Ohio Archæological and the National Anthropological Conventions -to Fort Ancient in September, 1877, and states that during the visit -the significance of the walls of the lower enclosure was discovered. -“They bear a resemblance,” he remarks, “to the form of two massive -serpents, which are apparently contending with one another. Their heads -are the mounds, which are separated from the bodies by the opening -which resembles a ring around the neck. They bend in and out and rise -and fall, and appear like two massive green serpents rolling along -the summit of this high hill. Their appearance under the overhanging -forest trees is very impressive”—p. 50. See also Mr. Peet’s memoir on -a Double-walled Earthwork in Ashtabula County, Ohio, in _Smithsonian -Report_ for 1876, pp. 443–4. - -[34] Dr. Foster, _Pre-Historic Races_, p. 145, cites a letter from -Prof. E. B. Andrews, of the Ohio Geological Survey, describing an -earthwork discovered by him in Vinton County with the ditch _outside_ -the parapet. In his _Report of Explorations of Mounds in Southern -Ohio_, published in _Tenth Ann. Report of the Peabody Museum of Am. -Arch. and Eth._, p. 53 (Camb., 1877), the Professor remarks: “On a -spur of a ridge about two miles east of Lancaster is an earth wall, -evidently for defence. The ditch is on the outside of the wall, where -it should be according to modern ideas of defence. In this particular -the earthwork differs from all the circles and so-called ‘forts,’ -either circular or square, which I have seen, these having the ditch on -the inside.” - -[35] _Foster’s Pre-Historic Races_, p. 128: “No one, I think, can -view the complicated system of works here displayed and stretching -away for miles without arriving at the conclusion that they are the -result of an infinite amount of toil expended under the direction of a -governing mind, and having in view a definite aim. At this day, with -our iron instruments, with our labor-saving machines, and the aid of -horse-power, to accomplish such a task would require the labor of many -thousand men continued for many months. These are the work of a people -who had fixed habitations, and who, deriving their support in part at -least from the soil, could devote their surplus labor to the rearing of -such structures. A migratory people dependent upon the uncertainties of -the chase for a living, would not have the time, nor would there be the -motive, to engage in such a stupendous undertaking.” - -[36] _Foster’s Pre-Historic Races_, p. 129. - -[37] _North American Review_, July, 1876. - -[38] Robert Clarke’s _Pre-Historic Remains at Cincinnati_, p. 18: “I -believe I am correct in saying that there is no clay in Ohio which -could be applied in this way and resist for any length of time the -washing rains and sudden winter changes of temperature of our climate,” -_et seq._ - -[39] See A. B. Tomlinson’s _Grave Greek Mound_ (1838). _Schoolcraft in -American Ethnological Soc. Transactions_, vol. i. Especially Squier and -Davis. - -[40] Dr. Patton has described some interesting mounds near Vincennes, -Indiana. A giant mound, which towers above many others of considerable -proportions, is called the Sugar-loaf Mound, and stands on a promontory -which overlooks the rich valley of the Wabash. The height of the -Sugar-loaf is seventy feet, with a circumference at the base of one -thousand feet. Dr. Patton in June, 1873, sank a shaft in this mound -to the depth of forty-six feet. The composition of the mound was of -siliceous sand, nowhere found in the region except in other mounds. -At ten feet below the summit bones were found, but much decayed. -Immediately below them was a layer of charcoal and ashes. Thirty feet -deeper the same conditions were repeated, and the bones again were so -brittle as to render it impossible to save them. A bed of calcined clay -was next entered which could not be penetrated with the instruments -at command. One mile south of the Sugar-loaf is a pyramidal mound -forty-three feet high, with a circumference of 714 feet at the base and -a platform on top fifteen feet wide and fifty feet in length. Others of -as great proportions are described. _Smithsonian Report_, 1873, pp. 411 -_et seq._ See also _Antiquities of La Porte County, Indiana_, by R. S. -Robertson in _Smithsonian Report_ for 1874, pp. 377 _et seq._ A very -low type of cranium was exhumed from one of the mounds in this county. -Also see _Mounds at Merom and Hutsonville on the Wabash_, by F. W. -Putnam—_Proceedings of the Boston Soc. of Nat. Hist._, vol. xv, 1872. -Fifty-nine mounds were examined, and three stone graves discovered. - -[41] For an excellent treatment of this part of the subject, see -_Foster’s Pre-Historic Races_, pp. 130–144 inclusive. - -[42] In _Ancient Monuments of Mississippi Valley._ - -[43] _Explorations of the Aboriginal Remains of Tennessee._ -_Smithsonian Contribution No. 259._ Oct. 1876, p. 100. - -[44] _Antiquities of Tennessee_, p. 39, and other places. - -[45] _Antiquities of Tennessee_, p. 138. - -[46] _Eleventh Annual Report of Peabody Museum_, pp. 348–360. -Cambridge, 1878. See also _Antiquities of Jackson County, Tenn._, by -Rev. Joshua Hale, in _Smithsonian Reports_ for 1874, p. 384. Very -interesting and valuable explorations have been conducted in Tennessee -by Mr. E. O. Dunning for the Peabody Museum of Am. Arch. and Eth. See -_Reports_, 3d, p. 7; 4th, p. 7; 5th, p. 11. - -[47] _Mr. Jas. R. Page’s Results of Investigations of Indian Mounds_, -in _Transactions of St. Louis Acad. of Science_, vol. iii, p. 226, and -copied in _Cincinnati Quar. Journal of Science_, Oct. 1875, vol. ii, -No. 4, pp. 371 _et seq._ - -[48] In _Cincinnati Quar. Journal of Science_, Oct. 1875, p. 378. Also -see _Wilson’s Pre-Historic Man_, vol. i, p. 318. - -[49] See _Wilson’s Pre-Historic Man_, vol. i, p. 317. - -[50] _Fontaine’s How the World was Peopled_, p. 278, and _Foster’s -Pre-Historic Races_, pp. 111 _et seq._ - -[51] _How the World was Peopled_, p. 278. - -[52] _Squier and Davis’s Ancient Monuments_, pp. 117 _et seq._ -_Foster’s Pre-Historic Races_, p. 112. - -[53] _E. Cornelius_ in _Silliman’s Journal_, vol. i, p. 223, and -_Foster’s Pre-Historic Races_, p. 122. - -[54] _Smithsonian Report_, 1870, and _Foster’s Pre-Historic Races_, p. -123. A further description of works on Etowah River in Bartow Co., Ga., -by _Mr. Stephenson_ in _Smithsonian Report_ for 1872, p. 421. A full -and elaborate treatment is also that by Charles C. Jones, Jr., entitled -_Monumental Remains of Georgia_. Savannah, 1861. 12mo, p. 118. - -[55] _Smithsonian Report_, 1872. - -[56] _Smithsonian Report_, 1874, pp. 390 _et seq._ - -[57] These measurements were carefully made by Dr. S. H. Headlee, of -St. James, Missouri, and communicated to the editors of the _Cincinnati -Quar. Jour. of Science_, published in January number, 1875, pp. 94–5. - -[58] A sensational description of this mound which appeared in the -_St. Louis Times_ is used by Mr. S. M. Hosea as the basis of an -article on Sacrificial Mounds in the above number of the _Cincinnati -Quarterly Jour. of Science_, p. 62. The account contains some wonderful -statements, which are evidently made by some unscientific person, and -hence are utterly worthless. Although, judging from internal evidence, -we have little faith in the reliableness of the correspondent, we give -a paragraph for what it is worth: “The approach or causeway which -leads across the trench from the north is ten feet in width. Ascending -from this causeway to the summit of the mound are the remains of a -rude flight of stairs, constructed originally of roughly-hewn stones. -Most of these steps are now displaced, and quite a number have rolled -down into the trench below, but there is unmistakable evidence that -they were at one time arranged in regular order of ascent, and could -doubtless be again replaced in position by an intelligent architect.” -“By a series of investigations, I found that about a foot beneath -the surface there was a regular solid platform of stone covering the -entire top of the mound. This platform, though constructed by rude and -unmechanical hands, is placed in position with a precision and firmness -that might well defy the ravages of the elements in all coming ages. -About twelve feet from the northern edge of the mound, and directly on -a line with the approach and stairway, I noticed a very perceptible -elevation of the earth, covering an area of about twenty by fifteen -feet; and driving a pick into the elevated ground, the point struck -upon solid rock a few inches below the surface. * * * Pushing our work, -we soon unearthed a piece of workmanship that an antiquarian would -have worked a week to bring to light. The newly-discovered curiosity -consisted of a flat rock twelve feet long, ten feet wide, and eleven -inches thick. The centre of the stone was hollowed to a depth of six -inches, with a margin of about one foot around the edge.” “At the -south end of the stone, a round hole five inches deep and four in -diameter was drilled. Amongst the dirt taken out of this place hewn in -the stone, was a large fossil tooth and a piece of small broken stone -column, and several bits of pottery ware.” This description is very -suggestive of the Mexican Temple or Teocalli, but unfortunately for the -facts, Dr. Headlee, who made the measurements given in the text a short -time subsequently, failed to find any certain evidences that either a -stairway or temple had existed on the mound. - -[59] _Report on the Geology of Arkansas_, vol. ii, p. 414—cited by -Foster. - -[60] See on chambered mounds similar to English barrows, Curtiss in -_Peabody Museum Reports_, vol. ii, p. 717; Broadhead in _Smithsonian -Report_ for 1879, pp. 350 _et seq._ (with cuts). - -[61] “Within the State, from Pulaski County to Arkansas, in all the -little valleys which wind in and out among the flint-crowned hills -of the Ozarks, are seen what may be termed garden mounds. These are -elevated about two or three feet above the natural surface of the land, -and are from fifteen to fifty feet in diameter, varying thus in size -according to the amount of richer soil which could be scraped together. -Their presence may always be detected in fields of growing grain by -its more luxuriant growth and deeper green.”—_A. J. Conant_ in the -_Transactions_ cited above, p. 354. The same writer has treated the -subject more fully in a recent work published at St. Louis, entitled, -“_The Commonwealth of Missouri_.” - -[62] _Ancient Monuments_, p. 115, and _Pre-Historic Races_, p. 120. - -[63] _Baldwin’s Ancient America_, p. 72. - -[64] Prof. Forshey, in _Foster’s Pre-Historic Races_, pp. 121, 122, -remarks: “There is a class of mounds west of the Mississippi Delta and -extending from the Gulf to the Arkansas and above, and westward to the -Colorado in Texas, that are to me, after thirty years’ familiarity -with them, entirely inexplicable. In my Geological Reconnoissance of -Louisiana in 1841–2, I made a pretty thorough report upon them. I -afterwards gave a verbal description of their extent and character -before the _New Orleans Academy of Sciences_. These mounds lack every -evidence of artificial construction based on implements or other -human vestigia. They are nearly all round, none angular, and have an -elevation hemispheroidal of one foot to five feet, and a diameter -from thirty feet to one hundred and forty feet. They are numbered by -millions. In many places, in pine forests and upon the prairies, they -are to be seen nearly tangent to each other as far as the eye can -reach, thousands being visible from an elevation of a few feet. On the -gulf-marsh margin, from the Vermillion to the Colorado, they appear -barely visible, often flowing into one another, and only elevated a -few inches above the common land. A few miles interior they rise to -two and even four feet in height. The largest I ever saw were perhaps -one hundred and forty feet in diameter and five feet high. These were -in Western Louisiana. Some of them had abrupt sides, though they are -nearly all of gentle slopes. There is ample testimony that the pine -trees of the present forests antedate these mounds. The material for -their construction is like that of the vicinity everywhere, and often -there is a depression in close proximity to the elevation.” We can -make no conjecture concerning the use of those mounds described by -Prof. Forshey, except to suggest that they in all probability served as -foundations for dwellings in a low country, which at that time may have -been moister and more marshy than at present. If such was the case, -the whole region must have presented the appearance of a continuous -community instead of the proper proportion of country and village. This -crowded state of affairs could have been produced by the pressure from -enemies in the north, and the lack of agricultural lands evidently was -sufficient alone to cause a migration to the south. - -[65] A number of the cuts in this chapter illustrative of the Arts of -the Mound-builders, are copies of those used by Dr. Charles Rau in his -_Catalogue of the Archæological Collection of the National Museum_, -Washington, Smithsonian Contribution No. 287 (1876), granted me through -the courtesy of Professor Henry. A few also are from the memoir by -Prof. Jos. Jones on the _Aboriginal Remains of Tennessee_. Smithsonian -Contribution No. 259 (1876). For an able classification of these Mound -Relics (a work which I could not undertake in a volume not devoted -exclusively to the Mound-builders), I refer the reader to Rau’s Memoir -above cited, as being altogether the most satisfactory attempt of the -kind of which I have any knowledge. For a classification of works in -Ohio, see _Antiquities of Ohio_: Report of the Committee of the State -Archæological Society to the Centennial Commission of Ohio (Columbus, -Ohio, 1877, 8vo). The incompleteness of the work is to be regretted. -Ohio, out of its vast fund of material, certainly ought to furnish a -more satisfactory contribution to the subject of archæology. The work -comprises seven chapters, of which the last is the least satisfactory -of all, for while bearing the title “Location of Ancient Earthworks -in Ohio,” it enumerates only one hundred and sixteen out of the ten -thousand mound-works in the State. Still the memoir is not without -value. Its chapters on Stone Relics, Copper Relics, and Insignia and -Ornaments are comparatively thorough. - -[66] _Ancient Monuments_, p. 143. Prof. E. B. Andrews has shown that -the supposed uniformity of stratification in altar mounds is a fallacy. -In many instances the earth has been dumped together indiscriminately. - -[67] _Ancient Monuments_, p. 143, the following general description -is given: “The altars or basins found in these mounds are almost -invariably of burned clay, although a few of stone have been -discovered. They are symmetrical, but not of uniform size or shape. -Some are round, others elliptical, and others square or parallelograms. -Some are small, measuring barely two feet across, while others are -fifty feet long by twelve or fifteen feet wide. The usual dimensions -are from five to eight feet. All appear to have been modelled of fine -clay brought to the spot from a distance, and they rest on the original -surface of the earth. In a few instances a layer or small elevation of -sand had been laid down, upon which the altar was formed. The height of -the altars, nevertheless, seldom exceeds a foot or twenty inches above -the adjacent level. The clay of which they are composed is usually -burned hard, sometimes to the depth of ten, fifteen, and even twenty -inches. This is hardly to be explained by any degree or continuance of -heat, though it is manifest that in some cases the heat was intense. On -the other hand, a number of these altars have been noticed which are -very slightly burned; and such, it is a remarkable fact, are destitute -of remains.” - -[68] Charles Rau in _Smithsonian Report_, 1872, p. 357. _Baldwin’s -Ancient America_, p. 41. - -[69] _Squier and Davis_: _Op. Cit._, pp. 169–70. _Foster_: _Op. Cit._, -pp. 188–196. Schoolcraft in vol. i, _Trans. Am. Ethnol. Soc._ M. C. -Read in _American Antiquarian_, vol. i, p. 139, Jan. 1879. Dr. Clemens -in Morton’s _Crania Americana_, p. 221. Mr. E. O. Dunning in _Foster_, -p. 194. - -[70] _Description of an Ancient Sepulchral Mound near Newark, Ohio_, by -O. C. Marsh, F. G. S., in _American Journal of Science and Arts_ for -July, 1866. Second Series, vol. xlii. - -[71] See _Dr. Charles T. Jackson’s Geological Report to the United -States Government_, 1849. _Foster and Whitney’s Report on the -Geology of the Lake Superior Region_, Part I. Published by authority -of Congress in 1850, and substantially reproduced in _Foster’s -Pre-Historic Races of the U. S._, chap. vii, in 1873. The most -elaborate treatment is by _Col. Charles Whittlesey_, _Ancient Mining -on the Shores of Lake Superior_. Published in the _Smithsonian -Contribution to Knowledge_ in 1863, vol. xiii. _Swineford’s History and -Review of the Mineral Resources of Lake Superior_, Marquette, 1876. -Containing _Ancient Copper Mines of Lake Superior by Jacob Houghton_. - -[72] _Foster’s Pre-Historic Races_, p. 268. For a further account, see -Mr. Henry Gillman in an article printed in _Appleton’s Journal_, August -9, 1873, and entitled _Ancient Works at Isle Royal_; also to a paper -printed in the _Smithsonian Report_ for 1873, and in the _Proceedings -of the Amer. Ass. for the Advancement of Science_, 1875 meeting, p. -330. Also A. C. Davis in _Smithsonian Report_ for 1874, p. 369. - -[73] _Ancient Mining on the Shore of Lake Superior_, p. 2. - -[74] “L’on trouve souvent au fond de l’eau, des pieces de cuivre tout -formé, de la pesanteur de dix et vingt livres; i’en ay veu plusieurs -fois entre les mains des Sauvages, et comme ils sont superstitieux, -ils les gardent comme autant de divinités, ou comme des presents que -les dieux qui sont au fond de l’eau leur ont faits pour estre la cause -de leur bonheur; c’est pour cela, qu’ils conservent ces morceaux de -cuivre envelopés parmi leurs meubles les plus pretieux, il y en a -qui les gardent depuis plus de cinquante ans; d’autres les ont dans -leurs familles de temps immemorial, et les cherissent comme des dieux -domestiques.”—_Relations des Jésuites, en l’Année 1667_, p. 8. Quebec -reprint, 1858. Tome iii. - -[75] “En y entrant par son embouchure, que se décharge au Sault, le -premier endroit que se présente où se retrouve du cuivre en abondance, -est une Isle que est éloignée de quarante on cinquante lieuës, -scituée vers le côté du Nord, vis a vis d’un endroit qu’on appelle -Missipicoüatong. Les sauvages racontent que c’est une Isle flottante, -que est quelquefois loing, quelquefois proche, selon les vents qui la -poussent, et la promenent de côté et d’autre. Ils ajoûtent qu’il y a -bien longtemps que quatre sauvages y furent par rencontre, s’etans -égarez dans la brume, dont cette Isle est presque toujours environnée. -C’étoit du temps qu’ils n’avoient point encore eu de commerce avec les -François, et n’avoient aucun usage ny des chaudieres ny des haches. -Ceux-cy donc voulans se preparer à manger, firent à leur ordinaire: -prenant des pierres qu’ils trouvoient au bord de l’eau, les faisaient -rougir dans le feu et les jettaient dans un plat d’ecorce plein d’eau -pour la faire boüillir et faire cuire par cette industrie leur viande. -Comme ils choisissoient ces pierres, ils trouvoient, que c’étoient -presque tous morceaux de cuivre; ils se servirent donc des unes et des -autres, et aprés avoir pris leur repas, ils songerent à s’embarquer -au plustost, craignant les Loups Cerviers et les Lievres, qui sont -en cét endroit grands comme des Chiens, et qui venoient manger leurs -provisions et même leur Canot. Avant que de partir, ils se chargerent -de quantité de ces pierres grosses et menuës, et même de quelques -plaques de cuivre; mais ils ne furent pas bien éloignez du rivage, -qu’une puissante voix se fit entendre à leurs oreilles, disant tout -en colere: Qui sont ces voleurs qui m’emportent les berceaux et -les divertissemens de mes enfans? Les plaques de cuivre sont les -berceaux, parce que parmy les sauvages ils ne sont faits que d’un ou -deux aix joints ensemble, sur lesquels ils couchent leurs enfans; et -ces petits morçeaux de cuivre qu’ils enlevoient, sont les jouets et -les divertissemens des enfans sauvages, qui joüent ensemble avec des -petites pierres.” The voice which the savages heard was believed to be -that of a spirit called Missibizi, a certain water-god. “Quoy qu’il en -soit, cette voix étonnante jetta tellement la frayeur dans l’esprit de -nos Voyageurs, qu’un des quatre mourut avant que d’arriver à terre; -peu de temps aprés un second fut enlevé, puis le troisièma; de sorte -qu’il n’en resta qu’un, lequel s’étant rendu en son Pays, raconta -tout ce qui s’étoit passé, pues mourut fort peu apriés.” The Father -adds that the savages never afterward could be induced to approach -the island for fear of being seized by the Genii presiding over its -treasures.—_Relations des Jesuités l’année 1670_, p. 84, tome iii. -Quebec reprint, 1858. - -[76] _Ancient Mining_, p. 22 _et seq._ - -[77] _Congrès International des Américanistes._ Luxembourg. 1877, tom. -i, pp. 51–2. - -[78] _Essai Politique_ (Paris, 1825–27), vol. iii, p. 114. Dr. Charles -Rau has courteously furnished me the following references on ancient -mining in Mexico: _Clavigaro’s History of Mexico_, Phil., 1817, vol. -i., p. 20. _Prescott’s Mexico_, vol. i, p. 138; _Despatches of Hernando -Cortés_ addressed to the Emperor Charles V (trans. by Folsom, New -York, 1842), p. 412. _Memoirs of Bernal Diaz_ (trans. of Lockhart, -London, 1844), vol. i, p. 36. Dr. Rau remarks: “We are forcibly led -to the conclusion that the Mexicans obtained copper by the mining -process.”—_Letter to the Author_, Aug. 24, 1878. - -[79] Colonel Whittlesey in the _Report of the State Archæological -Society_ to the Centennial Commission of Ohio, Chap. IV, pl. 10, has -figured several symmetrical tubes of stone from Ohio Mounds. The -most perfect of these he thinks may have served “as telescopic helps -for distant views.” The most general use to which most of them were -applied, it is believed, was the making of signals, or possibly rude -music. One of the tubes taken from the Tippet Mound near Newark, Ohio, -and figured in the report, has its upper end flattened like a whistle -or flute, and has a hole penetrating it just below the mouthpiece, -which indicates that it may have been a musical instrument. The Huron -slates were most frequently employed in the manufacture of tubes, as -they were in the production of the class of objects known as ceremonial -relics. - -[80] Baldwin’s _Ancient America_, p. 42, and Dupaix, quoted on pp. -122–3. - -[81] Dr. Rau has shown that division of labor and its advantages was -recognized among the aborigines; that certain individuals who were -qualified to manufacture particular implements devoted themselves -exclusively to that work. He bases his conjecture “on the occurrence -of manufactured articles of a homogeneous character in mounds or in -deposits below the surface of the soil. There is little doubt, for -instance, that there were persons who devoted their time chiefly to -the manufacture of stone arrow-heads and of other articles produced -by chipping, among which may be mentioned those remarkable large -digging tools described by me several years ago, and the oval or -leaf-shaped implements made of the peculiar hornstone of ‘Flint Ridge’ -in Ohio.” See Stock-in-trade of an Aboriginal Lapidary, by Charles Rau, -_Smithsonian Report_ for 1877. - -[82] Dr. S. S. Schoville, in the _Cincinnati Quarterly Journal of -Science_, April, 1875, p. 164, describes the discovery of numerous mica -plates in a mound on the east bank of the Little Miami River, about -twenty-five miles east of Cincinnati. He states, that at the base of -the mound, on a level with the surrounding country, the remains of -several skeletons were found, placed with their heads together and -lying in a horizontal position. “Lying upon or immediately over the -cranial debris, were found plates of mica, some a foot in diameter. -These plates were disposed in such a way as to cover an area somewhat -larger than that occupied by the crania beneath. However, it could -not definitely be determined whether the design had been to make -a continuous or common roof over the faces as a group, or whether -each face had a covering of its own.” The writer ventures the rather -fanciful conjecture that the mica in this and many other cases served -the purpose of exhibiting temporarily the features of the dead in the -manner that glass is now used on caskets. - -[83] See a most interesting and extensive memoir on _Aboriginal Trade -in_ _North America_, by Charles Rau, first published in vol. iv of the -_Archiv für Anthropologie_ (Braunschweig, 1872), and translated in -_Smithsonian Report_ for 1872, pp. 249–394. - -[84] Mr. A. J. Conant in the _Commonwealth of Missouri_, pp. 77–8 (St. -Louis, 1877), refers to ancient canals fifty feet wide and twelve feet -deep observed by Dr. G. C. Swallow. He quotes a pretty full account -from Geo. W. Carleton, Esq. Mr. Conant considers some of the southern -bayous of artificial origin. - -[85] For further material on the Mound-builders, see the documents -cited throughout the chapter. No less important is Dr. Foster’s -admirable work so often quoted, and which we must add has been of great -service in the preparation of this chapter. A very good paper on the -Mound-builders is that by Robert S. Robertson of Fort Wayne, Indiana, -in the _Congrès International des Américanistes Compte-Rendu de la -Sec. Ses. Luxembourg_, 1877, tom. i, pp. 39–50, though we do not fully -agree with the author’s views as to the colonization of the Mississippi -valley from the south. The classification of Mound-works by Rev. -Stephen D. Peet in the same document, p. 103, is very satisfactory, and -corresponds to that adopted in this chapter. The learned article by -Judge Force of Cincinnati in the same document, vol. i, pp. 121–156, is -full of interest. For recent mound explorations, see Appendix. - -[86] _Pre-Historic Times_, p. 425. Also cited by Foster. In this -connection I refer the reader to the argument of Mr. John H. Becker of -Berlin, in the _Congrès International des Américanistes_, Luxembourg, -1877, tom. i, pp. 345–6: “These northern nations * * * have not -quite forgotten the former existence and the exodus of these Nahua -Mound-builders in and from the western prairie country. Cusick’s -remarkable history of the Iroquois (Schoolcraft, vol. v) states again -and again that ‘their hunters were opposed by big snakes,’ that the -‘great horned snake appeared on Lake Ontario,’ that the ‘lake serpent -traversed the country, and they were compelled to build fortifications -in order to save themselves from the devouring monsters,’ that ‘a snake -with a human head prevented the intercourse of their several villages, -as it had settled near the principal path of communication,’ also ‘that -it retreats,’ etc., etc. Now, in order to understand the force of these -passages, it is necessary to remind the reader that the Nahua race were -perhaps even more properly and generally designated as the ‘Culhua’ the -‘Snake’ race, and one branch, remotely connected with them in blood -and language, though wofully degenerated, the Snakes or Shoshones of -Oregon, etc., carry the name to this very day. * * * ‘An expedition -was sent towards the Mississippi River; they crossed it, reached an -extensive meadow; they discovered a _curious animal_, a _winged fish_; -it flew about the tree, it moved like a _humming bird_’ * * * the -_humming bird_ was the totem of the last tribe of Nahuas, arriving in -Anahuac from Aztlan. The Cherokee tradition, told by Timberlake, is -equally significant: ‘The prince of rattlesnakes lives in the glens -of the mountains. His palace is guarded by obedient subjects. * * * -And in the myth of the Algonquins, the god-hero Michabo is in conflict -with the shining prince of serpents who lives in the lake; he destroys -the reptile with a dart; clothes himself with the skin of his foe, and -_drives the rest of the