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diff --git a/.gitattributes b/.gitattributes new file mode 100644 index 0000000..d7b82bc --- /dev/null +++ b/.gitattributes @@ -0,0 +1,4 @@ +*.txt text eol=lf +*.htm text eol=lf +*.html text eol=lf +*.md text eol=lf diff --git a/LICENSE.txt b/LICENSE.txt new file mode 100644 index 0000000..6312041 --- /dev/null +++ b/LICENSE.txt @@ -0,0 +1,11 @@ +This eBook, including all associated images, markup, improvements, +metadata, and any other content or labor, has been confirmed to be +in the PUBLIC DOMAIN IN THE UNITED STATES. + +Procedures for determining public domain status are described in +the "Copyright How-To" at https://www.gutenberg.org. + +No investigation has been made concerning possible copyrights in +jurisdictions other than the United States. Anyone seeking to utilize +this eBook outside of the United States should confirm copyright +status under the laws that apply to them. diff --git a/README.md b/README.md new file mode 100644 index 0000000..af71432 --- /dev/null +++ b/README.md @@ -0,0 +1,2 @@ +Project Gutenberg (https://www.gutenberg.org) public repository for +eBook #66960 (https://www.gutenberg.org/ebooks/66960) diff --git a/old/66960-0.txt b/old/66960-0.txt deleted file mode 100644 index 1087593..0000000 --- a/old/66960-0.txt +++ /dev/null @@ -1,20096 +0,0 @@ -The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Preaching of Islam, by T. W. Arnold - -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at -www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the United States, you -will have to check the laws of the country where you are located before -using this eBook. - -Title: The Preaching of Islam - A History of the Propagation of the Muslim Faith - -Author: T. W. Arnold - -Release Date: December 17, 2021 [eBook #66960] - -Language: English - -Character set encoding: UTF-8 - -Produced by: Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed Proofreading - Team at https://www.pgdp.net/ for Project Gutenberg. - -*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PREACHING OF ISLAM *** - - - - THE - PREACHING OF ISLAM - - A History of the Propagation of the Muslim Faith - - - BY - T. W. ARNOLD M.A. C.I.E. - PROFESSOR OF ARABIC, UNIVERSITY OF LONDON, UNIVERSITY COLLEGE - - - NEW YORK - CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS - 1913 - - - - - - - - - TO - SIR THEODORE MORISON, K.C.I.E. - TO WHOM THE FIRST EDITION OWES ITS EXISTENCE - THIS SECOND EDITION IS DEDICATED - IN TOKEN OF LONG FRIENDSHIP - - - - - - - - -PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION - - -It is with considerable diffidence that I publish these pages; the -subject with which they deal is so vast, and I have had to prosecute it -under circumstances so disadvantageous, that I can hope but for small -measure of success. When I may be better equipped for the task, and -after further study has enabled me to fill up the gaps [1] left in the -present work, I hope to make it a more worthy contribution to this -neglected department of Muhammadan history; and to this end I shall be -deeply grateful for the criticisms and corrections of any scholars who -may deign to notice the book. To such I would say in the words of St. -Augustine: “Qui hæc legens dicit, intelligo quidem quid dictum sit, sed -non vere dictum est; asserat ut placet sententiam suam, et redarguat -meam, si potest. Quod si cum caritate et veritate fecerit, mihique -etiam (si in hac vita maneo) cognoscendum facere curaverit, uberrimum -fructum laboris huius mei cepero.” [2] - -As I can neither claim to be an authority nor a specialist on any of -the periods of history dealt with in this book, and as many of the -events referred to therein have become matter for controversy, I have -given full references to the sources consulted; and here I have thought -it better to err on the side of excess rather than that of defect. I -have myself suffered so much inconvenience and wasted so much time in -hunting up references to books indicated in some obscure or -unintelligible manner, that I would desire to spare others a similar -annoyance; and while to the general reader I may appear guilty of -pedantry, I may perchance save trouble to some scholar who wishes to -test the accuracy of a statement or pursue any part of the subject -further. - -The scheme adopted in this book for the transliteration of Arabic words -is that laid down by the Transliteration Committee of the Tenth -International Congress of Orientalists, held at Geneva in 1894, with -the exception that the last letter of the article is assimilated to the -so-called solar letters. In the case of geographical names this scheme -has not been so rigidly applied—in many instances because I could not -discover the original Arabic form of the word, in others (e.g. Mecca, -Medina), because usage has almost created for them a prescriptive -title. - -Though this work is confessedly, as explained in the Introduction, a -record of missionary efforts and not a history of persecutions, [3] I -have endeavoured to be strictly impartial and to conform to the ideal -laid down by the Christian historian [4] who chronicled the successes -of the Ottomans and the fall of Constantinople: οὔτε πρὸς χάριν οὔτε -πρὸς φθόνον, ἀλλ’ οὐδὲ πρὸς μῖσος ἢ καὶ πρὸς εὔνοιαν συγγράφειν χρεών -ἐστι τὸν συγγράφοντα, ἀλλ’ ἱστορίας μόνον καὶ τοῦ μή λήθης βυθῷ -παραδοθῆναι, ἣν ὁ χρόνος οἶδε γεννᾶν, τὴν ἱστορίαν. - -I desire to thank Her Excellency the Princess Barberini; His Excellency -the Prince Chigi; the Most Rev. Dr. Paul Goethals, Archbishop of -Calcutta; the Right Rev. Fr. Francis Pesci, Bishop of Allahabad; the -Rev. S. S. Allnutt, of the Cambridge Mission, Dehli; the Trustees of -Dr. Williams’s Library, Gordon Square, London, for the liberal use they -have allowed me of their respective libraries. - -I am under an especial debt of gratitude to James Kennedy, Esq., late -of the Bengal Civil Service, who has never ceased to take a kindly -interest in my book, though it has almost exemplified the Horatian -precept, Nonum prematur in annum; to his profound scholarship and wide -reading I have been indebted for much information that would otherwise -have remained unknown to me, nor do I owe less to the stimulus of his -enthusiastic love of learning and his helpful sympathy. I am also under -a debt of gratitude to the kindness of Conte Ugo Balzani, but for whose -assistance certain parts of my work would have been impossible to me. -To the late Professor Robertson Smith I am indebted for valuable -suggestions as to the lines of study on which the history of the North -African Church and the condition of the Christians under Muslim rule, -should be worked out; the profound regret which all Semitic scholars -feel at his loss is to me intensified by the thought that this is the -only acknowledgment I am able to make of his generous help and -encouragement. - -I desire also to acknowledge my obligations to Sir Sayyid Aḥmad Khān -Bahādur, K.C.S.I., LL.D.; to my learned friend and colleague, Shamsu-l -ʻUlamāʼ Mawlawī Muḥammad Shiblī Nuʻmānī, who has assisted me most -generously out of the abundance of his knowledge of early Muhammadan -history; and to my former pupil, Mawlawī Bahādur ʻAlī, M.A. - -Lastly, and above all, must I thank my dear wife, but for whom this -work would never have emerged out of a chaos of incoherent materials, -and whose sympathy and approval are the best reward of my labours. - - - Aligarh, 1896. - - - - - - - - -PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION - - -The first edition of this book having been out of print for several -years and frequent inquiries having been made for copies, this new -edition has been prepared and an effort has been made to revise the -work in the light of the fresh materials that have accumulated during -the last sixteen years; but I can make no claim to have made myself -acquainted with the whole of the vast literature on the subject, in -upwards of ten different languages, which has been published during -this interval. The growing interest in Islam and the various branches -of study connected with it, may be estimated from the fact that since -1906 five periodicals have made their appearance devoted to -investigations cognate to the subject-matter of the present work, viz. -Revue du Monde Musulman, publiée par La Mission Scientifique du Maroc -(Paris, 1906– ); Der Islam, Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Kultur des -islamischen Orients (Strassburg, 1910– ); The Moslem World, a quarterly -review of current events, literature, and thought among Mohammedans, -and the progress of Christian Missions in Moslem lands (London, 1911– -); Mir Islama (St. Petersburg, 1912– ); and Die Welt des Islams, -Zeitschrift der deutschen Gesellschaft für Islamkunde (Berlin, 1913– ). -The Christian missionary societies are also now devoting increased -attention to the subject of Muslim missionary activity and accordingly -it takes up a proportionately larger place in their publications than -before. - -This second edition would have been completed several years ago but for -the illiberal policy which closes the Reading Room of the British -Museum at 7 o’clock and has thus made it practically inaccessible to me -except on Saturdays. [5] I therefore desire to express my grateful -thanks to those friends who have facilitated my labours by the loan of -books from the Libraries of the University of Leiden and the University -of Utrecht (through the kind offices of Professor Wensinck), and the -École des Langues Orientales Vivantes, Paris;—to Mr. J. A. Oldham, -editor of The International Review of Missions, I am indebted for the -loan of volumes of the Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift, a set of which -I have been unable to find in London; my thanks are specially due to -Dr. F. W. Thomas, who has allowed me to study for lengthy periods -(along with other books from the India Office Library) the monumental -Annali dell’ Islam by Leone Caetani, Principe di Teano,—a work of -inestimable value for the early history of Islam, but unfortunately -placed out of the reach of the average scholar by reason of its great -cost. - -I am also much indebted for several valuable indications to those -scholars who reviewed the book when it first appeared,—above all, to -Professor Goldziher, whose sympathetic interest in this work has -encouraged me to continue it. - - - London, 1913. - - - - - - - - -CONTENTS - - -CHAPTER I. - -INTRODUCTION. PAGE - - A missionary religion defined. Islam a missionary religion; its - extent. The Qurʼān enjoins preaching and persuasion, and forbids - violence and force in the conversion of unbelievers. The present - work a history of missions, not of persecutions 1 - - -CHAPTER II. - -STUDY OF THE LIFE OF MUḤAMMAD CONSIDERED AS A PREACHER OF ISLAM. - - Muḥammad the type of the Muslim missionary. Account of his early - efforts at propagating Islam, and of the conversions made in Mecca - before the Hijrah. Persecution of the converts, and migration to - Medina. Condition of the Muslims in Medina: beginning of the - national life of Islam. Islam offered (a) to the Arabs, (b) to the - whole world. Islam declared in the Qurʼān to be a universal - religion,—as being the primitive faith delivered to Abraham. - Muḥammad as the founder of a political organisation. The spread of - Islam and the efforts made to convert the Arabs after the Hijrah. - The ideals of Islam and those of Pre-Islamic Arabia contrasted 11 - - -CHAPTER III. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS OF WESTERN ASIA. - - The Arab conquests and expansion of the Arab race after the death - of Muḥammad. Conversion of Christian Bedouins. Causes of the early - successes of the Muslims. Toleration extended to those who remained - Christian.—The settled population of the towns: failure of - Heraclius’s attempt to reconcile the contending Christian sects. - The Arab conquest of Syria and Palestine: their toleration: the - Ordinance of ʻUmar: jizyah paid in return for protection and in - lieu of military service. Condition of the Christians under Muslim - rule: they occupy high posts, build new churches: revival in the - Nestorian Church. Causes of their conversion to Islam: revolt - against Byzantine ecclesiasticism: influence of rationalistic - thought: imposing character of Muslim civilisation. Persecutions - suffered by the Christians. Proselytising efforts. Details of - conversion to Islam.—Account of conversions from among the - Crusaders.—The Armenian and Georgian Churches 45 - - -CHAPTER IV. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS OF AFRICA. - - Egypt: conquered by the Arabs, who are welcomed by the Copts as - their deliverers from Byzantine rule. Condition of the Copts under - the Muslims. Corruption and negligence of the clergy lead to - conversions to Islam.—Nubia: relations with Muhammadan powers: - gradual decay of the Christian faith.—Abyssinia: the Arabs on the - sea-board: missionary efforts in the fourteenth century: invasion - of Aḥmad Grāñ: conversions to Islam: progress of Islam in recent - years.—Northern Africa: extent of Christianity in North Africa in - the seventh century: the Christians are said to have been forcibly - converted: reasons for thinking that this statement is not true: - toleration enjoyed by the Christians: gradual disappearance of the - Christian Church 102 - - -CHAPTER V. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIANS OF SPAIN. - - Christianity in Spain before the Muslim conquest: miserable - condition of the Jews and the slaves. Early converts to Islam. - Corruption of the clergy. Toleration of the Arabs, and influence of - their civilisation on the Christians, who study Arabic and adopt - Arab dress and manners. Causes of conversion to Islam. The - voluntary martyrs of Cordova. Extent of the conversions 131 - - -CHAPTER VI. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS IN EUROPE UNDER THE -TURKS. - - Relations of the Turks to their Christian subjects during the first - two centuries of their rule: toleration extended to the Greek - Church by Muḥammad II: the benefits of Ottoman rule: its - disadvantages, the tribute-children, the capitation-tax, tyranny of - individuals. Forced conversion rare. Proselytising efforts made by - the Turks. Circumstances that favoured the spread of Islam: - degraded condition of the Greek Church: failure of the attempt to - Protestantise the Greek Church: oppression of the Greek clergy: - moral superiority of the Ottomans: imposing character of their - conquests. Conversion of Christian slaves.—Islam in Albania, - conquest of the country, independent character of its people, - gradual decay of the Christian faith, and its causes;—in Servia, - alliance of the Servians with the Turks, conversions mainly from - among the nobles except in Old Servia;—in Montenegro;—in Bosnia, - the Bogomiles, points of similarity between the Bogomilian heresy - and the Muslim creed, conversion to Islam;—in Crete, conversion in - the ninth century, oppression of the Venetian rule, conquered by - the Turks, conversions to Islam 145 - - -CHAPTER VII. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN PERSIA AND CENTRAL ASIA. - - Religious condition of Persia at the time of the Arab conquest. - Islam welcomed by many sections of the population. Points of - similarity between the older faiths and Islam. Toleration. - Conversions to Islam. The Ismāʻīlians and their missionary system. - Islam in Central Asia and Afghanistān 206 - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE MONGOLS AND TATARS. - - Account of the Mongol conquests. Buddhism, Christianity and Islam - in rivalry for the allegiance of the Mongols. Their original - religion, Shamanism, described. Spread of Buddhism, of - Christianity, and of Islam respectively among the Mongols. - Difficulties that stood in the way of Islam. Cruel treatment of the - Muslims by some Mongol rulers. Early converts to Islam. Baraka - Khān, the first Mongol prince converted. Conversion of the Īlkhāns. - Conversion of the Chaghatāy Mongols. History of Islam under the - Golden Horde: Ūzbek Khān: failure of attempts to convert the - Russians. Spread of Islam in modern times in the Russian Empire. - The conversion of the Tatars of Siberia 218 - - -CHAPTER IX. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN INDIA. - - Distribution of the Muhammadan population. Part taken by the - Muhammadan rulers in the propagation of Islam: conversion of - Rajputs and others.—The work of the Muslim missionaries in India; - traditions of early missionary efforts in South India, forced - conversions under Ḥaydar ʻAlī and Tīpū Sulṭān, the Mappillas:—in - the Maldive Islands:—in the Deccan, early Arab settlements, labours - of individual missionaries:—in Sind, the rule of the Arabs, their - toleration, account of individual missionaries, conversion of the - Khojahs and Bohras:—in Bengal, the Muhammadan rule in this - province, extensive conversions of the lower castes, religious - revival in recent times.—Particular account of the labours of - Muslim missionaries in other parts of India. Propagationist - movements of modern times. Circumstances facilitating the progress - of Islam: the oppressiveness of the Hindu caste system, worship of - Muslim saints, etc.—Spread of Islam in Kashmīr and Tibet 254 - - -CHAPTER X. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN CHINA. - - Early notices of Islam in China. Intercourse of the Chinese with - the Arabs. Legendary account of the first introduction of Islam - into China. Muslims under the Tʼang dynasty: influence of the - Mongol conquest; Islam under the Ming dynasty. Relations of the - Chinese Muslims to the Chinese Government. Their efforts to spread - their religion 294 - - -CHAPTER XI. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN AFRICA. - - The Arabs in Northern Africa: conversion of the Berbers: the - mission of ʻAbd Allāh b. Yāsīn. Introduction of Islam into the - Sudan: rise of Muhammadan kingdoms: account of missionary - movements, Danfodio, ʻUthmān al-Amīr Ghanī, the Qādiriyyah, the - Tijāniyyah, and the Sanūsiyyah. Spread of Islam on the West Coast: - Ashanti: Dahomey. Spread of Islam on the East Coast: early Muslim - settlements: recent expansion in German East Africa: the Galla: the - Somali. Islam in Cape Coast Colony. Account of the Muslim - missionaries in Africa and their methods of winning converts 312 - - -CHAPTER XII. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN THE MALAY ARCHIPELAGO. - - Early intercourse between the Malay Archipelago and Arabia and - India. Methods of missionary work. History of Islam in Sumatra; in - the Malay Peninsula; in Java; in the Moluccas; in Borneo; in - Celebes; in the Philippine and the Sulu Islands; among the Papuans. - The Muslim missionaries: traders: ḥājīs 363 - - -CHAPTER XIII. - -CONCLUSION. - - Absence of missionary organisation in Islam: zeal on the part of - individuals. Who are the Muslim missionaries? Causes that have - contributed to their success: the simplicity of the Muslim creed: - the rationalism and ritualism of Islam. Islam not spread by the - sword. The toleration of Muhammadan governments. Circumstances - contributing to the progress of Islam in ancient and in modern - times 408 - - -APPENDIX I. - -Letter of al-Hāshimī inviting al-Kindī to embrace Islam 428 - - -APPENDIX II. - -Controversial literature between Muslims and the followers of -other faiths 436 - - -APPENDIX III. - -Muslim missionary societies 438 - - -Titles of Works cited by Abbreviated References 440 - - - - - - - - -THE PREACHING OF ISLAM - - -CHAPTER I. - -INTRODUCTION. - - -Ever since Professor Max Müller delivered his lecture in Westminster -Abbey, on the day of intercession for missions, in December, 1873, it -has been a literary commonplace, that the six great religions of the -world may be divided into missionary and non-missionary; under the -latter head fall Judaism, Brahmanism and Zoroastrianism, and under the -former Buddhism, Christianity and Islam; and he well defined what the -term,—a missionary religion,—should be taken to mean, viz. one “in -which the spreading of the truth and the conversion of unbelievers are -raised to the rank of a sacred duty by the founder or his immediate -successors.... It is the spirit of truth in the hearts of believers -which cannot rest, unless it manifests itself in thought, word and -deed, which is not satisfied till it has carried its message to every -human soul, till what it believes to be the truth is accepted as the -truth by all members of the human family.” [6] - -It is such a zeal for the truth of their religion that has inspired the -Muhammadans to carry with them the message of Islam to the people of -every land into which they penetrate, and that justly claims for their -religion a place among those we term missionary. It is the history of -the birth of this missionary zeal, its inspiring forces and the modes -of its activity that forms the subject of the following pages. The 200 -millions of Muhammadans scattered over the world at the present day are -evidences of its workings through the length of thirteen centuries. - -The doctrines of this faith were first proclaimed to the people of -Arabia in the seventh century, by a prophet under whose banner their -scattered tribes became a nation; and filled with the pulsations of -this new national life, and with a fervour and enthusiasm that imparted -an almost invincible strength to their armies, they poured forth over -three continents to conquer and subdue. Syria, Palestine, Egypt, North -Africa and Persia were the first to fall before them, and pressing -westward to Spain and eastward beyond the Indus, the followers of the -Prophet found themselves, one hundred years after his death, masters of -an empire greater than that of Rome at the zenith of its power. - -Although in after years this great empire was split up and the -political power of Islam diminished, still its spiritual conquests went -on uninterruptedly. When the Mongol hordes sacked Baghdād (A.D. 1258) -and drowned in blood the faded glory of the ʻAbbāsid dynasty,—when the -Muslims were expelled from Cordova by Ferdinand of Leon and Castile -(A.D. 1236), and Granada, the last stronghold of Islam in Spain, paid -tribute to the Christian king,—Islam had just gained a footing in the -island of Sumatra and was just about to commence its triumphant -progress through the islands of the Malay Archipelago. In the hours of -its political degradation, Islam has achieved some of its most -brilliant spiritual conquests: on two great historical occasions, -infidel barbarians have set their feet on the necks of the followers of -the Prophet,—the Saljūq Turks in the eleventh and the Mongols in the -thirteenth century,—and in each case the conquerors have accepted the -religion of the conquered. Unaided also by the temporal power, Muslim -missionaries have carried their faith into Central Africa, China and -the East India Islands. - -At the present day the faith of Islam extends from Morocco to Zanzibar, -from Sierra Leone to Siberia and China, from Bosnia to New Guinea. -Outside the limits of strictly Muhammadan countries and of lands, such -as China and Russia, that contain a large Muhammadan population, there -are some few small communities of the followers of the Prophet, which -bear witness to the faith of Islam in the midst of unbelievers. Such -are the Polish-speaking Muslims of Tatar origin in Lithuania, that -inhabit the districts of Kovno, Vilno and Grodno; [7] the -Dutch-speaking Muslims of Cape Colony; and the Indian coolies that have -carried the faith of Islam with them to the West India Islands and to -British and Dutch Guiana. In recent years, too, Islam has found -adherents in England, in North America, Australia and Japan. - -The spread of this faith over so vast a portion of the globe is due to -various causes, social, political and religious: but among these, one -of the most powerful factors at work in the