serpents to the south_.’” - -[87] _J. D. Baldwin’s Ancient America_, p. 47. - -[88] Foster, pp. 172–3, remarks: “Squier and Davis hastily stated -that none of these works occupied the alluvial bottoms (an error -which Mr. Squier subsequently corrected), and from this statement the -most erroneous conclusions as to their antiquity have been drawn. -There is nothing to indicate but that those works were constructed -after the surface had assumed its present configuration, and that the -climate had become essentially as it is now. That they should not -occur as abundantly on the bottoms as on the river terraces is not -to be wondered at, when we consider the great fluctuations of the -Mississippi and its tributaries. The extreme range between low and -high water of the Upper Mississippi at its mouth is thirty-five feet; -that of the Missouri at its mouth about the same; and that of the Ohio -at Louisville, forty-two feet. Hence, during the flood time a greater -portion of the bottom lands are subject to overflow, and it would be -natural for the Mound-builders to shun such situations. Where the -immediate valleys lie above high water, we find their works. Of this -the ‘American Bottom’ is a notable instance.” - -[89] See Dr. Lapham’s communication in Foster’s _Pre-Historic Races_, -pp. 373–5, in which he shows the possibility of finding the average -increase of wood each year by measuring annual rings of growth. - -[90] Sir Charles Lyell, _Antiquity of Man_, p. 41, says: “When I -visited Marietta in 1842, Dr. Hildreth took me to one of the mounds, -and showed me where he had seen a tree growing on it, the trunk of -which when cut down displayed eight hundred rings of annual growth.” - -[91] See Prof. Asa Gray in Foster’s _Pre-Historic Races_, p. 392; also -Lyell’s _Antiquity of Man_, p. 41, where the opinion of President -Harrison is quoted as follows: “We may be sure that no trees were -allowed to grow so long as the earthworks were in use; and when they -were forsaken, the ground, like all newly-cleared land in Ohio, would -for a time be monopolized by one or two species of tree, such as the -yellow locust and the black or white walnut. When the individuals -which were the first to get possession of the ground had died out one -after the other, they would, in many cases, instead of being replaced -by other species, be succeeded, by virtue of the law which makes a -rotation of crops profitable in agriculture, by other kinds, till -at last, after a great number of centuries (several hundred years -perhaps), that remarkable diversity of species characteristic of North -America, and far exceeding what is seen in European forests, would be -established.” - -[92] Foster’s _Pre-Historic Races_, pp. 118, 119, 122, and M. Stronck, -_Repères chronologiques de l’histoire des Mound-builders_ in _Congrès -des Américanistes_, Luxembourg, tom. i, pp. 316–18, catalogues the -record of the age of trees found on mounds. - -[93] Foster’s _Pre-Historic Races_, p. 370. - -[94] _American Naturalist_, Jan. 1868. - -[95] _Second Visit to the United States_, vol. i, p. 252. - -[96] Dr. Brinton’s _Notes on the Floridian Peninsula_. - -[97] From the immense heaps distributed over an area of 150 miles -between Pilatka and Salt Creek Dr. Wyman made some collections of -interest. The banks were composed mostly of the _Ampullaria Depressa_, -the _Paludina Multilineata_ and _Unio Buckleyi_. The bank at King -Phillip’s Town, 450 feet long by 120 feet wide, and in some places -eight feet thick, yielded fragments of pottery and decayed animal -bones. At Black Hammock, on the St. Johns, a mound 900 feet long and -from 100 to 150 in width, yielded the following: such marine shells -as the strombus-gigos, pyrula carica and P. perversa. These had been -shaped into hatchets, gouges and chisels. Scarcely any stone implements -were found in any of the mounds examined. A chisel and twenty-five -arrow-heads were collected in the vicinity of the above shell-bank. -The following animal remains were found: bear, deer, raccoon, opossum, -terrapin, turtle, alligator, cat-fish and garpike. But few bones -of birds were found. Prof. Wyman can only explain the presence of -so many of the now scarce species, the Ampullarius and Paludinas, -on the supposition that they were much more plentiful and are now -becoming extinct, or that the heaps where so abundantly found were -made by slow accumulation, through the lapse of an indefinitely long -period.—_American Naturalist_, vol. ii, Nos. 8 and 9, and _Fifth Annual -Report of Peabody Museum_, pp. 22–25. Also _First Report of Peabody -Museum_, pp. 11, 18. - -[98] A small sand-mound near Cedar Keys yielded peculiarly massive -skulls; the capacity being 1375 cubic centimetres, or nearly 84 cubic -inches. They show no distortion, and the average thickness of eight of -them through the parietal bones measured 10.5 millimetres, or 0.42 of -an inch. The heaviest weighed 995 grams, and notwithstanding the loss -of its organic matter, is heavier than any of the three hundred skulls -in the collection (Peabody Museum).—_Fourth Annual Report of Peabody -Museum_, p. 13. Also see Foster’s _Pre-Historic Races_, p. 170. - -[99] Foster’s _Pre-Historic Races_, p. 159. - -[100] Nott and Gliddon’s _Types of Mankind_, p. 272. - -[101] C. C. Jones, Jr., _Antiquities of the Southern Indians_. - -[102] Further consult, _Second Indiana Report_, p. iii; _Smithsonian -Report_ for 1870; Humphreys and Abbot’s _Physics and Hydraulics of the -Mississippi Valley_, p. 89, and Foster’s _Pre-Historic Races_, Chap. IV. - -[103] Martius: _Von dem Rechtszustande unter den Ureinwohner -Brasiliens_, p. 80, and reprinted in his _Beiträge zur Ethnographie_, -etc., Leipzig, 1867, quarto. “Der dermalige Zustand dieser Naturwesen -beurkundet, dass die amerikanische Natur schon seit Jahrtausenden -den Einfluss einer verändernden und umgestaltenden Menschenhand -erfahren hat. Auf den Antillen und dem Festlande fanden die ersten -Conquistadores den stummen Hund als Hausthier und auf der Jagd -dienend, ebenso das Meerschweinchen in St. Domingo in einem heimischen -Zustande.... Das Llama war in Peru schon seit undenklicher Zeit als -Lastthier benützt worden, und kam nicht mehr im Zustand der Freiheit -vor; ja sogar das Guanaco und die Vicunna scheinen damals nicht -ganz wild, sondern in einer beschränkten Freiheit den Urbewohnern -befreundet, gelebt zu haben, da sie, um geschoren zu werden, -eingefangen, so dann aber wieder freigelassen würden.... Die Cultur -dieser Pflanze (Maize) aus welcher die Peruaner auch Zucker bereiteten, -ist uralt; man findet sie, und die Banane, den Baumwollenstrauch, -die Quinoa- und die Mandioca-Pflanze ebenso wenig wild in America -als unsere Getreidearten in Asien, Europa und Africa. Die einzige -Palme, welche von den Indianern angebaut wird, hat durch diese Cultur -den grossen, steinharten Saamenkern verloren, der oft in Fasern -zerschmolzen, oft gänzlich aufgelöst ist. Ebenso findet man die Banane, -deren Einfuhr nach America geschichtlich nicht nachgewiesen werden -kann, immer ohne Saamen. Man weiss aber aus anderen Erfahrungen, welch’ -lange Zeit nothwendig ist, um den Pflanzen einen solchen Stempel von -der umbildenden Macht menschlichen Einflusses aufzudrücken. Gewiss, -auch in America sind die dort heimischen Nutz-Pflanzen der Menschheit -seit undenklichen Zeiten zinsbar unterworfen.” - -[104] Brinton’s _Myths of the New World_, p. 37. - -[105] Nott and Gliddon’s _Types of Mankind_, p. 352. - -[106] _Antiquity of Man_, p. 44. - -[107] _Pre-Historic Man_, p. 12. - -[108] _American Naturalist_, vol. ii, p. 434, 1868. Also quoted by -Foster, _Pre-Historic Races_, p. 77. - -[109] Daniel Wilson’s _Pre-Historic Man_, p. 12. - -[110] Vol. i, p. 200. - -[111] Meigs: _Trans. Am. Phil. Soc._, 1828, p. 285. - -[112] _Antiquity of Man_, p. 42. - -[113] Vol. ii, p. 197. - -[114] _Antiquity of Man_, p. 203. - -[115] _Extinct Mammalia of North America_, p. 365: “The specimen may -have been contemporary with the remains of extinct animals, with which -it is said to have been found, though it appears to me equally if not -more probable that it may have fallen into the formation from an Indian -grave above at a comparatively recent date, and become stained like the -true fossils from ferruginous infiltration.” - -[116] Foster: _Pre-Historic Races_, p. 61. “A dozen plantation -burial places and Indian mounds and camps had been exposed above for -centuries; and in recent years since uninhabited by the whites (for a -hundred years), the drains had cut through the surface to the depth of -twenty and even forty feet of the bluff loam-beds. The probabilities -are a hundred to one that this bone was not of the bluff (mastodon) -formation but of the recent era.” - -[117] Foster in _Transactions of the Chicago Academy of Sciences_, vol. -i, part ii. - -[118] Fontaine’s _How the World was Peopled_, pp. 67–69. A book with -many good points, but obscure as to this particular case. - -[119] _On the Geology of Lower Louisiana and the Salt Deposit on the -Petit Anse Island_, p. 14, in _Smithsonian Contributions to Knowledge_, -No. 248. - -[120] Foster’s _Pre-Historic Races_, p. 58. - -[121] Brinton’s _Myths of the New World_, p. 35. - -[122] Vol. xxxvi, p. 198. - -[123] Vol. xxxvii, p. 191. - -[124] J. D. Dana: _Koch’s Evidence on the Contemporaneity of Man and -the Mastodon in Missouri_, in the _Am. Jour. of Sci. and Arts_, Art. -xxxv, May, 1875, gives the title of two of these pamphlets as follows: -1. _Description of the Missourium or Missouri Leviathan, together with -its Supposed Habits; Indian Traditions Concerning the Location from -which it was Exhumed; Also, Comparisons of the Whale, Crocodile, and -Missourium with the Leviathan, as described in the Forty-first Chapter -of the Book of Job_: by Albert Koch, 16 pp. octavo, St. Louis, 1841 -(1840 on the cover, indicating that the copy is from a second edition). -2. _Description of the Missourium Theristocaulodon (Koch) or Missouri -Leviathan (Leviathan Missouriensis), together with its Supposed Habits -and Indian Traditions; Also, Comparisons of the Whale, Crocodile, and -Missourium with the Leviathan, as described in the Forty-first Chapter -of the Book of Job_: by Albert Koch. Fifth edition enlarged, 28 pp. -octavo. Dublin, 1843. (A third edition of twenty-four pages appeared in -London in 1841.) - -[125] _American Journal of Science and Arts_, 1830, Art. xxxvi, p. 198, -and copied by Mr. J. D. Dana, in his article before cited, May, 1875. - -[126] Dr. Koch’s _Pamphlet_ of 1843, pp. 13, 14, 27, copied by J. D. -Dana. - -[127] _Transactions of St. Louis Academy of Sciences_, vol. i, 1857. - -[128] Foster’s _Pre-Historic Races_, p. 62. - -[129] _Smithsonian Report_, 1872, p. 396, in a note to his article on -_North American Stone Implements_. - -[130] J. D. Dana in _American Journal of Science and Arts_, May, 1875, -p. 340. - -[131] Article cited, p. 344. - -[132] Though the above argument by so eminent a specialist must satisfy -any one that Dr. Koch’s claim, as it now stands, is valueless to -science; still, it is due to the memory of the latter, to admit that he -was the most indefatigable and successful collector in his department -in this country. Though unscientific himself, his service to science -must ever be recognized. The great Mastodon in the British Museum is -a monument to his persevering research. Perhaps the disposition to -acknowledge his services, has unduly biased the judgment of many in -favor of his groundless claim. - -[133] _Pre-Historic Races_, p. 67. - -[134] “But it is one of those isolated cases which require further -investigation before full credence can be attached to it.”—_Foster’s -Pre-Historic Races_, p. 71. - -[135] _Antiquity of Man in the United States, Transactions of American -Association for Advancement of Science_. Chicago, 1869. - -[136] _Second Visit to the United States._ - -[137] Nott and Gliddon’s _Types of Mankind_, p. 336, and Lyell’s -_Antiquity of Man_, p. 43. - -[138] _Tableau of New Orleans_, 1852, cited by Foster, _Pre-Historic -Races_, p. 73. - -[139] _Antiquity of Man_, p. 43. - -[140] _Surface Geology_, p. 92, _Smithsonian Contributions to -Knowledge_, vol. ix. - -[141] _Physics and Hydraulics of the Mississippi_, pp. 150 _et seq._, -and 435. - -[142] _Pre-Historic Races_, p. 76. - -[143] _Philadelphia Acad. of Natural Sciences. Proceedings_, Part I, -1872. Also Foster, pp. 69–71. - -[144] This letter bears date December 24, 1876, written from -Waynesville, Ohio, and signed by Robert F. Furnas, M. D. - -[145] Prof. Orton in _Geology of Highland County_ in “_Progress of the -Ohio_ _Geological Survey in 1870_,” published 1871, and in vol. i. of -_State Geological Report_, p. 442. - -[146] Prof. Winchell remarks: “The very general interest that is being -excited in this country in the problems that invest the history of the -drift is my only excuse for calling your attention to the prevalence -of vegetable remains in the Drift of the North-west, and to the wide -divergence of high authorities on the relative position of those -remains in respect to the boulder clay.”—See _Proceedings_, p. 56, _Am. -Ass. for Adv. Sci._, 1875, _24th Meeting_. - -[147] _Eleventh Annual Report of the Peabody Museum_, p. 226, -Cambridge, 1878. Dr. Abbott concludes his interesting report by citing -a letter from Mr. Thomas Belt, dated Grant, Colorado, June 29, 1878, -in which the writer reports the discovery of “a small human skull in -undisturbed loess, in a railway cutting about two miles from Denver, -near the watershed between the South Platte and Clear Creek. All the -plains are covered with a drift deposit of granitic and quartzose -pebbles, overlaid by a sandy and calcareous loam closely resembling the -diluvial clay and the loess of Europe.” The skull was found at a point -three and a half feet from the surface.—_Ibid._, p. 257. - -[148] _Tenth Annual Report of Peabody Museum, Cambridge_, 1877, vol. -ii, pp. 30–43; _American Naturalist_, June, 1876, p. 329. - -[149] _Tenth Annual Report of Peabody Museum_, p. 47. - -[150] Grote, _The Peopling of America_, _American Naturalist_, April, -1877. - -[151] _Primitive Industry_, by C. C. Abbott, M.D., 1881, p. 551. A -truly scientific work. - -[152] _Sixth Annual Report of the United States Geological Survey, -under Dr. Hayden in 1872_, p. 657. - -[153] General Thomas gives the following account of this form of skull -discovered by him, p. 657: “It is unlike that of any human being to-day -alive on this continent; the frontal bone being low, receding, growing -narrow and pinched from the brows up; the top of the head depressed in -the centre. The cavity of the cranium is full seven inches long, and -a scant four and a half inches wide. The orbital ridges or eyebrows -are excessively developed, like those of the great Gibbon monkey. In -fact the whole skull resembles that of the great Gibbon monkey. The -malar or cheek bones run down very low and deep toward the lower jaw, -are set very far to the front, and are not wide at top, but widen very -much toward the bottom. The nose, and here is the anomaly, is much more -aquiline than that of the Indian. The superior maxillary is one-third -deeper and much more prominent than the Indian’s. The inferior -maxillary is of uncommon prominence, depth, and power, far exceeding -that of the Indian. The mouth is narrow and long, more dog-shaped than -the Indian’s. The _foramen magnum_ or aperture at base of skull, where -the spinal cord enters the head, is peculiarly small. The _condyloid -processes_ are full, oblong, flat on the working surfaces, and at -such an angle as to set the head upward and back more than any race -we know to-day on this continent. Set one of these skulls, without -the lower jaw, on the table, and a line drawn from the upper jaw -perpendicularly upward would be a good inch and a half in front of the -forehead. Set on the lower jaw and it would be two inches.” Mr. R. D. -Guttgisal, formerly an engineer on the Mexican Central Railroad, in -connection with some friends, opened a mound at Chihuahua, on the line -of that railroad. The skulls resembled those I have described (so he -informs me) in every particular. He especially remembers the somewhat -bird-shaped head, and the excessively small _foramen magnum_. The -bodies were not interred horizontally there, but leaning backward as if -in a rocking-chair. Professor H. H. Smith, University of Pennsylvania, -has one of the skulls. - -[154] Professor James Orton, _The Andes and the Amazons_, third ed., p. -109, New York, 1876. - -[155] Sir John Lubbock, alluding to the changes that have transpired in -the condition of man from his first appearance in America, says: “But -even if we attribute to these changes all the importance which ever has -been claimed for them, they will not require an antiquity of more than -three thousand years. I do not, of course, deny that the period may -have been very much greater, but in my opinion, at least, it _need_ not -be greater.”—_Pre-Historic Times_, p. 234, London, 1865. - -Dr. Foster, after giving many of the reputed proofs of man’s antiquity -here, sums up the argument in the following language: “The evidence, it -must be confessed, rests, in most cases, upon the testimony of a single -observer, and besides, there has not been a recurrence of ‘finds’ in -the same deposit (except in the gravel beds of Colorado and Wyoming, -which require further investigation to command an unqualified belief), -as in the valley of the Somme and in the European caves, which is so -conclusive as to the existence of man as contemporary with the great -Pachyderms.”—_Foster’s Pre-Historic Races_, p. 71. - -[156] _De Civitate Dei_, lib. xvi, cap. 9. Above I have availed myself -of the admirable translation by Rev. Marcus Dods, vol. ii, p. 118. -Edinburgh, 1871. On the subject of Antipodes we may refer the reader to -the view of _Cosmas Indicopleustes_, an Egyptian of the middle of the -6th century. See Draper’s _Conflict between Religion and Science_, p. -65, and the opinion of the Venerable Bede, cited by the same author. -See further Bancroft’s _Native Races of the Pacific States_, vol. v, -pp. 1–8, and Ogilby’s _America_, pp. 6–7. - -[157] R. H. Major’s _Prince Henry of Portugal_, chap. xxi. London, -1868, 8vo. Draper’s _Conflict_, pp. 163–5. - -[158] The narrowness of the attainments of the “educated” in Spain in -the 17th century is portrayed by Buckle: “Books, unless they were books -of devotion, were deemed utterly useless; no one consulted them, no one -collected them; and until the 18th century, Madrid did not possess a -single public library. * * * De Torres, who was himself a Spaniard, and -was educated at Salamanca early in the 18th century, declares that he -had studied in the university for five years before he had heard that -such things as the mathematical sciences existed. So late as the year -1771, the same university publicly refused to allow the discoveries -of Newton to be taught; and assigned as a reason, that the system of -Newton was not so consonant with revealed religion as the system of -Aristotle.”—_History of Civilization in England_, vol. ii, pp. 72–3. -New York, 1861. Of course these remarks apply to Spain’s period of -misfortune and decline, but it must also be remembered that the spirit -of intolerance which alone brought about that condition was at its -height about the time of the discovery of America. - -[159] Mr. Bancroft has illustrated the spirit of this latter class by -quoting a passage from Garcia’s _Origen de Los Indios_, Madrid, 1729, -p. 248. It is certainly one of the most venomous and narrow-minded -utterances on record. See Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. v, p. 4. - -[160] _Historia Antigua de la Nueva España con Noticias de los Ritos -y Costumbres de los Indios y Explicacion del Calendario Mexicano, -por F. Diego Duran_, Escrita en el año de 1585; MS. in three vols. -folio of upwards of 1000 pp. each. On p. 507, tom. iii, we find -notice of December, 1579, as the date at which that stage of the work -was reached. Copy in the library of Congress at Washington. From -Beristain’s _Biblioteca Hispano-Americana, Septentrional_, tom. i, p. -442, Mexico, 1816, we quote the following: “Duran (F. Diego) á quien el -Illmõ. Eguara, p. 324, de su Biblioteca dá equivocadamente el nombre -de Pedro, y á quien el Jesuita Clavigero llama Fernando con igual -equivocacion. Fué natural de Tezcuco, antigua corte de los Emperadores -Megicanos: y Profeso el Orden de Santo Domingo, en el Convento Imperial -de Megico, á 8 de Margo de 1556. Era varon Docto en Theología, y de -vasta erudicion en la historia antigua de los Indios; pero molestado de -enfermedades en sus años ultimos, no pudo dar á luz publica los bellos -libros, que tenia compuestos, los mas amenos y gustosos, que hasta -entonces se habian escrito sobre las cosas de Indias, como se explica -el Illmõ. Dáila Padilla, y repetieron despues los criticos franceses -Querif y Echard. El referido Arzo-Bispo añade, que el P. Juan de Torar, -Jesuita Megicano, en cuyo poder paraban los manuscritos de su paisano -Duran, se los dió al P. José de Acosta á quien servieron mucho para su -Historia Natural y Moral de las Indias, en lo qual convienen Pinelo y -D. Nicolás Antonio. Los dichos MSS. eran:” _Historia de los Indios de -la N. E. Antigüallas de los Indios de la N. E._ - -[161] “Cuanto á lo primero tendremos por principal fundamento el ser -esta Nacion y Gente Indiana advenediza de estrañas y remotas regeiones, -y que en su venida á poseer esta Tierra hizo un largo y prolijo camino, -en el cual gastó muchos meses y años para llegar á ella, como de su -relacion y pinturas se colige, y como de algunos viejos ancianos de -muchos dias he procurado saber para sacar esta opinion en limpio; y -dado caso que algunos cuenten algunas falsas fabulas conviene á saber, -que nacieron de unas fuentes y manantiales de agua; otros, que nacieron -de unas cuebas; otros, que su generacion es de los Dioses; lo cual -clara y abiertamente se ve ser fabula, y que ellos mismos ignoran su -origen y principio, dado caso que siempre confiessan havre venido -de tierras; y asi lo he hallado pintado en sus antiguas pinturas, -donde señalan grandes trabajos de hambre, sed, y desnudez, con otras -innumerables afliciones que en él pasáron hasta llegar a esta tierra -y poblada; con lo cual confirmo mi opinion y sospecha de que estos -Naturales sean de aquellas diez Tribus de Isrrael que Salmanasar, Rey -de los Asirios cautivó y transmigró de Asiria en tiempo de Ozeas, Rey -de Isrrael, y en tiempo de Ozequias, Rey de Jerusalem, como se prodra -ver en el cuarto Libro de los Reyes, capitulo diez y siete, donde dice -que fue transladado Isrrael de su tierra á los Asirios hasta el dia -de hoy, etc.; de las cuales dice Esdras en el Libro cuarto, capitulo -trece, que se pasaron á vivir á una tierra remota y apartada que nunca -habia sido habitada; á la cual habia largo y prolijo camino de año y -medio, donde agora se hallan estas Gentes de todas las Islas y Tierra -firma del mar oceano hacia la parte de occidente.”—_Historia Antigua de -la Nueva España_, tom. i., pp. 1–2, MS. - -[162] London, small quarto, 1650; we have both this and the edition of -1660 before us. - -[163] Harmon L’Estrange, Kt., _Americans No Jewes; or Improbabilities -that the Americans are of that Race_, p. 4. 1652; quarto, London. - -[164] Id., p. 13. - -[165] “De suerte que aviendose conservado este nombre Piru, que es lo -mismo que Ophir, en aquellas tierras, y hallandose que los moradores -dellas parecen a los Hebreos en muchas cosas, bien se signe que a -quellos Indios, y los demas proceden de Ophir nieto de Heber de quien -los Hebreos, y su lengua tomaron el nombre. Tambien se halla el nombre -de Iectan padre de Ophir en la provincia que oy se llama Yucatan, en la -Nueva España, que no es pequeño fundemento para provar que ya que no -pusiesse aquel nombre Iectan, por no haver ido a aquella tierra, pudo -ser que lo diesse su hijo Ophir.”—_Origen de los Indios_, p. 323. Ed., -_Valencia_, 1607. - -[166] _Origen de los Indios_, (_Valencia_, 1607), p. 485. - -[167] _Hist. de la Nouvelle France_, lib. i, cap. iii, p. 25. Paris, -1611. - -[168] _Historia General de los Hechos de los Castellanos_, Madrid, -1728–30, fol. decada 1, lib. i, cap. vi. - -[169] _Historia de la Conquista Itza_, p. 27, Madrid, 1701, fol. - -[170] Aunque la verdad es que ellos, por hablar mas propriamente y -los otros de quien descendieron, por Generacion Natural, son de los -Hijos de Noé * * * y segun lo que tenemos dicho, en otra parte, acerca -de el color de estas gentes, no tendria por cosa descaminada, creer -que son descendientes de los Hijos, u Nietos de Cham, tercero Hijo de -Noé.—_Monarquia Ind._, tom. i, p. 30. - -[171] Pineda in _Soc. Mex. Geog. Boletin_, 1852, p. 343; see tradition -of Votan, this work, chap. v. - -[172] _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. iv, p. 17; cited by Bancroft. - -[173] _Historia del origen de pentes que poblaron la America -Septentrional que llaman la Nueva España con noticia de los primeros -que establecieron la Monarquia, que en ella florecio de la Nacion -Tolteca, y noticias que alcanzaron de la creacion del Mundo_ (date -at end of first vol. 1755, and end of third 1780), _por M. Fer. de -Echevarria y Veitia_, pp. 24–30, chap, i, tom. i, MS. Three vols. -folio, in Library of Congress at Washington. About one-fourth of the -work is published in Kingsborough’s _Mex. Ant._, tom. viii. - -[174] _Historia_, cap. xii, tom. i, p. 92, MS.; of Kingsborough’s _Mex. -Ant._, tom. viii, p. 189. - -[175] _Noticias Americanas_, pp. 391–5, 405–7. Cited by Bancroft, -_Native Races_, vol. v, p. 10. - -[176] _Native Races_, vol. v, p. 11. - -[177] _Deserts_, vol. i, p. 26. But what else could be expected of the -editor of that curiosity of Americo-Germanic literature executed by -some German school-boy and unearthed in the Arsenal Library at Paris, -entitled _Manuscript Pictographique Américain précédé d’une notice -sur l’Ideographie des Peaux-Rouges_, par l’Abbé Em. Domenech, Paris, -1860. Published under the auspices of the Minister of State and of the -Emperor Napoleon III. See also _Le Livre des Sauvages au Point de Vue -de la Civilization Française_, Brussels, 1861. The internal evidences -of this remarkable MS. being the work of a German boy are plain to any -one having the slightest knowledge of the German language. How the -Abbé and the Emperor could have been so blinded to its real character -we cannot imagine; however, it would be unfair to leave the impression -that, because of the theory of Ophir’s colonization and because of this -literary blunder, the Abbé’s work entitled _Seven Years’ Residence in -the Great Deserts of North America_ is without value. On the contrary, -it contains much useful information. The following passage occurs on p. -66 of the above work: “The most careful study concerning the origin of -the red-skins, made on the spot, has confirmed us in the belief that -there is nothing in science to contradict the Bible, which represents -Adam as the sole stock whence sprung the three great races which form -the principal types of the human family.” - -[178] _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. iv, p. 15. We quote the following -from the translation by Cullan, London, 1807: “We do not doubt that -the population of America has been very ancient, and more so than it -may seem to have been to European authors: 1. Because the Americans -wanted those arts and inventions, such, for example, as those of wax -and oil for light, which on the one hand being very ancient in Europe -and Asia, are on the other most useful, not to say necessary, and when -once discovered are never forgotten. 2. Because the polished nations -of the new world, and particularly those of Mexico, preserve in their -traditions and in their paintings the memory of the creation of the -world and of the building of the Tower of Babel, the confusion of -languages and the dispersion of the people, though blended with some -fables, and had no knowledge of the events which happened afterwards in -Asia, in Africa, or in Europe, although many of them were so great and -remarkable that they could not easily have gone from their memories. -3. Because neither was there among the Americans any knowledge of -the people of the old continent, nor among the latter any account of -the passage of the former to the new world.” He then cites Votan. -See further on early views, Gottfried Wagner’s _De Originibus Amer. -Disertatio Lipsiæ_, 1669; Hugo Grotius’s _Dissertatio de Origine -Gentium Americanorum Amstelodami_, 1642; Jean De Laet’s _Notæ ad Diss. -H. Grotii de Originine Gent. Americ._, 1643; Jean De Laet’s _Responsio -ad H. Grotii Diss. de Origine Gent. Americ._, 1644; Poisson’s -_Animadrersiones in Originem Peruvianorum et Mexicanorum_, Parisiis, -1644; Georgius Hornius’s _De Originibus Americanis Hagæ_, 1652; Rocha’s -_Tratado Unico y Singulare del Origin de los Indios Occidentales, -del Peru, Mexico, Santa Fe, y Chile_; Lima, 1681; Engel’s _Essai sur -Cette Question: Comment l’Amérique est-elle été Peuplée d’Hommes et -d’Ammaux_, Amsterdam, 1767; Corn. De Pauw’s _Recherche sur l’Amérique -et les Americans_, Berlin, 1774; Vater’s _Untersuchungen über America’s -Bevölkerung aus dem alten Continent_, Leipzig, 1810. - -[179] D. B. Warden’s _Recherches sur les Antiquités de l’Amérique du -Nord_, in _Antiquités Mexicaines_, tom. ii, div. ii. Paris, 1834, -quarto. - -[180] _Native Races_, vol. v, chap. i. The literary apparatus contained -in the notes accompanying the chapter is remarkably full and valuable. - -[181] “I know of no man better qualified than was Brasseur de -Bourbourg, to penetrate the obscurity of American primitive history. -His familiarity with the Nahua and Central American languages, his -indefatigable industry and general erudition, rendered him eminently -fit for the task, and every word written by such a man on such a -subject is entitled to respectful consideration. Nevertheless there -is reason to believe that the Abbé was often rapt away from the truth -by the excess of enthusiasm, and the reader of his wild and fanciful -speculations cannot but regret that he has not the opportunity or the -ability to criticise by comparison the French savant’s interpretation -of the original documents.”—_Bancroft’s Native Races_, p. 127. - -[182] The work in which he repudiates his first interpretation of the -Codex Chimalpopoca, and in which he advocates the allegorical meaning -together with the theory of Atlantis, is entitled _Quatre Lettres sur -le Mexique_, Paris, 1868. - -[183] This work, p. 135. - -[184] Among these we may cite Adair’s _History of the American -Indians_; Jones’ _History of Ancient America_; Giordan’s _Tehuantepec_; -Rossi’s _Souvenirs d’un Voyage en Orégon_, pp. 276–7; Ethan Smith’s -_Views of the Hebrews_; Thorowgood’s _Jewes in America_; Domenech’s -_Deserts_, vol. i, and Simon’s _Ten Tribes_. - -[185] _Mexican Antiquities_, London, 1831–48, 9 vols. imperial folio. - -[186] The tablets remained in their place of concealment until -discovered by Joseph Smith, September 22, 1827. Mr. Bancroft, _Native -Races_, p. 97 _et seq._ (from which we draw the above), has translated -a full account of this wonderful claim from Bertrand’s _Memoirs_, pp. -32 _et seq._ - -[187] Pineda’s _De Rebus Solomonis_, but especially Horn’s _De Origine -Gentium Americanarum_. - -[188] Some of these features will receive attention in a following -chapter. - -[189] Hudson’s _Geographiæ Veteris Scriptores Græci Minores_, -1698–1712, 8vo, and Rev. Thos. Falconer’s _Voyage of Hanno_, -translated, etc., Oxford, 1797, 8vo. - -[190] _Native Races_, p. 66. - -[191] Chap. V.; see Tradition and Literature. - -[192] By George Jones, R. S. I.; M. F. S. V., etc.; dedicated by -permission to the Archbishop of Canterbury and to Frederick William the -Fourth, King of Prussia. London, 1843. - -[193] Mr. Jones states in his preface that to furnish a list of the -works from which he drew his material would be pedantic, and adds: -“Yet being professedly an original work, the volume of the brain -has been more largely extracted from than any writer whose works -are already before that public—to whose final judgment (upon its -merits or demerits) the present author submits the first history of -ancient America with all humility; but he will yield to none in the -conscientious belief in the truth of the startling propositions and the -consequent conclusions.” With such convictions there is no opportunity -for unbiased investigation. - -[194] _Traditions of Decoodah and Antiquarian Researches_, p. 16. New -York, 1858, 8vo. - -[195] _Mœurs des Sauvages Amériquains Comparées aux Mœurs des Premiers -Temps._ Paris, 1724. - -[196] See Bancroft’s _Native Races_, p. 122; the Abbé Brasseur de -Bourbourg’s discovery of the Greek Gods in America (_Landa, Relacion_, -pp. lxx–lxxx) will be considered further on. - -[197] Bancroft’s _Native Races_, pp. 55 _et seq._; M’Culloch’s -_Researches_, pp. 171–2; Mayer’s _Mexico as it Was_, p. 186; Humboldt’s -_Vues_, tom. i, pp. 120–4, and Stephen’s _Central America_, vol. ii, p. -441; Jones’ _Hist. Anc. Am._, pp. 122 _et seq._ - -[198] Delafield’s _Inquiry into the Origin of the Antiquities of -America_, Cincinnati, 1839, quarto. - -[199] _Native Races_, vol. v, p. 54. In a note an excellent collection -of authorities is quoted. - -[200] Colonel Kennon in Leland’s _Fusang_, pp. 65 _et seq._ Also C. W. -Brooks on Japanese Race in Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. v, p. 51. - -[201] In _Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles Lettres_, -vol. xxviii, 1761. - -[202] English by Chas. G. Leland: _Fusang, or the Chinese Discovery of -America_, 1875. New York. - -[203] Bancroft, _Native Races_, vol. v, p. 34, note, says: “A Chinese -_li_ is about one-third of a mile”—English, we suppose, but upon what -authority we are unable to say. Klaproth adopted 850 _li_ to a degree, -while D’Eichthal fixes it at 400 to a degree in the sixth century, -though at present it is 250 _li_ to a degree. Deguignes’ _Mémoires de -l’Académie des Inscriptiones et Belles Lettres_, vol. xxviii, 1761, and -Leland’s _Fusang_, pp. 128 and 140. - -[204] Leland’s _Fusang_, pp. 25 _et seq._ This translation was revised -by Professor Neumann himself, and is more literal than that by Klaproth. - -[205] Klaproth’s _Recherches_, in _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_, -1831, tom. li, pp. 57 _et seq._ Humboldt’s _Examen Critique_, tom. xi, -pp. 65–6. - -[206] Sr. Jose Perez in _Revue Orientale et Américaine_, No. 4, pp. -189–195. - -[207] Dr. E. Bretschneider in the fifth number of the _Chinese Recorder -and Missionary Journal_, vol. iii, published at Foochow, October 1870. -The article entitled _Fusang, or Who Discovered America_, is copied in -full in Leland’s _Fusang_, pp. 165 _et seq._ See also Dr. Neumann’s -_Ost-Asien und West Amerika_; in _Zeitschrift für Allgemeine Erdkunde_ -for April, 1864. See _D’Eichthal_ in _Revue Archéologique_, 1862, vol. -ii, and Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. v, pp. 33 _et seq._ - -[208] The strongest proof upon which the Chinese theory rests is that -of physical resemblance, which on the extreme north-western coast of -America is very marked. Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. v, p. 37. - -[209] John Ranking’s _Historical Researches on the Conquest of Peru, -Mexico, etc., by the Mongols_, London, 1827. - -[210] Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. v, pp. 44–50, contains a good -review, but Ranking himself must be examined to be appreciated. - -[211] _Native Races_, vol. v, pp. 40 _et seq._, gives a brief review. -The subject will be fully treated in its proper place. - -[212] In the Landnama-book, No. 107, is found a narrative of ARE -MARSON, in Hvitramanna Land. Prof. Rafn (_Antiquitates Americanæ_, -pp. 210 _et seq._), translates it as follows: “Ulvus Strabo, filius -Högnii Albi, totum occupavit Reykjanesum inter Thorskafjördum et -Hafrafellum; uxorem habuit Bjargam, filiam Eyvindi Œstmanni, sororem -Helgii Marci. Eorum filius Atlius Rufus, qui uxorem habuit Thorbjargam, -sororem Steinolvi Humilis; horum filius erat Mar de Reykholis, qui -uxorem habuit Thorkatlam, filiam Hergilsis Hnapprassi (natibus -globosis). Eorum filius fuit Arius, qui tempestate delatus est ad -Hvitramannalandiam (Terram alborum hominum), quam nonnulli Irlandiam -Magnum appellant, qui in oceano occidentali jacet prope Vinlandiam -Bonam, sex dierum navigatione versus occidentem ab Irlanda.” On -Hvitramannaland, see _Antiquitates Americanæ_, pp. 162, 163, 183, -210, 212, 214, 447, 448, and De Costa’s _Pre-Columbian Discovery of -America_, pp. lii, 86, 63, 70, 87, 88. - -[213] _Monastikon Britannicum_, pp. 131–2, 187–8. Cited by De Costa, -_Pre-Col. Dis. of Am._, p. xviii. - -[214] On this subject see Brasseur de Bourbourg in the 16th vol. of the -sixth series of _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages_, pp. 263, 281–9; also -3d vol. of same work, sixth series, 1855, pp. 156–7, and in _New York -Tribune_ for November 21, 1855. - -[215] _Découverte de l’Amérique par les Normands an Xᵉ siècle, par -Gabriel Gravier_, Paris, 1864, 4to. - -[216] _America Not Discovered by Columbus_, by R. B. Anderson, Chicago, -1874, 16mo. - -[217] Gravier, _Découverte de l’Amérique_, p. 235, quotes Dr. Schuck as -authority, _Société Royale des Antiquaires du Nord_, 1840–43, pp. 26–7; -also 1844, p. 181. - -[218] Hakluyt’s _Principal Navigations, Voyages, etc._, vol. iii, pp. -1 _et seq._; see a good discussion of the Welsh claim in Bancroft’s -_Native Races_, vol. v, pp. 116 _et seq._ - -[219] “I think, therefore (as mentioned before), we do not at all -derogate from God’s greatness, nor in any ways dishonor the sacred -evidence given us by His servants, when we think that there were as -many Adams and Eves (every one knows these names to have an allegorical -sense), as we find different species of the human genus * * * * God -has created an original pair here as well as elsewhere.”—_Roman’s -Concise Nat. Hist. of E. and W. Florida_, p. 55, New York, 1775. “We -will candidly confess that we could never understand why philosophers -have been so pre-disposed to advocate the theory which peoples America -from the Eastern hemisphere. We think the supposition that the Red -man is a primitive type of a family of the human race, originally -planted in the Western Continent, presents the most natural solution -of the problem; and that the researches of physiologists, antiquaries, -philologists and philosophers in general, tend irresistibly to this -conclusion.”—_Norman’s Rambles in Yucatan_, p. 251, New York, 1843, -8vo. “My own belief is that, whatever was the origin of the different -tribes or families, the whole race of American Indians are native and -indigenous to the soil. There is no proof that they are either the -lost tribes of Israel or emigrants from any part of the old world. -They are a separate and as distinct a race as either the Ethiopian, -Caucasian, or Mongolian. In the absence of all proof to the contrary, -it seems to me to be both rational and consistent to assume that the -Creator placed the Red race on the American Continent as early as He -created the beasts and reptiles that inhabit it.”—_Swan’s North-west -Coast_, p. 206, New York, 1857. “Dieu a créé plusieurs couples d’êtres -humains différant les uns des autres intérieurement et extérieurement; -chacun de des couples a été placé dans le climat approprié à son -organisation.”—_Lord Kames in Warden’s Recherches_, p. 203. - -[220] The reader who has not given special attention to this phase of -the subject, will be surprised to learn how generally received has -been the autochthonic theory among writers in this field. Mr. Bancroft -has given several quotations to illustrate this fact. See Morelet’s -_Voyage_, vol. i, p. 177, Paris, 1857; Evens’ _Our Sister Republic_, p. -332; Catlin’s _North American Indians_, vol. ii, p. 232. We prepared -extracts for insertion at this point, but the limit of our space will -not permit a full consideration of the question. - -Mr. Bancroft says of the theory, “If we may judge by the recent -results of scientific investigation, [it] may eventually prove to -be scientifically correct. To express belief, however, in a theory -incapable of proof, appears to me idle. Indeed such belief is not -belief, it is merely acquiescing in or accepting a hypothesis or -tradition until the contrary is proved.”—_Native Races_, vol. v, pp. -130–1. - -[221] _Crania Americana_, p. 260. Philadelphia, 1839. Folio. - -[222] Dr. Morton gives the following comparative table showing the -internal capacity and dimensions of the crania of different races: - - +-----------+------------+-------------+---------+---------+ - | | | _Mean | | | - | | _Number | Internal | _Largest|_Smallest| - | RACES. | of Skulls._| Capacity | in the | in the | - | | |in cubic in._| Series._| Series._| - +-----------+------------+-------------+---------+---------+ - |Caucasian | 52 | 87 | 109 | 75 | - |Mongolian | 10 | 83 | 93 | 69 | - |Malay | 18 | 81 | 89 | 64 | - |American | 147 | 82 | 100 | 60 | - |Ethiopian | 29 | 78 | 94 | 65 | - +-----------+------------+-------------+---------+---------+ - -[223] After presenting several arguments together with accompanying -proofs, Agassiz says: “This coincidence between the circumscription -of the races of man and the natural limits of different zoological -provinces characterized by peculiar distinct species of animals, is one -of the most important and unexpected features in the Natural History -of Mankind, which the study of the geographical distribution of all -the organized beings now existing upon earth has disclosed to us. It -is a fact which cannot fail to throw light at some future time upon -the very origin of the differences existing among men, since it shows -that man’s physical nature is modified by the same laws as that of -animals, and that any general results obtained from the animal kingdom -regarding the organic differences of its various types must also apply -to man. Now there are only two alternatives before us at present: 1st. -Either mankind originated from a common stock, and all the different -races with their peculiarities, in their present distribution, are -to be ascribed to subsequent changes—an assumption for which there -is no evidence whatever, and leads at once to the admission that the -diversity among animals is not an original one, nor their distribution -determined by a general plan established in the beginning of the -creation; or 2d, we must acknowledge that the diversity among animals -is a fact determined by the will of the Creator, and their geographical -distribution part of the general plan which unites all organized -beings into one great organic conception; whence it follows that what -are called human races down to their specializations as nations are -distinct primordial forms of the type of man.” * * * He concludes -in these words: “The laws which regulate the diversity of animals -and their distribution upon earth apply equally to man _within the -same limits and in the same degree_; and all our liberty and moral -responsibility, however spontaneous, are yet instinctively directed by -the All-wise and Omnipotent to fulfill the great harmonies established -in Nature.”—_Types of Mankind_, pp. lxxv and lxxvi. - -[224] Agassiz in Nott and Gliddon’s _Types of Mankind_, p. 78. - -[225] _Ibid._ - -[226] _Manual of the Anatomy of the Vertebrated Animals_, p. 420. N. -Y., 1872. - -[227] Note to Retzius’ article in _Smithsonian Report_, 1859, p. 264. - -[228] As an illustration of complex classification, we have the -following: “From an old and well-filled European graveyard may be -selected specimens of _klimocephalic_ (slope or saddle skull), -_conocephalic_ (cone-skull), _brachycephalic_ (short-skull), -_dolichocephalic_ (long-skull), _platycephalic_ (flat-skull), -_leptocephalic_ (slim-skull), and other forms of crania equally worthy -of penta or hexa-syllabic Greek epithets.”—_Owen (R.)_, _Anatomy -of Vertebrates_, vol. ii, p. 570. London, 1866, 8vo. Foster, in -_Pre-Historic Rates of the United States_, in addition to the long -and short skulls, adopts also the _orthocephalic_ (erect-head), with -the longitudinal diameter 100; he assumes the transverse diameter for -dolichocephalæ to be less than 73; for orthocephalæ, to range between -74 and 79, and for brachycephalæ, 80 and upwards. - -[229] _Pre-Historic Man_, chap. xx. 3d ed. London, 1876. 2 vols. 8vo. - -[230] Dr. Wilson’s _American Cranial Type_ in _Smithsonian Report_, -1862, pp. 250 _et seq._ Dr. Wilson clearly shows that in one set there -is the characteristic Mongol auxiliary of prominent cheek bones, -while in the other the bones of the face are small and delicate. In -twenty-six measurements he finds proof that the Peruvians were distinct -from the Mexicans. Thirty-one dolichocephalic crania as compared with -twenty-two brachycephalic crania convince him of the error of Morton -and establish a diversity among the tribes of the North-east. He thinks -analogies are traceable between the Esquimaux and the type of elongated -skull; at all events he is satisfied that the form of the skull is as -little constant among the tribes of the new world as among those of the -old. - -[231] This author (Dr. Morton), who has given us such numerous and -valuable facts, as well as the linguists who have studied these -American languages with indefatigable zeal, have arrived at the -conclusion that both race and language in the new world are unique. I -am obliged to avow that the facts advanced by Morton himself, and that -the study of numerous skulls with which he has enriched the museum of -Stockholm, have conducted me to a wholly different result. I can only -explain the fact by surmising that this remarkable man has allowed the -views of the naturalist to be warped by his linguistic researches. For, -if the form of the skull has anything to do with the question of races, -we cannot fail to see that it is scarcely possible to find anywhere -a more distinct distribution into dolichocephalæ and brachycephalæ -than in America. It would be only necessary, in order to show this, to -direct attention to certain of the delineations in his own work, where -the skull of the Peruvian infant (Pl. 2), the Lenni-Lenape (Pl. 32), -the Pawnee (Pl. 38), the Blackfoot (Pl. 40), etc., as clearly present -the dolichocephalic form as on the other hand his Natchez (Pl. 30 and -31) and the greater part of his representations of the skulls of Chile, -Peru, Mexico, Oregon, etc., are distinct types of the brachycephalic. -Conclusive, however, as the plates are, I should scarcely have ventured -to advance these remarks, if the rich series of our own collection, and -the numerous and excellent figures of Blumenbach, Sandifort, Van der -Hoeven, etc., did not declare in favor of my opinion. (_Retzius_ in -_Smithsonian Report_, 1859, p. 264.) - -Latham, in _Natural History of the Varieties of Man_, p. 452, -says: “As to the conformation of the skull, a point where (with -great deference) I differ with the author of the excellent _Crania -Americana_, the Americans are said to be _brakhy_-kephalic, the Eskimo -_dolikho_-kephalic.” He quotes Morton’s tables to contradict his -(Morton’s) conclusions. - -[232] “Tried by Dr. Morton’s own definitions and illustrations, the -Scioto Mound skull differs from the typical cranium in some of its -most characteristic features. Instead of the low, receding, unarched -forehead, it has a finely-arched frontal bone with corresponding -breadth of forehead. The wedge-shaped vertex is replaced by a -well-rounded arch curving equally throughout; and with the exception -of the flattened occiput, due to artificial though probably undesigned -compression in infancy, the cranium is a uniformly proportioned example -of an extreme brachycephalic skull.”—_Pre-Historic Man_, vol. ii, p. -127. - -[233] Chapter II, p. 127. - -[234] Henry Gillman, _The Ancient Men of the Great Lakes_, in -_Proceedings of the American Association for the Advancement of -Science_, 24th meeting, at Detroit, 1875, p. 317; also _American -Journal of Arts and Science_, 1874, vol. cvii, p. 1 _et seq._, and -_Sixth Annual Report of Peabody Museum_, pp. 12–20. - -[235] Opportunity did not permit to obtain the exact (absolute) -capacity. - -[236] Artificially perforated. - -[237] Very retreating frontal. - -[238] Very protuberant occipital. - -[239] Artificially perforated. - -[240] With epactal bone 1.5 in length. It may be interesting to mention -that I find occasionally in our mounds a tendency to the formation of -the epactal bone by a sudden approach of the sutures immediately below -the apex of the occipital—a sort of transitional state. - -[241] _Recent Explorations of Mounds near Davenport, Iowa_, in -_Proceedings of American Association for the Advancement of Science_, -24th meeting, 1875, pp. 297 _et seq._ - -[242] Dr. Farquharson considers that some of his measurements in inches -are scarcely accurate enough, and gives the following table in the -decimals of a metre: - -MEASUREMENTS OF MOUND SKULLS; ALSO OF SIOUX SKULLS IN DECIMALS OF A -METRE. - -FORAMINAL DISTANCE TAKEN WITH WYMAN’S INSTRUMENT. - - A. _Horizontal Circumference._ - B. _Long Diameter._ - C. _Transverse Diameter._ - D. _Vertical Diameter._ - E. _Capacity in Cubic Centimetres._ - F. _Foraminal Distance._ - G. _Foraminal Ratio._ - H. _Ratio of Diameter._ - - +-----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+-----------------------+ - |_No._| A. | B. | C. | D. | E. | F. | G. | H. | _Mounds._ | - +-----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+-----------------------+ - | 1 |.546|.200|.120|.140|1190| | |.600|Albany, Ill. | - | 2 |.483|.162|.128|.140|1190|.062|.382|.790|Albany, Ill. | - | 3 |.495|.174|.130|.135|1020|.077|.442|.752|Albany, Ill. | - | 7 |.508|.170|.140|.125| | | |.823|Albany, Ill. | - | 8 |.495|.175|.135|.140|1249|.065|.370|.771|Davenport, Mound No. 9.| - | 9 |.508|.171|.140|.140|1334|.062|.362|.818|Rock River, Ill. | - | 10 |.508|.167|.148|.140|1135|.070|.419|.886|Rock River, Ill. | - | 11 |.533|.180|.150|.145|1362| | |.833|Rock River, Ill. | - | 12 |.457|.167|.128|.140|1021| | |.766|Rock River, Ill. | - | 13 |.522|.185|.130|.150|1362|.089|.427|.702|Rock River, Ill. | - | 14 |.483|.171|.138|.140|1192|.079|.460|.807|Henry County, Ill. | - | 15 |.508|.185|.138|.145|1306|.081|.443|.745|Henry County, Ill. | - | 16 |.457|.170|.130|.140|1135|.078|.448|.764|Henry County, Ill. | - | 17 |.533|.185|.135|.146|1249|.072|.389|.703|Henry County, Ill. | - | 18 |.508|.180| |.140| | | | |Rock River, Ill. | - | 19 |.533|.196|.140|.140| | | |.704|Rock River, Ill. | - | 20 | |.200|.128| | | | |.640|Rock River, Ill. | - | 21 | |.180|.137| | | | |.761|Henry County, Ill. | - | 23 | |.178|.140|.140| |.073|.410|.730|Albany, Ill. | - | 24 | |.184|.139|.150| |.088|.478|.755|Rock River, Ill. | - | 26 | |.200| | | | | | |Shell Bed, Rock Island.| - | 27 |.482|.170|.125|.140| 936|.076|.388|.735|Albany, Ill. | - | 28 | |.177|.135|.140| | | |.762|Albany, Ill. | - | 29 |.507|.177|.130|.145|1137|.088|.440|.734|Albany, Ill. | - | +----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+-----------------------+ - | |.503|.179|.134|.140|1188|.075|.432|.755|Mean. | - | +----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+-----------------------+ - | | 18 | 24 | 22 | 21 | 15 | 14 | 14 | 22 |No. of skulls measured.| - +-----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+----+-----------------------+ - -[243] Dr. Jones found skeletons six feet, and in one instance seven -feet in length. (_Antiquities of Tennessee_, pp. 44 and 53.) - -[244] _Antiquities of Tennessee_, p. 72; also note other similarities -on p. 119. - -[245] _Ancient Men of the Great Lakes._ _Proceedings of the American -Association for Advancement of Science_, meeting of 1875, pp. 322–3. - -[246] _Pre-Historic Man_, vol. ii, chap. xx, pp. 145, 158, 165. - -[247] The Aztecs are represented in our museum by three skulls found -in an ancient cemetery near Mexico, which was uncovered in digging -intrenchments to protect the Mexican capital against the armies of the -United States. They are remarkable for the shortness of their axis, -large flattened occiput, obliquely truncated behind, the height of the -semicircular line of the temples, the shortness and trapezoid form -of the parietal plane. They present an elevation or ridge along the -sagittal suture; the base of the skull is very short, the face slightly -prognathic, as among the Mongol Kalmucs. (Retzius in _Smithsonian -Report_, 1859, p. 268.) - -[248] _Crania Americana_, p. 98. - -[249] See Dr. Morton in _Nott & Gliddon_. - -[250] _Pre-Historic Man_, vol. ii, chap. xx. - -[251] See especially _Eleventh Annual Report Peabody Museum_, pp. -294–304. - -[252] _Geography_, book i, chap. ii, § 35, and book xi, chap, xi, § 7. - -[253] _Natural History_, book vii, chap. iv. - -[254] _De Situ Orbis_, lib. i, chap. xix, l. 78 (ed. 1782). - -[255] _Description of a Deformed Fragmentary Skull found in an Ancient -Quarry-cave at Jerusalem_, by Dr. J. A. Meigs, _Transactions of -Philadelphia Academy of Natural Sciences_, 1859. - -[256] We can no longer doubt, then, that this practice of giving an -artificial form to the skull has subsisted from a remote epoch among -the Oriental nations. As Thierry, moreover, pronounces it to be a -Mongol usage, I have submitted the question in the memoir before -spoken of, whether this fact does not speak in favor of an ancient -communication between the old and the new world? Such a communication -seems, indeed, to be now placed beyond doubt by the proofs which have -been accumulated from time to time, through the efforts of numerous -and zealous inquirers. It would seem likely that the usage in question -has been introduced by the Mongols into America, where it has become -diffused even among tribes not of the Mongol stock. (Retzius in -_Smithsonian Report_, 1859, p. 270; also the same author in _Arch. -des Sciences Naturelles_, Geneva, 1860; _Proceedings of American -Association for Advancement of Science_, 1867, and _Edinburgh Phil. -Journal_, new series, vol. vii.) - -[257] _Smithsonian Report_, 1862, p. 286. - -[258] _Essai sur les Deformations Artificielles du Crâne_, p. 74. - -[259] _Crania Britannica_, chap. iv, p. 38. - -[260] Retzius, _Smithsonian Report_, 1859, pp. 269–70. - -[261] Prof. Wilson, _Pre-Historic Man_, vol. ii, p. 221, and Retzius in -the Reviews referred to in note 1, p. 180. - -[262] J. B. Davis in _Crania Britannica_, decade iii. - -[263] _Races of Man_ (Bohn), p. 45; Dr. Nott in _Types of Mankind_, p. -436; Wilson’s _Pre-Historic Man_, vol ii, p. 221. - -[264] _Smithsonian Report_, 1862, p. 291. - -[265] Du Pratz’s _History of Louisiana_, vol. ii, p. 162. - -[266] Adair’s _History of American Indians_, p. 284. - -[267] On skull flattening, see Wilson’s _Pre-Historic Man_, vol. -ii, chap. xxi. Prof. Jones’ _Antiquities of Tennessee, Smithsonian -Contributions_, 1876, pp. 118 _et seq._ Landa’s _Relacion_, p. 181. -Catlin’s _North American Indians_, vol. ii, p. 40 and other places. -Townsend’s _Tour to the Columbia River_, pp. 178 _et seq._ Bancroft’s -_Native Races_ as follows: I, 151, 158, 180, 210, 226–8, 256–7; Among -the Mexicans, I, 651; II, 281; Central Americans, I, 717, 754; II, -681–2, 731–2, 802; IV, 304, and the accompanying literary apparatus. - -[268] “This is certainly not a common disease now, and although rare, -the instances of cure by bony anchylosis (the only way in which a -true cure can take place), are even yet more rare. Nelaton, in his -_Pathologie Chirurgicale_, has only been able to note twenty-five -recorded cases of such an event. Now, as the space of one year is the -shortest possible time allowed by authorities for such a cure to take -place, and as during all this time the parts must be kept absolutely -at rest, and the person so afflicted being entirely helpless, the -inference is a strong one that these people were not in a savage state. -They must necessarily have been in such a state, in the progress of -advancement in civilization, as to be possessed of an accumulation -of food, the requisite leisure of persons nursing the sick, and of -dwellings sufficiently comfortable to protect them from inclemency of -the weather in this latitude; without those elements of civilization -those persons would inevitably have perished.”