production of this -stupendous result, has been the unremitted labours of Muslim -missionaries, who, with the Prophet himself as their great ensample, -have spent themselves for the conversion of unbelievers. - -The duty of missionary work is no after-thought in the history of -Islam, but was enjoined on believers from the beginning, as may be -judged from the following passages in the Qurʼān,—which are here quoted -in chronological order according to the date of their being delivered. - - - “Summon thou to the way of thy Lord with wisdom and with kindly - warning: dispute with them in the kindest manner. (xvi. 126.) - - “They who have inherited the Book after them (i.e. the Jews and - Christians), are in perplexity of doubt concerning it. - - “For this cause summon thou (them to the faith), and walk uprightly - therein as thou hast been bidden, and follow not their desires: and - say: In whatsoever Books God hath sent down do I believe: I am - commanded to decide justly between you: God is your Lord and our - Lord: we have our works and you have your works: between us and you - let there be no strife: God will make us all one: and to Him shall - we return.” (xlii. 13–14.) - - -Similar injunctions are found also in the Medinite Sūrahs, delivered at -a time when Muḥammad was at the head of a large army and at the height -of his power. - - - “Say to those who have been given the Book and to the ignorant, Do - you accept Islam? Then, if they accept Islam, are they guided - aright: but if they turn away, then thy duty is only preaching; and - God’s eye is on His servants, (iii. 19.) - - “Thus God clearly showeth you His signs that perchance ye may be - guided; - - “And that there may be from among you a people who invite to the - Good, and enjoin the Just, and forbid the Wrong; and these are they - with whom it shall be well. (iii. 99–100.) - - “To every people have We appointed observances which they observe. - Therefore let them not dispute the matter with thee, but summon - them to thy Lord: Verily thou art guided aright: - - “But if they debate with thee, then say: God best knoweth what ye - do!” (xxii. 66–67.) - - -The following passages are taken from what is generally supposed to be -the last Sūrah that was delivered. - - - “If any one of those who join gods with God ask an asylum of thee, - grant him an asylum in order that he may hear the word of God; then - let him reach his place of safety.” (ix. 6.) - - -With regard to the unbelievers who had broken their plighted word, who -“sell the signs of God for a mean price and turn others aside from His -way,” and “respect not with a believer either ties of blood or good -faith,” ... it is said:— - - - “Yet if they turn to God and observe prayer and give alms, then are - they your brothers in the faith: and We make clear the signs for - men of knowledge.” (ix. 11.) - - -Thus from its very inception Islam has been a missionary religion, both -in theory and in practice, for the life of Muḥammad exemplifies the -same teaching, and the Prophet himself stands at the head of a long -series of Muslim missionaries who have won an entrance for their faith -into the hearts of unbelievers. Moreover it is not in the cruelties of -the persecutor or the fury of the fanatic that we should look for the -evidences of the missionary spirit of Islam, any more than in the -exploits of that mythical personage, the Muslim warrior with sword in -one hand and Qurʼān in the other, [8]—but in the quiet, unobtrusive -labours of the preacher and the trader who have carried their faith -into every quarter of the globe. Such peaceful methods of preaching and -persuasion were not adopted, as some would have us believe, only when -political circumstances made force and violence impossible or -impolitic, but were most strictly enjoined in numerous passages of the -Qurʼān, as follows:— - - - “And endure what they say with patience, and depart from them with - a decorous departure. - - “And let Me alone with the gainsayers, rich in the pleasures (of - this life); and bear thou with them yet a little while. (lxxiii. - 10–11.) - - “(My) sole (work) is preaching from God and His message. (lxxii. - 24.) - - “Tell those who have believed to pardon those who hope not for the - days of God in which He purposeth to recompense men according to - their deserts. (xlv. 13.) - - “They who had joined other gods with God say, ‘Had He pleased, - neither we nor our forefathers had worshipped aught but Him; nor - had we, apart from Him, declared anything unlawful.’ Thus acted - they who were before them. Yet is the duty of the apostles other - than plain-spoken preaching? (xvi. 37.) - - “Then if they turn their backs, still thy office is only - plain-spoken preaching. (xvi. 84.) - - “Dispute ye not, unless in kindliest sort, with the people of the - Book; save with such of them as have dealt wrongfully (with you): - and say ye, ‘We believe in what has been sent down to us and hath - been sent down to you. Our God and your God is one, and to Him are - we self-surrendered.’ (xxix. 45.) - - “But if they turn aside from thee, yet We have not sent thee to be - guardian over them. ’Tis thine but to preach. (xlii. 47.) - - “But if thy Lord had pleased, verily all who are in the world would - have believed together. Wilt thou then compel men to become - believers? (x. 99.) - - “And we have not sent thee otherwise than to mankind at large, to - announce and to warn.” (xxxiv. 27.) - - -Such precepts are not confined to the Meccan Sūrahs, but are found in -abundance also in those delivered at Medina, as follows:— - - - “Let there be no compulsion in religion. (ii. 257.) - “Obey God and obey the apostle; but if ye turn away, yet is our - apostle only charged with plain-spoken preaching. (lxiv. 12.) - - “Obey God and obey the apostle: but if ye turn back, still the - burden of his duty is on him only, and the burden of your duty - rests on you. And if ye obey him, ye shall have guidance: but plain - preaching is all that devolves upon the apostle. (xxiv. 53.) - - “Say: O men! I am only your plain-spoken (open) warner. (xxii. 48.) - - “Verily We have sent thee to be a witness and a herald of good and - a warner, - - “That ye may believe on God and on His apostle; and may assist Him - and honour Him, and praise Him morning and evening. (xlviii. 8–9.) - - “Thou wilt not cease to discover the treacherous ones among them, - except a few of them. But forgive them and pass it over. Verily, - God loveth those who act generously.” (v. 16.) - - -It is the object of the following pages to show how this ideal was -realised in history and how these principles of missionary activity -were put into practice by the exponents of Islam. And at the outset the -reader should clearly understand that this work is not intended to be a -history of Muhammadan persecutions but of Muhammadan missions—it does -not aim at chronicling the instances of forced conversions which may be -found scattered up and down the pages of Muhammadan histories. European -writers have taken such care to accentuate these, that there is no fear -of their being forgotten, and they do not strictly come within the -province of a history of missions. In a history of Christian missions -we should naturally expect to hear more of the labours of St. Liudger -and St. Willehad among the pagan Saxons than of the baptisms that -Charlemagne forced them to undergo at the point of the sword. [9] The -true missionaries of Denmark were St. Ansgar and his successors rather -than King Cnut, who forcibly rooted out paganism from his dominions. -[10] Abbot Gottfried and Bishop Christian, though less successful in -converting the pagan Prussians, were more truly representative of -Christian missionary work than the Brethren of the Sword and other -Crusaders who brought their labours to completion by means of fire and -sword. The knights of the “Ordo fratrum militiæ Christi” forced -Christianity on the people of Livonia, but it is not to these militant -propagandists but to the monks Meinhard and Theodoric that we should -point as being the true missionaries of the Christian faith in this -country. The violent means sometimes employed by the Jesuit -missionaries [11] cannot derogate from the honour due to St. Francis -Xavier and other preachers of the same order. Nor is Valentyn any the -less the apostle of Amboyna because in 1699 an order was promulgated to -the Rajas of this island that they should have ready a certain number -of pagans to be baptised, when the pastor came on his rounds. [12] - -In the history of the Christian church missionary activity is seen to -be intermittent, and an age of apostolic fervour may be succeeded by a -period of apathy and indifference, or persecution and forced conversion -may take the place of the preaching of the Word; so likewise does the -propaganda of Islam in various epochs of Muhammadan history ebb and -flow. But since the zeal of proselytising is a distinct feature of -either faith, its missionary history may fittingly be singled out as a -separate branch of study, not as excluding other manifestations of the -religious life but as concentrating attention on an aspect of it that -has special characteristics of its own. Thus the annals of propaganda -and persecution may be studied apart from one another, whether in the -history of the Christian or the Muslim church, though in both they may -be at times commingled. For just as the Christian faith has not always -been propagated by the methods adopted in Viken (the southern part of -Norway) by King Olaf Trygvesson, who either slew those who refused to -accept Christianity, or cut off their hands or feet, or drove them into -banishment, and in this manner spread the Christian faith throughout -the whole of Viken, [13]—and just as the advice of St. Louis has not -been made a principle of Christian missionary work,—“When a layman -hears the Christian law ill spoken of, he should not defend that law -save with his sword, which he should thrust into the infidel’s belly, -as far as it will go,” [14]—so there have been Muslim missionaries who -have not been guided in their propagandist methods by the savage -utterance of Marwān, the last of the ʻUmayyad caliphs: “Whosoever among -the people of Egypt does not enter into my religion and pray as I pray -and follow my tenets, I will slay and crucify him.” [15] Nor are -al-Mutawakkil, al-Ḥākim and Tīpū Sulṭān to be looked upon as typical -missionaries of Islam to the exclusion of such preachers as Mawlānā -Ibrāhīm, the apostle of Java, Khwājah Muʻīn al-Dīn Chishtī in India and -countless others who won converts to the Muslim faith by peaceful means -alone. - -But though a clear distinction can be drawn between conversion as the -result of persecution and a peaceful propaganda by means of methods of -persuasion, it is not so easy to ascertain the motives that have -induced the convert to change his faith, or to discover whether the -missionary has been wholly animated by a love of souls and by the high -ideal set forth in the first paragraph of this chapter. Both in -Christianity and Islam there have been at all times earnest souls to -whom their religion has been the supreme reality of their lives, and -this absorbing interest in matters of the spirit has found expression -in that zeal for the communication of cherished truths and for the -domination of doctrines and systems they have deemed perfect, which -constitutes the vivifying force of missionary movements,—and there have -likewise been those without the pale, who have responded to their -appeal and have embraced the new faith with a like fervour. But, on the -other hand, Islam—like Christianity—has reckoned among its adherents -many persons to whom ecclesiastical institutions have been merely -instruments of a political policy or forms of social organisation, to -be accepted either as disagreeable necessities or as convenient -solutions of problems that they do not care to think out for -themselves; such persons may likewise be found among the converts of -either faith. Thus both Christianity and Islam have added to the number -of their followers by methods and under conditions—social, political -and economic—which have no connection with such a thirst for souls as -animates the true missionary. Moreover, the annals of missionary -enterprise frequently record the admission of converts without any -attempt to analyse the motives that have led them to change their -faith, and especially for the history of Muslim missions there is a -remarkable poverty of material in this respect, since Muslim literature -is singularly poor in those records of conversions that occupy such a -large place in the literature of the Christian church. Accordingly, in -the following sketch of the missionary activity of Islam, it has not -always been possible to discover whether political, social, economic or -purely religious motives have determined conversion, though occasional -reference can be made to the operation of one or the other influence. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER II. - -STUDY OF THE LIFE OF MUḤAMMAD CONSIDERED AS A PREACHER OF ISLAM. - - -It is not proposed in this chapter to add another to the already -numerous biographies of Muḥammad, but rather to make a study of his -life in one of its aspects only, viz. that in which the Prophet is -presented to us as a preacher, as the apostle unto men of a new -religion. The life of the founder of Islam and the inaugurator of its -propaganda may naturally be expected to exhibit to us the true -character of the missionary activity of this religion. If the life of -the Prophet serves as the standard of conduct for the ordinary -believer, it must do the same for the Muslim missionary. From the -pattern, therefore, we may hope to learn something of the spirit that -would animate those who sought to copy it, and of the methods they -might be expected to adopt. For the missionary spirit of Islam is no -after-thought in its history; it interpenetrates the religion from its -very commencement, and in the following sketch it is desired to show -how this is so, how Muḥammad the Prophet is the type of the missionary -of Islam. It is therefore beside the purpose to describe his early -history, or the influences under which he grew up to manhood, or to -consider him in the light either of a statesman or a general: it is as -the preacher alone that he will demand our attention. - -When, after long internal conflict and disquietude, Muḥammad was at -length convinced of his divine mission, his earliest efforts were -directed towards persuading his own family of the truth of the new -doctrine. The unity of God, the abomination of idolatry, the duty laid -upon man of submission to the will of his Creator,—these were the -simple truths to which he claimed their allegiance. The first convert -was his faithful and loving wife, Khadījah,—she who fifteen years -before had offered her hand in marriage to the poor kinsman that had so -successfully traded with her merchandise as a hired agent,—with the -words, “I love thee, my cousin, for thy kinship with me, for the -respect with which thy people regard thee, for thy honesty, for the -beauty of thy character and for the truthfulness of thy speech.” [16] -She had lifted him out of poverty, and enabled him to live up to the -social position to which he was entitled by right of birth; but this -was as nothing to the fidelity and loving devotion with which she -shared his mental anxieties, and helped him with tenderest sympathy and -encouragement in the hour of his despondency. - -Up to her death in A.D. 619 (after a wedded life of five and twenty -years) she was always ready with sympathy, consolation and -encouragement whenever he suffered from the persecution of his enemies -or was tortured by doubts and misgivings. “So Khadījah believed,” says -the biographer of the Prophet, “and attested the truth of that which -came to him from God and aided him in his undertaking. Thus was the -Lord minded to lighten the burden of His Prophet; for whenever he heard -anything that grieved him touching his rejection by the people, he -would return to her and God would comfort him through her, for she -reassured him and lightened his burden and declared her trust in him -and made it easy for him to bear the scorn of men.” [17] - -Among the earliest believers were his adopted children Zayd and ʻAlī, -and his bosom friend Abū Bakr, of whom Muḥammad would often say in -after years, “I never invited any to the faith who displayed not -hesitation, perplexity and vacillation—excepting only Abū Bakr; who -when I told him of Islam tarried not, neither was perplexed.” He was a -wealthy merchant, much respected by his fellow citizens for the -integrity of his character and for his intelligence and ability. After -his conversion he expended the greater part of his fortune on the -purchase of Muslim slaves who were persecuted by their masters on -account of their adherence to the teaching of Muḥammad. Through his -influence, to a great extent, five of the earliest converts were added -to the number of believers, Saʻd b. Abī Waqqāṣ, the future conqueror of -the Persians; al-Zubayr b. al-ʻAwwām, a relative both of the Prophet -and his wife; Ṭalḥah, famous as a warrior in after days; a wealthy -merchant ʻAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʻAwf, and ʻUthmān, the third Khalīfah. The -last was early exposed to persecution; his uncle seized and bound him, -saying, “Dost thou prefer a new religion to that of thy fathers? I -swear I will not loose thee until thou givest up this new faith thou -art following after.” To which ʻUthmān replied, “By the Lord, I will -never abandon it!” Whereupon his uncle, seeing the firmness of his -attachment to his faith, released him. - -With other additions, particularly from among slaves and poor persons, -the Prophet succeeded in collecting round him a little band of -followers during the first three years of his mission. Encouraged by -the success of these private efforts, Muḥammad determined on more -active measures and began to preach in public. He called his kinsmen -together and invited them to embrace the new faith. “No Arab,” he -urged, “has offered to his nation more precious advantages than those I -bring you. I offer you happiness in this world and in the life to come. -Who among you will aid me in this task?” All were silent. Only ʻAlī, -with boyish enthusiasm, cried out, “Prophet of God, I will aid thee.” -At this the company broke up with derisive laughter. - -Undeterred by the ill-success of this preaching, he repeatedly appealed -to them on other occasions, but his message and his warnings received -from them nothing but scoffing and contempt. - -More than once the Quraysh tried to induce his uncle Abū Ṭālib, as head -of the clan of the Banū Hāshim, to which Muḥammad belonged, to restrain -him from making such attacks upon their ancestral faith, or otherwise -they threatened to resort to more violent measures. Abū Ṭālib -accordingly appealed to his nephew not to bring disaster on himself and -his family. The Prophet replied: “Were the sun to come down on my right -hand and the moon on my left, and the choice were offered me of -abandoning my mission until God himself should reveal it, or perishing -in the achievement of it, I would not abandon it.” Abū Ṭālib was moved -and exclaimed, “Go and say whatever thou wilt: by God! I will never -give thee up unto thy enemies.” - -The Quraysh viewed the progress of the new religion with increasing -dissatisfaction and hatred. They adopted all possible means, threats -and promises, insults and offers of worldly honour and aggrandisement -to induce Muḥammad to abandon the part he had taken up. The violent -abuse with which he was assailed is said to have been the indirect -cause of drawing to his side one important convert in the person of his -uncle, Ḥamzah, whose chivalrous soul was so stung to sudden sympathy by -a tale of insult inflicted on and patiently borne by his nephew, that -he changed at once from a bitter enemy into a staunch adherent. His was -not the only instance of sympathy for the sufferings of the Muslims -being aroused at the sight of the persecutions they had to endure, and -many, no doubt, secretly favoured the new religion who did not declare -themselves until the day of its triumph. - -The hostility of the Quraysh to the new faith increased in bitterness -as they watched the increase in the numbers of its adherents. They -realised that the triumph of the new teaching meant the destruction of -the national religion and the national worship, and a loss of wealth -and power to the guardians of the sacred Kaʻbah. Muḥammad himself was -safe under the protection of Abū Ṭālib and the Banū Hāshim, who, though -they had no sympathy for the doctrines their kinsman taught, yet with -the strong clan-feeling peculiar to the Arabs, secured him from any -attempt upon his life, though he was still exposed to continual insult -and annoyance. But the poor who had no protector, and the slaves, had -to endure the cruelest persecution, and were imprisoned and tortured in -order to induce them to recant. It was at this time that Abū Bakr -purchased the freedom of Bilāl, [18] an African slave, who was called -by Muḥammad “the first-fruits of Abyssinia.” He had been cruelly -tortured by being exposed, day after day, to the scorching rays of the -sun, stretched out on his back, with an enormous stone on his stomach; -here he was told he would have to stay until either he died or -renounced Muḥammad and worshipped idols, to which he would reply only, -“There is but one God, there is but one God.” Two persons died under -the tortures they had to undergo. The constancy of a few gave way under -the trial, but persecution served only to re-kindle the zeal of others. -ʻAbd Allāh b. Masʻūd made bold to recite a passage of the Qurʼān within -the precincts of the Kaʻbah itself,—an act of daring that none of the -followers of Muḥammad had ventured upon before. The assembled Quraysh -attacked him and smote him on the face, but it was some time before -they compelled him to desist. He returned to his companions, prepared -to bear witness to his faith in a similar manner on the next day, but -they dissuaded him, saying, “This is enough for thee, since thou hast -made them listen to what they hated to hear.” - -The virulence of the opposition of the Quraysh is probably the reason -why in the fourth year of his mission Muḥammad took up his residence in -the house of al-Arqam, one of the early converts. It was in a central -situation, much frequented by pilgrims and strangers, and here -peaceably and without interruption he was able to preach the doctrines -of Islam to all enquirers that came to him. Muḥammad’s stay in this -house marks an important epoch in the propagation of Islam in Mecca, -and many Muslims dated their conversion from the days when the Prophet -preached in the house of al-Arqam. - -As Muḥammad was unable to relieve his persecuted followers, he advised -them to take refuge in Abyssinia, and in the fifth year of his mission -(A.D. 615), eleven men and four women crossed over to Abyssinia, where -they received a kind welcome from the Christian king of the country. -Among them was a certain Muṣʻab b. ʻUmayr whose history is interesting -as of one who had to endure that most bitter trial of the new -convert—the hatred of those he loves and who once loved him. He had -been led to embrace Islam through the teaching he had listened to in -the house of al-Arqam, but he was afraid to let the fact of his -conversion become known, because his tribe and his mother, who bore an -especial love to him, were bitterly opposed to the new religion; and -indeed, when they discovered the fact, seized and imprisoned him. But -he succeeded in effecting his escape to Abyssinia. - -The hatred of the Quraysh is said to have pursued the fugitives even to -Abyssinia, and an embassy was sent to demand their extradition from the -king of that country. But when he heard their