—_Dr. Farquharson in -Proceedings of Am. Association for Advancement of Science_, vol. xxiv, -p. 314. - -[269] Prof. Jones, _Antiquities of Tennessee_, gives a good summary of -the discussion from the first writers to the present time, p. 65 _et -seq._ - -[270] “This flattening of the leg-bone was of a degree unheard of—I -might almost say undreamt of—in any other part of this country or -of the world. In many of the more extreme cases of those flattened -tibiæ with sabre-like curvature which I had exhumed at the Rouge, the -transverse diameter was only 0.48 of the antero-posterior, less than -half, while in that most marked and isolated case recorded by Broca, -from the cave at Cro-Magnon, France, it was 0.60. In the chimpanzee -and gorilla the compression is 0.67. Shortly afterward, even this -extreme degree of compression was cast in the shade by my bringing -to light from a mound on the Detroit River, rich in relics, among a -number of the flattened tibiæ, two specimens of this bone in which the -latitudinal indices were respectively 0.42 and 0.40.”—_Henry Gillman_ -in _Proceedings American Association for Advancement of Science_, vol. -xxiv, pp. 316–17. _The Sixth Annual Report of the Peabody Museum of -Archæology and Ethnology, Dr. Jeffries Wyman._ _The American Journal -of Arts and Sciences_, 3d series, vol. vii, January 1874. _Gillman_ in -_Smithsonian Report for 1873_, and _Dr. Farquharson_ in _Proceedings of -A. A. A. S._, vol. xxiv, p. 313. 1875. - -[271] Gillman in _American Naturalist_ for August, 1875, and -_Proceedings of A. A. A. Science_, 1875, p. 327. - -[272] Prof. Wilson has pathetically described the disinterment of -a Peruvian family, consisting of the father, mother and child, and -has especially dwelt upon the color and qualities of the hair as -distinguishing them from the Red Indians. (_Pre-Historic Man_, pp. 440 -_et seq._) - -[273] _Commentarios Reales_, book v, chap. xxix; book iii, chap. xx. - -[274] Haywood’s _Natural and Aboriginal History of Tennessee_, p. 191. - -[275] Haywood, _op. cit._, pp. 163–6, 169, 100, 148–9, 338–9. On the -mummies of Lexington, Kentucky, see Atwater’s _Archæologia Americana_, -p. 318. Mammoth Cave, p. 359, _et passim_. - -[276] _Antiquities of Tennessee_, p. 5. - -[277] Squier and Davis’ _Ancient Monuments of Mississippi Valley_, -pp. 243 _et seq._ Wilson’s _Pre-Historic Man_, vol. i, pp. 365 _et -seq._ Charles Rau, _Smithsonian Contributions No. 287_, 1876, pp. 84, -55. Prof. Joseph Jones’ _Aboriginal Remains of Tennessee_, _passim_, -_Smithsonian Contributions_, No. 259. - -[278] Bryant’s _History of United States_, vol. i, chap. ii. - -[279] Prichard, _Researches into the Physical Hist. of Mankind_, 4th -ed., 1841, vol. i, p. 269, after reviewing the question of the unity of -the American race, remarks: “It will be easy to prove that the American -races, instead of displaying a uniformity of color in all climates, -show nearly as great a variety in this respect as the nations of the -old continent; that there are among them white races with a florid -complexion inhabiting temperate regions, and tribes black or of very -dark hue in low and inter-tropical countries; that their stature, -figure and countenances are almost equally diversified. Of these facts -I shall collect sufficient evidence when I proceed to the ethnography -of the American nations.” He fulfils this promise ably enough in vol. -v, pp. 289, 374, 542, and other places. We respectfully refer the -reader to the facts there accumulated. - -[280] Wilson’s _Pre-Historic Man_, vol. ii, p. 189. - -[281] See Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 262, note, where reference is made to -Charnay, _Ruines Amér._, pp. 32, 45, 97, 103. - -[282] _The American Migration_, by Frederick von Hellwald. _Smithsonian -Report_ for 1866, pp. 329, 330. - -[283] Jean Lamarck, _Philosophic Zoologique_, etc., Paris, 1809, 2 -vols., and _Hist. Nat. des Animaux sans Vertebres_, 1815. - -[284] See Hæckel, _History of Creation_, vol. ii, pp. 255–6, and -Professor Huxley’s reference to the genus _Equus_ (embracing the horse, -ass and zebra from specimens collected by Prof. Marsh). New York -Lectures, September, 1876. - -[285] Dr. McCosh in _Popular Science Monthly_, November, 1876, p. 88; -Darwin’s _Descent of Man_, vol. i, p. 192 (New York ed.). - -[286] _Smithsonian Report_, 1866. - -[287] _Descent of Man_, vol. i, p. 188. Also, “The Simiadæ then -branched off into two great stems, the new world and old world monkeys, -and from the latter, at a remote period, man, the wonder and glory of -the universe, proceeded.”—_Descent of Man_, vol. i, p. 204. Again, “We -thus learn that man is descended from a hairy quadruped, furnished -with a tail and pointed ears, probably arboreal in its habits and an -inhabitant of the old world.”—_Descent of Man_, vol. ii, p. 372. - -[288] _History of Creation_, (N. Y. ed.), 1876, vol. ii, p. 318. - -[289] “Nowhere can lines of demarcation be so clearly drawn, so -imperceptibly do the families of mankind blend at their circumferences. -The various classifications which have been attempted are so many -proofs of unity of origin; and their confliction shows the fallacy of -the theory of diversity. * * * * We cannot admit that mankind can have -diversity of origin while so united by one great plan. If a species -or variety of the _genus homo_ sprang up in Europe and another in -America by agency of conditions existing in those localities, it would -be beyond probability that they should both be formed on the same -plan.”—_H. Tuttle’s Origin and Antiquity of Physical Man Scientifically -Considered_, pp. 34–5. Boston, 1866, 12mo. - -[290] Darwin’s _Descent of Man_, vol. i, p. 224, and Nilsson’s _The -Primitive Inhabitants of Scandinavia_, Lubbock’s trans., 1868, p. 104. - -[291] See _Early History of Fire_, by Prof. N. Joly of the Faculty of -Toulouse in _Popular Science Monthly_, November, 1876, p. 17; also -Darwin, as above cited. - -[292] Waitz’s _Anthropology_, Eng. trans., pp. 226–28. - -[293] Pallas was the first to show the fallacy of the theory in _Act. -Académie St. Petersburg_, 1780, Part II, p. 69; followed by Rudolphi -in his _Beyträge zur Anthropologia_, 1812, and especially by Godron, -_De l’Espèce_, 1859, vol. ii, p. 246 _et seq._; see Darwin’s _Descent_, -vol. i, p. 232. - -[294] Nott and Gliddon’s _Indigenous Races_; Duke of Argyll’s _Primeval -Man_, p. 99. - -[295] _Primeval Man_, p. 100. - -[296] “We ourselves, when visiting the famous cavern of Abou Simbel, -were far from finding all that the writings of certain anthropologists -and partisans of Egyptian art, such as Gliddon, Nott, etc., had -promised us. Doubtless one can perfectly distinguish certain types, -that is indisputable; but to desire to find _a people_ in each -portrait—Scythians, Arabs, Philistines, Lydians, Kurds, Hindoos, Jews, -Chinese, Tyrians, Pelasgians, Ionians, etc.—is it not to give too great -an influence to the Egyptian artists, who were copyists without skill, -and but clumsy inventors?”—_Pouchet’s Plurality of the Human Race_, -Eng. trans., p. 50. London, 1864. - -[297] Duke of Argyll’s _Primeval Man_, p. 101. - -[298] Darwin’s _Variation of Animals under Domestication_, vol. ii, pp. -227–335, and many places. - -[299] Harlan’s _Medical Researches_, p. 532, and _Quatrefanges_ (_Unité -de l’Espèce Humaine_, 1861, p. 128), cited by Darwin, _Descent_, vol. -i, p. 237. - -[300] _Descent_, vol. i, p. 233, Bradford (A. W.) discusses the origin -of color and other racial peculiarities, and attributes to the tendency -of a species to vary, and cites the production of Albinoes, Xanthous, -and Sedigidi or six-fingered individuals. “It must be admitted,” he -says, “that this theory is sufficiently supported by an irrefragable -mass of testimony to establish the _original unity_ of the human race, -and to indicate that varieties of mankind are descended from the same -primitive stock.”—_American Antiquities_, pp. 238–9. - -[301] See instances in Darwin’s _Descent_, vol. i, p. 234; Nott -and Gliddon’s _Types of Mankind_, p. 68, and especially Pouchet’s -_Plurality of the Human Race_ (trans.), p. 60. - -[302] “I doubt not that there will be found continuous and -uninterrupted causes which shall explain all the diversities of the -different branches of the human family without the necessity of -resorting to independent creations.”—_Foster’s Pre-Historic Races_, p. -355. - -[303] See an excellent treatment of this subject by the Duke of Argyll, -_Primeval Man_, pp. 94 _et seq._ - -[304] “When speaking in a former work of the distinct races of mankind, -I remarked that if all the leading varieties of the human family -sprang originally from a single pair (a doctrine to which then, as -now, I could see no valid objection), a much greater lapse of time -was required for the slow and gradual formation of such races as the -Caucasian, Mongolian, and Negro, than was embraced in any of the -popular systems of chronology.”—_Sir Charles Lyell’s Antiquity of Man_, -p. 385. Dr. J. P. Thompson says: “For such works [alluding to Babel] -and especially for founding such an empire as was ancient Egypt, there -was need of centuries for the growth of a population in numbers and -resources, equal to the gigantic structures that crown the banks of -the Nile. The less than two centuries between Archbishop Usher’s date -of the cessation of the flood, and Piazzi Smith’s calculation of the -date of the great pyramid, was far too short an interval for results -upon a scale so magnificent. * * * Either then we must place the flood -much farther back upon the chronological scale, or must admit not only -that it was not universal in territorial extent, which is altogether -probable, but that it was not universal in the destruction of mankind, -which would seem to contradict both the letter and the spirit of the -sacred record.”—_Man in Genesis and Geology_, p. 100. New York, 1870. -12mo. - -[305] See Humboldt’s _Essai Polit._, vol. i, p. 79, Paris, 1811. He -considers not only the Red Indians, but the Toltecs and Aztecs, to be -of Asiatic Origin. See Brasseur de Bourbourg’s _Nat. Civil. Ant._, -tom. i, p. 27. McCullough’s _Researches_, _Phil. and Ant._, pp. 175 -_et seq._ Crowe, _The Gospel in Central America_, p. 61. Bradford, -_American Antiquities_, in chapter xii, gives his reasons for declaring -the Americans to have been a “primitive and cultivated branch of the -human family.” Mayer (Brantz) in _Mexico as it Was_, p. 260, expresses -his agreement with the opinion entertained by Bradford. Carver, in -_Travels through the Interior Parts of North America_, repeats the -opinion of Charlevoix, that the Americans are of old world origin. -Tylor, _Anahuac_, London, 1861, p. 104, says: “On the whole, the most -probable view of the origin of the Mexican tribes seems to be the one -ordinarily held, that they really came from the old world, bringing -with them several legends, evidently the same as the histories recorded -in the book of Genesis.” - -[306] “La teoria de la diversidad especifica de razas es tan intenible, -que sin mas decir podemos, dejar esta cuestion, la cual ultimamente, en -especial en Norte-América, ha escitado alguna controversia. Quédanos, -pues, un origen primordial para toda la raza humana y entonces la -cuestion es, saber de qué tronco ó familia del antiguo continente se -pobló el nuevo, ó bien vice-versa, que tambien es possible, aunque -improbable, que del que llamamos nuevo se haya poblado el viego -continente.”—_Ezequiel Uricoechea_ in _Soc. Mex. Bol._ 2d. ep. iv, -1854, p. 128. “For my own part I have long been convinced of the -consanguinity between the brachycephalæ of America and those of Asia -and the Pacific islands, and that this characteristic type may be -traced uninterruptedly through the long chain of tribes inhabiting -the west coast of the American Continent from Behring Straits to Cape -Horn.”—_Retzius, Smithsonian Report_, 1859, p. 267. - -[307] “The era of their existence as a distinct and isolated race must -probably be dated as far back as that time which separated into nations -the inhabitants of the old world, and gave to each branch of the human -family its primitive language and individuality.”—_J. C. Prichard’s -Natural History of Man_, p. 356. London, 1845. - -[308] _Hist. Ant. del Messico_ (Eng. trans., 1807), vol. i. - -[309] “Quoique Votan soit le veritable fondateur de la civilisation -et de l’empire des Quichés, le Codex Chimalpopoca, attribue néanmoins -la fondation de l’empire à son Igh ou Ik, appelé par les Mexicains -_Ehecatl_ ou _Cipactonac_, parceque ce prince vint le premir amener -une colonie sur le continent américain. Cipactonac est composé de -_Cipactli_, et de _Tonacayo_. Le premier vient de _ce_ un, _Ipan_, sur -ou au-dessus, et _tlactli_, qui est le corps humain, c’est-à-dire, _Un -homme supérieur aux autres hommes_, ou encore de _notre race_, toutes -choses qui conviennent parfaitement au père de la race des chànes. -Tonacayo, veut dire _notre chair_ ou le _corps humain_, le mot tout -entier Cipactonac ayant la signification suivante: ‘Celui qui est sorti -du premier de notre race.’ _Ehecatl_ est en mexicain l’air, ou le -souffle, Igh ou Ik, en langua maya et tzendale. Dans les calendriers -d’Oxaca, Soconusco, Chiappas et d’Yucatan, il suit immediatement le nom -de Nin, Imos ou Imox, comme celui d’Ehecatl suit dans le mexicain celui -de Cipactli.”—_Brasseur de Bourbourg, Cartas_, note, p. 71. He then -proceeds to sustain his conclusions by citing analogies between the -name and its significance among the Egyptians. - -[310] _Chimalpopoca_, MS., Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Popol Vuh._, p. -lxxxviii; see also _Memorias para la Historia del Antiguo, Reyno de -Guatemala_, por Franc. de Paula Garcia Pelaez (Guatemala, 1851). Pelaez -states that Votan founded the ancient Culhuacan, now known as Palenque, -in the year 3000 of the world and in the tenth century B. C. - -[311] Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Popol Vuh_, p. lxxxx, on the authority of -Ordoñez. - -[312] Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. v, p. 159. - -[313] _Ordoñez_, Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Popol Vuh_, p. lxxxvii. - -[314] _Constituciones Diocesanes del Obispado de Chiappas._ Rome, 1702. - -[315] Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. v, p. 160: “It is not altogether -improbable that a genuine Maya document similar to the Manuscript -_Troano_ or _Dresden Codex_, preserved from early times, may have found -a native interpreter at the time of the Conquest, and have escaped in -its disguise of Spanish letters the destruction which overtook its -companions.” - -[316] “The memoir in his possession consists of five or six folios of -common quarto paper, written in ordinary characters in the Tzendal -language, an evident proof of its having been copied from the original -in hieroglyphics, shortly after the Conquest. At the top of the -first leaf, the two continents are painted in different colors, in -two small squares, placed parallel to each other in the angles; the -one representing Europe, Asia and Africa is marked with two large -S’S upon the upper arms of two bars drawn from the opposite angles -of each square, forming the point of union in the centre; that which -indicates America has two S’S placed horizontally on the bars, but I -am not certain whether upon the upper or lower bars, but I believe -upon the latter. When speaking of the places he had visited on the old -continent, he marks them on the margin of each chapter with an upright -S and those of America with a horizontal S. Between these squares -stands the title of his history: ‘Proof that I am Culebra (a Snake),’ -which title he proves in the body of the work by saying that he is -Culebra because he is Chivim.”—_Cabrera, Teatro Critico Amer._, pp. -33–4. - -[317] Title of Ordoñez in brief: _Historia de la Creation del Cielo y -de la Tierra Conforme al Sistema de la Gentilidad Americana_. - -[318] See his _Teatro Critico Americano_, p. 32 _et seq._, in Rio’s -_Description of the Ruins of an American City_. London, 1822, quarto. - -[319] “Mais il y défigura complètement l’ouvrage d’Ordoñez qu’il no -connaissait pas assez et auquel il ajouta des opinions extrêmement -hasardées. D. Ramon se plaignit amèrement de ce plagiat et des fausses -idées que Cabrera donnait de son travail, obtint contre lui un -jugement, où le plagiaire fut condamné par le tribunal de l’audience -royale de Guatémalà, le 30 Juin, 1794. Mais Cabrera, tout en pillant -les idées du savant antiquaire, n’en rendait pas moins justice à son -talent et à son merite.”—_Brasseur de Bourbourg on Ordoñez MS. Cartas_, -p. 8. - -[320] The explanation given by Cabrera is as follows: “Let us suppose -then, with Calmet and other authors whom he quotes, that some of the -Hivites who were descendants from Heth, son of Canaan, were settled -on the shores of the Mediterranean Sea and known from the most remote -parts under the name of Hivim or Givim, from which region they were -expelled, some years before the departure of the Hebrews from Egypt, -by the Caphtorims or Philistines, who, according to some writers, -were colonists from Cappadocia, others considering them to be from -Cyprus, and more probably, according to a third opinion, from Crete, -now Candia; that to strengthen their native country Egypt, and to -protect themselves from all assault, they built five large cities, -viz.: Accaron, Azotus, Ascalon, and Gaza [fifth wanting in account], -from whence they made frequent sallies upon the Canaanite towns and -all their surrounding neighbors (except the Egyptians, whom they -always respected), and carried on many wars in the posterior ages -against the Hebrews. The Scriptures (Deuteronomy, chap. ii, verse 23, -and Joshua, chap. xiii, verse 4) inform us of the expulsion of the -Hivites (Givim) by the Caphtorims, from which it appears that the -latter drove out the former, who inhabited the countries from Azzah -to Gaza. Many others were settled in the vicinity of the mountains -of Eval and Azzah, among whom were reckoned the Sichemites and the -Gabaonites; the latter by stratagem made alliance with Joshua, or -submitted to him. Lastly, others had their dwellings about the skirts -of Mount Hermon, beyond Jordan to the eastward of Canaan (Joshua, -chap. ii, verse 3). Of these last were Cadmus and his wife Hermione or -Hermonia, both memorable in sacred as well as profane history, as their -exploits occasioned their being exalted to the rank of deities, while -in regard to their metamorphosis into snakes (Culebras) mentioned by -Ovid, _Metam._, lib. 3, their being Hivites may have given rise to this -fabulous transmutation, the name in the Phœnician language implying -a snake, which the ancient Hebrew writers suppose to have been given -from this people being accustomed to live in caves under ground like -snakes.”—_Cabrera, Teatro Critico_, pp. 47–8. On p. 95 he reaches the -conclusion that the Votanites were Carthaginians. - -[321] Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. v, p. 163. - -[322] _Cartas_, p. 12. - -[323] The description of its contents drawn by Brasseur de Bourbourg -from the part in his possession is briefly as follows: The second -volume of Ordoñez comprised the history of the ancestors of Votan, a -descendant of Shem by the Hivo-Phœnician line; of their emigration -from the Eastern Continent to the Occident; of their voyage with their -first legislator by the Usumasinta River and its affluents to the -Plain Palenque; the foundation of the great monarchy of the Quichés -as well as that of Nachan, which was the capital; of the founding of -the three royal cities of Mayapan, Tulha, and Chiquimula. The Abbé -finds allusion to this work in Torquemada, Juarros, Cogolludo, Lizana, -and particularly in Sahugun, book iii of his _Hist. Gen._, where it -is claimed to treat of the original inhabitants of Palenque. He then -states that the work was written in Guatemala at the close of the -eighteenth century, and was sent to Spain or taken thither by its -author for publication. In 1803 it was found in the hands of Sr. Gil -Lemos of Madrid, where it had been left for publication. Its contents -becoming known to the Council of the Indias, it was suppressed like -many others on the early history of America. Ordoñez, who for ten years -afterwards was canon of the Cathedral at Ciudad Real, died without -seeing his work published. See Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Cartas_, p. 12 -_et seq._ - -[324] These are as follows: Chontal, Quiché, Zutugil, Kachiquel, -Mam, Pokoman, Pokonchi, Caichi Coxoh, Ixil, Tzendal, Tozotzil, Chol, -Huaxteco, and Totonaco; besides those of the islands of Cuba and Hayti, -Borquia and Jamaica.—_Geografia de los Linguas_, p. 98. Mexico, 1864, -4to. - -[325] _Ibid._, p. 128. - -[326] “Il y a plus d’un trait de ressemblance entre le personnage -mysterieux qui parut à Carthage et le Votan des Tzendales. Les chemins -souterraines où celui-ci fut admis, lesquels traversent le terre -pour arriver à la racine du ciel, indiquent une suite d’épreuves qui -rappellent les initiations Égyptiennes et dont on trouve des traces -jusqu’à l’époque même de la conquête dans les épreuves de la chevalerie -Mexicaine.”—_Brasseur de Bourbourg, Popol Vuh_, p. cviii. - -[327] _Lenguas Indigenas de Mexico_, tom. ii, p. 124. Mexico, 1865, 8vo. - -[328] MS. Quiché de Chichicastenango in Brasseur de Bourbourg’s _Hist. -Nat. Civ._, vol. i, pp. 105–6. See also Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. -v, p. 21. - -[329] The _Popol Vuh_ was first published by Dr. Scherzer in Vienna, -in 1857, under the title of _Las Historias del Origen de los Indios -de esta Provincia de Guatemala, traducidas de la Lengua Quiché al -Castellano para mas Comodidad de los Ministros del S. Evangelio_, por -el R. P. F. Francisco Ximenez, cura doctrinero por el real patronato -del Pueblo de S. Thomas, Chuila,—Exactamente segun el texto español del -manuscrito original que se halla en la biblioteca de la Universidad -de Guatemala, publicado por la primera vez, y aumentado con una -introduccion y anotaciones por el Dr. C. Scherzer. Father Ximenez, a -Dominican and curate of Chichicastenango of Guatemala, wrote about -1720, and subsequently. His work, because of its condemnation of the -oppression of the Indians, was suppressed, but was finally discovered -in June, 1854, in the library of the University of San Carlos, in -Guatemala, by Dr. Scherzer. Father Ximinez describes the work as a -literal copy of an original Quiché book, made in Roman letters by -Quiché copyists, after the introduction of Christianity into Guatemala. -The copy is stated ambiguously to have been made to replace the -original _Popol Vuh_—national book—which was lost. How a book which -had been lost could be copied literally, the Father fails to tell us. -Internal evidence, however, sustains the claim that it was written -by native Quichés. In 1860, Brasseur de Bourbourg undertook a new -translation of the _Popol Vuh_, from the Ximinez document (containing -the Quiché and Spanish). This he did among the Quichés and with the aid -of the natives, and as a result it is believed that a much more literal -translation than that made by Ximenez was obtained. In our examination -of Quiché history we have compared both translations and shall draw -from them directly, but shall also take advantage of the excellent -condensations and renderings which Mr. Hubert H. Bancroft has made. See -_Native Races_, vol. iii, p. 42, note, for the leading facts as we have -stated them. - -[330] We must refer the reader either to the originals or to that -treasure-house of American traditional lore, Mr. Bancroft’s third -volume, which is a repository of poetic renderings as well. Nor have -we endeavored in every instance to avoid the use of that author’s -incomparable terminology, so expressive of the spirit of the original. - -[331] Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Popol Vuh_, p. 7; Ximinez, _Hist. Ind. -Guat._, pp. 5–6; Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. iii, p. 44. - -[332] Mr. Bancroft’s rendering, _Native Races_, vol. iii, p. 45. - -[333] Mr. Bancroft’s graceful and truly poetic rendering, _Native -Races_, vol. iii, pp. 47, 48. - -[334] See Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. iii, p. 54. Brasseur de -Bourbourg, _Nouvelles Annales des Voyages 1858_, tome iv, p. 268, and -_Hist. de Tlaxcallan_ in the same, tome xcix, 1843, p. 179, where -reference is made to these bundles. - -[335] _Popol Vuh_, p. lxxxv, note, et _Ibid._, p. ccliv. The Abbé -places that Tulan among the ruins of the valley of Palenque near -the modern town of Comitan in the state of Chiapas. He adds: “Siége -principal des princes de la race Nahuatl, cette ville aurait été fondée -à une époque contemporaine de la capitale des Xibalbides, plusieurs -siècles avant l’ère chrétienne, et au rapport de toutes les traditions, -elle aurait rivalisé constamment avec sa métropole dont elle cherchait -à se rendre indépendante.” - -[336] _Popol Vuh_, notes, pp. xci–ii. We have used Mr. Bancroft’s -rendering of the passage. - -[337] _Geografia de las Linguas Mexicanas_, pp. 96–8 and pp. 127–29. A -linguistic argument. - -[338] Brasseur de Bourbourg is the authority cited by Mr. Bancroft, -vol. v, p. 188. - -[339] Bancroft, _Native Races_, vol. v, p. 188. - -[340] _Popol Vuh_, p. 195. Bancroft, vol. v, 172–80. - -[341] _Popol Vuh_, p. cclvi. Bancroft, vol. v, p. 545. The Abbé has -largely drawn upon his imagination in this instance as in some others, -and the opinion is only interesting because of its authorship. - -[342] Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética_, MS., tom. iii, cap. cxxiv et cxxv. - -[343] Torquemada, tom. ii, pp. 53–4. Ximinez renders the word Xibalby -“Inferno.” - -[344] It will be remembered that Votan deposited his treasure in the -“house of gloom” or “darkness.” - -[345] Mr. Bancroft’s rendering of the paragraph. Vol. v, p. 179. - -[346] See Bancroft, vol. v, p. 184. - -[347] _Ibid._, vol. v, p. 187. - -[348] _Memorias para la Historia del Antiguo Reyno de Guatemala._ -Guatemala, 1857. - -[349] _Nations Civilisées_, tom. i, p. 126. Also see the following -from the _Popol Vuh_, p. clx: “Quant aux évènements dont Tulan fût -le théâtre à cette époque, on ne saurait se dissimuler, en comparant -l’ensemble des détails qu’on trouve dans ce chaos, qu’il ne se fût -opéré alors un vaste mouvement parmi les populations de l’empire -de Xibalba, mouvement causé sans doute par les efforts d’une caste -souveraine pour garder le pouvoir et par l’invasion de races nouvelles, -sorties des mêmes contrées, septentrionales, d’où étaient venus les -Nahuas, ou des regions plus sauvages du nord-ouest; barbares ou -civilisées, il y eut naturellement de leurs essaims qui s’amalgamèrent -aux nations soumises à l’empire, tandis que d’autres, continuant leur -route vers l’Amérique méridionale, y portèrent, sinon les institutions -entières des Quinamés et des Nahuas, au moins les symboles qui les -avaient le plus frappés au passage ou qui convenaient davantage à leur -génie.” - -[350] “De la creation, pues, tenien esta opinion. Decian que antes de -ella ni habia cielo ni tierra ni sol, ni luna ni estrellas. Ponian -que hubo un marido y una muger divinos que lamaron Aehel Atcamma. -Estos habian tenido padre y madre los cuales engendaron trece hijos, -y que él mayor con algunos con él se ensoberbecieron y guiso hacer -criaturas contra la voluntad del padre y madre; pero no pudieron por -que lo que hicieron fueron unos vasos viles de servicio como jarros -y ollas y semejantes. Los hijos menores que se llamaban Huncheven -hunahan, pidieron licencia à su padre y madre para hacer creaturas, -y concedieransela, diciendoles que saldrian con ellos por que se -habian humillado. Y asi lo primero hicieron los Cielos y Planetas, -luego Ayre, Agua y Tierra. Despues dicen que de la tierra formaron -al hombre y á la muger. Los otros que fueron soberbios presumiendo -hacer criaturas contra la voluntad de los padres fueron en el infierno -lanzados.”—_Las Casas, Historia Apologética, MS._, cap. 235, p. 324; -see also _Torquemada, Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii, p. 53–4; _Help’s Spanish_ -_Conquest_, vol. ii, p. 140; _Garcia, Origen de los Indios_, p. 519, -Valencia ed., 1607, and _Brasseur de Bourbourg, Hist. Nat. Civil._, -tom. ii, pp. 74–5. - -[351] _Historia Apologética, MS._, cap. 235, p. 327. - -[352] Landa’s _Relacion_, p. 28, and Herrera, Dec. iv, lib. x, cap. ii. - -[353] “Y antiguamente dezian al oriente cen-ial, pequena-baxada, y al -puniente nohen-ial, la grande-baxada.”—_Lizana’s Devocionario_, p. 354 -in _Landa’s Relacion_. - -[354] Cogolludo’s _Historia de Yucatan_, lib. iv. cap. iii, p. 178. - -[355] _Geografia de las Linguas_, p. 128. - -[356] Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. v, p. 618. - -[357] Bancroft, vol. iii, p. 463; Lizana in Landa’s _Relacion_, p. 356; -Cogolludo’s _Hist. de Yuc._, p. 197; Brasseur de Bourbourg’s _Hist. -Nat. Civ._, tom. i, p. 76, tom. ii, pp. 10–13. - -[358] Landa, pp. 35–9, and 300–1. - -[359] See Brasseur de Bourbourg’s _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii, p. 18; -Torquemada’s _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii, p. 52; Herrera’s _Hist. Gen. -Dec._, iv, lib. x, cap. ii; Landa’s _Relacion_, pp. 35–9, 300 _et -seq._; _Echevarria y Veitia, MS._, cap. 19, p. 116 _et seq._, and Las -Casas’ _Hist. Apologética, MS._, cap. cxxiii. - -[360] See for those annals the Perez document in Stephen’s _Yucatan_, -vol. ii, pp. 465–9; Brasseur de Bourbourg in Landa, pp. 120–9, and -Bancroft, vol. ii, pp. 762–5, and vol. v, p. 624 _et seq._ - -[361] Las Casas, _Hist. Apologética, MS._, cap. cxxiii, p. 10, -Cogolludo’s _Hist. Yuc._, p. 190; Torquemada’s _Monarq. Ind._, tom. -iii, p. 133. - -[362] Ixtlilxochitl, _Relaciones_, in Kingsborough’s _Mexican -Antiquities_, vol. ix, p. 322. - -[363] _Historia Antigua_, MS., tom. i, cap. ii. - -[364] Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. v, p. 199. - -[365] Ixtlilxochitl fixes the date of the destruction in the year 229 -A. D., Veytia in 107. See further on the Quinames, Echevarria y Veitia, -_Historia del Origen de Gentes_, MS., tom. i, p. 33, and Kingsborough’s -_Mex. Ant._, vol. viii, cap. iii, p. 179. Mendieta’s _Hist. Eccl._, -p. 96, Mexico, 1870. Pineda in _Soc. Mex. Geog. Boletin_, tom. iii, -p. 346. Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Popol Vuh_, pp. lxviii, and _Hist. -Nat. Civ._, tom. i, p. 66. Oviedo’s _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii, p. 539. -Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i, p. 125. Boturini, _Idea -de Una Nueva Historia_, pp. 130–5. Humboldt, _Vues des Cordilleres_, p. -205, and Orozco y Berra, _Geografia de las Lenguas_, pp. 119–24. - -[366] Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, lib. iii, cap. vii. Bancroft, vol. -v., p. 206. Orozco y Berra, _Geografia_, pp. 120, 125, 133. Brasseur de -Bourbourg’s _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i, p. 154. - -[367] Orozco y Berra, _Geografia_, p. 127. Pimentel, _Lenguas Indigenas -de Mexico_, tom. i, p. 223. Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. v, p. 204. - -[368] Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i, p. 278. Brasseur de -Bourbourg’s _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i, pp. 151–61. - -[369] _Historia Chichimeca_, cap. i, in Kingsborough’s _Mex. Ant._, -vol. ix, p. 205. - -[370] Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. v, p. 196, and vol. ii, p. 112. -Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i, p. 32. Mendieta’s _Hist. Eccl._, p. -146. - -[371] “Celebraron assimismo los Indios su dicho origen en antiguos -cantares, y tuvieron tan viva la memoria de la torre de Babel, que la -quisieron imitar en America con varios monstruosos edificias.” He then -cites the Pyramid of Cholula as having been built in commemoration of -the Tower of Babel. See Boturini, _Idea de Una Nueva Historia_, p. 113. - -[372] Boturini’s _Idea_, p. 111 _et seq._ Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del -Messico_, tom. i, pp. 129–31, et tom. ii, p. 6. Kingsborough’s _Mex. -Ant._, especially vol. vi, p. 401, and _Spiegazione delle Tavole del -Codice Mexicano_, tav. vii, in _Mex. Ant._, vol. v, pp. 164–5, and -Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. iii, p. 67; vol. v, p. 200 _et seq._ - -[373] A portion of the work has been printed at Mexico. - -[374] _Historia Antigua de la Nueva España_, MS., tom. i, cap. i, pp. -6–7. - -[375] Alcedo (_Diccionario Geografico Historico_, tom. iii, p. 374) -says that the Olmecs subsequently migrated southward and settled -Guatemala. While this statement may be true in part, still it is not -probable that any general migration took place, and Guatemala was -certainly populated long before the Olmec power existed. - -[376] Ixtlilxochitl, _Relaciones_, in Kingsborough’s _Mex. Ant._, vol. -ix, pp. 321–2. - -[377] Kingsborough’s _Mex. Ant._, vol. viii, p. 25. - -[378] See Prescott’s _Conq. Mexico_, vol. i, p. 171, on the Censorial -Council; also Ixtlilxochitl, Clavigero and Veytia as cited by him. - -[379] Echevarria y Veitia, _Hist. Gentes_, MS., tom. i, p. 29, and -Kingsborough, vol. viii, p. 176. Panes, _Fragmentos de Historia_, MS., -p. 3 (copy in Congressional Library, Washington), as well as several -other authorities. - -[380] Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. v, pp. 193–5. - -[381] _Codex Chimalpopoca_ in Brasseur’s _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i, pp. -53, 71. - -[382] _Codex Chimal._ in Brasseur’s _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i, p. 117, -and Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. v, p. 194. - -[383] Sahagun, _Historia General de las Cosas de Nueva España_, p. -xviii, tom. i, Mexico, 1829. - -[384] _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii, lib. x, p. 139 _et seq._ A translation -and summary of facts is also given by Bancroft, _Native Races_, vol. v, -p. 189 _et seq._ - -[385] Bancroft, _Native Races_, vol. v, p. 211, in a note has -summarized the dates of departure from Hue hue Tlapalan, as given -by different authors, with the following result: Date of departure -according to Veytia (tom. i, p. 208), 596 A. D.; Clavigero (tom. iv, -p. 46), 544 A. D.; but in the 1st tom., p. 126, he gives 596, agreeing -with Veytia; Müller (_Reisen_, tom. iii, p. 94 _et seq._, 439 A. -D.; Brasseur de Bourbourg (_Popol Vuh_, p. clv), last of the fourth -century; Cabrera (_Teatro_, pp. 90–1), 181 B. C. The commonly accepted -date is that of Clavigero—544 A. D. But after comparing these authors -and considering the grounds upon which they base their calculations, we -are convinced that it is useless to attempt to arrive at the true date, -just as it is impossible to determine any date with certainty in all -the ancient American chronology. We will not go so far as Mr. Bancroft, -who says that “the departure from Hue hue Tlapalan seems to have -taken place in the fifth or sixth century.” The claims for the fourth -century, we think, are just as good as for the others, if not better. - -[386] On the migration see Ixtlilxochitl’s _Relacions_, in -Kingsborough’s _Mex. Ant._, vol. ix, pp. 321–4; Brasseur de Bourbourg’s -_Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i, p. 100, 136, and _Popol Vuh_, p. clv, -clix–xi: Veytia’s _Hist. Ant. Mej. Tom._ _1st passim_; Clavigero’s -_Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i, p. 426; tom. iv, pp. 46, 51; -Müller’s _Reisen in den Vereinigten-Staaten, Canada and Mexico_, Bd. -iii, ss. 91–7, Leipzig, 1864; Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. v, pp. -192–223. - -[387] See _Geografia de las Lenguas de Mexico_, the _Carta -ethnografica_ affixed, and the text, pp. 1–76. - -[388] Ixtlilxochitl, _Hist. Chichimeca_, cap. ii. Kingsborough, _Mex. -Ant._, vol. ix, p. 206. On page 450 see also another and different -account. - -[389] _Native Races_, vol. v, p. 214. - -[390] See Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. v, pp. 214–15; Brasseur -de Bourbourg, _Popol Vuh_, pp. lxiv, cxii, cxxvi–viii, clix; -Ixtlilxocbitl in Kingsborough’s _Mex. Ant._, vol. ix, p 446; Alvarado -in _Ternaux-Compans Voy._, série i, tom. x, p. 147. - -[391] Baldwin’s _Ancient Am._, p. 202. - -[392] See E. Q. Squier, _Nicaragua, its People, Scenery_, etc. -_Archæology and_ _Ethnology of Nicaragua_, part i, vol. iii, _Trans. of -Am. Ethnol. Soc._, and _Notes on Cent. Am._, chap. xvi. - -[393] Buschmann (Johann Carl Ed.), especially his _Die Spuren der -Aztekischen Sprachen im Nördlichen Mexico und Höhern Amerikanischen -Norden_. Berlin, 1859. Quarto. - -[394] _Native Races_, vol. iv, pp. 688 _et seq._; vol. v, p. 215, and -numerous places. - -[395] “All around the lakes of Mexico there are traces of ancient -potteries, and I noticed that the bits of broken red earthenware -scattered about them are identical in composition and color with those -I have picked up in the valley of the Mississippi, and supposed to -be relics of the ancient Mound-builders.”—_Evens (A. S.), Our Sister -Republic_, p. 330. Hartford, 1870. Octavo. - -[396] Ixtlilxochitl’s _Relaciones_, Kingsborough’s _Mexican -Antiquities_, vol. ix, p. 322. - -[397] _Monarq. Ind._, lib. i, cap. 19. - -[398] _Relaciones_, in many places, and in _Hist. Chichimecs_, cap. 13. - -[399] _Relacion_, MS. written 1582 in Sr. Icazbalceta’s collection. - -[400] _Lenguas Indigenas de Mexico_, tom. i, p. 154. - -[401] _Fragmentos de Historia de Nueba España_, MS., p. 45, Library at -Washington. - -[402] Duran’s _Historia Antigua_, tom. i, cap. i, p. 9, MS. - -[403] Duran’s _Historia Antigua_, MS., tom. i, cap. 27; also cited in -the Spanish by Bancroft, vol. v, p. 306. Aztlan, translated “whiteness” -above, may be rendered “colorless” with equal propriety. Hue hue -Tlapalan, on the contrary, is translated ancient red-land, or land of -color, just the opposite of Aztlan, a fact which may serve to prove -that they were two quite different localities. - -[404] Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i, pp. 156–9 (north of -Colorado River); Humboldt, _Vues_, ii, p. 179, and _Essai Pol._, tom. -i, p. 53 (north of 42° north latitude); Orozco y Berra, _Geografia_, -pp. 81–2, and 136–7; Prichard’s _Nat. Hist of Man_, vol. ii, pp. 514–16 -(Arazonia); Pimentel, _Lenguas Indig. Mex._, tom. i, p. 158. Most -writers indefinitely assign the name to a region in the North, without -attempting to designate the locality. - -[405] Acosta, _Hist. de las Ind._, p. 454; Schoolcraft’s _Archives of -Ab. Knowledge_, vol. i, p. 68; M. Aubin places it in Lower California; -Brasseur de Bourbourg’s _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii, p. 292; Pickering’s -_Races in U. S. Ex. Ex._, vol. ix, p. 41. - -[406] Mendieta, _Hist. Ecles._, p. 144 (Xalisco); Veytia, _Hist. Ant. -Mej._ (Sonora); Möllhausen, _Reisen in d. Felsengebirge N. Am._, tom. -ii, p. 143 _et seq._ - -[407] Chief among these we may cite: Squier’s _Notes on Central Amer._, -p. 349; Waldeck’s _Voy. Pitt._, p. 45, and Bancroft’s _Native Races_, -vol. v, pp. 221, 305–6, 322–5; Müller, _Geschichte der Amerikanischen -Urreligionen_, pp. 530–4, the latter, though inclined to assign Aztlan -to a southern locality, still recognizes the fact that the Nahua family -was originally a northern people. - -[408] _Historia Antigua_, MS., tom. i, cap. i, p. 9. - -[409] _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii, p. 292. - -[410] Chief among whom are Gallatin, Gama and Veytia, who suppose that -the adjustment of the calendar took place in 1090 A.D., and that the -year Ce Tochtli corresponds with that date. - -[411] Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. v, p. 324, and seems to be the -opinion of Brasseur, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. ii, pp. 292–5. - -[412] Garcia Cubas’ _Republic of Mexico in 1876_ (Eng. trans.), p. 58. - -[413] Veytia, tom. ii, pp. 91–8, and as summarized by Bancroft, vol. v, -p. 323. - -[414] Kingsborough’s _Mex. Ant._, vol. ix, pp. 5–8, and Bancroft, vol. -v, p. 323. - -[415] _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. i, pp. 156–63. - -[416] See Acosta, _Hist. Nat. Ind._, pp. 454–62. Herrera, _Histor. -Gen._, dec. iii, lib. ii, cap. x–xi. Duran, MS., _Hist. Antig._, cap. -i, ii, iii of tom. i. - -[417] “Pero porque la noticia que tengo de su origen y principio no es -mas, ni ellos saben dar mas relacion sino desde aqullas siete cuebas -donde habitaron tan largo tiempo, las cuales desampararon para venir -a vuscar esta Tierra unos primero que otros, otros despues, otros muy -despues hasta dejarlas desiertas. Estas cuebas son en Teo-culhuican, -que por otro nombre le llaman Aztlan, tierra de que todos tenemos -noticia caer hacia la parte del Norte y Tierra-firma con la Florida; -por tanto desde este lugar de estas cuebas dare verdadera relacion de -estas Naciones y de sus sucessos. * * * Salieron pues siete Tribus de -Gentes de aquellas cuebas donde habitaban para venir á vuscar esta -Tierra, á las cuales llamaban Chicomostoc, de donde vienen a fingir que -sus Padres nacieron de unas cuebas, no teniendo noticia de lo de atras -de la salida.”—_Duran_, _Hist. Antig._, MS., tom. i, cap. i, p. 9. - -[418] The _Fragmentos de Historia de Nueba España_, MS. (Congressional -Library) of Diego Panes alludes to this event. “Como los Tarascos se -adelantaron luego que pasaron el estrecho de mar, en los troncos de -Arboles, y balsas, y otros instrumentos del pasaje y se metieron á -vida y avitar en las siete cuebas espelnucas, y Tabernas de la Tierra, -hasta que hicieron abitaciones, y moradas y como desde alli fueron -cresciendo, y tomnado, el tiento de la Tierra y disposiciones de ella -para poblarla.” - -[419] We quote Bancroft’s rendering from the _Vues_, tom. ii, p. 176 -_et seq._: “From Colhuacan, the Mexican Ararat, fifteen chiefs or -tribes reach Aztlan, ‘land of flamingoes,’ north of 42°, which they -leave in 1038, passing through Tocolco, ‘humiliation,’ Oztotlan, ‘place -of grottoes,’ Mizquiahuala, Teotzapotlan, ‘place of divine fruit,’ -Iluicatepec, Papantla, ‘large-leaved grass,’ Tzompanco, ‘place of -human bones,’ Apazco, ‘clay vessel,’ Atlicalaguian, ‘crevice in which -rivulet escapes,’ Quauhtitlan, ‘eagle grove,’ Atzcapotzalco, ‘ant -hill,’ Chalco, ‘place of precious stones,’ Pantitlan, ‘spinning-place,’ -Tolpetlac, ‘rush mat,’ Quauhtepec, ‘eagle mountain,’ Tetepanco, ‘wall -of many small stories,’ Chicomoztoc, ‘seven caves,’ Huitzquilocan, -‘place of thistles,’ Xaltepozauhcan, ‘place where the sand issues,’ -Cozcaquauhco, ‘a vulture,’ Techcatitlan, ‘place of obsidian mirrors,’ -Azcaxochitl, ‘ant flower,’ Tepetlapan, ‘place of tepetate,’ Apan, -‘place of water,’ Teozomaco, ‘place of divine apes,’ Chapultepec, -‘grasshopper hill.’”—_Native Races_, vol. v, p. 324, note. - -[420] The following account is from Franc. Gemelli Carreri’s _Voyage -Round the World_, Churchill’s _Voyages_, London, 1732, 6 vol. fol. -(book iv, cap. iii), p. 485: “The ancient histories of Mexico make -mention of a flood, in which all men and beasts perished, and only one -man and woman were saved in a boat, which in their language they call -_Acalle_. The man, according to the character by which his name is -expressed, was called Cox-cox, and the woman Chichequetzal. This couple -coming to the foot of the mountain, which, according to the picture, -was named Culhuacan, went ashore, and there they had many children, all -born dumb. When they multiplied to a great number, one day a pigeon -came, and from the top of a tree gave them their speech, but not one of -them understood the others’ language, and therefore they divided and -dispersed, every one going to take possession of some country. Among -these they reckoned fifteen heads of families who happened to speak -the same language, joined together and went about to find some land to -inhabit. When they had wandered one hundred and four years they came to -the place they call Antlan, and continuing their journey thence, came -first to the place called _Capultepec_, then to Culhuacan, and lastly -to the place where Mexico now stands.” - -[421] See communication in Garcia y Cubas’ _Atlas Geografico, -Estadistico e Histórico de la República Mejicana_, April 1858, entrega -29, and Bancroft, iii, p. 68, note. - -[422] We should be guilty of a fault if we were to convey the idea -that no deluge legend other than this was current among the Aztecs. -The Codex Chimalpopoca records a flood in which mankind were drowned -and turned into fishes. In Mr. Bancroft’s graceful rendering we learn -that “the waters and sky drew near each other; in a single day all was -lost, the day Four Flower consumed all that there was of our flesh. -And this was the year Ce-Calli; on the first day, Nahui-Atl, all was -lost. The very mountains were swallowed up in the flood, and the waters -remained, lying tranquil during fifty and two spring-times. But before -the flood began, Titlacahuan had warned the man Nata and his wife -Nena, saying: Make now no more pulque, but hollow out to yourselves a -great cypress, into which you shall enter when, in the month Tozoztli, -the waters shall near the sky. Then they entered into it, and when -Titlacahuan had shut them in, he said to the man: Thou shalt eat but -a single ear of maize, and thy wife but one also. And when they had -finished eating, each an ear of maize, they prepared to set forth, for -the waters remained tranquil and their log moved no longer; and opening -it they began to see the fishes. Then they lit a fire by rubbing pieces -of wood together and they roasted fish.” The account states that the -deities then descended and transformed the fishes into dogs. (Brasseur -de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i, pp. 425–7. Bancroft, vol. iii, -pp. 69, 70.) We cannot with gravity give the Tezpi legend preserved in -Michoacan. If the reader will refer to the Mosaic account of the flood, -he will only need to substitute the name of Tezpi for Noah, a vulture -for the raven, and a humming-bird for the dove, and the Tezpi legend -substantially will be before him. Of course the detail of the Mosaic -account is wanting; nevertheless it is certain that the Tezpi legend is -the product of the fancy of some over-zealous priest, who thought he -could see a stricter analogy between the Nahua deluge tradition and the -Scriptural account than really exists. - -[423] _Native Races_, vol. v, p. 325. - -[424] See note 1, page 261, this chapter. - -[425] Bancroft, vol. v, p. 325. - -[426] E. G. Squier in _Notes on Cent. Am._, p. 349, makes the -following remark: “It is a significant fact, that in the map of their -migrations, presented by Gemelli, the place of the origin of the -Aztecs is designated by the sign of water (Atl standing for Atzlan), -a pyramidal temple with grades, and near these a _palm-tree_. This -circumstance did not escape the attention of the observant Humboldt, -who says, ‘I am astonished at finding a palm-tree near this teocalli. -This tree certainly does not indicate a northern origin.’” We might -add that we are equally surprised that so generally able a writer -as Mr. Squier should resort to so absolutely weak an argument. Sr. -Ramirez has clearly explained that all the figures and their adjuncts -are but hieroglyphic parts of proper names. The palm-tree no doubt -plays its part. M. Waldeck (_Voyage Pitt._, p. 45) makes the same -remark as Mr. Squier—that it indicates a southern origin. Gondra -(Prescott’s _Historia Conq. Mex._, cited by Bancroft, vol. v, p. 306, -note) replies that this may be a thoughtless insertion of the painter. -The possibility that an unskillful artist should unintentionally -represent a tree of which he had no knowledge is so great, that any -argument dependent upon it hangs upon a slender thread. Over against -Mr. Squier’s claim we desire to place the simple inquiry, Does the -Elephant Mound of Wisconsin indicate that its constructors were natives -of Asia, where the elephant is common, or that they lived in the epoch -of the American Mastodon? It is well-known that the latter phase of -the question could not be true, since the condition of the mound -contradicts such great antiquity. - -[427] Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i, p. 245 _et seq._, states -that a band of people came from the north by way of Panuco, dressed in -long black robes; that they thence went to Tulla, where they were well -received, but that region being already thickly populated, they went -to Cholula. They were great artists, were skilled in working metals; -with them was Quetzalcoatl, with a fair and ruddy complexion and a long -beard. ‘He was their leader.’ - -[428] Mendieta, _Hist. Ecl._, pp. 82, 86, 92, 397–8; also cited -by Bancroft, vol. iii, pp. 250–2, and Clavigero, _Hist. Ant. Del. -Messico_, pp. 11–13. - -[429] Sahagun, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i, lib. iii, p. 245, and Torquemada, -tom. ii, p. 47 _et seq._, do not agree fully as to the details. - -[430] Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii, p. 47 _et seq._, and -Sahagun, tom. i, chap. iii, p. 245 _et seq._ - -[431] _Ibid._ - -[432] Mendieta, _Hist. Ecl._, p. 82 _et seq._ - -[433] Goatzacoalco, described as a province near the sea, one hundred -and fifty leagues from Cholula (Torquemada, tom ii, pp. 48–52). The -same author traces him to Yucatan and identifies him with Cukulcan. See -preceding chapter. - -[434] On a raft, according to Sahagun. - -[435] See Müller, _Geschichte der Amerikanischen Urreligionen_, p. 599. - -[436] Torquemada, _Monarq. Ind._, tom. ii, p. 50. In presenting these -legends we have employed nearly the same language which we used in -treating the same subject in an article entitled “Culture-Heroes of the -Ancient Americans,” published in _Appleton’s Journal_ for March 1877. - -[437] See Bancroft, vol. v. p. 256, and the authorities cited. - -[438] The sources of the Quetzalcoatl legends have been cited in -connection with our version of the fables applying to the name. On the -relation of Ceacatl Quetzalcoatl, the Toltec king, to the subject, -see Sahagun, _Hist. Gen._, tom. ii, lib. viii, p. 266, but especially -see Bancroft, vol. v, p. 256 _et seq._, for a fuller account. The -same author has treated the subject with an unprecedented fullness in -his third volume, chap. vii. The able examination of Quetzalcoatl’s -character by Müller, in his _Geschichte d. Am. Urreligionen_ (pp. 577 -_et seq._), has been of great value to us in the preparation of this -sketch. - -[439] _Native Races_, vol. iv, pp. 404 _et seq._ - -[440] _Personal Narrative of Explorations and Incidents in Texas, New -Mexico, California, Sonora, and Chihuahua._ New York, 1854, vol. ii, -pp. 348 _et seq._ - -[441] _Ensayo sobre Chihuahua_, p. 74. - -[442] _Native Races_, vol. iv, pp. 621 _et seq._ - -[443] Published in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, série iv, tom. i, pp. 282 _et -seq._, translated in Schoolcraft’s _Hist. and Condition of Indian -Tribes_, vol. iii, pp. 300 _et seq._, and Bartlett’s _Pers. Narrative_, -vol. ii, pp. 281–2. Quoted in _Native Races_, vol. iv, pp. 622–23. - -[444] Bernal in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, série iii, tom. iv, p. 804. - -[445] Sedelmair, _Relacion_, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, série iii, tom. iv, -p. 847, copied by Orosco y Berra, _Geografia_, pp. 108–10. Also cited -by Bancroft. - -[446] _Pers. Narrative_, vol. ii, pp. 278–80. - -[447] Emory’s _Reconnoissance_, pp. 81–3. - -[448] Johnston’s _Journal_ in _Ibid._, pp. 567–600. - -[449] _Pers. Nar._, pp. 271–284. - -[450] Browne’s _Apache Country_, pp. 114–24. - -[451] Coronado, on his trip from Culiacan to the “seven cities of -Cibola” in 1540, saw a roofless building called Chichilticale, or “red -house.” Castañeda says it was built of red earth and had formerly been -occupied by people from Cíbola. This is of interest, especially since -it is quite certain that the seven cities visited were identical with -the Pueblo towns around old Zuñi on the Zuñi River in New Mexico (see -Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 673–4, and Morgan in _North American Review_, -April, 1869. The best treatment of Coronado’s march is by Simpson in -_Smithsonian Report_, 1859, pp. 309 _et seq._ See further _Castañeda_, -in Ternaux-campans, _Voy._, série i, tom. ix, pp. 40–1, 161–2. Gallatin -in _Am. Ethnol. Soc. Trans._, vol. ii, and Whipple in _Pac. R. R. -Report_, vol. iii. - -[452] _Relacion_ in _Doc. Hist. Mex._, série iii, tom. iv, p. 847. -Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. iv, p. 634. - -[453] Velarde in _ibid._, série iv, tom. i, p. 363, and _Native Races_, -vol. iv, p. 634. - -[454] Bartlett’s _Pers. Nar._, vol. ii, pp. 242–8. Johnston in Emory’s -_Reconnoissance_, pp. 596–600. Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. iv, p. -636. - -[455] Whipple, Ewbank and Turner, in _Pacific R. R. Report_, vol. iii, -pp. 14, 15. - -[456] Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. iv, p. 636. - -[457] Whipple in _Pacific R. R. Report_, vol. iii, pp. 91–4. - -[458] Emory’s _Reconnoissance_, pp. 63–9, 80, 133–4. _Ibid._, pp. -581–96. Bancroft, _Native Races_, vol. iv, pp. 638–9, has copied three -plans. - -[459] _Native Races_, vol. iv, p. 640. - -[460] Whipple, Ewbank and Turner, in _Pacific R. R. Report_. - -[461] First published in _Scribner’s Monthly_, vol. ix, Nos. 3, 4 and -5, for January, February and March, 1875. - -[462] _Cañons of the Colorado_, in _Scribner’s Monthly_, vol. ix, -p. 528. Powell’s _Explorations of the Colorado River of the West_. -Washington. 1875. 4to. - -[463] “It was ever a source of wonder to us why these ancient people -sought such inaccessible places for their homes. They were doubtless -an agricultural race, but there were no lands here of any considerable -extent which they could have cultivated. To the west of Oraiby, and -of the towns of the Province of Tusayan, in northern Arizona, the -inhabitants have actually built little terraces along the face of -the cliff, where a spring gushes out, and there made their site for -gardens. It is possible that the ancient inhabitants of this place -made their lands in the same way. But why should they seek such spots? -Surely the country was not so crowded with population as to demand the -utilization of a region like this. The only solution which suggests -itself is this: We know that for a century or two after the settlement -of Mexico, many expeditions were sent into the country now comprising -Arizona and New Mexico for the purpose of bringing the town-building -people under the dominion of the Spanish government. Many of their -villages were destroyed, and the inhabitants fled to regions at that -time unknown, and there are traditions among the people who now inhabit -the pueblos which remain, that the cañons were these unknown lands. -It may be that these buildings were erected at that time. Sure it is -that they had a much more modern appearance than the ruins scattered -over Nevada, Utah, Colorado, Arizona and New Mexico.”