story from the Muslims, -he refused to withdraw from them his protection. In answer to his -enquiries as to their religion, they said: “O King, we were plunged in -the darkness of ignorance, worshipping idols, and eating carrion; we -practised abominations, severed the ties of kinship and maltreated our -neighbours; the strong among us devoured the weak; and so we remained -until God sent us an apostle, from among ourselves, whose lineage we -knew as well as his truth, his trustworthiness and the purity of his -life. He called upon us to worship the One God and abandon the stones -and idols that our fathers had worshipped in His stead. He bade us be -truthful in speech, faithful to our promises, compassionate and kind to -our parents and neighbours, and to desist from crime and bloodshed. He -forbade to do evil, to lie, to rob the orphan or defame women. He -enjoined on us the worship of God alone, with prayer, almsgiving and -fasting. And we believed in him and followed the teachings that he -brought us from God. But our countrymen rose up against us and -persecuted us to make us renounce our faith, and return to the worship -of idols and the abominations of our former life. So when they cruelly -entreated us, reducing us to bitter straits and came between us and the -practice of our religion, we took refuge in your country; putting our -trust in your justice, we hope that you will deliver us from the -oppression of our enemies.” Their prayer was heard and the embassy of -the Quraysh returned discomfited. [19] Meanwhile, in Mecca, a fresh -attempt was made to induce the Prophet to abandon his work of preaching -by promises of wealth and honour, but in vain. - -While the result of the embassy to Abyssinia was being looked for in -Mecca with the greatest expectancy, there occurred the conversion of a -man, who before had been one of the most bitter enemies of Muḥammad, -and had opposed him with the utmost persistence and fanaticism—a man -whom the Muslims had every reason then to look on as their most -terrible and virulent enemy, though afterwards he shines as one of the -noblest figures in the early history of Islam, viz. ʻUmar b. -al-Khaṭṭāb. One day, in a fit of rage against the Prophet, he set out, -sword in hand, to slay him. On the way, one of his relatives met him -and asked him where he was going. “I am looking for Muḥammad,” he -answered, “to kill the renegade who has brought discord among the -Quraysh, called them fools, reviled their religion and defamed their -gods.” “Why dost thou not rather punish those of thy own family, and -set them right?” “And who are these of my own family?” answered ʻUmar. -“Thy brother-in-law Saʻīd and thy sister Fāṭimah, who have become -Muslims and followers of Muḥammad.” ʻUmar at once rushed off to the -house of his sister, and found her with her husband and Khabbāb, -another of the followers of Muḥammad, who was teaching them to recite a -chapter of the Qurʼān. ʻUmar burst into the room: “What was that sound -I heard?” “It was nothing,” they replied. “Nay, but I heard you, and I -have learned that you have become followers of Muḥammad.” Whereupon he -rushed upon Saʻīd and struck him. Fāṭimah threw herself between them, -to protect her husband, crying, “Yes, we are Muslims; we believe in God -and His Prophet: slay us if you will.” In the struggle his sister was -wounded, and when ʻUmar saw the blood on her face, he was softened and -asked to see the paper they had been reading: after some hesitation she -handed it to him. It contained the 20th Sūrah of the Qurʼān. When ʻUmar -read it, he exclaimed, “How beautiful, how sublime it is!” As he read -on, conviction suddenly overpowered him and he cried, “Lead me to -Muḥammad that I may tell him of my conversion.” [20] - -The conversion of ʻUmar is a turning-point in the history of Islam: the -Muslims were now able to take up a bolder attitude. Muḥammad left the -house of al-Arqam and the believers publicly performed their devotions -together round the Kaʻbah. The situation might thus be expected to give -the aristocracy of Mecca just cause for apprehension. For they had no -longer to deal with a band of oppressed and despised outcasts, -struggling for a weak and miserable existence. It was rather a powerful -faction, adding daily to its strength by the accession of influential -citizens and endangering the stability of the existing government by an -alliance with a powerful foreign prince. - -The Quraysh resolved accordingly to make a determined effort to check -the further growth of the new movement in their city. They put the Banū -Hāshim, who through ties of kindred protected the Prophet, under a ban, -in accordance with which the Quraysh agreed that they would not marry -their women, nor give their own in marriage to them; they would sell -nothing to them, nor buy aught from them—that dealings with them of -every kind should cease. For three years the Banū Hāshim are said to -have been confined to one quarter of the city, except during the sacred -months, in which all war ceased throughout Arabia and a truce was made -in order that pilgrims might visit the sacred Kaʻbah, the centre of the -national religion. - -Muḥammad used to take advantage of such times of pilgrimage to preach -to the various tribes that flocked to Mecca and the adjacent fairs. But -with no success, for his uncle Abū Lahab used to dog his footsteps, -crying with a loud voice, “He is an impostor who wants to draw you away -from the faith of your fathers to the false doctrines that he brings, -wherefore separate yourselves from him and hear him not.” They would -taunt him with the words: “Thine own people and kindred should know -thee best: wherefore do they not believe and follow thee?” But at -length the privations endured by Muḥammad and his kinsmen enlisted the -sympathy of a numerous section of the Quraysh and the ban was -withdrawn. - -In the same year the loss of Khadījah, the faithful wife who for -twenty-five years had been his counsellor and support, plunged Muḥammad -into the utmost grief and despondency; and a little later the death of -Abū Ṭālib deprived him of his constant and most powerful protector and -exposed him afresh to insult and contumely. - -Scorned and rejected by his own townsmen, to whom he had delivered his -message with so little success for ten years, he resolved to see if -there were not others who might be more ready to listen, among whom the -seeds of faith might find a more receptive and fruitful soil. With this -hope he set out for Ṭāʼif, a city about seventy miles from Mecca. -Before an assembly of the chief men of the city, he expounded his -doctrine of the unity of God and of the mission he had received as the -Prophet of God to proclaim this faith; at the same time he besought -their protection against his persecutors in Mecca. The disproportion -between his high claims (which moreover were unintelligible to the -heathen people of Ṭāʼif) and his helpless condition only excited their -ridicule and scorn, and pitilessly stoning him with stones they drove -him from their city. - -On his return from Ṭāʼif the prospects of the success of Muḥammad -seemed more hopeless than ever, and the agony of his soul gave itself -utterance in the words that he puts into the mouth of Noah: “O my Lord, -verily I have cried to my people night and day; and my cry only makes -them flee from me the more. And verily, so oft as I cry to them, that -Thou mayest forgive them, they thrust their fingers into their ears and -wrap themselves in their garments, and persist (in their error), and -are disdainfully disdainful.” (lxxi. 5–6.) - -It was the Prophet’s habit at the time of the annual pilgrimage to -visit the encampments of the various Arab tribes and discourse with -them upon religion. By some his words were treated with indifference, -by others rejected with scorn. But consolation came to him from an -unexpected quarter. He met a little group of six or seven persons whom -he recognised as coming from Medina, or, as it was then called, -Yathrib. “Of what tribe are you?” said he, addressing them. “We are of -the Khazraj,” they answered. “Friends of the Jews?” “Yes.” “Then will -you not sit down awhile, that I may talk with you?” “Assuredly,” -replied they. Then they sat down with him, and he proclaimed unto them -the true God and preached Islam and recited to them the Qurʼān. Now so -it was, in that God wrought wonderfully for Islam that there were found -in their country Jews, who possessed scriptures and wisdom, while they -themselves were heathen and idolaters. Now the Jews ofttimes suffered -violence at their hands, and when strife was between them had ever said -to them, “Soon will a Prophet arise and his time is at hand; him will -we follow, and with him slay you with the slaughter of ʻĀd and of -Iram.” When now the apostle of God was speaking with these men and -calling on them to believe in God, they said one to another: “Know -surely that this is the Prophet, of whom the Jews have warned us; come -let us now make haste and be the first to join him.” So they embraced -Islam, and said to him, “Our countrymen have long been engaged in a -most bitter and deadly feud with one another; but now perhaps God will -unite them together through thee and thy teaching. Therefore we will -preach to them and make known to them this religion, that we have -received from thee.” So, full of faith, they returned to their own -country. [21] - -Such is the traditional account of this event which was the -turning-point of Muḥammad’s mission. He had now met with a people whose -antecedents had in some way prepared their minds for the reception of -his teaching and whose present circumstances, as afterwards appeared, -were favourable to his cause. - -The city of Yathrib had been long occupied by Jews whom some national -disaster, possibly the persecution under Hadrian, had driven from their -own country, when a party of wandering emigrants, the two Arab clans of -Khazraj and Aws, arrived at Yathrib and were admitted to a share in the -territory. As their numbers increased they encroached more and more on -the power of the Jewish rulers, and finally, towards the end of the -fifth century, the government of the city passed entirely into their -hands. - -Some of the Arabs had embraced the Jewish religion, and many of the -former masters of the city still dwelt there in the service of their -conquerors, so that it contained in Muḥammad’s time a considerable -Jewish population. The people of Yathrib were thus familiar with the -idea of a Messiah who was to come, and were consequently more capable -of understanding the claim of Muḥammad to be accepted as the Prophet of -God, than were the idolatrous Meccans to whom such an idea was entirely -foreign and especially distasteful to the Quraysh, whose supremacy over -the other tribes and whose worldly prosperity arose from the fact that -they were the hereditary guardians of the national collection of idols -kept in the sacred enclosure of the Kaʻbah. - -Further, the city of Yathrib was distracted by incessant civil discord -through a long-standing feud between the Banū Khazraj and the Banū Aws. -The citizens lived in uncertainty and suspense, and anything likely to -bind the conflicting parties together by a tie of common interest could -not but prove a boon to the city. Just as the mediæval republics of -Northern Italy chose a stranger to hold the chief post in their cities -in order to maintain some balance of power between the rival factions, -and prevent, if possible, the civil strife which was so ruinous to -commerce and the general welfare, so the Yathribites would not look -upon the arrival of a stranger with suspicion, even though he was -likely to usurp or gain permission to assume the vacant authority. - -On the contrary, one of the reasons for the warm welcome which Muḥammad -received in Medina would seem to be that the adoption of Islam appeared -to the more thoughtful of its citizens to be a remedy for the disorders -from which their society was suffering, by its orderly discipline of -life and its bringing the unruly passions of men under the discipline -of laws enunciated by an authority superior to individual caprice. [22] - -These facts go far to explain how eight years after the Hijrah Muḥammad -could, at the head of 10,000 followers, enter the city in which he had -laboured for ten years with so meagre a result. - -But this is anticipating. Muḥammad had proposed to accompany his new -converts, the Khazrajites, to Yathrib himself, but they dissuaded him -therefrom, until a reconciliation could be effected with the Banū Aws. -“Let us, we pray thee, return unto our people, if haply the Lord will -create peace amongst us; and we will come back again unto thee. Let the -season of pilgrimage in the following year be the appointed time.” So -they returned to their homes, and invited their people to the faith; -and many believed, so that there remained hardly a family in which -mention was not made of the Prophet. - -When the time of pilgrimage again came round, a deputation from -Yathrib, ten men of the Banū Khazraj, and two of the Banū Aws, met him -at the appointed spot and pledged him their word to obey his teaching. -This, the first pledge of ʻAqabah, so called from the secret spot at -which they met, ran as follows:—“We will not worship any but the one -God; we will not steal, neither will we commit adultery or kill our -children; we will abstain from calumny and slander; we will obey the -Prophet in every thing that is right.” These twelve men now returned to -Yathrib as missionaries of Islam, and so well prepared was the ground, -and with such zeal did they prosecute their mission, that the new faith -spread rapidly from house to house and from tribe to tribe. - -They were accompanied on their return by Muṣʻab b. ʻUmayr; though, -according to another account he was sent by the Prophet upon a written -requisition from Yathrib. This young man had been one of the earliest -converts, and had lately returned from Abyssinia; thus he had had much -experience, and severe training in the school of persecution had not -only sobered his zeal but taught him how to meet persecution and deal -with those who were ready to condemn Islam without waiting to learn the -true contents of its teaching; accordingly Muḥammad could with the -greatest confidence entrust him with the difficult task of directing -and instructing the new converts, cherishing the seeds of religious -zeal and devotion that had already been sown and bringing them to -fruition. Muṣʻab took up his abode in the house of Asʻad b. Zurārah, -and gathered the converts together for prayer and the reading of the -Qurʼān, sometimes here and sometimes in a house belonging to the Banū -Ẓafar, which was situated in a quarter of the town occupied jointly by -this family and that of ʻAbd al-Ashhal. - -The heads of the latter family at that time were Saʻd b. Muʻādh and -Usayd b. Ḥuḍayr. One day it happened that Muṣʻab was sitting together -with Asʻad in this house of the Banū Ẓafar, engaged in instructing some -new converts, when Saʻd b. Muʻādh, having come to know of their -whereabouts, said to Usayd b. Ḥuḍayr: “Drive out these fellows who have -come into our houses to make fools of the weaklings among us; I would -spare thee the trouble did not the tie of kinship between me and Asʻad -prevent my doing him any harm” (for he himself was the cousin of -Asʻad). Hereupon Usayd took his spear and, bursting in upon Asʻad and -Muṣʻab, “What are you doing?” he cried, “leading weak-minded folk -astray? If you value your lives, begone hence.” “Sit down and listen,” -Muṣʻab answered quietly, “if thou art pleased with what thou hearest, -accept it; if not, then leave it.” Usayd stuck his spear in the ground -and sat down to listen, while Muṣʻab expounded to him the fundamental -doctrines of Islam and read several passages of the Qurʼān. After a -time Usayd, enraptured, cried, “What must I do to enter this religion?” -“Purify thyself with water,” answered Muṣʻab, “and confess that there -is no god but God and that Muḥammad is the apostle of God.” Usayd at -once complied and repeated the profession of faith, adding, “After me -you have still another man to convince” (referring to Saʻd b. Muʻādh). -“If he is persuaded, his example will bring after him all his people. I -will send him to you forthwith.” - -With these words he left them, and soon after came Saʻd b. Muʻādh -himself, hot with anger against Asʻad for the patronage he had extended -to the missionaries of Islam. Muṣʻab begged him not to condemn the new -faith unheard, so Saʻd agreed to listen and soon the words of Muṣʻab -touched him and brought conviction to his heart, and he embraced the -faith and became a Muslim. He went back to his people burning with zeal -and said to them, “Sons of ʻAbd al-Ashhal, say, what am I to you?” -“Thou art our lord,” they answered, “thou art the wisest and most -illustrious among us.” “Then I swear,” replied Saʻd, “nevermore to -speak to any of you until you believe in God and Muḥammad, His -apostle.” And from that day, all the descendants of ʻAbd al-Ashhal -embraced Islam. [23] - -With such zeal and earnestness was the preaching of the faith pushed -forward that within a year there was not a family among the Arabs of -Medina that had not given some of its members to swell the number of -the faithful, with the exception of one branch of the Banū Aws, which -held aloof under the influence of Abū Qays b. al-Aslat, the poet. - -The following year, when the time of the annual pilgrimage again came -round, a band of converts, amounting to seventy-three in number, -accompanied their heathen fellow-countrymen from Yathrib to Mecca. They -were commissioned to invite Muḥammad to take refuge in Yathrib from the -fury of his enemies, and had come to swear allegiance to him as their -prophet and their leader. All the early converts who had before met the -Prophet on the two preceding pilgrimages, returned to Mecca on this -important occasion, and Muṣʻab their teacher accompanied them. -Immediately on his arrival he hurried to the prophet, and told him of -the success that had attended his mission. It is said that his mother, -hearing of his arrival, sent a message to him, saying: “Ah, disobedient -son, wilt thou enter a city in which thy mother dwelleth, and not first -visit her!” “Nay, verily,” he replied, “I will never visit the house of -any one before the Prophet of God.” So, after he had greeted and -conferred with Muḥammad, he went to his mother, who thus accosted him: -“Then I ween thou art still a renegade.” He answered, “I follow the -prophet of the Lord and the true faith of Islam.” “Art thou then well -satisfied with the miserable way thou hast fared in the land of -Abyssinia and now again at Yathrib?” Now he perceived that she was -meditating his imprisonment, and exclaimed, “What! wilt thou force a -man from his religion? If ye seek to confine me, I will assuredly slay -the first person that layeth hands upon me.” His mother said, “Then -depart from my presence,” and she began to weep. Muṣʻab was moved, and -said, “Oh, my mother! I give thee loving counsel. Testify that there is -no God but the Lord and that Muḥammad is His servant and messenger.” -But she replied, “By the sparkling stars! I will never make a fool of -myself by entering into thy religion. I wash my hands of thee and thy -concerns, and cleave steadfastly unto mine own faith.” - -In order not to excite suspicion and incur the hostility of the -Quraysh, a secret meeting was arranged at ʻAqabah, the scene of the -former meeting with the converts of the year before. Muḥammad came -accompanied only by his uncle ʻAbbās, who, though he was still an -idolater, had been admitted into the secret. ʻAbbās opened the solemn -conclave, by recommending his nephew as a scion of one of the noblest -families of his clan, which had hitherto afforded the Prophet -protection, although rejecting his teachings; but now that he wished to -take refuge among the people of Yathrib, they should bethink themselves -well before undertaking such a charge, and resolve not to go back from -their promise, if once they undertook the risk. Then Barā b. Maʻrūr, -one of the Banū Khazraj, protesting that they were firm in their -resolve to protect the Prophet of God, besought him to declare fully -what he wished of them. - -Muḥammad began by reciting to them some portions of the Qurʼān, and -exhorted them to be true to the faith they had professed in the one God -and the Prophet, His apostle; he then asked them to defend him and his -companions from all assailants just as they would their own wives and -children. Then Barā b. Maʻrūr, taking his hand, cried out, “Yea, by Him -who sent thee as His Prophet, and through thee revealed unto us His -truth, we will protect thee as we would our own bodies, and we swear -allegiance to thee as our leader. We are the sons of battle and men of -mail, which we have inherited as worthy sons of worthy forefathers.” So -they all in turn, taking his hand in theirs, swore allegiance to him. - -As soon as the Quraysh gained intelligence of these secret proceedings, -the persecution broke out afresh against the Muslims, and Muḥammad -advised them to flee out of the city. “Depart unto Yathrib; for the -Lord hath verily given you brethren in that city, and a home in which -ye may find refuge.” So quietly, by twos and threes they escaped to -Yathrib, where they were heartily welcomed, their co-religionists in -that city vying with one another for the honour of entertaining them, -and supplying them with such things as they had need of. Within two -months nearly all the Muslims except those who were seized and -imprisoned and those who could not escape from captivity had left -Mecca, to the number of about 150. There is a story told of one of -these Muslims, by name Ṣuhayb, whom Muḥammad called “the first-fruits -of Greece” (he had been a Greek slave, and being set free by his master -had amassed considerable wealth by successful trading); when he was -about to emigrate the Meccans said to him, “Thou camest hither in need -and penury; but thy wealth hath increased with us, until thou hast -reached thy present prosperity; and now thou art departing, not thyself -only, but with all thy property. By the Lord, that shall not be;” and -he said, “If I relinquish my property, will ye leave me free to -depart?” And they agreed thereto; so he parted with all his goods. And -when that was told unto Muḥammad, he said, “Verily, Ṣuhayb hath made a -profitable bargain.” - -Muḥammad delayed his own departure (with the intention, no doubt, of -withdrawing attention from his faithful followers) until a determined -plot against his life warned him that further delay might be fatal, and -he made his escape by means of a stratagem. - -His first care after his arrival in Yathrib, or Medina as it was called -from this period—Madīnah al-Nabī, the city of the Prophet—was to build -a mosque, to serve both as a place of prayer and of general assembly -for his followers, who had hitherto met for that purpose in the -dwelling-place of one of their number. The worshippers at first used to -turn their faces in the direction of Jerusalem—an arrangement most -probably adopted with the hope of gaining over the Jews. In many other -ways, by constant appeals to their own sacred Scriptures, by according -them perfect freedom of worship and political equality, Muḥammad -endeavoured to conciliate the Jews, but they met his advances with -scorn and derision. When all hopes of amalgamation proved fruitless and -it became clear that the Jews would not accept him as their Prophet, -Muḥammad bade his followers turn their faces in prayer towards the -Kaʻbah in Mecca. (ii. 144.) [24] - -This change of direction during prayer has a deeper significance than -might at first sight appear. It was really the beginning of the -National Life of Islam: it established the Kaʻbah at Mecca as a -religious centre for all the Muslim people, just as from time -immemorial it had been a place of pilgrimage for all the tribes of -Arabia. Of similar importance was the incorporation of the ancient Arab -custom of pilgrimage to Mecca into the circle of the religious -ordinances of Islam, a duty that was to be performed by every Muslim at -least once in his lifetime. - -There are many passages in the Qurʼān that appeal to this germ of -national feeling and urge the people of Arabia to realise the privilege -that had been granted them of a divine revelation in their own language -and by the lips of one of their own countrymen. - - - “Verily We have made it an Arabic Qurʼān that ye may haply - understand. (xliii. 