—_Major Powell in -Scribner_, vol. ix, p. 525. _Id._, _Explorations of the Colorado River -of the West_, pp. 87, 88. - -[464] _Cañons of the Colorado_, in _Scribner’s Monthly_, vol. ix, p. -402; Powell’s _Exploration of the Colorado River of the West_, pp. -68–9. Major Powell on the 125th page of his report on the Colorado, -gives a brief description of remains in a side cañon, a few miles from -the great river. - -[465] Sitgreaves’ _Report, Zuñi and Colorado Rivers_, pp. 8–9; Whipple, -_Pacific R. R. Report_, vol. iii, pp. 46–50; Bancroft’s _Native Races_, -vol. iv, pp. 642–3. - -[466] Whipple, _Pacific R. R. Report_, vol. iii, pp. 76–7. - -[467] Sitgreaves, _Zuñi Ex._, p. 6; Whipple, in _Pacific R. R. Report_, -vol. iii, pp. 39, 71; Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. iv, pp. 645, 673. - -[468] See authorities cited on page 281, note 1, of this chapter. - -[469] See Whipple, in _Pacific R. R. Report_, vol. iii, p. 67, with -beautiful full-page view. Simpson’s _Jour. of Mil. Recon._, pp. 90–3; -Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. iv, pp. 645, 667, 673. - -[470] Whipple in _Pacific R. R. Report_, vol. iii, pp. 68, 70, 66, -40–8, views of old Zuñi, and sacred spring; Möllhausen, _Reisen in die -Felsengebirge N. Am._, tom. ii, pp. 196, 402; _Id._, _Tagebuch_, pp. -283–4, 278, with cut; Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 645–7, with cut. - -[471] Möllhausen’s _Journey_, vol. ii, p. 82; Whipple _et al._, in -_Pacific R. R. Report_, vol. iii, p. 39; Simpson’s _Jour. Mil. Recon._, -pp. 95–7; Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. iv, pp. 647–8. - -[472] Simpson’s _Jour. Mil. Recon._, pp. 89–109, 60–1, 65–74, 100, with -cuts, views and plans; Whipple, Ewbank and Turner, in _Pacific R. R. -Report_, vol. iii, pp. 22, 52, 63–4; see also Möllhausen’s _Tagebuch_ -and _Journey_; Bancroft, vol. iv., pp. 645–50. - -[473] In Simpson’s _Jour. Mil. Recon._, pp. 131–3, and copied in a note -by Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 657. - -[474] See on Chaco ruins, Simpson’s _Jour. Mil. Recon._, pp. 34–43, -131–3. Domenech’s _Deserts_, vol. i, pp. 199–200, 379–81, 385. -Baldwin’s _Anc. Am._, pp. 86–9, cut; Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. -iv, pp. 652–62, which we have found of valuable assistance; especially -see _Ruins of the Chaco Cañon, examined in 1877_, by W. H. Jackson, in -_Tenth Annual Report of U. S. Geol. Survey_. Washington, 1879. Best -account. - -[475] Simpson’s _Jour. Mil. Recon._, pp. 74–5, plates 53–4, copied by -Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 652; also see Domenech’s _Deserts_, vol i, p. -201, and _Annual Scienc. Discov._, 1850, p. 362. - -[476] W. H. Jackson in _Bulletin of U. S. Geol. and Geog. Survey of the -Territories_, 2d series, No. 1, Washington, 1875, and in the _Annual -Report_ of the same, Washington, 1876, pp. 369 _et seq._ A condensed -though excellent account is furnished by Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 718 _et -seq._ Also a condensed account by Prof. Edwin A. Barber in _Congrès des -Américanistes_, Luxembourg, 1877. _Seconde Session_, tom. i, pp. 22–38. -Also _Ibid._, _The Ancient Pueblos, or Ruins of the Valley of the Rio -San Juan_. Parts I, II. - -[477] _Bulletin No. 1_, vol. ii, pp. 11, 12. - -[478] Published in _Bulletin of the Geological and Geographical Survey -of the Territories_, vol. ii, No. 1. Washington, 1876. Mr. Bancroft’s -account in the _Native Races_, necessarily terminates with the close of -Mr. Jackson’s labors in 1874. - -[479] See _A Notice of the Ancient Ruins of South-western Colorado, -examined during the summer of 1875, by W. H. Holmes_, in _Bulletin of -the Geological and Geographical Survey of the Territories_, vol. ii, -No. 1. Washington, 1876. - -[480] Ives’ _Colorado River of the West_, pp. 119–26, with plates. The -same extract condensed into nearly the same form as above is given by -Bancroft, _Native Races_, vol. iv, pp. 667–80. - -[481] _Native Races_, vol. iv, pp. 662 _et seq._, and the authors cited -therein. - -[482] _Native Races_, vol. iv, p. 663, and Simpson’s _Journal Mil. -Recon._, p. 114. - -[483] I have carefully examined Father Escalante’s _Diario_ in the -MS. copy deposited in the Congressional Library at Washington, but -find nothing to contradict the opinion of recent explorers. The reader -will also see Dominguez and Escalante’s _Diario y Derrotero Sante Fé à -Monterey_, 1776, in _Doc. Hist. Mex._ Serie ii, tom. i. - -[484] _Ninth Annual Report of Peabody Museum_, p. 12. Cambridge, 1876. - -[485] _Eleventh Annual Report of Peabody Museum_, Cambridge, 1878, pp. -198–200, 267–80. - -[486] _Smithsonian Report_ for 1872, pp. 413 _et seq._; and this work, -chapter I. - -[487] The facts claimed in the following account are drawn from -Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. iii., pp. 171–74 and 175–7. Ward, -in _Ind. Aff. Report_, 1864, pp. 192–3. Brinton’s _Myths of the New -World_, p. 190. Ten Broeck in Schoolcraft’s _History and Condition of -the Indian Tribes_, vol. iv, p. 73, and Tyler’s _Primitive Culture_, -vol. ii, p. 384. - -[488] Davidson, in _Ind. Aff. Report_, 1865, pp. 131–3, and Bancroft’s -_Native Races_, vol. iii, pp. 75–77. - -[489] This feature of the legend is beautifully developed by Mr. -Bancroft. - -[490] In this account of Montezuma I have used, with few variations, -the same language employed by me in treating the subject in an article -entitled, “Culture-Heroes of the Ancient Americans,” published in -_Appleton’s Journal_ for March, 1877, pp. 275–6. - -[491] Hindoo Mounds, see Squier’s observations on Dr. Westerman in _Am. -Ethnol. Soc. Trans._, April, 1851; and Atwater, in _Am. Ethnol. Soc. -Trans._, vol. i, pp. 196–267. - -[492] Chief among whom are Dupaix, in Kingsborough’s _Mexican -Antiquities_; Waldeck (exploration performed in 1832–3), Pub. 1866 -fol.; Stevens and Catherwood in 1840; M. Morelet in 1846, and Charney -in 1858; for best bibliographical treatment, see Bancroft’s _Native -Races_, vol. iv, pp. 289–294, note. - -[493] Stephens, vol. ii, p. 310: Waldeck’s _Palenqué_, p. 2, and -Brasseur in _Ibid._, p. 17; Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 300. - -[494] _Native Races_, vol. iv, pp. 300–1. - -[495] Waldeck’s _Palenqué_, pl. vii. See also Stephens, vol. ii, p. -310; Dupaix, pl. xi.; Kingsborough, vol. iv, pl. xiii; Bancroft, vol. -iv, p. 307. - -[496] _Ibid._, _Native Races_, vol. iv, p. 312. - -[497] Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 303. - -[498] Stephens, vol. ii, pp. 339–43, and Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 323–27. - -[499] On the tower, see Waldeck’s _Palenqué_, p. iii, pl. xviii, xix. -Morelet’s _Voyage_, tom. i, p. 266. Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 315, and -Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i, pp. 86–7. - -[500] Stephens’ _Incidents of Travel in Yucatan_. New York (1st ed. -1843, and others subsequently). - -[501] Waldeck, _Voyage Pittoresque et Archéologique dans la Province -d’Yucatan_, Paris, 1838, large fol., 22 illustrations. Norman, -_Rambles in Yucatan_, New York, 1843, 8vo, illustrated. Baron von -Friederichstal, _Les Monuments de l’Yucatan_, in _Nouvelles Annales -des Voyages_, 1841, tom. xcii, pp. 297, 314. Charnay, _Cités et Ruines -Américaines_, Paris, 1863, large folio. Of many general notices made -up from these sources we consider Bancroft’s as the most critical and -satisfactory. His note on the bibliography of the subject is also of -interest. - -[502] We have followed the measurements of Stephens; seeming to us most -accurate. (See _Yucatan_, vol. i, p. 165 _et seq._) Norman, Charnay and -Waldeck all differ in their measurements. Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 154–5 -has given a good condensation of the description. - -[503] _Yucatan_, vol. i, p. 175. Reproduced in Bancroft, vol. iv, p. -156, and Baldwin, _Anc. America_, p. 132. - -[504] _Yucatan_, vol. i, p. 174. Reproduced by Bancroft, vol. iv, p. -160, and Baldwin, _Anc. America_, p. 132. - -[505] Stephens’ _Yucatan_, vol. i, p. 301. Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. -176–7. Baldwin’s _Anc. America_, p. 136. - -[506] Waldeck reports that a turtle was sculptured upon each of the -blocks of the pavement. See _Voy. Pitt._, pl. xii, where four are -figured. Stephens, however, found no traces of them. See Bancroft, vol. -iv, p. 175. - -[507] Stephens’ _Yucatan_, vol. i, p. 313. Waldeck’s _Voy. Pitt._, pp. -95–6, pl. ix, x, xi. Stephens’ _Cent. Amer._, vol. ii, pp. 425 _et -seq._ Charnay’s _Ruines Americ._, pp. 70 _et seq._ Bancroft, vol. iv, -pp. 192 _et seq._ - -[508] Stephens’ _Yucatan_, vol. i, p. 397, view of Kabah edifice. See a -sectional view in Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 207. - -[509] D’abord j’ai été frappé de la ressemblance qu’offrent ces -étranges figures des édifices mayas avec la tête de l’éléphant. Cet -appendice, placé entre deux yeux et depassant la bouche de presque -toute la longueur, m’a semblé ne pouvoir être autre chose que l’image -de la trompe d’un proboscidian, car le museau charnu et saillant du -tapir n’est pas de cette longueur.—_Waldeck, Voy. Pitt._, p. 74, pl. -xiv, xv. Also _Humboldt, Vues_, ed. 1810, p. 92. - -[510] Stephens’ _Yucatan_, vol. ii, pp. 311–17; Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. -230–36, with plans and cuts from Stephens’ and Baldwin’s _Anc. Amer._, -p. 140. - -[511] _Yucatan_, vol. i, pp. 130–9; Baldwin, _Anc. Amer._, p. 129. - -[512] Stephens’ _Yucatan_, vol. ii, pp. 387 _et seq._; Bancroft, vol -iv, pp. 254–9. - -[513] The original accounts furnished by actual explorers of Copan -are as follows: 1st, by the Licenciado Diego García de Palacio, who -prepared an account of his duties and their performance, for the king, -Felipe II of Spain, dated March 8, 1576, and preserved in the Muñoz -collection of MSS. The account has been published several times, at -least once in the United States, in Palacio, _Carta Dirijida al Rey_, -Albany, 1860, and translated into English by E. G. Squier; 2d, an -account by Fuentes y Guzman, in a MS. dated 1689. However, so much as -related to Copan was published in 1808 in Juarros, _Compendio de la -Hist. de la Ciudad de Guatemala_, trans. in English in 1823; 3d, by -Col. Juan Galindo, an officer in Central American service (explorations -made in 1835), published communication in _Am. Antiq. Soc. Trans._, -vol. ii, pp. 545–50, and in _Antiq. Mex._, tom. i, div. ii, pp. 73, -76; 4th, Stephens and Catherwood in 1839, published in _Incidents and -Travels in Central America_, vol. i, pp, 95–160. New York, 1841. - -The ruins have been visited by two or three persons since described -by Stephens, but the public has not enjoyed the benefit of their -researches, as we believe nothing has since been published on Copan. -Brasseur de Bourbourg, who visited the ruins in 1863 and 1866, -testifies to the perfect accuracy of the descriptions and plates in -Stephens’ and Catherwood’s work. A considerable number of notices -of Copan have been made up by different writers from these sources. -The latest and best of such notices is that by Mr. Bancroft, _Native -Races_, vol. iv, pp. 77–105, from whose bibliographical note we have -drawn somewhat for the above facts. - -[514] Juarros, _Hist. Guat._, pp. 56–7; Stephens’ _Central America_, -vol. i, p. 144, and Bancroft, _Native Races_, vol. iv, pp. 82–3. - -[515] Stephens’ _Central America_, vol. ii, pp. 171, 182–8, and -Bancroft, _Native Races_, vol. iv, pp. 124–8. - -[516] Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i, p. 15, and -cited by Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 131. - -[517] The only comprehensive and satisfactory treatment of the entire -field in detail is that by Mr. Bancroft, _Native Races_, chaps. vii, -viii, ix, x. - -[518] Dupaix, _Third Expedition_, pp. 6–7, pl. iii–v, fig. 6–9; -Kingsborough, _Mex. Ant._, vol. vi, p. 469, and Mayer’s _Observations -on Mexican History and Archæology_, pp. 25–6, and cuts (Smithsonian -contribution, No. 86), 1856; Bancroft, _Native Races_, vol. iv, pp. -368–71, with cuts. - -[519] _Reisen_, tom. ii, p. 282, and Bancroft, _Native Races_, vol. iv, -p. 375. - -[520] Dupaix, _Seconde Expédition_, published in Kingsborough, vol. v, -pp. 255–68, vol. vi, pp. 447–56, vol. iv, pl. xxvii–xli, fig. 81–95, -and in _Antiq. Mex.; Seconde Expédition_, pp. 30–44, pl. xxix–xlvi, -figs. 78–93.; Charnay, _Cités et Ruines Américaines_, pp. 261–9, -photographs ii–xviii, and Viollet-le-Duc in _Ibid._, pp. 74–104; -Humboldt obtained his information and plates from the survey and -drawings of Don Luis Martin and Col. de la Laguna, who visited the -ruins in 1802; see _Vues_, tom. ii, pp. 278–85, pl. xvii–xviii, and -in his other works on the same subject. The remaining original works -are Mühlenpfordt in the _Ilustracion Mejicana_, tom. ii, pp. 493–8; -Tempsky’s _Mitla_, pp. 250–3, with plates; Garcia, in _Soc. Mex. Georg. -Boletin_, tom. ii, pp. 271–2; Sawkins in Mayer’s _Observations_; -Fossey in his _Mexique_, pp. 365–70, and Müller, _Reisen_, tom. ii, -pp. 279–81. We might append a large number of notices made second-hand -from the above, but as they contain nothing original we omit them, and -refer the reader who is desirous of examining them, to Bancroft’s note -in _Native Races_, vol. iv. p. 391. Our examination of the subject -has been confined to the accounts of Dupaix, Humboldt, and Charnay, -together with Mr. Bancroft’s critical review of the field. From the -latter we draw some of our bibliographical material. - -[521] Charnay, _Mexique_, Phot. iv; also _Cités et Ruines Amér._, Phot. -v, vi. Other views in Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. iv, pp. 396–405. - -[522] Fossey, _Mexique_, p. 367, finds twenty-two different styles -of grecques in this front, while Mühlenpfordt gives cuts of sixteen -different styles in _Ilustracion Mej._, tom. ii, p. 501. - -[523] See full discussion by Viollet le Duc in Charnay’s _Ruines -Amér._, pp. 78–9. - -[524] Charnay, phot. x. Mr. Bancroft was not ignorant of this error. -Tempsky’s plate served as the guide for Baldwin’s cut. - -[525] Dupaix, _Seconde Exped._, pp. 40–1, pl. xliv–v, fig. 93–4. -Kingsborough, vol. v, p. 265; vol. vi, p. 455; vol. iv, pl. xl–i, fig. -95, and Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. iv, p. 413. - -[526] See especially a communication from Mr. Hugo Finck, for -twenty-eight years a resident of the region, published in the -_Smithsonian Report_ for 1870, an extract from which is published in -Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. iv, pp. 431–3. - -[527] Sr. Gondra received considerable information concerning these -ruins from some unnamed person, which he published in _Mosaico -Mexicano_, tom. ii, pp. 368–72. - -[528] Bancroft, _Native Races_, vol. iv, p. 442. This author has given -quite a full description of the fortification, and two plates. - -[529] Dupaix’s _First Expedition_, pp. 8–9, pl. ix–xi, fig. 9–12; -Kingsborough, vol. v, pp. 215–16; vol. vi, pp. 425–6, pl. v–vi, fig. -11–15; an account in Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. iv, pp. 368–72 and -cut. - -[530] Nebel, _Viaje Pintoresco y Arqueolójico sobre la República -Mejicana_, 1829–34, Paris, 1839, fol.; Mayer’s _Mex. Aztec_, vol. ii, -pp. 199–200; _Ibid._, _Mexico As it Was_, pp. 247–8, and Bancroft’s -_Native Races_, vol. iv, pp. 47, 55–8, with two illustrations. We have -cited Nebel from the latter. - -[531] The original describers of Papantla are Diego Ruiz, in _Gaceta -de Mexico_, July 12, 1785, tom. i, pp. 349–51, copied in _Diccionario -Univ. Geog._, tom x, pp. 120–1; also Nebel, _Viaje Pintoresco_. -Humboldt states that Dupaix and Castañeda visited the locality, but -they published no description, his own description may have been from -information received from them; _Vues_, tom. i, pp. 102–3; _Ibid._, -_Essai Pol._, p. 274; _Ibid._, in _Ant. Mex._, tom. i, div. ii, p. 12. -Of the many descriptions drawn from these sources, those of Mayer, -_Mex. Aztec_, vol. ii, pp. 196–7; _Ibid._, _Mexico As it Was_, pp. -248–9, and Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. iv, pp. 452–4, with cut from -Nebel, are probably the best. - -[532] Of a large number of notices of Cholula, the most important of -the original class are those of Humboldt, _Essai Pol._, pp. 239–40; -_Ibid._, _Vues_, tom. i, pp. 96–124, fol. 2d, pl. vii–viii; Dupaix’s -_First Expedition_, p. 2, pl. xvi, fig. 17, and Kingsborough, vol. -v, p. 218, vol. iv, pl. viii, fig. 20; Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del -Messico_, tom. ii, pl. 33–4; Mayer, _Mexico As it Was_, p. 26, and -_Mex. Aztec_, etc., vol. ii, p. 328, cuts. For most recent reference, -though not very scientific, see Evens’ _Our Sister Republic_, pp. -428–32 (1869), and Haven’s _Mexico, Our Next Door Neighbor_, pp. -109–202, 1875. Mr. Bancroft has given a short, though satisfactory -notice, especially valuable for its citation of authorities. In a note -(11) vol. iv, p. 471–2, a full list of the authors who have written on -Cholula will be found, _Native Races_, vol. iv, pp. 469–77. - -[533] _Reisen_, pp. 131–2. - -[534] Heller, _Reisen_, pp. 131–2, cited by Bancroft, _Native Races_, -vol. iv, p. 473. - -[535] Exploration performed in 1777, and account published in _Gaceta -de Literatura_, November, 1791, also tom. ii, p. 127 of the same. - -[536] Copied the proceedings to a considerable extent in _Vues_, tom. -i, pp. 129–37, pl. ix, and in _Essai Pol._, pp. 189–90. - -[537] Dupaix’s _First Expedition_, pp. 14–18, pl. xxxi–ii, figs. 33–6; -Kingsborough, vol. v, pp. 222–4, vol. iv, pl. xv–vi. - -[538] Nebel, _Viaje Pintoresco_, pl. ix–x, xix–xx. - -[539] The Government exploration report in _Revista Mexicana_, tom. -i, pp. 539–50, and in _Deccionario Univ. Geog._, tom. x, pp. 938–42; -Mayer’s _Mexico As It Was_, pp. 185–7; _Ibid._, _Mex. Aztec_, etc., -vol. ii, pp. 283–5, with cuts; Tylor’s _Anáhuac_, pp. 183–95. To these -original accounts many compiled notices might be added. Mr. Bancroft’s -critical review of the sources, supplemented with full bibliographical -notes, is valuable and should receive the attention of the reader. See -_Native Races_, vol. iv, pp. 483–98, with several cuts after Nebel. We -have found this writer’s summary of facts of great service in making up -the following description. - -[540] The vandalic destruction of this Acropolis of Mexican -architecture is due to the vulgar cupidity of a neighboring sugar -manufacturer, who despoiled it in order to build the furnaces of his -refinery. - -[541] See Tylor, _Anahuac_, p. 149, and on the subject in hand. - -[542] See Prescott, book iv, caps. i, ii, vol. ii, Kirk’s ed. of 1875, -pp. 100–51. - -[543] See chapter vi, p. 248, this work. - -[544] Almaraz, _Apuntes sobre las Pirámides de San Juan Teotihuacan_. -_Mexico_, 1864. - -[545] Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. iv, pp. 529–44, and a good -bibliographical note on p. 530. - -[546] Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. iv, p. 533. On page 548, the -same author in a note translates the following interesting passage -from Sr. Garcia y Cubas: “The pyramids of Teotihuacan, as they exist -to day, are not in their primitive state. There is now a mass of loose -stones whose interstices covered with vegetable earth have caused to -spring up the multitude of plants and flowers with which the faces of -the pyramids are now covered. This mass of stones differs from the -plan of construction followed in the body of the monuments and besides -the falling of these stones, which has taken place chiefly on the -eastern face of the Moon, has laid bare an inclined plane perfectly -smooth, which seems to be the true face of the pyramid. This isolated -observation would not give so much force to my argument if it were not -accompanied by the same circumstances in all the monuments.” This inner -smooth surface has an inclination of 47°, differing from the angle of -the outer faces. Sr. Garcia y Cubas, conjectures that the Toltecs, the -descendants of the civilized architects of these monuments, fearing -that they would be despoiled by the savages who followed them, covered -up their sacred places with the outer coatings described. See Appendix. - -[547] Quemada was at first mentioned by early writers as one of -the stations in the Aztec migration. Captain Lyon published in his -_Journal_, vol. i. pp. 225–44, the result of explorations performed by -him at Los Edificios in 1826. Another report was made by Sr. Esparza -from data furnished him by Pedro Rivera in 1830, which appeared in -Esparza’s _Informe presentado al Gobierno_, pp. 56–8, and _Museo -Mex._, tom. i, pp. 185 _et seq._ Herr Berghes made a pretty good -survey of the ruins in 1831: his observations were published by Nebel. -Herr Burkart, a companion of Berghes, published a description in his -_Aufenthalt und Reisen in Mexico_, tom. ii, pp. 97–105. Nebel published -his observations in his _Viaje_. Several authors have made up notices -from these sources without adding any original information. A list of -these, as well as those given above, may be found in Bancroft’s _Native -Races_, vol. iv, pp. 578–9. - -[548] Stephens’ _Central America_, vol. ii, pp. 438 _et seq._ - -[549] Viollet-le-Duc in Charnay’s _Cités et Ruines, Introduct._, pp. 28 -_et seq._ - -[550] Garcia y Cubas, _Ensayo de un Estudio comparativo entre las -Pirámides Egípcias y Mexicanas_; Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. iv, -pp. 543–4, and vol. v, pp. 55–6. See Appendix. - -[551] Delafield, _Inquiry into the Origin of American Antiquities_, pp. -57–61. 1839. 4to. - -[552] _Mexique_, pp. 274–5. Leipzig, 1843. - -[553] _Historical Researches_, p. 355. - -[554] See further, Clavigero, _Storia del Messico_, tom. iv, pp. 19–20; -Jones, _Hist. Anc. Amer._, p. 122; Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 474; Prescott, -_Mex._, tom. iii, p. 407; Humboldt, _Essai Pol._, tom. i, p. 265; -Tylor’s _Early History_, p. 206. - -[555] Humboldt, _Vues_, p. 92 (fol. ed., 1810), considers that this -people was originally from Asia and preserved some remembrance of the -elephant, or that in their traditions they had accounts of the mammoth -of the American continent. - -[556] Waldeck, p. v, pl. xii, xiii. Stephens, _Cent. Am._, vol ii, pp. -311, 116–17. Dupaix, pp. 20, 37, 75–6, pl. xiv–xxii. Kingsborough, vol. -iv, pl. xxvi. Bancroft, _Native Races_, vol iv, pp. 304–6. - -[557] Waldeck’s _Palenqué_, pl. xiv, xv, shows both groups. Bancroft, -vol. iv, p. 313. Dupaix, pl. xxiii–iv. - -[558] Waldeck, pl. xiv. - -[559] Waldeck, pl. xvii. Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 317–18. Stephens, vol. -ii, p. 318. Morelet, p. 97. - -[560] Waldeck’s _Palenqué_, p. iii, pl. 42. Dupaix, pl. xxxiii, Fig. -37. Kingsborough, pl. xxxv, fig. 37. Stephens, vol. ii, p. 355. -Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 328–30. - -[561] Waldeck, p. vii, pl. xxi–ii. Stephens, vol. ii, pp. 345–7. -Charnay, p. 419, pl. xxi. Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 332–6. Especially see -Rau’s _Palenque Tablet_ (Smithsonian Contrib., No. 331), for the best -account of Tablet of the Cross. - -[562] Waldeck, pl. 23–24; Stephens, vol. ii, p. 352; Dupaix, p. 24, pl. -xxxvii–viii; mention in Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 332–3. - -[563] Waldeck, pl. 25; Stephens, vol. ii, pp. 344, 349; Bancroft, vol. -iv, pp. 336–7, with cut. - -[564] Waldeck, pl. xxvi–xxxii; Stephens, vol. ii, pp. 351–4; Bancroft, -vol. iv, pp. 338–41. - -[565] Plates, Waldeck’s _Voy. Pitt._, pl. xv–xvii; Charnay’s -photographs have attested the accuracy of Waldeck’s drawings; Waldeck’s -views reproduced in Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 182–3. - -[566] Stephens’ _Yuc._, vol. i, p. 306; Waldeck’s pl. xvi; also see -Charnay’s phot. 39; Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 182–4; Viollet-le-Duc’s -drawing in Charnay, p. 65. - -[567] Cut from Waldeck’s _Voy. Pitt._, pl. xiii–xviii and p. 100; -reproduced by Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 185, of which ours is an -electrotype copy. See also Stephens’ _Yucatan_, vol. i, pp. 302–3; -Charnay, _Ruines Amer._, phot. 40, 41, 44; Norman’s _Rambles in -Yucatan_, p. 162. - -[568] Stephens’ _Yucatan_, vol. ii, pp. 303–11; Charnay’s _Ruines -Amér._, pp. 140–1, phot. 33, 34; Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. iv, -pp. 220–36. - -[569] Mr. Salisbury, with the most liberal courtesy, has furnished the -heliotypes and photos from which the accompanying engravings were made. -We take this opportunity of expressing publicly our thanks for this -rare favor. - -[570] _Archæological Communication on Yucatan_, by Dr. Le Plongeon in -Salisbury’s _Maya Archæology_, p. 65, and _Proceedings of Am. Antiq. -Soc._, October 21, 1878. - -[571] _Maya Archæology_, p. 61. - -[572] _Ibid._, p. 62. - -[573] See Torquemada, _Monarchia Indiana_, lib. iv, cap. 8, and -Herrera, _Hist. Gen. Ind._, decade ii, lib. iv, cap. 17, quoted by -Salisbury, _Maya Archæology_, pp. 33–35. - -[574] See _Terra-cotta Figure from Isla Mugeres_, by Stephen Salisbury, -Jr., in _Maya Archæology_ (heliotypes). - -[575] Stephens, _Cent. Amer._, vol. i, pp. 103–4, 134–43 with plates; -Foster, _Pre-Historic Races_, pp. 302–322, 338–9; Galindo in _Amer. -Antiq. Soc. Trans._, vol. ii, pp. 548–9; Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 89–105, -with cuts. - -[576] Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 371, 381, 385, 387, 414, 415, 421, 427, -428, 435, 436, 455, 457, 462, has figured some of these, but all -indicate an order of art inferior to the Maya. - -[577] Nebel, _Viaje Pintoresco_; Mayer’s _Mex. Aztec_, vol. ii, pp. -199, 200; Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 457–8. - -[578] Vetch, in _London Geog. Soc. Jour._, vol. vii, pp. 1–11, plate; -Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 462. - -[579] Dupaix, _Third Expedition_, p. 5, pl. i–ii; _Ibid._, _First -Expedition_, pp. 3–4, pl. i–ii, fig. 1, 2; p. 10, pl. xii; pp. 12–13, -pl. xvii–xxii, fig. 19, 24; _Second Expedition_, p. 51, pl. lxi, fig. -117; Kingsborough, vol. v, pp. 285–6; vol. iv, pl. i–ii, fig. 1–3; vol. -vi, p. 467; vol. v, pp. 209–10; vol. vi, pp. 421–2; vol. iv, pl. i, -fig. 1–4; vol. v, p. 217; vol. iv, p. vi, fig. 16, and Bancroft, vol. -iv, pp. 467–69. - -[580] Dupaix, _First Expedition_, p. 14; Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 481. - -[581] This work, p. 372. - -[582] Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 499, has reproduced some of them. - -[583] Humboldt, _Vues_, tom. i, pp. 332 _et seq._; tom. ii, pp. 1 _et -seq._ and 84–5, pl. viii, (fol. ed. pl. xxiii); _Mayer, Mexico As it -Was_, pp. 126–8; Prescott, _Conq. Mex._, vol. i, pp. 126, 145–6; vol. -ii, pp. 112, ed. 1875; Bancroft, vol. iv. pp. 505–9, and cut. - -[584] Humboldt, _Vues_, tom. ii, pp. 148–61 (fol. ed., pl. xxix); -_Ibid._, _Antiq. Mex._, tom. i, div. ii, pp. 25–7, suppl. pl. vi; -Nebel, _Viaje_, with large plate; Mayer, _Mex. Aztec_, vol. i, pp. -108–11; _Ibid._, _Mexico As it Was_, pp. 109–14; Bullock’s _Mexico_, -pp. 337–42; Leon y Gama, _Dos Piedras_, pt. i, pp. 1–3, 9, 10, 34, -and five plates latterly cited by Bancroft, vol. iv, pp. 512–15, four -plates. - -[585] Bancroft, vol. iv, p. 517; Mayer, _Mexico As it Was_, pl. 100–1; -_Ibid._, _Mex. Aztec_, vol. ii, p. 274. - -[586] Waldeck’s _Palenqué_, pl. 55. - -[587] Waldeck’s _Palenqué_, p. viii, pl. xliv. Tylor’s _Anahuac_, pp. -110, 337, for information concerning the masks. Also Bancroft, vol. iv, -pp. 557–9. - -[588] _Smithsonian Contribution_, No. 287, pp. 82–7 (1876). - -[589] _Hist. Kingdom Guatemala_, p. 19. Lond., 1823. - -[590] F. Giordan, _Description et colonization de l’Isthme de -Tehuantepec_, p. 57. Paris, 1838. - -[591] Melgar in _Mex. Geog. Soc. Bolletin_, 2d época, tom. iii, p. 112 -_et seq._ - -[592] Dr. Max Uhlmann, _Handbuch der gesamten Ægyptischen -Alterthumskunde_, I _Theil. Geschichte der Egyptologie_, p. 108. -Leipzig, 1857. - -[593] Botta, _Mon. de Ninive_, vol. ii, pl. 58, and _Edinburgh Review_ -for Jan. 1870, p. 231. - -[594] John Newton in Appendix to Inman’s _Ancient Pagan and Modern -Christian Symbolism_, p. 116. London, 1874. - -[595] _Saturn_, lib. i, cap. 20. - -[596] Zoeckler, _Das Kreutz Christi_, p. 9, Güterslo, 1875, and -_Edinburgh Review_, Jan. 1870, p. 232. - -[597] Mr. Bancroft remarks, “He happens, however, here to have selected -two Egyptian subjects which almost find their counterparts in America. -In the preceding volume of this work, page 333, is given a cut of what -is called the ‘Tablet of the Cross’ at Palenque. In this we see a -cross and perched upon it a bird, to which (or to the cross) two human -figures in profile, apparently priests, are making an offering. In -Mr. Stephens’ representation from the Vocal Memnon we find almost the -same thing, the differences being, that instead of an ornamented Latin -cross, we have here a _crux commissa_, or _patibulata_; that instead -of one bird there are two, not on the cross but immediately above it, -and that the figures, though in profile and holding the same general -positions, are dressed in a different manner, and are apparently -binding the cross with the lotus instead of making an offering to it; -in Mr. Stephens’ representation from the obelisk of Carnac, however, -a priest is evidently making an offering to a large bird perched upon -an altar; and here again the human figures occupy the same position. -The hieroglyphics, though the characters are of course different, are, -it will be noticed, disposed upon the stone in much the same manner. -The frontispiece of Stephens’ _Cent. Amer._, vol. ii, described on p. -352, represents the tablet, on the back wall of the altar, Casa No. 3 -at Palenque. Once more here are two priests clad in all the elaborate -insignia of their office, standing one on either side of a table or -altar, upon which are erected two batons, crossed in such a manner as -to form a _crux decussata_, and supporting a hideous mask. To this -emblem they are making an offering.”