2–3.) - - “And thus We have revealed to thee an Arabic Qurʼān, that thou - mayest warn the mother of cities and those around it. (xlii. 5.) - - “And if We had made it a Qurʼān in a foreign tongue, they had - surely said, ‘Unless its verses be clearly explained (we will not - receive it).’ (xli. 44.) - - “And verily We have set before men in this Qurʼān every kind of - parable that haply they be monished: - - “An Arabic Qurʼān, free from tortuous (wording), that haply they - may fear (God). (xxxix. 28–29.) - - “Verily from the Lord of all creatures hath this (book) come down, - ... in the clear Arabic tongue. (xxvi. 192, 195.) - - “And We have only made it (i.e. the Qurʼān) easy, in thine own - tongue, in order that thou mayest announce glad tidings thereby to - the God-fearing, and that thou mayest warn the contentious - thereby.” (xix. 97.) - - -But the message of Islam was not for Arabia only; the whole world was -to share in it. [25] As there was but one God, so there was to be but -one religion into which all men were to be invited. This claim to be -universal, to hold sway over all men and all nations, found a practical -illustration in the letters which Muḥammad is said to have sent in the -year A.D. 688 (A.H. 6) to the great potentates of that time. An -invitation to embrace Islam was sent in this year to the Emperor -Heraclius, the king of Persia, the governor of Yaman, the governor of -Egypt and the king of Abyssinia. The letter to Heraclius is said to -have been as follows:—“In the name of God, the Merciful, the -Compassionate, Muḥammad, who is the servant of God and His apostle, to -Hiraql the Qayṣar of Rūm. Peace be on whoever has gone on the straight -road. After this I say, Verily I call you to Islam. Embrace Islam, and -God will reward you twofold. If you turn away from the offer of Islam, -then on you be the sins of your people. O people of the Book, come -towards a creed which is fit both for us and for you. It is this—to -worship none but God, and not to associate anything with God, and not -to call others God. Therefore, O ye people of the Book, if ye refuse, -beware. We are Muslims and our religion is Islam.” However absurd this -summons may have seemed to those who then received it, succeeding years -showed that it was dictated by no empty enthusiasm. [26] These letters -only gave a more open and widespread expression to the claim to the -universal acceptance which is repeatedly made for Islam in the Qurʼān. - - - “Of a truth it (i.e. the Qurʼān) is no other than an admonition to - all created beings, and after a time shall ye surely know its - message. (xxxviii. 87–88.) - - “This (book) is no other than an admonition and a clear Qurʼān, to - warn whoever liveth; and that against the unbelievers sentence may - be justly given. (xxxvi. 69–70.) - - “We have not sent thee save as a mercy to all created beings. (xxi. - 107.) - - “Blessed is He who hath sent down al-Furqān upon His servant, that - he may be a warner unto all created beings. (xxv. 1.) - - “And We have not sent thee otherwise than to mankind at large, to - announce and to warn. (xxxiv. 27.) - - “He it is who hath sent His apostle with guidance and the religion - of truth, that He may make it victorious over every other religion, - though the polytheists are averse to it.” (lxi. 9.) - - -In the hour of his deepest despair, when the people of Mecca -persistently turned a deaf ear to the words of their prophet (xvi. 23, -114, etc.), when the converts he had made were tortured until they -recanted (xvi. 108), and others were forced to flee from the country to -escape the rage of their persecutors (xvi. 43, 111)—then was delivered -the promise, “One day we will raise up a witness out of every nation.” -(xvi. 86.) [27] - -This claim upon the acceptance of all mankind which the Prophet makes -in these passages is further prophetically indicated in the words -“first-fruits of Abyssinia,” used by Muḥammad in reference to Bilāl, -and “first-fruits of Greece,” to Ṣuhayb; Salmān, the first Persian -convert, was a Christian slave in Medina, who embraced the new faith in -the first year of the Hijrah. Thus long before any career of conquest -was so much as dreamed of, the Prophet had clearly shown that Islam was -not to be confined to the Arab race. The following account of the -sending out of missionaries to preach Islam to all nations, points to -the same claim to be a universal religion: “The Apostle of God said to -his companions, ‘Come to me all of you early in the morning.’ After the -morning prayer he spent some time in praising and supplicating God, as -was his wont; then he turned to them and sent forth some in one -direction and others in another, and said: ‘Be faithful to God in your -dealings with His servants (i.e. with men), for whosoever is entrusted -with any matter that concerns mankind and is not faithful in his -service of them, to him God shuts the gate of Paradise: go forth and be -not like the messengers of Jesus, the son of Mary, for they went only -to those that lived near and neglected those that dwelt in far -countries.’ Then each of these messengers came to speak the language of -the people to whom he was sent. When this was told to the Prophet he -said, ‘This is the greatest of the duties that they owe to God with -respect to His servants.’” [28] - -The proof of the universality of Islam, of its claim on the acceptance -of all men, lay in the fact that it was the religion divinely appointed -for the whole human race and was now revealed to them anew through -Muḥammad, “the seal of the prophets” (xxxiii. 40), as it had been to -former generations by other prophets. - - - “Men were of one religion only: then they disagreed one with - another and had not a decree (of respite) previously gone forth - from thy Lord, judgment would surely have been given between them - in the matter wherein they disagree. (x. 20.) - - “I am no apostle of new doctrines. (xlvi. 8.) - - “Mankind was but one people: then God raised up prophets to - announce glad tidings and to warn: and He sent down with them the - Book with the Truth, that it might decide the disputes of men: and - none disagreed save those to whom the book had been given, after - the clear tokens had reached them, through mutual jealousy. And God - guided those who believed into the truth concerning which they had - disagreed, by His will; and God guideth whom He pleaseth into the - straight path. (ii. 209.) - - “And We revealed to thee, ‘follow the religion of Abraham, the - sound in faith, for he was not of those who join gods with God.’ - (xvi. 124.) - - “Say: As for me, my Lord hath guided me into a straight path: a - true faith, the religion of Abraham, the sound in faith; for he was - not of those who join gods with God. (vi. 162.) - - “Say: Nay, the religion of Abraham, the sound in faith and not one - of those who join gods with God (is our religion). (ii. 129.) - - “Say: God speaketh truth. Follow therefore the religion of Abraham, - he being a Ḥanīf and not one of those who join other gods with God. - - “Verily the first temple that was set up for men was that which is - in Bakka, blessed and a guidance for all created beings. (iii. 89, - 90.) - - “And who hath a better religion than he who resigneth himself to - God, who doth what is good and followeth the faith of Abraham, the - sound in faith? (iv. 124.) - - “He hath elected you, and hath not laid on you any hardship in - religion, the faith of your father Abraham. He hath named you the - Muslims.” (xx. 77.) - - -But to return to Muḥammad in Medina. In order properly to appreciate -his position after the Flight, it is important to remember the peculiar -character of Arab society at that time, as far at least as this part of -the peninsula was concerned. There was an entire absence of any -organised administrative or judicial system such as in modern times we -connect with the idea of a government. Each tribe or clan formed a -separate and absolutely independent body, and this independence -extended itself also to the individual members of the tribe, each of -whom recognised the authority, or leadership of his chief only as being -the exponent of a public opinion which he himself happened to share; -but he was quite at liberty to refuse his conformity to the (even) -unanimous resolve of his fellow clansmen. Further, there was no regular -transmission of the office of chieftain; but he was generally chosen as -being the oldest member of the richest and most powerful family of the -clan, and as being personally most qualified to command respect. If -such a tribe became too numerous, it would split up into several -divisions, each of which continued to enjoy a separate and independent -existence, uniting only on some extraordinary occasion for common -self-defence or some more than usually important warlike expedition. We -can thus understand how Muḥammad could establish himself in Medina at -the head of a large and increasing body of adherents who looked up to -him as their head and leader and acknowledged no other -authority,—without exciting any feeling of insecurity, or any fear of -encroachment on recognised authority, such as would have arisen in a -city of ancient Greece or any similarly organised community. Muḥammad -thus exercised temporal authority over his people just as any other -independent chief might have done, the only difference being that in -the case of the Muslims a religious bond took the place of family and -blood ties. - -Islam thus became what, in theory at least, it has always remained—a -political as well as a religious system. - -“It was Muḥammad’s desire to found a new religion, and in this he -succeeded; but at the same time he founded a political system of an -entirely new and peculiar character. At first his only wish was to -convert his fellow-countrymen to the belief in the One God—Allāh; but -along with this he brought about the overthrow of the old system of -government in his native city, and in place of the tribal aristocracy -under which the conduct of public affairs was shared in common by the -ruling families, he substituted an absolute theocratic monarchy, with -himself at the head as vicar of God upon earth. - -“Even before his death almost all Arabia had submitted to him; Arabia -that had never before obeyed one prince, suddenly exhibits a political -unity and swears allegiance to the will of an absolute ruler. Out of -the numerous tribes, big and small, of a hundred different kinds that -were incessantly at feud with one another, Muḥammad’s word created a -nation. The idea of a common religion under one common head bound the -different tribes together into one political organism which developed -its peculiar characteristics with surprising rapidity. Now only one -great idea could have produced this result, viz. the principle of -national life in heathen Arabia. The clan-system was thus for the first -time, if not entirely crushed—(that would have been impossible)—yet -made subordinate to the feeling of religious unity. The great work -succeeded, and when Muḥammad died there prevailed over by far the -greater part of Arabia a peace of God such as the Arab tribes, with -their love of plunder and revenge, had never known; it was the religion -of Islam that had brought about this reconciliation.” [29] - -Even in the case of death, the claims of relationship were set aside -and the bond-brother inherited all the property of his deceased -companion. But after the battle of Badr, when such an artificial bond -was no longer needed to unite his followers, it was abolished; such an -arrangement was only necessary so long as the number of the Muslims was -still small and the corporate life of Islam a novelty; moreover -Muḥammad had lived in Medina for a very short space of time before the -rapid increase in the number of his adherents made so communistic a -social system almost impracticable. - -It was only to be expected that the growth of an independent political -body composed of refugees from Mecca, located in a hostile city, should -eventually lead to an outbreak of hostilities; and, as is well known, -every biography of Muḥammad is largely taken up with the account of a -long series of petty encounters and bloody battles between his -followers and the Quraysh of Mecca, ending in his triumphal entry into -that city in A.D. 630, and of his hostile relations with numerous other -tribes, up to the time of his death, A.D. 633. - -To give any account of these campaigns is beyond the scope of the -present work, but it is important to show that Muḥammad, when he found -himself at the head of a band of armed followers, was not transformed -at once, as some would have us believe, from a peaceful preacher into a -fanatic, sword in hand, forcing his religion on whomsoever he could. -[30] - -It has been frequently asserted by European writers that from the date -of Muḥammad’s migration to Medina, and from the altered circumstances -of his life there, the Prophet appears in an entirely new character. He -is no longer the preacher, the warner, the apostle of God to men, whom -he would persuade of the truth of the religion revealed to him, but now -he appears rather as the unscrupulous bigot, using all means at his -disposal of force and statecraft to assert himself and his opinions. - -But it is false to suppose that Muḥammad in Medina laid aside his rôle -of preacher and missionary of Islam, or that when he had a large army -at his command, he ceased to invite unbelievers to accept the faith. -Ibn Saʻd gives a number of letters written by the Prophet from Medina -to chiefs and other members of different Arabian tribes, in addition to -those addressed to potentates living beyond the limits of Arabia, -inviting them to embrace Islam; and in the following pages will be -found instances of his having sent missionaries to preach the faith to -the unconverted members of their tribes, whose very ill-success in some -cases is a sign of the genuinely missionary character of their efforts -and the absence of an appeal to force. A typical example of such an -unsuccessful mission is that sent to preach Islam to the Banū ʻĀmir b. -Ṣaʻṣaʻah in the year A.H. 4. The chief of this tribe, Abū Barā ʻĀmir, -visited Muḥammad in Medina, listened to his teaching, but declined to -become a convert; he seemed, however, to be favourably disposed towards -the new faith and asked the Prophet to send some of his followers to -Najd to preach to the people of that country. The Prophet sent a party -of forty Muslims, most of them young men of Medina, who were skilled in -reciting the Qurʼān, and had been accustomed to meet together at night -for study and prayer. But in spite of the safe conduct given them by -Abū Barā ʻĀmir, they were treacherously murdered and three only of the -party escaped with their lives. [31] - -The successes of the Muslim arms, however, attracted every day members -of various tribes, particularly those in the vicinity of Medina, to -swell the ranks of the followers of the Prophet; and “the courteous -treatment which the deputations of these various clans experienced from -the Prophet, his ready attention to their grievances, the wisdom with -which he composed their disputes, and the politic assignments of -territory by which he rewarded an early declaration in favour of Islam, -made his name to be popular and spread his fame as a great and generous -prince throughout the Peninsula.” [32] - -It not unfrequently happened that one member of a tribe would come to -the Prophet in Medina and return home as a missionary of Islam to -convert his brethren; we have the following account of such a -conversion in the year 5 (A.H.). - -The Banū Saʻd b. Bakr sent one of their number, by name Ḍimām b. -Thaʻlabah as their envoy to the Prophet. He came and made his camel -kneel down at the gate of the mosque and tied up its fore-leg. Then he -went into the mosque, where the Prophet was sitting with his -companions. He went up close to them and said, “Which among you is the -son of ʻAbd al-Muṭṭalib?” “I am,” replied the Prophet. “Art thou -Muḥammad?” “Yes,” was the answer. “Then, if thou wilt not take it -amiss, I would fain ask thee some weighty questions.” “Nay, ask what -thou wilt,” answered the Prophet. “I adjure thee by Allāh, thy God and -the God of those who were before thee and of those who are to come -after thee, hath Allāh sent thee as a prophet unto us?” Muḥammad -answered, “Yea, by Allāh.” He continued, “I adjure thee by Allāh, thy -God and the God of those who were before thee and of those who are to -come after thee, hath He commanded thee to bid us worship Him alone, -and to associate naught else with Him and to abandon these idols that -our fathers worshipped?” Muḥammad answered, “Yea, by Allāh.” Then he -questioned the Prophet concerning all the ordinances of Islam, one -after another, prayer and fasting, pilgrimage, etc., solemnly adjuring -him as before. At the end he said, “Then I bear witness that there is -no God save Allāh and I bear witness that Muḥammad is the Prophet of -Allāh, and I will observe these ordinances and shun what thou hast -forbidden, adding nothing thereto, and taking nothing away.” Then he -turned away and loosened his camel and returned unto his own people, -and when he had gathered them together, the first words he spoke unto -them were: “Vile things are Lāt and ʻUzzā.” They cried out, “Hold! -Ḍimām, take heed of leprosy or madness!” “Fie on you!” he replied. “By -Allāh! they can neither work you weal nor woe, for Allāh has sent a -Prophet and revealed to him a book, whereby he delivers you from your -evil plight; I bear witness that there is no God save Allāh alone and -that Muḥammad is His servant and His Prophet; and I have brought you -tidings of what he enjoins and what he forbids.” The story goes on that -ere nightfall there was not a man or woman in the camp who had not -accepted Islam. [33] - -Another such missionary was ʻAmr b. Murrah, belonging to the tribe of -the Banū Juhaynah, who dwelt between Medina and the Red Sea. The date -of his conversion was prior to the Flight, in the same year (A.H. 5), -and he thus describes it: “We had an idol that we worshipped, and I was -the guardian of its shrine. When I heard of the Prophet, I broke it in -pieces and set off to Muḥammad, where I accepted Islam and bore witness -to the truth, and believed on what Muḥammad declared to be allowed and -forbidden. And to this my verses refer: ‘I bear witness that God is -Truth and that I am the first to abandon the gods of stones, and I have -girded up my loins to make my way to you over rough ways and smooth, to -join myself to him who in himself and for his ancestry is the noblest -of men, the apostle of the Lord whose throne is above the clouds.’” He -was sent by Muḥammad to preach Islam to his tribe, and his efforts were -crowned with such success that there was only one man who refused to -listen to his exhortations. [34] - -When the truce of Ḥudaybiyyah (A.H. 6) made friendly relations with the -people of Mecca possible, many persons of that city, who had had the -opportunity of listening to the teaching of Muḥammad in the early days -of his mission, and among them some men of great influence, came out to -Medina, to embrace the faith of Islam. - -The continual warfare carried on with the people of Mecca had hitherto -kept the tribes to the south of that city almost entirely outside the -influence of the new religion. But this truce now made communications -with southern Arabia possible, and a small band from the tribe of the -Banū Daws came from the mountains that form the northern boundary of -Yaman, and joined themselves to the Prophet in Medina. Even before the -appearance of Muḥammad, there were some members of this tribe who had -had glimmerings of a higher religion than the idolatry prevailing -around them, and argued that the world must have had a creator, though -they knew not who he was; and when Muḥammad came forward as the apostle -of this creator, one of these men, by name Ṭufayl b. ʻAmr, came to -Mecca to learn who the creator was. - -Though warned by the Quraysh of the dangerous influence that Muḥammad -might exercise over him if he entered into conversation with him, he -followed the Prophet to his house one day, after watching him at prayer -by the Kaʻbah. Muḥammad expounded to him the doctrines of Islam, and -Ṭufayl left Mecca full of zeal for the new faith. On his return home he -succeeded in converting his father and his wife, but found his -fellow-tribesmen unwilling to abandon their old idolatrous worship. -Disheartened at the ill-success of his mission, he returned to the -Prophet and besought him to call down the curse of God on the Banū -Daws; but Muḥammad encouraged him to persevere in his efforts, saying, -“Return to thy people and summon them to the faith, but deal gently -with them.” At the same time he prayed, “Oh God! guide the Banū Daws in -the right way.” The success of Ṭufayl’s propaganda was such that in the -year A.H. 7 he came to Medina with between seventy and eighty families -of his tribesmen who had been won over to the faith of Islam, and after -the triumphal entry of Muḥammad into Mecca, Ṭufayl set fire to the -block of wood that had hitherto been venerated as the idol of the -tribe. [35] - -In A.H. 7, fifteen more tribes submitted to the Prophet, and after the -surrender of Mecca in A.H. 8, the ascendancy of Islam was assured, and -those Arabs who had held aloof, saying, “Let Muḥammad and his -fellow-tribesmen fight it out; if he is victorious, then is he a -genuine prophet,” [36] now hastened to give in their allegiance to the -new religion. Among those who came in after the fall of Mecca were some -of the most bitter persecutors of Muḥammad in the earlier days of his -mission, to whom his noble forbearance and forgiveness now gave a place -in the brotherhood of Islam. The following year witnessed the martyrdom -of ʻUrwah b. Masʻūd, one of the chiefs of the people of Ṭāʼif, which -city the Muslims had unsuccessfully attempted to capture. He had been -absent at that time in Yaman, and returned from his journey shortly -after the raising of the siege. He had met the Prophet two years before -at Ḥudaybiyyah, and had conceived a profound veneration for him, and -now came to Medina to embrace the new faith. In the ardour of his zeal -he offered to go to Ṭāʼif to convert his fellow-countrymen, and in -spite of the efforts of Muḥammad to dissuade him from so dangerous an -undertaking, he returned to his native city, publicly declared that he -had renounced idolatry, and called upon the people to follow his -example. While he was preaching, he was mortally wounded by an arrow, -and died giving thanks to God for having granted him the glory of -martyrdom. A more successful missionary effort was made by another -follower of the Prophet in Yaman—probably a year later—of which we have -the following graphic account: “The apostle of God wrote to al-Ḥārith -and Masrūḥ, and Nuʻaym b. ʻAbd al-Kulāl of Ḥimyar: ‘Peace be upon you -so long as ye believe on God and His apostle. God is one God, there is -no partner with Him. He sent Moses with his signs, and created Jesus -with his words. The Jews say, “Ezra is the Son of God,” and the -Christians say, “God is one of three, and Jesus is the Son of God.”’ He -sent the letter by ʻAyyāsh b. Abī Rabīʻah al-Makhzūmī, and said: ‘When -you reach their city, go not in by night, but wait until the morning; -then carefully perform your ablutions, and pray with two prostrations, -and ask God to bless you with success and a friendly reception, and to -keep you safe from harm. Then take my letter in your right hand, and -deliver it with your right hand into their right hands, and they will -receive it. And recite to them, “The unbelievers among the people of -the Book and the polytheists did not waver,” etc. (Sūrah 98), to the -end of the Sūrah; when you have finished, say, “Muḥammad has believed, -and I am the first to believe.” And you will be able to meet every -objection they bring against you, and every glittering book that they -recite to you will lose its light. And when they speak in a foreign -tongue, say, “Translate it,” and say to them, “God is sufficient for -me; I believe in the Book sent down by Him, and I am commanded to do -justice among you; God is our Lord and your Lord; to us belong our -works, and to you belong your works; there is no strife between us and -you; God will unite us, and unto Him we must return.” If they now -accept Islam, then ask them for their three rods, before which they -gather together to pray, one rod of tamarisk that is spotted white and -yellow, and one knotted like a cane, and one black like ebony. Bring -the rods out and burn them in the market-place.’ So I set out,” tells -ʻAyyāsh, “to do as the Apostle of God had bid me. When I arrived, I -found that all the people had decked themselves out for a festival: I -walked on to see them, and came at last to three enormous curtains hung -in front of three doorways. I lifted the curtain and entered the middle -door, and found people collected in the courtyard of the building. I -introduced myself to them as the messenger of the Apostle of God, and -did as he had bidden me; and they gave heed to my words, and it fell -out as he had said.” [37] - -In A.H. 9 a deputation of thirteen men from the Banū Kilāb, a branch of -the Banū ʻĀmir b. Ṣaʻṣaʻah, came to the Prophet and informed him that -one of his followers, Ḍaḥḥāk b. Sufyān, had come to them, reciting the -Qurʼān and teaching the doctrines of Islam, and that his preaching had -won over their tribe to the new faith. [38] Another branch of the same -tribe, the Banū Ruʼās b. Kilāb, was converted by one of its members, -named ʻAmr b. Mālik, who had been to Medina and accepted Islam, and -then returned to his fellow tribes and persuaded them to follow his -example. [39] - -In the same year a less successful attempt was made by a new convert, -Wāthilah b. al-Asqaʻ, to induce his clan to accept the faith that he -himself had embraced after an interview with the Prophet. His father -scornfully cast him off, saying, “By God! I will never speak a word to -you again,” and none were found willing to believe the doctrines he -preached with the exception of his sister, who provided him with the -means of returning to the Prophet at Medina. [40] This ninth year of -the Hijrah has been called the year of the deputations, because of the -enormous number of Arab tribes and cities that now sent delegates to -the Prophet, to give in their submission. The introduction into Arab -society of a new principle of social union in the brotherhood of Islam -had already begun to weaken the binding force of the old tribal ideal, -which erected the fabric of society on the basis of blood-relationship. -The conversion of an individual and his reception into the new society -was a breach of one of the most fundamental laws of Arab life, and its -frequent occurrence had acted as a powerful solvent on tribal -organisation and had left it weak in the face of a national life so -enthusiastic and firmly-knit as that of the Muslims had become. The -Arab tribes were thus impelled to give in their submission to the -Prophet, not merely as the head of the strongest military force in -Arabia, but as the exponent of a theory of social life that was making -all others weak and ineffective. [41] Muḥammad had succeeded in -introducing into the anarchical society of his time a sentiment of -national unity, a consciousness of rights and duties towards one -another such as the Arabs had not felt before. [42] In this way, Islam -was uniting together clans that hitherto had been continually at feud -with one another, and as this great confederacy grew, it more and more -attracted to itself the weaker among the tribes of Arabia. In the -accounts of the conversion of the Arab tribes, there is continual -mention of the promise of security against their enemies, made to them -by the Prophet on the occasion of their submission. “Woe is me for -Muḥammad!” was the cry of one of the Arab tribes on the news of the -death of the Prophet. “So long as he was alive, I lived in peace and in -safety from my enemies;” and the cry must have found an echo far and -wide throughout Arabia. - -How superficial was the adherence of numbers of the Arab tribes to the -faith of Islam may be judged from the widespread apostasy that followed -immediately on the death of the Prophet. Their acceptance of Islam -would seem to have been often dictated more by considerations of -political expediency, and was more frequently a bargain struck under -pressure of violence than the outcome of any enthusiasm or spiritual -awakening. They allowed themselves to be swept into the stream of what -had now become a great national movement, and we miss the fervent zeal -of the early converts in the cool, calculating attitude of those who -came in after the fall of Mecca. But even from among these must have -come many to swell the ranks of the true believers animated with a -genuine zeal for the faith, and ready, as we have seen, to give their -lives in the effort to preach it to their brethren. - -“These men were the true moral heirs of the Prophet, the future -apostles of Islam, the faithful trustees of all that Muḥammad had -revealed unto the men of God. Into these men, through their constant -contact with the Prophet and their devotion to him, there had really -entered a new mode of thought and feeling, loftier and more civilised -than any they had known before; they had really changed for the better -from every point of view, and later on as statesmen and generals, in -the most difficult moments of the war of conquest they gave magnificent -and undeniable proof that the ideas and the doctrines of Muḥammad had -been seed cast on fruitful soil, and had produced a body of men of the -very highest worth. They were the depositaries of the sacred text of -the Qurʼān, which they alone knew by heart; they were the jealous -guardians of the memory of every word and bidding of the Prophet, the -trustees of the moral heritage of Muḥammad. These men formed the -venerable stock of Islam from whom one day was to spring the noble band -of the first jurists, theologians and traditionists of Muslim society.” -[43] - -But for such men as these, so vast a movement could not have held -together, much less have recovered the shock given it by the death of -the founder. For it must not be forgotten how distinctly Islam was a -new movement in heathen Arabia, and how diametrically opposed were the -ideals of the two societies. [44] For the introduction of Islam into -Arab society did not imply merely the sweeping away of a few barbarous -and inhuman practices, but a complete reversal of the pre-existing -ideals of life. - -Herein we have the most conclusive proof of the essentially missionary -character of the teaching of Muḥammad, who thus comes forward as the -exponent of a new scheme of faith and practice. Whatever may have been -the conditions favourable to the formation of a new political -organisation, Muḥammad certainly did not find the society of his day -prepared to receive his religious teaching and waiting only for the -voice that would express in speech the inarticulate yearnings of their -hearts. But it is just this spirit of expectancy that is wanting among -the Arabs—those at least of the Central Arabia towards whom Muḥammad’s -efforts were at first directed. They were by no means ready to receive -the preaching of a new teacher, least of all one who came with the (to -them unintelligible) title of apostle of God. - -Again, the equality in Islam of all believers and the common -brotherhood of all Muslims, which suffered no distinctions between Arab -and non-Arab, between free and slave, to exist among the faithful, was -an idea that ran directly counter to the proud clan-feeling of the -Arab, who grounded his claims to personal consideration on the fame of -his ancestors, and in the strength of the same carried on the endless -blood-feuds in which his soul delighted. Indeed, the fundamental -principles in the teaching of Muḥammad were a protest against much that -the Arabs had hitherto most highly valued, and the newly-converted -Muslim was taught to consider as virtues, qualities which hitherto he -had looked down upon with contempt. - -To the heathen Arab, friendship and hostility were as a loan which he -sought to repay with interest, and he prided himself on returning evil -for evil, and looked down on any who acted otherwise as a weak -nidering. - - - He is the perfect man who late and early plotteth still - To do a kindness to his friends and work his foes some ill. - - -To such men the Prophet said, “Recompense evil with that which is -better” (xxiii. 98); as they desired the forgiveness of God, they were -to pass over and pardon offences (xxiv. 22), and a Paradise, vast as -the heavens and the earth, was prepared for those who mastered their -anger and forgave others. (iii. 128.) - -The very institution of prayer was jeered at by the Arabs to whom -Muḥammad first delivered his message, and one of the hardest parts of -his task was to induce in them that pious attitude of mind towards the -Creator, which Islam inculcates equally with Judaism and Christianity, -but which was practically unknown to the heathen Arabs. This -self-sufficiency and this lack of the religious spirit, joined with -their intense pride of race, little fitted them to receive the -teachings of one who maintained that “The most worthy of honour in the -sight of God is he that feareth Him most” (xlix. 13). No more could -they brook the restrictions that Islam sought to lay upon the licence -of their lives; wine, women, and song, were among the things most dear -to the Arab’s heart in the days of the ignorance, and the Prophet was -stern and severe in his injunctions respecting each of them. - -Thus, from the very beginning, Islam bears the stamp of a missionary -religion that seeks to win the hearts of men, to convert them and -persuade them to enter the brotherhood of the faithful; and as it was -in the beginning, so has it continued to be up to the present day, as -will be the object of the following pages to show. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER III. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS OF WESTERN ASIA. - - -After the death of Muḥammad, the army he had intended for Syria was -despatched thither by Abū Bakr, in spite of the protestations made by -certain Muslims in view of the then disturbed state of Arabia. He -silenced their expostulations with the words: “I will not revoke any -order given by the Prophet. Medina may become the prey of wild beasts, -but the army must carry out the wishes of Muḥammad.” This was the first -of that wonderful series of campaigns in which the Arabs overran Syria, -Persia and Northern Africa—overturning the ancient kingdom of Persia -and despoiling the Roman Empire of some of its fairest provinces. It -does not fall within the scope of this work to follow the history of -these different campaigns, but, in view of the expansion of the Muslim -faith that followed the Arab conquests, it is of importance to discover -what were the circumstances that made such an expansion possible. - -A great historian [45] has well put the problem that meets us here, in -the following words: “Was it genuine religious enthusiasm, the new -strength of a faith now for the first time blossoming forth in all its -purity, that gave the victory in every battle to the arms of the Arabs -and in so incredibly short a time founded the greatest empire the world -had ever seen? But evidence is wanting to prove that this was the case. -The number was far too small of those who had given their allegiance to -the Prophet and his teaching with a free and heartfelt conviction, -while on the other hand all the greater was the number of those who had -been brought into the ranks of the Muhammadans only through pressure -from without or by the hope of worldly gain. Khālid, ‘that sword of the -swords of God,’ exhibited in a very striking manner that mixture of -force and persuasion whereby he and many of the Quraysh had been -converted, when he said that God had seized them by the hearts and by -the hair and compelled them to follow the Prophet. The proud feeling -too of a common nationality had much influence—a feeling which was more -alive among the Arabs of that time than (perhaps) among any other -people, and which alone determined many thousands to give the -preference to their countryman and his religion before foreign -teachers. Still more powerful was the attraction offered by the sure -prospect of gaining booty in abundance, in fighting for the new -religion and of exchanging their bare, stony deserts, which offered -them only a miserable subsistence, for the fruitful and luxuriant -countries of Persia, Syria and Egypt.” - -These stupendous conquests which laid the foundations of the Arab -empire, were certainly not the outcome of a holy war, waged for the -propagation of Islam, but they were followed by such a vast defection -from the Christian faith that this result has often been supposed to -have been their aim. Thus the sword came to be looked upon by Christian -historians as the instrument of Muslim propaganda, and in the light of -the success attributed to it the evidences of the genuine missionary -activity of Islam were obscured. But the spirit which animated the -invading hosts of Arabs who poured over the confines of the Byzantine -and Persian empires, was no proselytising zeal for the conversion of -souls. On the contrary, religious interests appear to have entered but -little into the consciousness of the protagonists of the Arab armies. -[46] This expansion of the Arab race is more rightly envisaged as the -migration of a vigorous and energetic people driven by hunger and want, -to leave their inhospitable deserts and overrun the richer lands of -their more fortunate neighbours. [47] Still the unifying principle of -the movement was the theocracy established in Medina, and the -organisation of the new state proceeded from the devoted companions of -Muḥammad, the faithful depositaries of his teaching, whose moral weight -and enthusiasm kept Islam alive as the official religion, despite the -indifference of those Arabs who gave to it a mere nominal adherence. -[48] It is not, therefore, in the annals of the conquering armies that -we must look for the reasons which lead to the so rapid spread of the -Muslim faith, but rather in the conditions prevailing among the -conquered peoples. - -The national character of this ethnic movement of migration naturally -attracted to the invading Arab hosts the outlying representatives of -the Arab race through whom the path of the conquering armies lay. -Accordingly it is not surprising to find that many of the Christian -Bedouins were swept into the rushing tide of this great movement and -that Arab tribes, who for centuries had professed the Christian -religion, now abandoned it to embrace the Muslim faith. Among these was -the tribe of the Banū Ghassān, who held sway over the desert east of -Palestine and southern Syria, of whom it was said that they were “Lords -in the days of the ignorance and stars in Islam.” [49] After the battle -of Qādisiyyah (A.H. 14) in which the Persian army under Rustam had been -utterly discomfited, many Christians belonging to the Bedouin tribes on -both sides of the Euphrates came to the Muslim general and said: “The -tribes that at the first embraced Islam were wiser than we. Now that -Rustam hath been slain, we will accept the new belief.” [50] Similarly, -after the conquest of northern Syria, most of the Bedouin tribes, after -hesitating a little, joined themselves to the followers of the Prophet. -[51] - -That force was not the determining factor in these conversions may be -judged from the amicable relations that existed between the Christian -and the Muslim Arabs. Muḥammad himself had entered into treaty with -several Christian tribes, promising them his protection and -guaranteeing them the free exercise of their religion and to their -clergy undisturbed enjoyment of their old rights and authority. [52] A -similar bond of friendship united his followers with their -fellow-countrymen of the older faith, many of whom voluntarily came -forward to assist the Muslims in their military expeditions in the same -spirit of loyalty to the new government as had caused them to hold -aloof from the great apostasy that raised the standard of revolt -throughout Arabia immediately after the death of the Prophet. [53] It -has been suggested that the Christian Arabs who guarded the frontier of -the Byzantine empire bordering on the desert threw in their lot with -the invading Muslim army, when Heraclius refused any longer to pay them -their accustomed subsidy for military service as wardens of the -marches. [54] - -In the battle of the Bridge (A.H. 13) when a disastrous defeat was -imminent and the panic-stricken Arabs were hemmed in between the -Euphrates and the Persian host, a Christian chief of the Banū Ṭayy -sprang forward like another Spurius Lartius to the side of an Arab -Horatius, to assist Muthannah the Muslim general in defending the -bridge of boats which could alone afford the means of an orderly -retreat. When fresh levies were raised to retrieve this disgrace, among -the reinforcements that came pouring in from every direction was a -Christian tribe of the Banū Namir, who dwelt within the limits of the -Byzantine empire, and in the ensuing battle of Buwayb (A.H. 13), just -before the final charge of the Arabs that turned the fortune of battle -in their favour, Muthannah rode up to the Christian chief and said: “Ye -are of one blood with us; come now, and as I charge, charge ye with -me.” The Persians fell back before their furious onslaught, and another -great victory was added to the glorious roll of Muslim triumphs. One of -the most gallant exploits of the day was performed by a youth belonging -to another Christian tribe of the desert, who with his companions, a -company of Bedouin horse-dealers, had come up just as the Arab army was -being drawn up in battle array. They threw themselves into the right on -the side of their compatriots; and while the conflict was raging most -fiercely, this youth, rushing into the centre of the Persians, slew -their leader, and leaping on his richly-caparisoned horse, galloped -back amidst the plaudits of the Muslim line, crying as he passed in -triumph: “I am of the Banū Taghlib. I am he that hath slain the chief.” -[55] - -The tribe to which this young man boasted that he belonged was one of -those that elected to remain Christian, while other tribes of -Mesopotamia, such as the Banū Namir and the Banū Quḍāʻah, became -Muslim. The Banū Taghlib had sent an embassy to the Prophet as early as -the year A.H. 9. The heathen members of the deputation embraced Islam -and he made a treaty with the Christians according to which they were -to retain their old faith but were not to baptise their children. A -condition so entirely at variance with the usual tolerant attitude of -Muḥammad towards the Christian Arabs, who were allowed to choose -between conversion to Islam and the payment of jizyah and never -compelled to abandon their faith, has given rise to the conjecture that -this condition was suggested by the Christian families of the Banū -Taghlib themselves, out of motives of economy. [56] The long survival -of Christianity in this tribe shows that this condition was certainly -not observed. The caliph ʻUmar forbade any pressure to be put upon -them, when they showed themselves unwilling to abandon their old faith -and ordered that they should be left undisturbed in the practice of it, -but that they were not to oppose the conversion of any member of their -tribe to Islam nor baptise the children of such as became Muslims. [57] -They were called upon to pay the jizyah [58] or tax imposed on the -non-Muslim subjects, but they felt it to be humiliating to their pride -to pay a tax that was levied in return for protection of life and -property, and petitioned the caliph to be allowed to make the same kind -of contribution as the Muslims did. So in lieu of the jizyah they paid -a double Ṣadaqah or alms, [59]—which was a poor tax levied on the -fields and cattle, etc., of the Muslims. [60] It especially irked the -Muslims that any of the Arabs should remain true to the Christian -faith. The majority of the Banū Tanūkh had become Muslim in the year -A.H. 12, when with other Christian Arab tribes they submitted to Khālid -b. al-Walīd, [61] but some of them appear to have remained true to -their old faith for nearly a century and a half, since the caliph -al-Mahdī (A.H. 158–169) is said to have seen a number of them who dwelt -in the neighbourhood of Aleppo, and learning that they were Christians, -in anger ordered them to accept Islam—which they did to the number of -5000, and one of them suffered martyrdom rather than apostatise. [62] -But for the most part, details are lacking for any history of the -disappearance of Christianity from among the Christian Arab tribes of -Northern Arabia; they seem to have become absorbed in the surrounding -Muslim community by an almost insensible process of “peaceful -penetration”; had attempts been made to convert them by force when they -first came under Muhammadan rule, it would not have been possible for -Christians to have survived among them up to the times of the ʻAbbāsid -caliphs. [63] - -The people of Ḥīrah had likewise resisted all the efforts made by -Khālid to induce them to accept the Muslim faith. This city was one of -the most illustrious in the annals of Arabia, and to the mind of the -impetuous hero of Islam it seemed that an appeal to their Arab blood -would be enough to induce them to enrol themselves with the followers -of the Prophet of Arabia. When the besieged citizens sent an embassy to -the Muslim general to arrange the terms of the capitulation of their -city, Khālid asked them, “Who are you? are you Arabs or Persians?” Then -ʻAdī, the spokesman of the deputation, replied, “Nay, we are -pure-blooded Arabs, while others among us are naturalised Arabs.” Kh. -“Had you been what you say you are, you would not have opposed us or -hated our cause.” ʻA. “Our pure Arab speech is the proof of what I -say.” Kh. “You speak truly. Now choose you one of these three things: -either (1) accept our faith, then your rights and obligations will be -the same as ours, whether you choose to go into another country or stay -in your own land; or (2) pay jizyah; or (3) war and battle. Verily, by -God! I have come to you with a people who are more desirous of death -than you are of life.” ʻA. “Nay, we will pay you jizyah.” Kh. “Ill-luck -to you! Unbelief is a pathless desert and foolish is the Arab who, when -two guides meet him wandering therein—the one an Arab and the other -not—leaves the first and accepts the guidance of the foreigner.” [64] - -Due provision was made for the instruction of the new converts, for -while whole tribes were being converted to the faith with such -rapidity, it was necessary to take precautions against errors, both in -respect of creed and ritual, such as might naturally be feared in the -case of ill-instructed converts. Accordingly we find that the caliph -ʻUmar appointed teachers in every country, whose duty it was to -instruct