—_Bancroft’s Native Races_, vol. v, -pp. 60–1, note. - -[598] W. H. Holmes in _Bulletin of the Geog. and Geol. Survey of the -Territories_, Vol. II, No. I, p. 20, Pl. 11 and 12. - -[599] Landa, _Relacion_, p. 44. Villagutierre, _Conq.Itza_, pp. 393–4. -Bancroft, vol. ii, p. 768. - -[600] _Relacion_, p. 316. - -[601] Peter Martyr, Dec. iv, lib. viii. Bancroft, vol. ii, pp. 769–70. - -[602] Stephens’ _Cent. Amer._, vol. ii, pp. 342, 453–5. - -[603] Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. ii, p. 780. Brasseur’s admission -will be found in the _Bibliothéque Mexico-Guatemalienne_, Paris, 1871, -p. xxvii. The translation, prefaced with 136 quarto pages devoted to -a consideration of the Maya characters, is published under the title, -_MS. Troano: Etudes sur le systéme graphique et la langue des Mayas_. -Paris, 1869–70. 4to, 2 vols., 70 colored plates. - -[604] Bancroft, vol. ii, p. 773, plate, p. 774. - -[605] The original of Landa’s explanation is as follows: “De sus -letras porne aqui un _a_, _b_, _c_, que no permite su pesadumbre -mas porque usan para todas las aspiraciones de las letras de un -caracter, y despues, al puntar de las partes otro, y assi viene a -hazer _in infinitum_, como se podra ver en el siguiente exemplo: _Lé_, -quiere dezir laço y caçar con el; para escrivirle con sus carateres, -haviendoles nosotros hecho entender que son dos letras, lo escrivian -ellos con tres, puniendo a la aspiracion de la _l_ la vocale _é_ que -antes de si trae, y en esto no hierran. aunque usense, si quisieren -ellos de su curiosidad, exemplo: _e L e Lé._ Despues al cabo le pegan -la parte junta. _Ha_ que quiere dezir agua, porque la _haché_ tiene -_a_, _h_, antes de si la ponen ellos al prinicipio con _a_, y al cabo -deste manera, _ha_. Tambien lo escriven a partes pero de la una y otra -manera, yo no pusiera aqui ni tratara dello sino por dar cuenta enters -de las cosas desta gente. _Ma in kati_ quiere dezir no quiero, ellos lo -escriven a partes desta manera: _ma i n ka ti._”—_Landa, Relacion_, p. -318, translated by Bancroft, _Native Races_, vol. ii, p. 778. - -[606] _Relacion_, p. 322. - -[607] Bollaert, _Examination of Central American Hieroglyphs_, in -_Memoirs of Anthropological Soc. of London_, vol. iii, pp. 288–314. -London, 1870. - -[608] Charencey, _Essai de Déchiffrement d’un fragment d’inscription -palenquéenne_, in _Actes de la Société Philologique_, tom. i. March, -1870. - -[609] Rosny, _Essai sur le Déchiffrement de L’Écriture Hiératique de -L’Amérique Centrale_, Paris, 1876, folio, with large colored plates and -fac-similes. In three parts, two of which only have as yet appeared -(Oct. 1878). The author informs me (Feb. 1879) that a fourth part will -be required to complete the work. - -[610] Bollaert in _Memoirs of Anthropol. Soc. of London_, vol. iii, p. -298. - -[611] _Ibid._, p. 301. - -[612] _Ibid._, p. 307. - -[613] See a review of these attempts in Rosny’s _Essai_, pp. 12–13, and -remarks on Charencey in Appendix D of Baldwin’s _Ancient America_. - -[614] _Examination of Cent. Am. Hier._, p. 306. - -[615] _The Ancient Phonetic Alphabet of Yucatan_, p. 6, N. Y., 1870, -cited by Rosny, _Essai_, p. 25. - -[616] _Essai_, p. 26; Rosny cites Bancroft’s opinion to the same -effect, _Native Races_, vol. ii, p. 782. - -[617] _Native Races_, vol. ii, pp. 529–33. - -[618] _Native Races_, vol. ii, p. 537. - -[619] Gemelli Carreri, Humboldt, Kingsborough, Ramirez in Garcia y -Cubas, and Bancroft; see this work, chapter vi, p. 262. - -[620] Vol. ii, pp. 544–5. - -[621] _Mex. Antiq._, vol. i, pl. lxi; explanation, vol. v, pp. 96–7; -Bancroft, vol. ii, pp. 538–40. - -[622] Delafield, _Antiq. of Am._, pp. 42–7. M. Ed. Madier de Montjau -has recently added much to our understanding of Aztec picture-writing -in his Chronologie hieroglyphico-phonétic des rois Aztèques de -1352–1522 retrouvée dans diverses mappes américaines antiques, -expliquée et précédée d’une introduction sur l’Écriture mexicaine. -A valuable article on the same subject is found in the _Congrès -des Américanistes_, Luxembourg, 1877, tom. ii, pp. 346–362, by M. -l’Abbé Jules Pipart, entitled Eléments phonétiques dans les Ecritures -figuratives des anciens Mexicains. - -[623] An excellent account of the various collections of Aztec -picture-writing will be found in the introduction to Domenech’s -_Manuscrit Pictographique_, Paris, 1860, 8vo; a book which would -be valueless but for that feature. See also account of M. Aubun’s -collection in Brasseur de Bourbourg, _Hist. Nat. Civ._, tom. i, pp. -lxxvi–lxxviii. For general description of hieroglyphic principles see -Tylor, _Researches_, pp. 89–101, and Humboldt, _Vues_, tom. i, pp. -177–9, 162–202. See also Boturini, _Idea de una Hist._, pp. 5, 77, -87, 96, 112, 116. Prescott, _Conq. Mex._ (Kirk’s ed., 1875), vol. i, -pp. 94, 99, 107–9. Clavigero, _Storia Ant. del Messico_, tom. ii, pp. -187–94. Mendoza, in _Soc. Mex. Geog. Boletin_, 2d época, tom. i, pp. -896–904. Gallatin in _Amer. Ethno. Soc. Transact._, vol. i, pp. 126, -165–69. Kingsborough’s _Mex. Ant._, vol. vi, p. 87, and Ixtlilxochitl’s -_Hist. Chich._ in Kingsborough, vol. ix, p. 201. Torquemada, _Monarq. -Ind._, tom. i, p. 149. Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. ii, pp. 521–52. - -[624] Landa, _Relation_, pp. 204–316, and the work by Perez, entitled -_Cronologia Antigua de Yucatan_, with Brasseur’s translation into -French in the above work, pp. 366–429. Also see English translation -in Stephens’ _Yucatan_, vol. i, pp. 434–59. See also Orozco y Berra, -_Geografia_, pp. 104–8, and an able discussion in Bancroft’s _Native -Races_, vol. ii, pp. 755–67. - -[625] Landa’s _Relacion_, p. 204. Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. ii, -p. 756. - -[626] Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. ii, p. 757. - -[627] See Perez’s Appendix to Stephens’ _Yucatan_, vol. i, pp. 458–59, -and in Landa’s _Relacion_, Appendix, pp. 370–382, and Brasseur in the -same. Especially Rosny, _Essai sur le Dech. de L’Écrit. Hiérat. de -L’Amér. Cent._, pp. 15–24. - -[628] Landa, _Relacion_, p. 234. Perez in Landa, pp. 394 _et seq._, and -in Stephens’ _Yucatan_, vol. i, p. 439; also see Bancroft, vol. ii, pp. -759 _et seq._ - -[629] Perez in Landa, _Relacion_, pp. 366–8; also cited by Bancroft, -vol. ii, p. 759. - -[630] Stephens’ _Yucatan_, vol. ii, pp. 318–19. Stephens was unable to -assign any use to the pillars referred to. He counted upwards of 380. -Dr. Le Plongeon accords with our view. - -[631] Stephens’ _Yucatan_, vol. i, pp. 441 _et seq._ - -[632] See Landa, _Relacion_, pp. 313, 400–412; Stephens, _Yucatan_, -Perez, vol. i, pp. 441–447, MS. cited in vol. ii, pp. 465–469; -Bancroft, _Native Races_, vol. ii, pp. 762–765; M. Delaporte, _Le -Calendrier Yucatèque_, MS. cited by Rosny, _Essai sur le déchiffrement -de L’Écriture Hiératique_, p. 25. - -[633] Perez in Stephens’ _Yucatan_, vol. i, p. 447. - -[634] Sahagun, _Hist. Gen._, tom. i, lib. ii, pp. 49–76; lib. iv, pp. -282–310, gives a partial though very satisfactory account. Leon y Gama, -_Dos Piedras_, is critical and learned, but often incorrect. Humboldt, -_Vues_, furnishes an elaborate account, which is very valuable though -complicated. Veytia’s explanation is the result of thorough research, -_Hist. Ant. Mej._, tom. i. Gallatin is extremely clear and reliable in -_Amer. Ethno. Soc. Transactions_, vol. i. McCulloch’s _Researches in -Amer._, pp. 201–25. Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. ii, pp. 502–22, -furnishes us an account, clear and full, as are all of his discussions. -Several cuts enhance the value of the chapter. We especially refer -the reader to his rich bibliography of the subject, appended in -notes. A number of additional authors are before us: Ixtlilxochitl, -Müller, Herrera, Clavigero, Brasseur de Bourbourg, Boturini, Prichard, -but last and best is the ingenious and masterly _Vortrag über den -Mexicanischen Calender stein gehalten von Prof._ _Ph. Valentini, am -30 April, 1878_ (in Republican Hall, New York), _vor dem Deutsch -ges. wissenschaftlichen Verein_, 32 pp. 8vo, recently translated and -published by Stephen Salisbury, Jr. - -[635] Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. ii, p. 508. - -[636] Mr. Bancroft also follows the opinion that the above date is the -correct one.—_Native Races_, vol. ii, p. 515. - -[637] Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. ii, p. 512. - -[638] Prof. Valentini, _Vortrag_, p. 16. - -[639] _Native Races_, vol. ii, p. 513. - -[640] Mr. Bancroft incorrectly states that thirteen days were -intercalated at the end of each tlalpilli (13 years). It is plain -that if 365 days constitute a year, the lost time would not amount to -thirteen days before fifty-two years. - -[641] Prof. Valentini quotes the terms given above, and Mr. Bancroft -states that the same process of computation was pursued in both -divisions. - -[642] See _The Nation_ for Aug. 8, 1878, p. 84, and for Sept. 19, 1878. -Also Mr. Salisbury’s translation of Valentini’s _Vortrag_, Worcester, -1879. - -[643] Prof. Valentini cites _Codex Vaticanus_, pl. 91, _Codex -Boturini_, pl. 10, _Codex Tellerianus_, pl. 6 and 8. The Professor -in making the comparison, remarks: “Auf beiden senkt sich ein Schaft -in ein rundes Loch, von welchem aus sich etwas volutenähnliches -hervorwindet. Wir gewahren auf den gemalten Bildern, dass jede der -Voluten in 2 Hälften getheilt ist, die eine grau die andere roth -gemalt. Dieselbe Abtheilung finden wir auch auf der Sculptur. Was -dieses Symbol bedeute, wird uns aus der Beobachtung klar, dass wir -es in den gemalten Jahrestafeln immer nur dann wiederkehrend finden, -sobald 52 Jahre verflossen sind. Wir sehen es immer gerade an das -Symbol dieses 52ten Jahres angehängt, an einer Stelle, in Cod. Tell. -IV, Pl. 8. 1. Kingsb. Coll., vol. i, es erscheint auch mit einem -erklärenden Texte. Er lautet: ‘_Dieses ist das Zeichen für die -Zusammenbindung der 52 Jahre._’”—_Vortrag_, pp. 23, 24. - -[644] Prof. Valentini, _Vortrag_, pp. 24, 25, cites _Codex Selden_, pl. -10, _Codex Laud_, pl. 8, and _Codex Veletri_, fol. 34. - -[645] Prof. Valentini cites a Codex from the Squier collection, where -the symbol occurs accompanied with the word _Molpiynxihuitl_, which -translated means “the binding of the years.” He also cites _Codex -Boturini_, pl. 10, Kingsborough Collection.—_Vortrag_, pp. 25, 26. - -[646] Dr. Le Plongeon in _Yucatan_, by Stephen Salisbury, Jr., p. 88. -Worcester, 1877. - -[647] _Monarq. Ind._, tom. i, pp. 254 _et seq._ - -[648] Humboldt, _Vues_, pp. 148 _et seq._ (Ed. 1810.) - -[649] _Vues_, p. 152. On page 150 he furnishes tables of comparison -which show unmistakably the analogy between the Mexican Calendar and -that of the people of Eastern Asia. - -[650] Cabrera, _Teatro_ in _Rio’s Description_, pp. 103–5. - -[651] Delafield’s _American Antiquities_, pp. 52–3. - -[652] _Mexican Antiquities_, vol. vi, pp. 174, 182. - -[653] _Mexican Antiquities_, vol. vi, p. 163. - -[654] _Mexican Antiquities_, vol. viii, p. 19. - -[655] “It is impossible on reading what Mexican mythology records -of the war in heaven, and of the fall of Zoutemoque and the other -rebellious spirits; of the creation of light by the word Touacatecutli, -and of the division of the waters; of the sin of Yztlacohuhqui, and -his blindness and nakedness; of the temptation of Suchiquecal and -her disobedience in gathering roses from a tree, and the consequent -misery and disgrace of herself and all her posterity—not to recognize -scriptural analogies. But the Mexican tradition of the deluge is that -which bears the most unequivocal marks of having been derived from a -Hebrew source. This tradition records that a few persons escaped in -the Ahuehuete, or ark of fir, when the earth was swallowed up by the -deluge, the chief of whom was named Patecatle or Cipaquetona; that he -invented the art of making wine; that Xelua, one of his descendants, at -least one of those who escaped with him in the ark, was present at the -building of a high tower, which the succeeding generation constructed -with a view of escaping from the deluge should it again occur; that -Tonacatecutli, incensed at their presumption, destroyed the tower with -lightning, confounded their language and dispersed them; and that Xelua -led a colony to the New World.”—_Mex. Antiq._, tom. vi, p. 401. - -[656] Ixtlilxochitl’s _Relaciones_ in _Mex. Ant._, vol. ix, and this -work, chap. vi. - -[657] See Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. iii, pp. 66, 68. - -[658] _Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii, p. 27. - -[659] _Mex. Antiq._, vol. vi, p. 246. - -[660] _Mex. Antiq._, vol. vi, p. 253. - -[661] _Mex. Antiq._, vol. vi, p. 361. - -[662] _Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii, p. 67. - -[663] _Ibid._, vol. viii, p. 137. - -[664] _Ibid._, vol. viii, p. 382. - -[665] _Ibid._, vol. viii, p. 238; washing of hands after meals, see p. -53, Appendix. - -[666] _Ibid._, vol. vi, p. 414; vol. viii, p. 18. - -[667] The following is Kingsborough’s account of the Mexican baptism: -“The midwife took the infant in her arms naked, and carried it into -the court of the mother’s house, in which court were strewed reeds or -rushes, which they call Tule, upon which was placed a small vessel of -water, in which the said midwife bathed the said infant; and after she -had bathed it, three boys being seated near the said rushes, eating -roasted maize mixed with boiled beans, which kind of food they named -Yxcue, which provision or paste they set before the said boys, in order -that they might eat it. After the said bathing or washing, the said -midwife desired the said boys to pronounce the name aloud, bestowing a -new name on the infant which had been thus bathed; and the name which -they gave it was that which the midwife wished.”—_Mex. Antiq._, vol. -vi, p. 45. - -[668] _Mex. Antiq._, vol. vi, p. 248. - -[669] _Ibid._, vol. viii, p. 69. - -[670] _Ibid._, vol. vi, pp. 163 _et seq._ - -[671] _Ibid._, vol. vi, p. 167. - -[672] _Ibid._, vol. viii, p. 248. - -[673] _Mex. Antiq._, vol. vi, p. 125; _Codex Telleriano-Remensis_, pl. -xix; _Mex. Antiq._, vol. vii, pp. 240–1, and Duran, MS., part ii, cap. -20; see further, _Mex. Antiq._, vol. vi, pp. 135–218. - -[674] _Mex. Antiq._, vol. vi, pp. 121–2. He cites several authors to -prove this sweeping statement, and is not content with finding it among -the Indians, but is provoked by his zeal to discover the practice of -the same rite among the Hottentots. See _Ibid._, vol. vi, pp. 272, -333–5; vol. viii, pp. 143, 391, 20. On page 393, vol vi, he makes this -remarkable statement: “From an examination of some of the Mexican -paintings, it would appear that circumcision among the Indians was -not confined to the human species.” Also vol. viii, p. 155: “The head -of the Totonac high-priest, was anointed by the blood of circumcised -children.” - -[675] _Mex. Antiq._, vol. vi, p. 273; vol. viii, pp. 157, 236, 160. - -[676] _Ibid._, vol. vi, p. 504. - -[677] _Ibid._, vol. vi, p. 361. - -[678] _Ibid._, vol. vi, p. 257. - -[679] _Ibid._, vol. vi, p. 222. - -[680] _Ibid._, vol. vi, p. 142. - -[681] _Ibid._, vol. viii, p. 258. - -[682] _Ibid._, vol. vi, pp. 301, 312; vol. viii, pp. 23–58. - -[683] _Ibid._, vol. viii, p. 27. - -[684] _Ibid._, vol. viii, p. 32. - -[685] _Ibid._, vol. viii, pp. 26–7. - -[686] _Ibid._, vol. vi, p. 190. - -[687] _Ibid._, vol. vi, pp. 207–8. - -[688] _Ibid._, vol. vi, p. 261. - -[689] _Mex. Antiq._, vol. vi, pp. 207–8. He thinks the gospel must have -been preached at an early day in Yucatan, and in proof cites from the -sixth chapter of the Fourth Book of Cogolludo’s History the following: -“A certain ecclesiastic wrote to a priest commissioned by Las Casas, -that he met a principle-lord, who, on being questioned respecting -the ancient religion which they professed, told him that they knew -and believed in the God who was in Heaven, and that this God was the -Father, Son and Holy Ghost, and that the Father was named Yzona, who -had created man; and that the Son was called Bacab, who was born of a -virgin of the name of Chiribirias, and that the mother of Chiribirias -was named Yxchel; and that the Holy Ghost was named Echvah. Of Bacab, -the Son, they said he was put to death and scourged and crowned with -thorns and placed with his arms extended upon a beam of wood, to which -they did not suppose that he had been nailed, but that he was tied, -where he died and remained dead during three days, and on the third day -came to life and ascended into heaven, where he is with his Father; and -that immediately afterwards Echvah, who is the Holy Ghost, came and -filled the earth with whatsoever it stood in need of.” - -[690] Mr. Bancroft in his fifth vol., pp. 84–89, has collated a great -number of Lord Kingsborough’s analogies. Our limited space forbids -further treatment. - -[691] Bancroft, _Native Races_, vol. v, p. 41; Humboldt’s _Vues_, tom. -i, p. 236. - -[692] Bancroft, _Native Races_, vol. v, p. 41; Humboldt, _Vues_, p. -256; Tschudi, _Peruvian Antiq._, p. 211. - -[693] _Vues_, p. 230 (ed. 1810). - -[694] Viollet-le-Duc in Charnay’s _Ruins_, pp. 41–2. Paris, 1863. - -[695] _Vues_, p. 148 (ed. 1810). - -[696] _Mœurs des Sauvages_, pp. 108–455. - -[697] Brasseur in _Introduction_ to Landa’s _Relacion_, pp. lxx–i. - -[698] Landa’s _Relacion_, _Introduc._, pp. lxxi _et seq._ - -[699] Brasseur de Bourbourg in Landa, pp. lxvi–ix. - -[700] We have not thought it necessary to treat the mythology or -religious systems of the Mayas and Nahuas in any formal manner, but -only incidentally to call attention to some salient features, cropping -out in connection with the subject in hand. The religions of the -ancient Americans have been so often and so admirably treated, that -anything relating to them in this connection would be superfluous. See -especially Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. iii; Müller’s _Geschichte -der Amerikanischen Urreligionen_; Squier’s _Serpent Symbol in America_; -Brinton’s _Myths of the New World_, and _Ibid._, _Religious Sentiments -in the New World_. - -[701] _Families of Speech_, pp. 134–6. London, 1873. 12mo. - -[702] Spanish, in Kingsborough’s _Mex. Antiq._, vol. viii, pp. 110–15. - -[703] English translation in Prescott’s _Mexico_, vol. iii, and -Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. ii, pp. 494–97. - -[704] _Families of Speech_, pp. 125–26. - -[705] The same author refers to the classification of languages adopted -by Prof. Steinthal in his _Charakteristik der hauptsächlichsten -Typen des Sprachbaues_. Languages are divided into _cultivated_ and -_uncultivated_, and each again are subdivided into _isolating_ and -_inflectional_. The American languages are classed as uncultivated and -inflectional by incorporation.—(_Families of Speech_, p. 127.) - -[706] See Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. iii, pp. 559, 670–2. See on -the latter page especially a vocabulary of resemblances. - -[707] We refer the reader who is interested in the aboriginal languages -of the North-west to the _Contributions to North American Ethnology_, -published by the Department of the Interior, under the direction of -Major J. W. Powell, Washington, 1877. 3 vols. 4to. - -[708] Garcia y Cubas, _The Republic of Mexico in 1876_. A political and -ethnographical division of the population, etc., translated by Geo. -F. Henderson, p. 66. Mexico, 1876. Most of the above names are cited -by Mr. Bancroft, _Native Races_, vol. iii, p. 760; by Orozco y Berra, -_Geografía_, pp. 18–25 _et passim_, and by Pimentel, _Lenguas Indígenas -de Mex._, vol. ii, p. 5 _et seq._ - -[709] _Leng. Indig. de Mex._, vol. ii, p. 3. - -[710] _Geografía de las Lenguas de Mex._, pp. 129. - -[711] See Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. iii, p. 760, and the literary -apparatus appended. - -[712] Orozco y Berra, _Geografía_, pp. 22, 128. - -[713] Communication of Dr. Le Plongeon to the Hon. John W. Foster, -minister of the United States at Mexico, dated Island of Cozumel, May -1, 1877, in Salisbury’s _Dr. Le Plongeon in Yucatan_, p. 83. - -[714] Dr. Le Plongeon, communication to Stephen Salisbury, Jr., Esq., -dated Island of Cozumel, June 15, 1877. He remarks: “Notwithstanding -a few guttural sounds, the Maya is soft, pliant, rich in diction and -expression, even every shade of thought may be expressed.” “Strange to -say the language remained unaltered. Even to-day, in many places in -Yucatan the descendants of the Spanish conquerors have forgotten the -native tongue of their sires, and only speak Maya, the idiom of the -vanquished.”—_Communication above cited in Salisbury’s Le Plongeon in -Yucatan_, pp. 95 _et seq._ - -[715] The following is Señor Melgar’s comparative list with the Spanish -translated into English. - - _Hebrew._ _English._ _Chiapenec._ - - Ben, Son, Been. - Bath, Daughter, Batz. - Abbá, Father, Abagh. - Chimah, Star in Zodiac? the creator of rain, Chimax. - Maloc, King, Molo. - Abah, Name applied to Adam, Abagh. - Chanan, Afflicted, Chanam. - Elab, God, Elab. - Tischiri, September, Tsiquin. - Chi, More, Chic. - Chabic, Rich, Chabin. - Enos, Son of Seth, Enot. - Votan, To give, Votan. - Lambotus, River of Arica, Lambat. - -He adds: “Todas estas coincidencias hacer suponer que en épocas muy -remotas existeron communicaciones entre el viejo y el nuevo mundo.” He -then refers to Plato’s _Atlantis_.—_Melgar in Sociedad Mex. de Geog. -Boletin_, iii, _Época_, p. 108. - -[716] Brasseur’s letter to M. Rafn in _Nouvelles Annales des Voy._, 6th -series, vol. xvi, p. 263. He thinks the Scandinavians may have reached -those remote parts at an early day. On pp. 281–9 he gives a list of -words chosen from the Quiché, Cakchiquel and Zutohil, showing analogies -with languages of Northern Europe, especially with the Scandinavian. -Also see the same author in the _Nouv. Ann. des Voy._, 6th series, vol. -iii, 1855, pp. 156–7. The Abbé in a letter to the _New York Tribune_, -November 21st, 1855, in referring to the early inhabitants of Vera -Paz, says: “_They came from the east_—not from the south-east, _but -from the north-east_. I speak only of the tribes of Quiché-Cakchiquel -and Zutohil. They came from the north-east, certainly passed through -the United States, and as they say themselves, _they crossed the sea -in darkness, mist, cold and snow_. I suppose they must have come from -Denmark and Norway. They came in small numbers, and lost their white -blood by their mixture with the Indians whom they found—whether in the -United States or in these regions, certainly there must have been a -Tula in our northern European countries. But what is more convincing of -this migration or passage, I find the same result by a comparison of -the languages. I cannot speak of the structure of them, but by what I -have observed is that the fundamental forms and words of the languages -of these regions (except the Mexican) are intimately connected with the -Maya or Tzendal, and that all the words that are neither Mexican nor -Maya belong to our languages of Northern Europe, viz.: English, Saxon, -Danish, Norwegian, Swedish, Flemish and German, some even appear to -belong to the French or Persian.” - -[717] Dr. Farrar, referring to the Basque, says: “What is certain -about it is, that its structure is polysynthetic, like the language of -America. Like them, and them only, it habitually forms its compounds by -the elimination of certain radicals in the simple words; so that, _e. -g._, _ilhun_, twilight, is contracted from _hill_, dead, and _egun_, -day; and _belhaun_, the knee, from _belhar_, front, and _oin_, leg. -It was this fact that made Larramendi give to his treatise on Basque -grammar the title of ‘The Impossible Overcome.’ The most daring of all -the hypotheses which have been suggested points to the conceivable -existence of some great Atlantis; to the possibility of the ‘Basque -area being the remains of a vast system, of which Madeira and the -Azores are fragments belonging to the Miocene period.’ Be this as -it may, the fact is indisputable and is eminently noteworthy that, -while the affinities of the Basque roots have never been conclusively -elucidated, there has never been any doubt that this isolated language, -preserving its identity in a western corner of Europe between two -mighty kingdoms, resembles in its grammatical structure the aboriginal -languages of the vast opposite continent, and those alone.”—_Families -of Speech_, pp. 132–3. Also see Alfred Maury in Nott and Gliddon’s -_Indigenous Races of the Earth_, p. 48. - -[718] See Maury in Nott and Gliddon’s _Indig. Races_, pp. 81–84. - -[719] Salisbury’s _Le Plongeon in Yucatan_, p. 96. - -[720] See on the Maya, Ruz, _Gram. Yucateca_; Pimentel, _Quadro Leng. -Indig._, tom. ii, pp. 5 _et seq._, whose grammar we have followed -above. Also vol. ii, pp. 119, 221; vol. i, p. 229, for idioms; Gallatin -in _Am. Ethnol. Soc. Transact._, vol. i, pp. 252 et seq.; Vater, -_Mithridates_. tom. iii, pt. iii, pp. 4–24; Brasseur de Bourbourg, -_Grammaire_ in Landa’s _Relacion_, pp. 459 _et seq._, also _Maya and -French Vocabulary_; Bancroft, _Native Races_, vol. iii, pp. 759–82, -quotes prayer as above. Further see literature cited in Ludewig’s -_Literature of American Aboriginal Languages_, ed. of Trübner. London, -1858, pp. 102–3. - -[721] Full accounts of the grammatical structure of the languages of -this family may be found in Pimentel’s _Quadro_, tom. i, pp. 35–78, -321–60; Orozco y Berra’s _Geografía_, pp. 25 _et seq._; Bancroft’s -_Native Races_, vol. iii, pp. 748–58. - -[722] Ixtlilxochitl, _Hist. Chic._ in Kingsborough’s _Mex. Antiq._, -vol. ix, p. 217, and cited by Bancroft, _Native Races_, vol. iii, p. -724. - -[723] _Native Races_, vol. iii, pp. 724–5; Pimentel, _Quadro Leng. -Indig. de Mex._, tom. i, pp. 154–8, and our discussion in this work, -chapter vi. p. 255. - -[724] _Native Races_, vol. iii, pp. 726–7. The same author refers -to the _Natural History_ of Dr. Hernandez, written in the Aztec, as -proof of its copiousness. “Twelve hundred different species of Mexican -plants, two hundred or more species of birds, and a large number of -quadrupeds, reptiles, insects and metals, each of which is given its -proper name in the Mexican language.” (Quoted by Pimentel, _Quadro._, -vol. i, p. 168.) - -[725] See Prescott’s _Conq. of Mex._, vol. i, p. 174 (ed. of 1875). -“Tezcuco,” says Boturini, “where the noblemen sent their sons to -acquire the most polished dialect of the Nahuatlac language, and to -study poetry, moral philosophy, the heathen theology, astronomy, -medicine and history.” (_Idea_, p. 142, cited by Prescott.) - -[726] _Geografía de las Lenguas_, p. 9. - -[727] Pimentel, _Quadro, Lenguas Indig._, p. 165, also copied by -Bancroft, _Native Races_, vol. iii, p. 731. From Pimentel we draw our -extract of Aztec Grammar. - -[728] _Quadro, Leng. Indig._, tom. i, p. 183. - -[729] It will be observed in some portions of this abstract, I have -used almost the same words as are employed by Mr. Bancroft. This is -owing to the fact that both he and I have translated certain passages -literally from Señor Pimentel, from whose work I have drawn this -account throughout. See _Quadro, Lenguas Indig. de Mex._, tom. i, pp. -164–216; Gallatin in _Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Trans._, vol. i, pp. 214–246; -Vater, _Mithridates_, vol. iii, pt. iii, pp. 85–106, and Bancroft’s -_Native Races_, vol. iii, pp. 721–37. - -[730] _Native Races_, vol. iii, p. 726. - -[731] _Mithridates_, tom. iii, pt. iii, pp. 75 _et seq._ - -[732] Bancroft, _Native Races_, vol. iii, pp. 663–70, our authority -for the facts stated on p. 486. See his sketch of the theory and the -reaction under Buschmann. - -[733] _Die Lautveränderung Aztekischer Wörter in der Sonorischen -Sprachen._ Berlin, 1855, 4to, and _Die Spuren der Aztekischen -Sprachen_. Berlin, 1850, 4to. - -[734] Bancroft, _Native Races_, vol. iii, p. 669. - -[735] Bancroft, _Native Races_, vol. iii, pp. 667–8; William von -Humboldt in Buschmann, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._ pp. 48–50; Orozco y -Berra, _Geografia_, p. 39. - -[736] Buschmann, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, p. 172; Orozco y Berra, -_Geografia_, pp. 321–5; Bancroft, _Native Races_, vol. iii, p. 714. - -[737] _Geografia_, pp. 58, 147–8. - -[738] “As regards this Aztec element, I do not mean to say that these -languages are related to the Aztec language in the same sense that -other languages are spoken of as being related to each other, for -this might lead those who are searching for the former habitation or -fatherland of the Aztecs, to suppose that it has been found. This -element consists simply in a number of words identical or reasonably -approximate to the like Aztec words, and in the similarity, perhaps, -of a few grammatical rules. How this Aztec word-material crept into -the languages of the Shoshones, whether by inter-communication, or -Aztec colonization, we do not know. Nor do I wish to be understood as -attempting to sustain the popular theory of an Aztec migration from the -North; on the contrary, the evidences of language are all on the other -side.”