the people in the teachings of the Qurʼān and the observances -of their new faith. The magistrates were also ordered to see that all, -whether old or young, were regular in their attendance at public -prayer, especially on Fridays and in the month of Ramaḍān. The -importance attached to this work of instructing the new converts may be -judged from the fact that in the city of Kūfah it was no less a -personage than the state treasurer who was entrusted with this task. -[65] - -From the examples given above of the toleration extended towards the -Christian Arabs by the victorious Muslims of the first century of the -Hijrah and continued by succeeding generations, we may surely infer -that those Christian tribes that did embrace Islam, did so of their own -choice and free will. [66] The Christian Arabs of the present day, -dwelling in the midst of a Muhammadan population, are a living -testimony of this toleration; Layard speaks of having come across an -encampment of Christian Arabs at al-Karak, to the east of the Dead Sea, -who differed in no way, either in dress or in manners, from the Muslim -Arabs. [67] Burckhardt was told by the monks of Mount Sinai that in the -last century there still remained several families of Christian -Bedouins who had not embraced Islam, and that the last of them, an old -woman, died in 1750, and was buried in the garden of the convent. [68] - -Many of the Arabs of the renowned tribe of the Banū Ghassān, Arabs of -the purest blood, who embraced Christianity towards the end of the -fourth century, still retain the Christian faith, and since their -submission to the Church of Rome, about two centuries ago, employ the -Arabic language in their religious services. [69] - -If we turn from the Bedouins to consider the attitude of the settled -inhabitants of the towns and the non-Arab population towards the new -religion, we do not find that the Arab conquest was so rapidly followed -by conversions to Islam. The Christians of the great cities of the -eastern provinces of the Byzantine empire seem for the most part to -have remained faithful to their ancestral creed, to which indeed they -still in large numbers cling. - -In order that we may fully appreciate their condition under the Muslim -rule, and estimate the influences that led to occasional conversions, -it will be well briefly to sketch their situation under the Christian -rule of the Byzantine empire which fell back before the Arab arms. - -A hundred years before, Justinian had succeeded in giving some show of -unity to the Roman Empire, but after his death it rapidly fell asunder, -and at this time there was an entire want of common national feeling -between the provinces and the seat of government. Heraclius had made -some partially successful efforts to attach Syria again to the central -government, but unfortunately the general methods of reconciliation -which he adopted had served only to increase dissension instead of -allaying it. Religious passions were the only existing substitute for -national feeling, and he tried, by propounding an exposition of faith, -that was intended to serve as an eirenicon, to stop all further -disputes between the contending factions and unite the heretics to the -Orthodox Church and to the central government. The Council of Chalcedon -(451) had maintained that Christ was “to be acknowledged in two -natures, without confusion, change, division, or separation; the -difference of the natures being in nowise taken away by reason of their -union, but rather the properties of each nature being preserved, and -concurring into one person and one substance, not as it were divided or -separated into two persons, but one and the same Son and only begotten, -God the Word.” This council was rejected by the Monophysites, who only -allowed one nature in the person of Christ, who was said to be a -composite person, having all attributes divine and human, but the -substance bearing these attributes was no longer a duality, but a -composite unity. The controversy between the orthodox party and the -Monophysites, who flourished particularly in Egypt and Syria and in -countries outside the Byzantine empire, had been hotly contested for -nearly two centuries, when Heraclius sought to effect a reconciliation -by means of the doctrine of Monotheletism: while conceding the duality -of the natures, it secured unity of the person in the actual life of -Christ, by the rejection of two series of activities in this one -person; the one Christ and Son of God effectuates that which is human -and that which is divine by one divine human agency, i.e. there is only -one will in the Incarnate Word. [70] - -But Heraclius shared the fate of so many would-be peace-makers: for not -only did the controversy blaze up again all the more fiercely, but he -himself was stigmatised as a heretic and drew upon himself the wrath of -both parties. - -Indeed, so bitter was the feeling he aroused that there is strong -reason to believe that even a majority of the orthodox subjects of the -Roman Empire, in the provinces that were conquered during this -emperor’s reign, were the well-wishers of the Arabs; they regarded the -emperor with aversion as a heretic, and were afraid that he might -commence a persecution in order to force upon them his Monotheletic -opinions. [71] They therefore readily—and even eagerly—received the new -masters who promised them religious toleration, and were willing to -compromise their religious position and their national independence if -only they could free themselves from the immediately impending danger. - -Michael the Elder, Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch, writing in the latter -half of the twelfth century, could approve the decision of his -co-religionists and see the finger of God in the Arab conquests even -after the Eastern churches had had experience of five centuries of -Muhammadan rule. After recounting the persecutions of Heraclius, he -writes: “This is why the God of vengeance, who alone is all-powerful, -and changes the empire of mortals as He will, giving it to whomsoever -He will, and uplifting the humble—beholding the wickedness of the -Romans who, throughout their dominions, cruelly plundered our churches -and our monasteries and condemned us without pity—brought from the -region of the south the sons of Ishmael, to deliver us through them -from the hands of the Romans. And, if in truth, we have suffered some -loss, because the catholic churches, that had been taken away from us -and given to the Chalcedonians, remained in their possession; for when -the cities submitted to the Arabs, they assigned to each denomination -the churches which they found it to be in possession of (and at that -time the great church of Emessa and that of Harran had been taken away -from us); nevertheless it was no slight advantage for us to be -delivered from the cruelty of the Romans, their wickedness, their wrath -and cruel zeal against us, and to find ourselves at peace.” [72] - -When the Muslim army reached the valley of the Jordan and Abū ʻUbaydah -pitched his camp at Fiḥl, the Christian inhabitants of the country -wrote to the Arabs, saying: “O Muslims, we prefer you to the -Byzantines, though they are of our own faith, because you keep better -faith with us and are more merciful to us and refrain from doing us -injustice and your rule over us is better than theirs, for they have -robbed us of our goods and our homes.” [73] The people of Emessa closed -the gates of their city against the army of Heraclius and told the -Muslims that they preferred their government and justice to the -injustice and oppression of the Greeks. [74] - -Such was the state of feeling in Syria during the campaign of 633–639 -in which the Arabs gradually drove the Roman army out of the province. -And when Damascus, in 637, set the example of making terms with the -Arabs, and thus secured immunity from plunder and other favourable -conditions, the rest of the cities of Syria were not slow to follow. -Emessa, Arethusa, Hieropolis and other towns entered into treaties -whereby they became tributary to the Arabs. Even the patriarch of -Jerusalem surrendered the city on similar terms. The fear of religious -compulsion on the part of the heretical emperor made the promise of -Muslim toleration appear more attractive than the connection with the -Roman Empire and a Christian government, and after the first terrors -caused by the passage of an invading army, there succeeded a profound -revulsion of feeling in favour of the Arab conquerors. [75] - -For the provinces of the Byzantine empire that were rapidly acquired by -the prowess of the Muslims found themselves in the enjoyment of a -toleration such as, on account of their Monophysite and Nestorian -opinions, had been unknown to them for many centuries. They were -allowed the free and undisturbed exercise of their religion with some -few restrictions imposed for the sake of preventing any friction -between the adherents of the rival religions, or arousing any -fanaticism by the ostentatious exhibition of religious symbols that -were so offensive to Muslim feeling. [76] The extent of this -toleration—so striking in the history of the seventh century—may be -judged from the terms granted to the conquered cities, in which -protection of life and property and toleration of religious belief were -given in return for submission and the payment of jizyah. [77] - -The exact details of these agreements cannot easily be disentangled -from the accretions with which they have become overlaid, but whether -verbally authentic or not, they are significant as representing the -historic tradition accepted by the Muslim historians of the second -century of the Hijrah—a tradition that could hardly have become -established had there been extant evidence to the contrary. As an -example of such an agreement, the conditions [78] may be quoted that -are stated to have been drawn up when Jerusalem submitted to the caliph -ʻUmar b. al-Khaṭṭāb: “In the name of God, the Merciful, the -Compassionate! This is the security which ʻUmar, the servant of God, -the commander of the faithful, grants to the people of Ælia. He grants -to all, whether sick or sound, security for their lives, their -possessions, their churches and their crosses, and for all that -concerns their religion. Their churches shall not be changed into -dwelling places, nor destroyed, neither shall they nor their -appurtenances be in any way diminished, nor the crosses of the -inhabitants nor aught of their possessions, nor shall any constraint be -put upon them in the matter of their faith, nor shall any one of them -be harmed.” [79] - -Tribute was imposed upon them of five dīnārs for the rich, four for the -middle class and three for the poor. In company with the Patriarch, -ʻUmar visited the holy places, and it is said while they were in the -Church of the Resurrection, as it was the appointed hour of prayer, the -Patriarch bade the caliph offer his prayers there, but he thoughtfully -refused, saying that if he were to do so, his followers might -afterwards claim it as a place of Muslim worship. - -It is in harmony with the same spirit of kindly consideration for his -subjects of another faith, that ʻUmar is recorded to have ordered an -allowance of money and food to be made to some Christian lepers, -apparently out of the public funds. [80] Even in his last testament, in -which he enjoins on his successor the duties of his high office, he -remembers the dhimmīs (or protected persons of other faiths): “I -commend to his care the dhimmīs, who enjoy the protection of God and of -the Prophet; let him see to it that the covenant with them is kept, and -that no greater burdens than they can bear are laid upon them.” [81] - -A later generation attributed to ʻUmar a number of restrictive -regulations which hampered the Christians in the free exercise of their -religion, but De Goeje [82] and Caetani [83] have proved without doubt -that they are the invention of a later age; as, however, Muslim -theologians of less tolerant periods accepted these ordinances as -genuine, they are of importance for forming a judgment as to the -condition of the Christian Churches under Muslim rule. This so-called -ordinance of ʻUmar runs as follows:—“In the name of God, the Merciful, -the Compassionate! This is a writing to ʻUmar b. al-Khaṭṭāb from the -Christians of such and such a city. When you marched against us, we -asked of you protection for ourselves, our posterity, our possessions -and our co-religionists; and we made this stipulation with you, that we -will not erect in our city or the suburbs any new monastery, church, -cell or hermitage; [84] that we will not repair any of such buildings -that may fall into ruins, or renew those that may be situated in the -Muslim quarters of the town; that we will not refuse the Muslims entry -into our churches either by night or by day; that we will open the -gates wide to passengers and travellers; that we will receive any -Muslim traveller into our houses and give him food and lodging for -three nights; that we will not harbour any spy in our churches or -houses, or conceal any enemy of the Muslims; that we will not teach our -children the Qurʼān; [85] that we will not make a show of the Christian -religion nor invite any one to embrace it; that we will not prevent any -of our kinsmen from embracing Islam, if they so desire. That we will -honour the Muslims and rise up in our assemblies when they wish to take -their seats; that we will not imitate them in our dress, either in the -cap, turban, sandals, or parting of the hair; that we will not make use -of their expressions of speech, [86] nor adopt their surnames; that we -will not ride on saddles, or gird on swords, or take to ourselves arms -or wear them, or engrave Arabic inscriptions on our rings; that we will -not sell wine; that we will shave the front of our heads; that we will -keep to our own style of dress, wherever we may be; that we will wear -girdles round our waists; that we will not display the cross upon our -churches or display our crosses or our sacred books in the streets of -the Muslims, or in their market-places; [87] that we will strike the -bells [88] in our churches lightly; that we will not recite our -services in a loud voice when a Muslim is present, that we will not -carry palm-branches or our images in procession in the streets, that at -the burial of our dead we will not chant loudly or carry lighted -candles in the streets of the Muslims or their market-places; that we -will not take any slaves that have already been in the possession of -Muslims, nor spy into their houses; and that we will not strike any -Muslim. All this we promise to observe, on behalf of ourselves and our -co-religionists, and receive protection from you in exchange; and if we -violate any of the conditions of this agreement, then we forfeit your -protection and you are at liberty to treat us as enemies and rebels.” -[89] - -The earliest mention of this document is made by Ibn Ḥazm, who died in -the middle of the fifth century of the Hijrah; its provisions represent -the more intolerant practice of a later age, and indeed were -regulations that were put into force with no sort of regularity, some -outburst of fanaticism being generally needed for any appeal to be made -for their application. There is abundant evidence to show that the -Christians in the early days of the Muhammadan conquest had little to -complain of in the way of religious disabilities. It is true that -adherence to their ancient faith rendered them obnoxious to the payment -of jizyah—a word which originally denoted tribute of any kind paid by -the non-Muslim subjects of the Arab empire, but came later on to be -used for the capitation-tax as the fiscal system of the new rulers -became fixed; [90] but this jizyah was too moderate to constitute a -burden, seeing that it released them from the compulsory military -service that was incumbent on their Muslim fellow-subjects. Conversion -to Islam was certainly attended by a certain pecuniary advantage, but -his former religion could have had but little hold on a convert who -abandoned it merely to gain exemption from the jizyah; and now, instead -of jizyah, the convert had to pay the legal alms, zakāt, annually -levied on most kinds of movable and immovable property. [91] The -pecuniary temptation to escape the incidence of taxation by means of -conversion was considerably lessened when financial considerations -compelled the Arab government, towards the end of the first century, to -insist on the new converts continuing to pay jizyah even after they had -been received into the community of the faithful. [92] On the other -hand it must be remembered that the non-Muslim sections of the -population always ran the risk of becoming the victims of fiscal -oppression when the state was in need of revenue. - -The rates of jizyah levied by the early conquerors were not uniform, -[93] and the great Muslim doctors, Abū Ḥanīfah and Mālik, are not in -agreement on some of the less important details; [94] the following -facts taken from the Kitāb al-Kharāj, drawn up by Abū Yūsuf at the -request of Hārūn al-Rashīd (A.D. 786–809) may be taken as generally -representative of Muhammadan procedure under the ʻAbbāsid Caliphate. -The rich were to pay forty-eight dirhams [95] a year, the middle -classes twenty-four, while from the poor, i.e. the field-labourers and -artisans, only twelve dirhams were taken. This tax could be paid in -kind if desired; cattle, merchandise, household effects, even needles -were to be accepted in lieu of specie, but not pigs, wine, or dead -animals. The tax was to be levied only on able-bodied males, and not on -women or children. [96] The poor who were dependent for their -livelihood on alms and the aged poor who were incapable of work were -also specially excepted, as also the blind, the lame, the incurables -and the insane, unless they happened to be men of wealth; this same -condition applied to priests and monks, who were exempt if dependent on -the alms of the rich, but had to pay if they were well-to-do and lived -in comfort. The collectors of the jizyah were particularly instructed -to show leniency, and refrain from all harsh treatment or the -infliction of corporal punishment, in case of non-payment. [97] - -This tax was not imposed on the Christians, as some would have us -think, as a penalty for their refusal to accept the Muslim faith, but -was paid by them in common with the other dhimmīs or non-Muslim -subjects of the state whose religion precluded them from serving in the -army, in return for the protection secured for them by the arms of the -Musalmans. When the people of Hīrah contributed the sum agreed upon, -they expressly mentioned that they paid this jizyah on condition that -“the Muslims and their leader protect us from those who would oppress -us, whether they be Muslims or others.” [98] Again, in the treaty made -by Khālid with some towns in the neighbourhood of Hīrah, he writes: “If -we protect you, then jizyah is due to us; but if we do not, then it is -not due.” [99] How clearly this condition was recognised by the -Muhammadans may be judged from the following incident in the reign of -the Caliph ʻUmar. The Emperor Heraclius had raised an enormous army -with which to drive back the invading forces of the Muslims, who had in -consequence to concentrate all their energies on the impending -encounter. The Arab general, Abū ʻUbaydah, accordingly wrote to the -governors of the conquered cities of Syria, ordering them to pay back -all the jizyah that had been collected from the cities, and wrote to -the people, saying, “We give you back the money that we took from you, -as we have received news that a strong force is advancing against us. -The agreement between us was that we should protect you, and as this is -not now in our power, we return you all that we took. But if we are -victorious we shall consider ourselves bound to you by the old terms of -our agreement.” In accordance with this order, enormous sums were paid -back out of the state treasury, and the Christians called down -blessings on the heads of the Muslims, saying, “May God give you rule -over us again and make you victorious over the Romans; had it been -they, they would not have given us back anything, but would have taken -all that remained with us.” [100] - -As stated above, the jizyah was levied on the able-bodied males, in -lieu of the military service they would have been called upon to -perform had they been Musalmans; and it is very noticeable that when -any Christian people served in the Muslim army, they were exempted from -the payment of this tax. Such was the case with the tribe of -al-Jurājimah, a Christian tribe in the neighbourhood of Antioch, who -made peace with the Muslims, promising to be their allies and fight on -their side in battle, on condition that they should not be called upon -to pay jizyah and should receive their proper share of the booty. [101] -When the Arab conquests were pushed to the north of Persia in A.H. 22, -a similar agreement was made with a frontier tribe, which was exempted -from the payment of jizyah in consideration of military service. [102] - -We find similar instances of the remission of jizyah in the case of -Christians who served in the army or navy under the Turkish rule. For -example, the inhabitants of Megaris, a community of Albanian -Christians, were exempted from the payment of this tax on condition -that they furnished a body of armed men to guard the passes over Mounts -Cithæron and Geranea, which lead to the Isthmus of Corinth; the -Christians who served as pioneers of the advance-guard of the Turkish -army, repairing the roads and bridges, were likewise exempt from -tribute and received grants of land quit of all taxation; [103] and the -Christian inhabitants of Hydra paid no direct taxes to the Sultan, but -furnished instead a contingent of 250 able-bodied seamen to the Turkish -fleet, who were supported out of the local treasury. [104] - -The Southern Rumanians, the so-called Armatoli, [105] who constituted -so important an element of strength in the Turkish army during the -sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and the Mirdites, a tribe of -Albanian Catholics who occupied the mountains to the north of Scutari, -were exempt from taxation on condition of supplying an armed contingent -in time of war. [106] In the same spirit, in consideration of the -services they rendered to the state, the capitation-tax was not imposed -upon the Greek Christians who looked after the aqueducts that supplied -Constantinople with drinking water, [107] nor on those who had charge -of the powder-magazine in that city. [108] On the other hand, when the -Egyptian peasants, although Muslim in faith, were made exempt from -military service, a tax was imposed upon them as on the Christians, in -lieu thereof. [109] - -Living under this security of life and property and such toleration of -religious thought, the Christian community—especially in the -towns—enjoyed a flourishing prosperity in the early days of the -Caliphate. - -Muʻāwiyah (661–680) employed Christians very largely in his service, -and other members of the reigning house followed his example. [110] -Christians frequently held high posts at court, e.g. a Christian Arab, -al-Akhṭal, was court poet, and the father of St. John of Damascus, -counsellor to the caliph ʻAbd al-Malik (685–705). In the service of the -caliph al-Muʻtaṣim (833–842), there were two brothers, Christians, who -stood very high in the confidence of the Commander of the Faithful: the -one, named Salmūyah, seems to have occupied somewhat the position of a -modern secretary of state, and no royal documents were valid until -countersigned by him, while his brother, Ibrāhīm, was entrusted with -the care of the privy seal, and was set over the Bayt al-Māl or Public -Treasury, an office that, from the nature of the funds and their -disposal, might have been expected to