—_Bancroft’s Native Races_, vol. iii, pp. 660–1. - -[739] Buschmann, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, p. 290; Bancroft, _Native -Races_, vol. iii, pp. 673–4. - -[740] _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, pp. 349–51, 391, 648–52 _et seq._; -Bancroft, _Native Races_, vol. iii, pp. 661–79, comparative table -compiled from Buschmann, Turner, Molina, Ortega, and others, on p. 678. - -[741] Buschmann, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, p. 629, and Bancroft, -_Native Races_, vol. iii, pp. 630–1. - -[742] “The Chinook language is spoken by all the nations from the -mouth of the Columbia to the Falls. It is hard and difficult to -pronounce for strangers, being full of gutturals like the Gaelic. The -combinations _thl_ or _tl_ are as frequent in the Chinook as in the -Mexican.”—Franchère, _Narrative of a Voy. to N. W. Coast of N. Am._, -p. 262. Swan, speaking of the Chinook, says: “The peculiar clucking -sound is produced by pressing the tongue against the roof of the mouth, -and pronouncing the word ending with _tl_ as if it were the letter _k_ -at the end of the _tl_; but it is impossible in any form or method of -spelling that I know of, to convey the proper guttural clucking sound. -Sometimes they will, as if for amusement, end all their words in _tl_; -and the effect is ludicrous to hear three or four talking at the same -time with this singular sound, like so many sitting-hens.”—_North West -Coast_, p. 315. - -[743] Buschmann, _Spuren der Aztek. Spr._, pp. 628–9; Bancroft, _Native -Races_, vol. iii, p. 619. - -[744] Gibbs’ _Alphabetical Vocab. of Clallam and Lummi Lang._, p. 6; -Gallatin, in _Trans. Am. Eth. Soc._, vol. i, p. 54. - -[745] Buschmann, _Die Völker und Sprachen Neu-Mexico’s_, p. 370, calls -attention to the great resemblance of - - _Aztec._ _Nutka._ - - tepuztli = copper = chipuz - tetl = stone = tenetschök - -and adds that _Esquiates_ the name of a society is entirely Mexican. We -append the result of his investigations: - - “Von ähnlicher Art, gleich den Spanisch gemodelten Gestalten - Mexicanischer Wörter, sind viele Nutka-Wörter der Spanischen - Sammlung: nur mit dem Unterschiede, dass sie auf keinen - vorhandenen mexicanischen Wörtern beruhen (da zufällig diese - Buchstaben-combinationem in der Azt. Sprache nicht vorkommen, aber - ihren Wesen nach recht gut vorkommen könnten). Solche Wörter sind: - _iztocoti_ = Muschel (dazu Eigenname _iztocoti_ No. 923); _majati_ - = jagd (caza), _mamati_ = Hof, _muztati_ = Regenbogen: _cucustlati_ - = Nasenloch, _natlaycazte_ = Rippen; _otniquit_ = Jungfrau; - _mamatle_ = Schiff; _oumatle_ = Leib; _aguequetle_ = Hunger; - _capitzitle_ = Dieb; _tahechitle_ = larga: _temextixitle_ = Kuss; - _cuachitle_ = reisen; _cuchitle_ = pincher; _meyali_ = Schmerz. - Es giebt noch eine höhere Gattung von Nutka-Wörtern (der Span. - Reise), welche (besonders durch die Aechtheit ihrer Endung von der - vorigen verschieden) ganz und gar wie mexicanische Wörter aussehen, - und (so weit sie substantiva sind) mexicanische sein würden, wenn - es der Sprache beliebt hätte diese bestimmten Lautgestalten zu - bilden: _inapatl_ = Rücken; _tlexatl_ = Matte; _tzahuacatl_ = - 9; _chamiehtl_ = Iris; _naguatzitl_ = Zwerg; _naschitl_ = Tag; - _jacamitl_ = viereckig; _huatzacchitl_ = Husten; _nectzitl_ = - trinken; _pugxitl_ = heben; _cocotl_ = Seeotter; _amanutl_ = - espinilla; _apactzutl_ = Bart; _ictlatzutl_ = Mund; _iniyutl_ = - Kehle; _jayutl_ = Fluth; _tlatlacastzeme_ = Blätter (wie ein Mex. - Plural in _me_); _coyactzac_ = Fuchsbalg. Noch mehr Wörter finden - sich, wenn man für die Mex. Sprache unnatürliche und zu harte - Consonanten—Verbindungen übersieht. Diese letzte höhere Gattung - vorzüglich, doch auch die erstere meint Alexander von Humboldt in - der obigen Stelle (S. 363). So gawinnt die Nutka-Sprache durch eine - reiche Zahl von Wörtern und durch grosse Züge ihres Lautwesens, - einzig von allen anderen fremden, die ich habe aufdecken können, - in einem bedeutenden Theile eine täuschende Aehnlichkeit mit - der Aztekischen oder Mexicanischen; und so wird die ihr schon - früher gewidmete Aufmerksamkeit vollständig gerechtfertigt. Ihrer - Mexicanischen Erscheinrung fehlt aber, wie ich von meiner Seite - hier ausspreche jede Wirklichkeit.”—_Ibid._, p. 371. - -[746] _Compte-Rendu Seconde Ses. Cong. Internat, des Américanistes_, -Luxembourg, vol. i, pp. 51–2. - -[747] Bancroft’s _Native Races_, vol. iii, p. 727. Acosta, _Hist. Nat. -Ind._, p. 600. Sahagun, _Hist. Gen._, tom. iii, lib. ix, cap. 9. - -[748] “To show how languages spring up and grow, Vancouver, when -visiting the coast in 1792, found in various places along the shores of -Oregon, Washington and Vancouver’s Island, nations that now and then -understood words and sentences of the Nootka and other tongues, some of -which had been adopted into their own language. When Lewis and Clarke, -in 1806, reached the coast, the jargon [Chinook] seems to have already -assumed a fixed shape, as may be seen from the sentences quoted by the -explorers.”—_Bancroft’s Native Races_, vol. iii, p. 632. - -[749] I append a partial list from Señor Najera’s _Disertacion sobre -la lengua_ _Othomi_, Mexico, 1845, fol., pp. 87–8. I have rendered the -Spanish list into English. - - +----------+----------+-------------++----------+---------+------------+ - |_Chinese._|_Othomi._ | _English._ ||_Chinese._|_Othomi._| _English._ | - +----------+----------+-------------++----------+---------+------------+ - | Cho. | To. | The, that. || Pa. | Da. | To give. | - | Y. | N-y. | A wound. || Tsun. | Nsu. | Honor. | - | Ten. | Gu, Mu. | Head. || Hu. | Hmu. | Sir, Lord. | - | Siao. | Sui. | Night. || Na. | Na. | That. | - | Tien. | Tsi. | Tooth. || Hu. | He. | Cold. | - | Ye. | Yo. | Shining. || Ye. | He. | And. | - | Ky. | Hy (ji). | Happiness. || Hos. | Hia. | Word. | - | Ku. | Du. | Death. || Nugo. | Nga. | I. | - | Po. | Yo. | No. || Ni. | Nuy. | Thou. | - | Na. | Ta. | Man. || Hao. | Nho. | The good. | - | Nin. | Nsu. | Female. || Ta. | Da. | The great. | - | Tseu. | Tsi, Ti. | Son. || Li. | Ti. | Gain. | - | Tso. | Tsa. | To perfect. || Ho. | To. | Who. | - | uan. | Khuani. | True. || Pa. | Pa. | To leave. | - | Siao. | Sa. | To mock. || Mu, Mo. | Me. | Mother. | - +----------+----------+-------------++----------+---------+------------+ - -[750] Warden, in _Antiquités Mexicaines_, tom. ii, div. ii, pp. 125 _et -seq._ The same author has furnished many linguistic analogies, though -without following any scientific classification. Ampère, _Promenade -en Amérique_, vol. ii, p. 301, furnishes a list of Chinese and Otomi -resemblances. - -[751] Orozco y Berra, _Geografía_, p. 17. Pimentel, _Leng. Indig. -de Mex._, tom. i, p. 118. Bancroft, vol. iii, p. 737. Vater, -_Mithridates_, tom. iii, pt. iii, p. 113. Malte-Brun (V. S.), in -_Congrès des Américanistes, Luxembourg, Seconds Ses._, tom. ii, pp. -16–18. - -[752] “In 1857, a gentleman named Henley, a good Chinese scholar, who -acted as an interpreter of this state for some time, published a list -of words in the Chinese and Indian languages to show that they were of -the same origin. From this we make an extract supporting our remarks: - - _Indian._ _Chinese._ _English._ | _Indian._ _Chinese._ _English._ - | - Nang-a, Nang, Man. | A-pa, A-pa, Father. - Yi-soo, Soa, Hand. | A-ma, A-ma, Mother. - Keoka, Keok, Foot. | Ko-le, A-ko, Brother. - Aek-a-soo, Soo, Beard. | Ko-chae, To-chae, Thanks. - Yuet-a, Yuet, Moon. | Nagam, Yam, Drunk. - Yeeta, Yat, Sun. | Koolae, Ku-kay, Her. - Utyta, Hoto, Much. | Koo-chue, Chue-koo, Hog. - Lee-lum, Ee-lung, Deafness. | Chookoo, Kow-chi, Dog.” - Ho-ya-pa, Ho-ah, Good. | - -We have no means at hand of testing the following statement from -the same author: “The Chinese, who have become so numerous in -California since the discovery of gold, bear a striking resemblance -to the Indians, and are known to be able to converse with them in -their respective languages to an extent that cannot be the result of -mere coincidence of expression.”—_Cronaise, The Natural Wealth of -California_, p. 31. Probably a mistake. - -[753] “Unhesitatingly as I make this assertion—an assertion for which I -have numerous tabulated vocabularies as proof—I am by no means prepared -to say that one-tenth part of the necessary work has been done for -the parts in question; indeed, it is my impression that it is easier -to connect America with the Kuirle Isles and Japan, etc., than it is -to make Japan and the Kuirle Isles, etc., Asiatic.”—_Latham, Man and -His Migrations_, pp. 195–6. Barton, _New Views_, is certain that the -languages of America originated in Asia; see pp. lxxxviii–xcii. On p. -28 of Appendix he furnishes a comparative list of Japanese and Indian -words. - -[754] Vergleichung der Amerikanischen Sprachen mit den Ural-Altaïschen -hinsichtlich ihrer Grammatik. (_Congrès des Américanistes_, Luxembourg, -1877, tom. ii, p. 56 _et seq._) Also see E. L. O. Roehrig “On the -Language of the Dakota or Sioux Indians,” _Smithsonian Report_, 1872. - -[755] Prof. Valentini’s communication to the author. - -[756] Brasseur, in Landa’s _Relacion_, p. xxi, and _Popol Vuh_, chap. -iii. Brasseur, in _Quatre Lettres_, p. 24, speaking of the _Codex -Chimalpopoca_, says: “Oui, Monsieur, si ce livre est en apparence -l’histoire des Toltèques et ensuite des rois des Colhuacan et de -Mexico, il présente, en réalité, le récit du cataclysme qui bouleversa -le monde, il y a quelques six on sept mille ans, et constitua le -continents dans leur état actuel,” pp. 40–41. He expresses his belief -that the _Cod. Chim._ has a double meaning, and that many names -and symbols possessed by the natives refer to the cataclysm which -occurred six or seven thousand years ago. “C’est le récit de ces -bouleversements, c’est l’histoire du cataclysme, dont tous les peuples -ont gardé la mémoire, que racontent tous mes documents.” - -[757] The following are the legends, according to Brasseur de -Bourbourg: “According to the tradition of the Sacred Book (_Popol -Vuh_), water and fire contributed to the universal ruin, at the time of -the last cataclysm which preceded the fourth creation. ‘Then,’ says the -author, ‘the waters were agitated by the will of the Heart of Heaven, -and a great inundation came upon the heads of these creatures. * * * -They were engulfed, and a resinous thickness descended from heaven. -* * * The face of the earth was obscured and a heavy darkening rain -commenced, rain by day and rain by night. * * * There was heard a -great noise above their heads as if produced by fire. Then were men -seen running, pushing each other, filled with despair; they wished -to climb upon their houses, and the houses tumbling down fell to the -ground; they wished to climb upon the trees, and the trees shook them -off; they wished to enter into the grottoes, and the grottoes closed -themselves before them.’ In the _Codex Chimalpopoca_, the author, -speaking of the destruction which took place by fire, says: ‘The third -sun is called _Quia-Tonatiuh_, sun of rain, because there fell a rain -of fire; all which existed burned, and there fell a rain of gravel.’ -They also narrate that whilst the sandstone which we now see scattered -about, and the _tetzontli_ (amygdaloide poreuse) boiled with great -tumult, there also rose the rocks of vermillion color. Now this was in -the year _Ce Tecpactl_, One Flint, it was the day _Nahui-Quiahuitl_, -Fourth Rain. Now, in this day, in which men were lost and destroyed in -a rain of fire, they were transformed into goslings; the sun itself -was on fire, and everything, together with the houses, was consumed.” -Brasseur recounts a Haytian legend concerning the origin of the sea and -isles: “There was, they say, a powerful man called Iaia, who, having -murdered his only son, wished to bury him; but not knowing where to -put him, enclosed him in a calabash, which he placed afterwards at the -foot of a high mountain, situated a little distance from the place -where he lived; on account of his affection for his son he often went -to the spot. One day, having opened it (the calabash), there came out -whales and other very large fishes, of which Iaia, full of fear, having -returned home, told his neighbors what had happened, saying that this -calabash was filled with water and innumerable fishes. This news being -spread abroad, four twin brothers, desiring to obtain fish, went to -the place where the calabash was. Just as they had taken it in their -hand to open it, Iaia came, and they seeing him, threw the calabash on -the ground, in their fear of him. This (the calabash) having burst, -on account of the great weight which was enclosed in it, the waters -gushed forth, and the interminable plain, which stretched farther than -the eye could reach, was flooded and covered with water. The mountains -alone, because of their great height, were not submerged in this great -inundation. So they believed that these mountains were the islands and -the other divisions of the earth which we see in the world.”—_Brasseur -de Bourbourg_, in _Landa’s Relacion_, pp. xxi–iv. - -[758] “With regard to the primitive dolichocephalæ of America, I -entertain an hypothesis still more bold, perhaps, namely, that they -are nearly related to the Guanches in the Canary Islands and to the -Atlantic populations of Africa, the Moors, Tauricks, Copts, etc., -which Latham comprises under the name of Egyptian-Atlantidæ. * * * We -find, then, one and the same form of skull in the Canary Islands, in -front of the African coast, and in the Carib-Islands, on the opposite -coast which faces Africa. * * * The color of the skin on both sides -of the Atlantic is represented in these populations as being of a -reddish-brown. * * * These facts involuntarily recall the tradition -which Plato tells us in his _Timæus_ was communicated to Solan by an -Egyptian priest respecting the ancient Atlantis. * * * This tradition -deserves attention in connection with facts which seem to point in the -same direction.”—_Retzius, in Smithsonian Report_ for 1859, p. 266. - -[759] Salisbury, _Dr. Le Plongeon in Yucatan_, pp. 57–61. - -[760] Unger, _Die Versunkene Insel Atlantis_, cited by Lyell, -_Antiquity of Man_, p. 440. - -[761] Published in Winterthal, 1854–58, 3 bde. Also by the name author, -see _Urwelt der Schweiz_, Zurich, 1865, and _Ergänzungsblätter_, bd. ii -(Hildburgh), 1867. See Meyer’s _Konversations-Lexicon_, 3. _Aufl._, bd. -viii, p. 693; bd. ii, p. 125, where the above are cited. Dr. Otto Ule, -_Die Erde_, bd. i, p. 27, concurs with the above; work published in -Leipzig, 1874, 2 vols. large 8vo. - -[762] See Lyell, _Antiquity of Man_, p. 440, and Oliver, _Lecture at -the Royal Institution_, March 7, 1862, cited by Lyell. - -[763] Sir C. Wyville Thomson, _The Atlantic_ (voyage of the -_Challenger_), vol. i, pp. 190, 208, 213; vol. ii, 23, 232. New York, -1878. Also see _Scientific American_ for July 28th, 1877. - -[764] _Depths of the Sea_, by Dr. Carpenter, F.R.S., J. G. Jeffreys, -F.R.S., and Dr. Wyville Thomson, F.R.S., London, 1873. - -[765] _The Atlantic, Exploring Voyage of H. M. S. Challenger_, vol. ii, -pp. 248–9. - -[766] _The Atlantic_, vol. ii, p. 23. - -[767] _Scientific American_, July 28, 1877. - -[768] _The Atlantic_, vol. ii, p. 254. - -[769] _Ibid._, vol. ii, p. 288. - -[770] _Popular Science Review_, July 1878, cited by _Scientific -American_ of August 24, 1878, vol. xxxix, p. 114. - -[771] Le Conte, _Elements of Geology_, New York, 1878, p. 131. - -[772] Le Conte, _Geology_, p. 129. - -[773] _Ibid._, pp. 127–32. Dr. Otto Ule, _Die Erde_, bd. i, ss. 496–502. - -[774] See Plato’s _Critias and Timæas_. Also Aristotle, _De Mundo_, -cap. iii, and _Prince Henry the Navigator_, chap, vii, by Major, Lond., -1868. - -[775] See Reclus, _The Ocean_, pp. 70–82. New York, ed. 1878. - -[776] Irving’s _Columbus_, vol. i, chap, iii; vol. ii, p. 308. Reclus, -_Ocean_, pp. 223, 229. - -[777] Irving’s _Columbus_, vol. ii, p. 279. Lafiteau, _Conquestes des -Portugais_, lib. ii, cited by Irving. - -[778] See Martius, _Beitrage_, etc., p. 180, for the origin-tradition -of the Tupis or Brazilians, where it is narrated that two brothers with -their families landed at a remote period on Cape Frio. The brothers -Tupi and Guarani gave their names to the two great South American -families. - -[779] Brasseur in Landa’s _Relacion_, pp. lii–lxv; Eckstein, _Les Cares -or Cariens de l’Antiquité_, 2d part, vi, dans la _Revue Archéologique, -XVᵉ année_; Brugsch, _Die Geogr. der Nachbarlaender Egyptens_, pp. -84–88, cited by Brasseur. “En ces vieux jours du monde, dit encore -M. d’Eckstein, où Ibères et Libyens, Lahabim et Phoutim s’enlacaient -plus ou moins à travers l’Europe occidentale, et poussaient jusqu’au -sein de l’Irlande et de la Grande Bretagne, les monuments de -Mizraïm semblent révéler des rapports maritimes de ces Libyens et -probablement de ces Ibères avec les Cares et avec les autres races -anté-pélasgiques des côtes de la Grèce et de l’Italie, ainsi que des -iles de l’Archipel.”—_Brasseur de Bourbourg in Landa’s Relacion_, pp. -lvii–lviii. - -[780] _Manual of Geology_, second ed., p. 583. - -[781] Le Conte, _Elements of Geology_, pp. 145–149. - -[782] Baldwin’s _Ancient America_, Appendix C, pp. 288–293. - -[783] _Man and His Migrations_, pp. 129–30. - -[784] Kennon in Leland’s _Fusang_, p. 68. - -[785] “From the result of the most accurate scientific observation, it -is evident that the voyage from China to America can be made without -being out of sight of land more than a few hours at a time. To a -landsman, unfamiliar with long voyages, the mere idea of being ‘alone -on the wide, wide sea’ with nothing but water visible, even for an -hour, conveys a strange sense of desolation, of daring and adventure. -But in truth it is regarded as a mere trifle, not only by regular -seafaring men, but even by the rudest races in all parts of the world; -and I have no doubt that from the remotest ages, and on all shores, -fishermen in open boats, canoes, or even coracles, guided simply by the -stars and currents, have not hesitated to go far out of sight of land. -At the present day, natives of the South Pacific islands undertake, -without a compass, and successfully, long voyages which astonish even a -regular Jack-tar, who is not often astonished at anything.”—_Kennon in -Leland’s Fusang_, pp. 71–2. - -[786] See Bancroft, _Native Races_, vol. v, pp. 51–54, where the paper -of the Japanese Consul, Mr. Brooks, read before the Californian Academy -of Sciences in March, 1875, is cited, detailing forty-one instances in -which Japanese junks were cast upon our coast since 1782. Mr. Brooks -states that he has a record of over one hundred similar disasters. -Whymper, in his _Alaska_ (N. Y. 1869), p. 250, refers to other Japanese -wrecks, and especially to one which, after drifting ten months, reached -the Sandwich Islands. The Hawaiians, on seeing the crew, said, “It is -plain now, we came from Asia.” See also M. de Roquefeuil, _Journal d’un -Voyage autour du Monde, pendant les annes, 1816–1819_; _Smith’s Human -Species_, p. 238. - -[787] _Physical Geography_, p. 41, cited by Lyell, _Antiquity of Man_, -p. 367. - -[788] _Antiquity of Man_, p. 367. - -[789] “There is as much reason to believe that America was peopled from -Asia, as that the primitive races of Europe and Africa should derive -their origin from an Eastern source.”—_Macfie, Vancouver Island and -British Columbia._ London, 1865. - -[790] “The weather is, it is true, cold at Behring’s Straits, even -in summer, but not one-fourth as cold as at Matsumai, Japan, in -winter.”—_Col. Kennon in Leland’s Fusang_, p. 74. - -[791] Frederick von Hellwald in _Smithsonian Report_, 1866, p. 345. -“Open skin canoes, capable of containing twenty or more persons with -their effects, and hoisting several masts and sails, are now frequently -observed among the seacoast Tehuktchis, and the inhabitants of northern -Alaska.”—_Whymper, Alaska_, p. 246–7. - -[792] He continues his statement that the Gulf Stream of the Pacific -is the warming agent, and adds the argument that “the present -inhabitants of the countries contiguous to Behring’s Straits on the -two sides, in manners, customs, and physical appearance are almost -identical.”—_Smithsonian Report_, 1866, p. 345. - -[793] Gallatin, p. 156. Bancroft, in assuming the certainty of a -migration by Behring’s Straits, says “it seems absurd to argue the -question from any point,” vol. v, p. 54. Venegas, _Noticia de la -California_, Madrid, 1757, vol. i, p. 71, and London ed., 1759, p. 61, -says the Californians at that date had clear traditions of having come -from the north. Fontaine, _How the World was Peopled_, (N. Y. 1872), -pp. 147–9, thinks that the march of Genghis with 1,400,000 Tartars -caused the flight of his enemies in large numbers across the Aleutian -archipelago and Behring’s Straits. Warden, _Recherches_, pp. 118–36, -makes an argument for a migration through Behring’s Straits from -Tartary and China. - -[794] Gallatin, in _Amer. Ethnol. Soc. Trans._, vol. i, p. 158, says: -“That America was first peopled by Asiatic tribes is highly probable; -but after the lapse of several thousand years, the memory of that -ancient migration was lost.” He inquires as to what we knew of Gaul or -Britain before the Roman invasion. Mr. W. H. Dall, in his thoughtful -Memoir on the _Origin of the Innuit_, says: “I see no reason for -disputing the hypothesis that America was peopled from Asia originally, -and that there were successive waves of emigration. The northern route -was clearly by way of Behring Strait; at least, it was not to the south -of that, and especially it was not by way of the Aleutian Islands.”—_In -Contributions to North American Ethnology_, vol. i, p. 95. Washington, -1877. 4to. - -[795] Aug. R. Grote, _The Peopling of America_, in _American -Naturalist_, April 1877. - -[796] Croll, _Climate and Time_, New York, 1875, 12mo. Prof. McFarland -in _Am. Jour. of Sci. and Arts_, June 1876, p. 456. Newcomb on Croll’s -_Theory_ in same journal for April 1876, p. 263. - -[797] Whymper, _Alaska_, pp. 246, 247, discusses the volcanic nature -of the Aleutian Islands, mentioning the fact that “There are records -of very severe shocks of earthquake felt by the Russian traders and -nations dwelling on them.” - -[798] Sir Charles Lyell, _Antiquity of Man_, pp. 273 _et seq._, has -shown that Great Britain was separated from the continent by subsidence -and glacial action, thus producing the English Channel which, we have -already seen, corresponds singularly with Behring’s Straits in width -and depth, and formerly, no doubt, both corresponded more nearly in -climatic conditions. It is not unreasonable to suppose that both -passages were produced by the same agencies. - -[799] Presidential Address to the Am. Association for Adv. of Sci., -1872, and published in his _Darwiniana_, pp. 203 _et seq._ - -[800] John H. Becker, _The Migration of the Nahuas, Congrès des -Américanistes_, Luxembourg, ses., tom. i. p. 349. Altogether the most -enlightened treatment of the subject yet published. - -[801] Becker in _Ibid._, pp. 348–9. The same author cites from the -_Trans. of Am. Geog. Soc._, 1874, the following interesting statement -made by Gen. Milnor: “Nowhere else on the continent can similar -great valleys such as the Missouri and Columbia be found, meeting -advantageously at a common point on the main dividing backbone -which separates the continental waters flowing east and west to -the two oceans. The heads of these main valleys are here only from -three to four thousand feet above the sea, while the great treeless -plains—further south—are elevated more than six thousand feet.” - -[802] The expedition which the German government and the Berlin -Geographical Society is about to send to the North Pacific under the -intelligent direction of my friend Dr. Van der Horck, will no doubt -contribute largely to our information concerning the ethnographical -relationship of America to Asia. - -[803] Second Report on the Implements found in the Glacial Drift of New -Jersey, by C. C. Abbott in _Eleventh Annual Report of Peabody Museum_, -pp. 225–57. Cambridge, 1878. - -[804] Mr. Becker remarks: “Why should the Aztec priesthood and -nobility, a class bred and educated in the understanding of traditional -lore and an elaborate system of picture-writing, be considered as a -set of metaphysical lunatics who did not know or did not mean what -they said.”—_Migration of the Nahuas_ in _Cong. des Américanistes_, -Luxembourg, 1877, tom. i, p. 342. - -[805] _Vide_ _Journal of the Cincinnati Society of Natural History_, -Vol. I, No. 3, October, 1878. - -[806] _Vide_ _Archæological Explorations in Tennessee_, by F. W. -Putnam. _Eleventh Annual Report of the Peabody Museum of American -Archæology and Ethnology_, Cambridge, Mass., 1878. - -[807] Letter to the author, dated Davenport, Iowa, May 24, 1879. - -[808] _Bulletin of U. S. Geological and Geographical Survey of the -Territories_, vol. ii., No. i., p. 6. - -[809] _Contributions to North American Ethnology_, vol. iv.—U. S. -Geographical and Geological Survey of the Rocky Mountain Region, J. W. -Powell in charge. Washington, 1881: especially chap. ix. - -[810] In addition to the work by Mr. Morgan above cited, the student -of Mound-builder and Pueblo archæology should not fail to consult -vol. vii. of the _Report upon U. S. Geographical Surveys west of the -one hundredth meridian, in charge of Lieutenant Wheeler_, Washington, -1879. The volume bears the above date, but did not appear until near -the close of 1881. The editing of this valuable work was committed to -the discriminating care of Professor F. W. Putnam, who was assisted by -an able corps of specialists, among others Dr. C. C. Abbott and Albert -S. Gatschet. The Second Part is devoted to papers on the Pueblos. The -magnificent fund of materials here presented, accompanied by full-page -heliotypes of ruins and implements, vastly enlarges our knowledge of -that interesting people. Still another work, of more than ordinary -importance to ethnological and archæological students, is Dr. Charles -Rau’s _Observations on Cup-shaped and other Lapidarian Sculptures in -the Old World and in America_, Contributions to Ethnology, vol. v. -Washington, 1881. Last, but not least, is Professor Otis T. Mason’s -_Account of recent Progress in Anthropology_, in Smithsonian Report for -1880. - - - Transcriber’s Notes: - - - Text enclosed by underscores is in italics (_italics_). - - Blank pages have been removed. - - Obvious typographical errors have been silently corrected. - - Wide tables have been split. - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE NORTH AMERICANS OF -ANTIQUITY *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. 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