have been put into the hands of a -Muslim; so great was the caliph’s personal affection for this Ibrāhīm, -that he visited him in his sickness, and was overwhelmed with grief at -his death, and on the day of the funeral ordered the body to be brought -to the palace and the Christian rites performed there with great -solemnity. [111] - -ʻAbd al-Malik appointed a certain Athanasius, a Christian scholar of -Edessa, tutor to his brother, ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz. Athanasius accompanied his -pupil, when he was appointed governor of Egypt, and there amassed great -wealth; he is said to have possessed 4000 slaves, villages, houses, -gardens, and gold and silver “like stones”; his sons took a dīnār from -each of the soldiers when they received their pay, and as there were -30,000 troops then in Egypt, some idea may be formed of the wealth that -Athanasius accumulated during the twenty-one years that he spent in -that country. [112] At the close of the eighth century, a certain Abū -Nūḥ al-Anbārī was secretary to Abū Mūsạ̄ b. Muṣʻab, governor of Mosul, -and used his powerful influence for the benefit of his Christian -co-religionists. [113] - -In the reign of al-Muʻtadid (892–902), the governor of Anbār, ʻUmar b. -Yūsuf, was a Christian, and the caliph approved of the appointment on -the ground that if a Christian were found to be competent, a post might -well be given to him, as there were better reasons for trusting a -Christian than either a Jew, a Muslim or a Zoroastrian. [114] -Al-Muwaffaq, who was virtual ruler of the empire during the reign of -his brother al-Muʻtamid (870–892), entrusted the administration of the -army to a Christian named Israel, and his son, al-Muʻtaḍid, had as one -of his secretaries another Christian, Malik b. al-Walīd. In a later -reign, that of al-Muqtadir (908–932), a Christian was again in charge -of the war office. [115] - -Naṣr b. Hārūn, the Prime Minister of ʻAḍud al-Dawlah (949–982), of the -Buwayhid dynasty of Persia, who ruled over Southern Persia and ʻIrāq, -was a Christian. [116] For a long time, the government offices, -especially in the department of finance, were filled with Christians -and Persians; [117] to a much later date was such the case in Egypt, -where at times the Christians almost entirely monopolised such posts. -[118] Particularly as physicians, the Christians frequently amassed -great wealth and were much honoured in the houses of the great. -Gabriel, the personal physician of the caliph Hārūn al-Rashīd, was a -Nestorian Christian and derived a yearly income of 800,000 dirhams from -his private property, in addition to an emolument of 280,000 dirhams a -year in return for his attendance on the caliph; the second physician, -also a Christian, received 22,000 dirhams a year. [119] In trade and -commerce, the Christians also attained considerable affluence: indeed -it was frequently their wealth that excited against them the jealous -cupidity of the mob—a feeling that fanatics took advantage of, to -persecute and oppress them. Further, the non-Muslim communities enjoyed -an almost complete autonomy, for the government placed in their hands -the independent management of their internal affairs, and their -religious leaders exercised judicial functions in cases that concerned -their co-religionists only. [120] Their churches and monasteries were, -for the most part, not interfered with, except in the large cities, -where some of them were turned into mosques—a measure that could hardly -be objected to in view of the enormous increase in the Muslim and -corresponding decrease in the Christian population. - -Recent historical criticism has demonstrated the impossibility of the -legend that when Damascus was taken by the Arabs, the churches were -equally divided between the Christians and the conquerors, on the plea -that while one Muslim general made his way into the city by the eastern -gate at the point of the sword, another at the western gate received -the submission of the governor of the city; a similar scrutiny of -historical documents as well as of the topography of the building has -shown that the great cathedral of St. John could never have been used -in the manner described by some Arabic historians as a common place of -worship for both Christians and Muslims. [121] But the very fact that -these historians should have believed that such an arrangement -continued for nearly eighty years, testifies to the early recognition -of the liberty granted to the Christians of practising the observances -of their religion. - -The opinion of the Muhammadan legists is very diverse on this question, -from the more liberal Ḥanafī doctrine, which declares that, though it -is unlawful to construct churches and synagogues in Muhammadan -territory, those already existing can be repaired if they have been -destroyed or have fallen into decay, while in villages and hamlets, -where the tokens of Islam do not appear, new churches and synagogues -may be built—to the intolerant Ḥanbalite view that they may neither be -erected nor be restored when damaged or ruined. Some legists held that -the privileges varied according to treaty rights: in towns taken by -force, no new houses of prayer might be erected by dhimmīs, but if a -special treaty had been made, the building of new churches and -synagogues was allowed. [122] But like so many of the lucubrations of -Muhammadan legists, these prescriptions bore but little relation to -actual facts. [123] Schoolmen might agree that the dhimmīs could build -no houses of prayer in a city of Muslim foundation, but the civil -authority permitted the Copts to erect churches in the new capital of -Cairo. [124] In other cities also the Christians were allowed to erect -new churches and monasteries. The very fact that ʻUmar II (717–720), at -the close of the first century of the Hijrah, should have ordered the -destruction of all recently constructed churches, [125] and that rather -more than a century later, the fanatical al-Mutawakkil (847–861) should -have had to repeat the same order, shows how little the prohibition of -the building of new churches was put into force. [126] We have numerous -instances recorded, both by Christian and Muhammadan historians, of the -building of new churches: e.g. in the reign of ʻAbd al-Malik (685–705), -a wealthy Christian of Edessa, named Athanasius, erected in his native -city a fine church dedicated to the Mother of God, and a Baptistery in -honour of the picture of Christ that was reputed to have been sent to -King Abgar; he also built a number of churches and monasteries in -various parts of Egypt, among them two magnificent churches in Fusṭāṭ. -[127] Some Christian chamberlains in the service of ʻAbd al-ʻAziz b. -Marwān (brother of ʻAbd al-Malik), the governor of Egypt, obtained -permission to build a church in Ḥalwān, which was dedicated to St. -John, [128] though this town was a Muslim creation. In A.D. 711 a -Jacobite church was built at Antioch by order of the caliph al-Walīd -(705–715). [129] In the first year of the reign of Yazīd II (A.D. 720), -Mār Elias, the Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch, made a solemn entry into -Antioch, accompanied by his clergy and monks, to consecrate a new -church which he had caused to be built; and in the following year he -consecrated another church in the village of Sarmada, in the district -of Antioch, and the only opposition he met with was from the rival -Christian sect that accepted the Council of Chalcedon. [130] In the -following reign, Khālid al-Qasrī, who was governor of Arabian and -Persian ʻIrāq from 724 to 738, built a church for his mother, who was a -Christian, to worship in. [131] In 759 the building of a church at -Nisibis was completed, on which the Nestorian bishop, Cyprian, had -expended a sum of 56,000 dīnārs. [132] From the same century dates the -church of Abū Sirjah in the ancient Roman fortress in old Cairo. [133] -In the reign of al-Mahdī (775–785) a church was erected in Baghdād for -the use of the Christian prisoners that had been taken captive during -the numerous campaigns against the Byzantine empire. [134] Another -church was built in the same city, in the reign of Hārūn al-Rashīd -(786–809), by the people of Samālū, who had submitted to the caliph and -received protection from him; [135] during the same reign Sergius, the -Nestorian Metropolitan of Baṣrah, received permission to build a church -in that city, [136] though it was a Muslim foundation, having been -created by the caliph ʻUmar in the year 638, and a magnificent church -was erected in Babylon in which were enshrined the bodies of the -prophets Daniel and Ezechiel. [137] When al-Maʼmūn (813–833) was in -Egypt he gave permission to two of his chamberlains to erect a church -on al-Muqaṭṭam, a hill near Cairo; and by the same caliph’s leave, a -wealthy Christian, named Bukām, built several fine churches at Būrah in -Egypt. [138] The Nestorian Patriarch, Timotheus, who died A.D. 820, -erected a church at Takrīt and a monastery at Baghdād. [139] In the -tenth century, the beautiful Coptic church of Abū Sayfayn was built in -Fusṭāṭ. [140] A new church was built at Jiddah in the reign of -al-Ẓāhir, the seventh Fāṭimid caliph of Egypt (1020–1035). [141] New -churches and monasteries were also built in the reign of the ʻAbbāsid, -al-Mustaḍī (1170–1180). [142] In 1187 a church was built at Fusṭāṭ and -dedicated to Our Lady the Pure Virgin. [143] - -Indeed, so far from the development of the Christian Church being -hampered by the establishment of Muhammadan rule, the history of the -Nestorians exhibits a remarkable outburst of religious life and energy -from the time of their becoming subject to the Muslims. [144] -Alternately petted and persecuted by the Persian kings, in whose -dominions by far the majority of the members of this sect were found, -it had passed a rather precarious existence and had been subjected to -harsh treatment, when war between Persia and Byzantium exposed it to -the suspicion of sympathising with the Christian enemy. But, under the -rule of the caliphs, the security they enjoyed at home enabled them to -vigorously push forward their missionary enterprises abroad. -Missionaries were sent into China and India, both of which were raised -to the dignity of metropolitan sees in the eighth century; about the -same period they gained a footing in Egypt, and later spread the -Christian faith right across Asia, and by the eleventh century had -gained many converts from among the Tatars. [145] - -If the other Christian sects failed to exhibit the same vigorous life, -it was not the fault of the Muhammadans. All were tolerated alike by -the supreme government, and furthermore were prevented from persecuting -one another. [146] In the fifth century, Barsauma, a Nestorian bishop, -had persuaded the Persian king to set on foot a fierce persecution of -the Orthodox Church, by representing Nestorius as a friend of the -Persians and his doctrines as approximating to their own; as many as -7800 of the Orthodox clergy, with an enormous number of laymen, are -said to have been butchered during this persecution. [147] Another -persecution was instituted against the Orthodox by Khusrau II, after -the invasion of Persia by Heraclius, at the instigation of a Jacobite, -who persuaded the King that the Orthodox would always be favourably -inclined towards the Byzantines. [148] But the principles of Muslim -toleration forbade such acts of injustice as these: on the contrary, it -seems to have been their endeavour to deal fairly by all their -Christian subjects: e.g. after the conquest of Egypt, the Jacobites -took advantage of the expulsion of the Byzantine authorities to rob the -Orthodox of their churches, but later they were restored by the -Muhammadans to their rightful owners when these had made good their -claim to possess them. [149] - -In view of the toleration thus extended to their Christian subjects in -the early period of the Muslim rule, the common hypothesis of the sword -as the factor of conversion seems hardly satisfactory, and we are -compelled to seek for other motives than that of persecution. But -unfortunately very few details are forthcoming and we are obliged to -have recourse to conjecture. [150] In an age so prolific of theological -speculation, there may well have been some thinkers whose trend of -thought had prepared them for the acceptance of the Muhammadan -position. Such were those Shahrīghān or landed proprietors in Persia in -the eighth century, who were nominally Christians, but maintained that -Christ was an ordinary man and that he was as one of the Prophets. -[151] They appear at times to have given a good deal of trouble to the -Nestorian clergy, who were at great pains to draw them into the paths -of orthodoxy; [152] but their theological position was more closely -akin to Islam than to Christian doctrine, and they probably went to -swell the ranks of the converts after the Arab conquest of the Persian -empire. - -Many Christian theologians [153] have supposed that the debased -condition—moral and spiritual—of the Eastern Church of that period must -have alienated the hearts of many and driven them to seek a healthier -spiritual atmosphere in the faith of Islam which had come to them in -all the vigour of new-born zeal. [154] For example, Dean Milman [155] -asks, “What was the state of the Christian world in the provinces -exposed to the first invasion of Mohammedanism? Sect opposed to sect, -clergy wrangling with clergy upon the most abstruse and metaphysical -points of doctrine. The orthodox, the Nestorians, the Eutychians, the -Jacobites were persecuting each other with unexhausted animosity; and -it is not judging too severely the evils of religious controversy to -suppose that many would rejoice in the degradation of their adversaries -under the yoke of the unbeliever, rather than make common cause with -them in defence of the common Christianity. In how many must this -incessant disputation have shaken the foundations of their faith! It -had been wonderful if thousands had not, in their weariness and -perplexity, sought refuge from these interminable and implacable -controversies in the simple, intelligible truth of the Divine Unity, -though purchased by the acknowledgment of the prophetic mission of -Mohammed.” Similarly, Caetani sees in the spread of Islam, among the -Christians of the Eastern Churches, a revulsion of feeling from the -dogmatic subtleties introduced into Christian theology by the -Hellenistic spirit. “For the East, with its love of clear and simple -concepts, Hellenic culture was, from the religious point of view, a -misfortune, because it changed the sublime and simple teachings of -Christ into a creed bristling with incomprehensible dogmas, full of -doubts and uncertainties; these ended with producing a feeling of deep -dismay and shook the very foundations of religious belief; so that when -at last there appeared, coming out suddenly from the desert, the news -of the new revelation, this bastard oriental Christianity, torn asunder -by internal discords, wavering in its fundamental dogmas, dismayed by -such incertitudes, could no longer resist the temptations of a new -faith, which swept away at one single stroke all miserable doubts, and -offered, along with simple, clear and undisputed doctrines, great -material advantages also. The East then abandoned Christ and threw -itself into the arms of the Prophet of Arabia.” [156] - -Again, Canon Taylor [157] says: “It is easy to understand why this -reformed Judaism spread so swiftly over Africa and Asia. The African -and Syrian doctors had substituted abstruse metaphysical dogmas for the -religion of Christ: they tried to combat the licentiousness of the age -by setting forth the celestial merit of celibacy and the angelic -excellence of virginity—seclusion from the world was the road of -holiness, dirt was the characteristic of monkish sanctity—the people -were practically polytheists, worshipping a crowd of martyrs, saints -and angels; the upper classes were effeminate and corrupt, the middle -classes oppressed by taxation, [158] the slaves without hope for the -present or the future. As with the besom of God, Islam swept away this -mass of corruption and superstition. It was a revolt against empty -theological polemics; it was a masculine protest against the exaltation -of celibacy as a crown of piety. It brought out the fundamental dogmas -of religion—the unity and greatness of God, that He is merciful and -righteous, that He claims obedience to His will, resignation and faith. -It proclaimed the responsibility of man, a future life, a day of -judgment, and stern retribution to fall upon the wicked; and enforced -the duties of prayer, almsgiving, fasting and benevolence. It thrust -aside the artificial virtues, the religious frauds and follies, the -perverted moral sentiments, and the verbal subtleties of theological -disputants. It replaced monkishness by manliness. It gave hope to the -slave, brotherhood to mankind, and recognition to the fundamental facts -of human nature.” - -Islam has, moreover, been represented as a reaction against that -Byzantine ecclesiasticism, [159] which looked upon the emperor and his -court as a copy of the Divine Majesty on high, and the emperor himself -as not only the supreme earthly ruler of Christendom, but as -High-priest also. [160] Under Justinian this system had been hardened -into a despotism that pressed like an iron weight upon clergy and laity -alike. In 532 the widespread dissatisfaction in Constantinople with -both church and state, burst out into a revolt against the government -of Justinian, which was only suppressed after a massacre of 35,000 -persons. The Greens, as the party of the malcontents was termed, had -made open and violent protest in the circus against the oppression of -the emperor, crying out, “Justice has vanished from the world and is no -more to be found. But we will become Jews, or rather we will return -again to Grecian paganism.” [161] The lapse of a century had removed -none of the grounds for the dissatisfaction that here found such -violent expression, but the heavy hand of the Byzantine government -prevented the renewal of such an outbreak as that of 532 and compelled -the malcontents to dissemble, though in 560 some secret heathens were -detected in Constantinople and punished. [162] On the borders of the -empire, however, at a distance from the capital, such malcontents were -safer, and the persecuted heretics, and others dissatisfied with the -Byzantine state-church, took refuge in the East, and here the Muslim -armies would be welcomed by the spiritual children of those who a -hundred years before had desired to exchange the Christian religion for -another faith. - -Further, the general adoption of the Arabic language throughout the -empire of the caliphate, especially in the towns and the great centres -of population, and the gradual assimilation in manners and customs that -in the course of about two centuries caused the numerous conquered -races to be largely merged in the national life of the ruling race, had -no doubt a counterpart in the religious and intellectual life of many -members of the protected religions. The rationalistic movement that so -powerfully influenced Muslim theology from the second to the fifth -century of the Hijrah may very possibly have influenced Christian -thinkers, and turned them from a religion, the prevailing tone of whose -theology seems at this time to have been Credo quia impossibile. A -Muhammadan writer of the fourth century of the Hijrah has preserved for -us a conversation with a Coptic Christian which may safely be taken as -characteristic of the general mental attitude of the rest of the -Eastern Churches at this period:— - -“My proof for the truth of Christianity is, that I find its teachings -contradictory and mutually destructive, for they are repugnant to -reason and revolting to the intellect, on account of their -inconsistency and mutual contrariety. No reflection can strengthen -them, no discussion can prove them; and however thoughtfully we may -investigate them, neither the intellect nor the senses can provide us -with any argument in support of them. Notwithstanding this, I have seen -that many nations and mighty kings of learning and sound judgment, have -given in their allegiance to the Christian faith; so I conclude that if -these have accepted it in spite of all the contradictions referred to, -it is because the proofs they have received, in the form of signs and -miracles, have compelled them to submit to it.” [163] - -On the other hand, it should be remembered that those who passed over -from Christianity to Islam, under the influence of the rationalistic -tendencies of the age, would find in the Muʻtazilite presentment of -Muslim theology, very much that was common to the two faiths, so that -as far as the articles of belief and the intellectual attitude towards -many theological questions were concerned, the transition was not so -violent as might be supposed. To say nothing of the numerous -fundamental doctrines, that will at once suggest themselves to those -even who have only a slight knowledge of the teachings of the Prophet, -there were many other common points of view, that were the direct -consequences of the close relationships between the Christian and -Muhammadan theologians in Damascus under the Umayyad caliphs as also in -later times; for it has been maintained that there is clear evidence of -the influence of the Byzantine theologians on the development of the -systematic treatment of Muhammadan dogmatics. The very form and -arrangement of the oldest rule of faith in the Arabic language suggest -a comparison with similar treatises of St. John of Damascus and other -Christian fathers. [164] The oldest Arab Ṣūfīism, the trend of which -was purely towards the ascetic life (as distinguished from the later -pantheistic Ṣūfīism) originated largely under the influence of -Christian thought. [165] Such influence is especially traceable in the -doctrines of some of the Muʻtazilite sects, [166] who busied themselves -with speculations on the attributes of the divine nature quite in the -manner of the Byzantine theologians: the Qadariyyah or libertarians of -Islam probably borrowed their doctrine of the freedom of the will -directly from Christianity, while the Murjiʼah in their denial of the -doctrine of eternal punishment were in thorough agreement with the -teaching of the Eastern Church on this subject as against the generally -received opinion of orthodox Muslims. [167] On the other hand, the -influence of the more orthodox doctors of Islam in the conversion of -unbelievers is attested by the tradition that twenty thousand -Christians, Jews and Magians became Muslims when the great Imām Ibn -Ḥanbal died. [168] A celebrated doctor of the same sect, Abu’l-Faraj b. -al-Jawzī (A.D. 1115–1201), the most learned man of his time, a popular -preacher and most prolific writer, is said to have boasted that just -the same number of persons accepted the faith of Islam at his hands. -[169] - -Further, the vast and unparalleled success of the Muslim arms shook the -faith of the Christian peoples that came under their rule and saw in -these conquests the hand of God. [170] Worldly prosperity they -associated with the divine favour and the God of battle (they thought) -would surely give the victory only into the hands of his favoured -servants. Thus the very success of the Muhammadans seemed to argue the -truth of their religion. - -The Islamic ideal of the brotherhood of all believers was a powerful -attraction towards this creed, and though the Arab pride of birth -strove to refuse for several generations the privileges of the ruling -race to the new converts, still as “clients” of the various Arab tribes -to which at first they used to be affiliated, they received a -recognised position in the community, and by the close of the first -century of the Hijrah they had vindicated for this ideal its true place -in Muslim theology and at least a theoretical recognition in the state. -[171] - -But the condition of the Christians did not always continue to be so -tolerable as under the earlier caliphs. In the interests of the true -believers, vexatious conditions were sometimes imposed upon the -non-Muslim population (or dhimmīs), with the object of securing for the -faithful superior social advantages. Unsuccessful attempts were made by -several caliphs to exclude them from the public offices. Decrees to -this effect were passed by al-Manṣūr (754–775), al-Mutawakkil -(847–861), al-Muqtadir (908–932), and in Egypt by al-Āmir (1101–1130), -one of the Fāṭimid caliphs, and by the Mamlūk Sultans in the fourteenth -century. [172] But the very fact that these decrees excluding the -dhimmīs from government posts were so often renewed, is a sign of the -want of any continuity or persistency in putting such intolerant -measures into practice. In fact they may generally be traced either to -popular indignation excited by the harsh and insolent behaviour of -Christian officials, [173] or to outbursts of fanaticism which forced -upon the government acts of oppression that were contrary to the -general spirit of Muslim rule and were consequently allowed to lapse as -soon as possible. - -The beginning of a harsher treatment of the native Christian population -dates from the reign of Hārūn al-Rashīd (786–809) who ordered them to -wear a distinctive dress and give up the government posts they held to -Muslims. The first of these orders shows how little one at least of the -ordinances ascribed to ʻUmar was observed, and these decrees were the -outcome, not so much of any purely religious feeling, as of the -political circumstances of the time. The Christians under Muhammadan -rule have often had to suffer for the bad faith kept by foreign -Christian powers in their relations with Muhammadan princes, and on -this occasion it was the treachery of the Byzantine Emperor, -Nicephorus, that caused the Christian name to stink in the nostrils of -Hārūn. [174] Many of the persecutions of Christians in Muslim countries -can be traced either to distrust of their loyalty, excited by the -intrigues and interference of Christian foreigners and the enemies of -Islam, or to the bad feeling stirred up by the treacherous or brutal -behaviour of the latter towards the Musalmans. Religious fanaticism is, -however, responsible for many of such persecutions, as in the reign of -the Caliph al-Mutawakkil (847–861), under whom severe measures of -oppression were taken against the Christians. This prince took -advantage of the strong Orthodox reaction that had set in in Muhammadan -theology against the rationalistic and freethinking tendencies that had -had free play under former rulers,—and came forward as the champion of -the extreme orthodox party, to which the mass of the people as -contrasted with the higher classes belonged, [175] and which was eager -to exact vengeance for the persecutions it had itself suffered in the -two preceding reigns; [176] he sought to curry their favour by -persecuting the Muʻtazilites, forbidding all further discussions on the -Qurʼān and declaring the doctrine that it was created, to be heretical; -he had the followers of ʻAlī imprisoned and beaten, pulled down the -tomb of Ḥusayn at Karbalāʼ and forbade pilgrimages to be made to the -site. The Christians shared in the sufferings of the other heretics; -for al-Mutawakkil put rigorously into force the rules that had been -passed in former reigns prescribing a distinction in the dress of -dhimmīs and Muslims, ordered that the Christians should no longer be -employed in the public offices, doubled the capitation-tax, forbade -them to have Muslim slaves or use the same baths as the Muslims, and -harassed them with several other restrictions. - -It is noteworthy that the historians of the Nestorian Church—which had -to suffer most from this persecution—describe it as something new and -individual to al-Mutawakkil, and as ceasing with his death. [177] One -of his successors, al-Muqtadir (A.D. 908–932), renewed these -regulations, which the lapse of half a century had apparently caused to -fall into disuse. - -Other outbursts of fanaticism led to the destruction of churches and -synagogues, [178] and the terror of such persecution led to the -defection of many from the Christian Church. [179] But such oppression -was contrary to the tolerant spirit of Islam, and to the teaching -traditionally ascribed to the Prophet; [180] and the fanatical party -tried in vain to enforce the persistent execution of these oppressive -measures for the humiliation of the non-Muslim population. “The ʻulamaʼ -(i.e. the learned, the clergy) consider this state of things; they weep -and groan in silence, while the princes who had the power of putting -down these criminal abuses only shut their eyes to them.” [181] The -rules that a fanatical priesthood may lay down for the repression of -unbelievers cannot always be taken as a criterion of the practice of -civil governments: it is failure to realise this fact that has rendered -possible the highly-coloured pictures of the sufferings of the -Christians under Muhammadan rule, drawn by writers who have assumed -that the prescriptions of certain Muslim theologians represented an -invariable practice. Such outbursts of persecution seem in some cases -to have been excited by the alleged abuse of their position by those -Christians who held high posts in the service of the government; they -aroused considerable hostility of feeling towards themselves by their -oppression of the Muslims, it being said that they took advantage of -their high position to plunder and annoy the faithful, treating them -with great harshness and rudeness and despoiling them of their lands -and money. Such complaints were laid before the caliphs al-Manṣūr -(754–775), al-Mahdī (775–785), al-Maʼmūn (813–833), al-Mutawakkil -(847–861), al-Muqtadir (908–932), and many of their successors. [182] -They also incurred the odium of many Muhammadans by acting as the spies -of the ʻAbbāsid dynasty and hunting down the adherents of the displaced -Umayyad family. [183] At a later period, during the time of the -Crusades they were accused of treasonable correspondence with the -Crusaders [184] and brought on themselves severe restrictive measures -which cannot justly be described as religious persecution. - -In proportion as the lot of the conquered peoples became harder to -bear, the more irresistible was the temptation to free themselves from -their miseries, by the words, “There is no god but God: Muḥammad is the -Apostle of God.” When the state was in need of money—as was -increasingly the case—the subject races were more and more burdened -with taxes, so that the condition of the non-Muslims was constantly -growing more unendurable, and conversions to Islam increased in the -same proportion. The dreary record of scandals, with which the pages of -the Christian historians of this later period are filled, would suggest -that the Christian Churches had failed to develop a moral fibre strong -enough to endure the stress of adverse conditions, and when persecution -came, the reason for the defection that followed might—as the historian -of the Nestorian Church suggests [185]—be sought for in the prevailing -negligence in the performance of religious duties and the evil life of -the clergy. - -Further causes that contributed to the decrease of the Christian -population may be found in the fact that the children of the numerous -Christian captive women who were carried off to the harems of the -Muslims had to be brought up in the religion of their fathers, and in -the frequent temptation that was offered to the Christian slave by an -indulgent master, of purchasing his freedom at the price of conversion -to Islam. But of any organised attempt to force the acceptance of Islam -on the non-Muslim population, or of any systematic persecution intended -to stamp out the Christian religion, we hear nothing. Had the caliphs -chosen to adopt either course of action, they might have swept away -Christianity as easily as Ferdinand and Isabella drove Islam out of -Spain, or Louis XIV made Protestantism penal in France, or the Jews -were kept out of England for 350 years. The Eastern Churches in Asia -were entirely cut off from communion with the rest of Christendom, -throughout which no one would have been found to lift a finger on their -behalf, as heretical communions. So that the very survival of these -Churches to the present day is a strong proof of the generally tolerant -attitude of the Muhammadan governments towards them. [186] - -Of the ancient Churches in Western Asia at the time of the Muhammadan -conquest, there still survive about 150,000 Nestorians, [187] and their -number would have been larger but for the proselytising efforts of -other Christian Churches; the Chaldees who have submitted to the Church -of Rome number 70,000, in 1898 the Nestorian Bishop Mār Jonan, with -several of the clergy and 15,000 Nestorians were received into the -Orthodox Russian Church; and numbers of Nestorians have also become -Protestants. [188] The Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch exercises -jurisdiction over about 80,000 members of this ancient Church, while -25,000 families of Uniat Jacobites obey the Syrian Catholic Patriarch. -[189] Belonging to the Greek Orthodox Church, there are 28,836 families -under the Patriarch of Antioch and more than 15,000 persons under the -Patriarch of Jerusalem, [190] while the Melchites or Greek-Catholics -number about 130,000. [191] The Maronite Church, which has been in -union with the Roman Catholic Church since the year 1182, has a -following of 300,000. [192] - -The marvel is that these isolated and scattered communities should have -survived so long, exposed as they have been to the ravages of war, -pestilence and famine, [193] living in a country that was for centuries -a continual battle-field, overrun by Turks, Mongols and Crusaders, -[194] it being further remembered that they were forbidden by the -Muhammadan law to make good this decay of their numbers by -proselytising efforts—if indeed they had cared to do so, for they seem -(with the exception of the Nestorians) even before the Muhammadan -conquest, to have lost that missionary spirit, without which, as -history abundantly shows, no healthy life is possible in a Christian -Church. It has also been suggested that the monastic ideal of -continence so widespread in the East, and the Christian practice of -monogamy, together with the sense of insecurity and their servile -condition, may have acted as checks on the growth of the Christian -population. [195] - -Of the details of conversion to Islam we have hardly any information. -At the time of the first occupation of their country by the Arabs, the -Christians appear to have gone over to Islam in very large numbers. -Some idea of the extent of these early conversions in ʻIrāq for example -may be formed from the fact that the income from taxation in the reign -of ʻUmar was from 100 to 120 million dirhams, while in the reign of -ʻAbd al-Malik, about fifty years later, it had sunk to forty millions: -while this fall in the revenue is largely attributable to the -devastation caused by wars and insurrections, still it was chiefly due -to the fact that large numbers of the population had become Muhammadan -and consequently could no longer be called upon to pay the -capitation-tax. [196] - -This same period witnesses the conversion of large numbers of the -Christians of Khurāsān, as we learn from a letter of a contemporary -ecclesiastic, the Nestorian Patriarch Īshōʻyabh III, addressed to -Simeon, the Metropolitan of Rev-Ardashīr and Primate of Persia. We -possess so very few Christian documents of the first century of the -Hijrah, and this letter bears such striking testimony to the peaceful -character of the spread of the new faith, and has moreover been so -little noticed by modern historians—that it may well be quoted here at -length. “Where are thy sons, O father bereft of sons? Where is that -great people of Merv, who though they beheld neither sword, nor fire or -tortures, captivated only by love for a moiety of their goods, have -turned aside, like fools, from the true path and rushed headlong into -the pit of faithlessness—into everlasting destruction, and have utterly -been brought to nought, while two priests only (priests at least in -name), have, like brands snatched from the burning, escaped the -devouring flames of infidelity. Alas, alas! Out of so many thousands -who bore the name of Christians, not even one single victim was -consecrated unto God by the shedding of his blood for the true faith. -Where, too, are the sanctuaries of Kirmān and all Persia? it is not the -coming of Satan or the mandates of the kings of the earth or the orders -of governors of provinces that have laid them waste and in ruins—but -the feeble breath of one contemptible little demon, who was not deemed -worthy of the honour of demons by those demons who sent him on his -errand, nor was endowed by Satan the seducer with the power of -diabolical deceit, that he might display it in your land; but merely by -the nod of his command he has thrown down all the churches of your -Persia.... And the Arabs, to whom God at this time has given the empire -of the world, behold, they are among you, as ye know well: and yet they -attack not the Christian faith, but, on the contrary, they favour our -religion, do honour to our priests and the saints of the Lord, and -confer benefits on churches and monasteries. Why then have your people -of Merv abandoned their faith for the sake of these Arabs? and that, -too, when the Arabs, as the people of Merv themselves declare, have not -compelled them to leave their own religion but suffered them to keep it -safe and undefiled if they gave up only a moiety of their goods. But -forsaking the faith which brings eternal salvation, they clung to a -moiety of the goods of this fleeting world: that faith which whole -nations have purchased and even to this day do purchase by the shedding -of their blood and gain thereby the inheritance of eternal life, your -people of Merv were willing to barter for a moiety of their goods—and -even less.” [197] The reign of the caliph ʻUmar II (A.D. 717–720) -particularly was marked with very extensive conversions: he organised a -zealous missionary movement and offered every kind of inducement to the -conquered peoples to accept Islam, even making them grants of money; on -one occasion he is said to have given a Christian military officer the -sum of 1000 dīnārs to induce him to accept Islam. [198] He instructed -the governors of the provinces to invite the dhimmīs to the Muslim -faith, and al-Jarrāḥ b. ʻAbd Allāh, governor of Khurāsān, is said to -have converted about 4000 persons. [199] He is even said to have -written a letter to the Byzantine Emperor, Leo III, urging on him the -acceptance of the faith of Islam. [200] He abrogated the decree passed -in A.D. 700 for the purpose of arresting the impoverishment of the -treasury, according to which the convert to Islam was not released from -the capitation-tax, but was compelled to continue to pay it as before; -even though the dhimmī apostatised the very day before his yearly -payment of the jizyah was due or while his contribution was actually -being weighed in the scales, it was to be remitted to the new convert. -[201] He no longer exacted the kharāj from the Muhammadan owners of -landed property, and imposed upon them the far lighter burden of a -tithe. These measures, though financially most ruinous, were eminently -successful in the way the pious-minded caliph desired they should be, -and enormous numbers hastened to enrol themselves among the Muslims. -[202] - -It must not, however, be supposed that such worldly considerations were -the only influences at work in the conversion of the Christians to -Islam. The controversial works of St. John of Damascus, of the same -century, give us glimpses of the zealous Muslim striving to undermine -by his arguments the foundations of the Christian faith. The very -dialogue form into which these treatises are thrown, and the frequent -repetition of such phrases as “If the Saracen asks you,”—“If the -Saracen says ... then tell him” ...—give them an air of vraisemblance -and make them appear as if they were intended to provide the Christians -with ready answers to the numerous objections which their Muslim -neighbours brought against the Christian creed. [203] That the -aggressive attitude of the Muhammadan disputant is most prominently -brought forward in these dialogues is only what might be expected, it -being no part of this great theologian’s purpose to enshrine in his -writings an apology for Islam. His pupil, Bishop Theodore Abū Qurrah, -also wrote several controversial dialogues [204] with Muhammadans, in -which the disputants range over all the points of dispute between the -two faiths, the Muslim as before being the first to take up the -cudgels, and enabling us to form some slight idea of the activity with -which the cause of Islam was prosecuted at this period. “The thoughts -of the Agarenes,” says the bishop, “and all their zeal, are directed -towards the denial of the divinity of God the Word, and they strain -every effort to this end.” [205] The Nestorian Patriarch, Timotheus, -used to hold discussions on religious matters in the presence of the -caliphs, al-Hādī and Hārūn al-Rashīd, and embodied them in a work that -is now lost. [206] Timotheus had secured his election to the -patriarchate in the face of the active opposition of many of the most -powerful ecclesiastics of his own Church; among these was Joseph, the -metropolitan of Merv, who intrigued against him with the caliph, -al-Mahdī (775–785), but was persuaded by the caliph to accept Islam and -was rewarded for his apostasy with rich presents and an official -appointment in Baṣrah. [207] - -These details from the first two centuries of the Hijrah are meagre in -the extreme and rather suggest the existence of proselytising efforts -than furnish definite facts. The earliest document of a distinctly -missionary character which has come down to us, would seem to date from -the reign of al-Maʼmūn (813–833), and takes the form of a letter [208] -written by a cousin of the caliph to a Christian Arab of noble birth -and of considerable distinction at the court, and held in high esteem -by al-Maʼmūn himself. In this letter he begs his friend to embrace -Islam, in terms of affectionate appeal and in language that strikingly -illustrates the tolerant attitude of the Muslims towards the Christian -Church at this period. This letter occupies an almost unique place in -the early history of the propagation of Islam, and has on this account -been given in full in an appendix. [209] In the same work we have a -report of a speech made by the caliph at an assembly of his nobles, in -which he speaks in tones of the strongest contempt of those who had -become Muhammadans merely out of worldly and selfish motives, and -compares them to the Hypocrites who while pretending to be friends of -the Prophet, in secret plotted against his life. But just as the -Prophet returned good for evil, so the caliph resolves to treat these -persons with courtesy and forbearance until God should decide between -them. [210] The record of this complaint on the part of the caliph is -interesting as indicating that disinterested and genuine conviction was -expected and looked for in the new convert to Islam, and that the -discovery of self-seeking and unworthy motives drew upon him the -severest censure. - -Al-Maʼmūn himself was very zealous in his efforts to spread the faith -of Islam, and sent invitations to unbelievers even in the most distant -parts of his dominions, such as Transoxania and Farghānah. [211] At the -same time he did not abuse his royal power, by attempting to force his -own faith upon others: when a certain Yazdānbakht, a leader of the -Manichæan sect, came on a visit to Baghdād [212] and held a disputation -with the Muslim theologians, in which he was utterly silenced, the -caliph tried to induce him to embrace Islam. But Yazdānbakht refused, -saying, “Commander of the faithful, your advice is heard and your words -have been listened to; but you are one of those who do not force men to -abandon their religion.” So far from resenting the ill-success of his -efforts, the caliph furnished him with a bodyguard, that he might not -be exposed to insult from the fanatical populace. [213] - -Some scanty references are made by Christian historians to cases of -ecclesiastical dignitaries who became Muhammadans, e.g. George, Bishop -of Baḥrayn, about the middle of the ninth century, having been deposed -from his office for some ecclesiastical offence, exchanged the -Christian faith for that of Islam, [214] and the conversion of a -brother of Gabriel, metropolitan of Fārs about the middle of the tenth -century, only receives mention because the fact of his having become a -Muslim was alleged as disqualifying Gabriel for election to the -patriarchate of the Nestorian church. [215] - -In the early part of the same century, Theodore, the Nestorian Bishop -of Beth Garmai, became a Muslim, and there is no mention of any force -or compulsion by the ecclesiastical historian [216] who records the -fact, as there undoubtedly would have been, had such existed. Some -years later (between A.D. 962 and 979), Philoxenos, a Jacobite Bishop -of Ādharbayjān, also became a Muslim, [217] and in the following -century, in 1016, Ignatius, [218] the Jacobite Metropolitan of Takrīt, -who had held this office for twenty-five years, set out for Baghdād and -embraced Islam in the presence of the caliph al-Qādir, taking the name -of Abū Muslim. [219] It would be exceedingly interesting if an Apologia -pro Vita Sua had survived to reveal to us the religious development -that took place in the mind of either of these converts. The Christian -chronicler hints at immorality in the last three cases, but such an -accusation uncorroborated by any further evidence is open to suspicion, -[220] much as it would be if brought forward by a Roman Catholic when -recording the conversion of a priest of his own communion to the -Protestant faith. It is doubtless owing to their exalted position in -the Church that the conversion of these prominent ecclesiastics of two -hostile Christian sects has been handed down to us, while that of more -obscure individuals has not been recorded. As Barhebræus brings his -ecclesiastical chronicle nearer to his own time, he gives fuller -details of the career of such converts, e.g. in recording the public -lapse of some of the Jacobite bishops, in the middle of the twelfth -century he makes particular mention of Aaron, bishop of a town in -Khurāsān, as having become a Muhammadan after having been convicted of -some moral fault; repenting of this change, he wished to regain his -episcopal status, and when this was refused him, went to Constantinople -and abjured the Monophysite doctrines of the Jacobite Church; then -apparently dissatisfied with the reception he received in -Constantinople, he returned to the Jacobite Patriarch, but a second -time went over to Islam “without any reason”; then repenting again, he -finally ended his days among the Maronites of Mount Lebanon. [221] A -contemporary of Barhebræus, in the middle of the thirteenth -century—Daniel, Bishop of Khabur—who is said to have been proficient in -secular learning, sought to be appointed to the diocese of Aleppo, but -disappointed in this ambition, he abandoned the Christian faith and to -the grief and shame of all Christian people “became a Muslim; but God -(praise be to His grace!) soon consoled his afflicted people and took -away the shame from the redeemed, the redeemed of the Lord; for a few -months later that unhappy wretch died miserably in a caravanserai; his -name perished, he was taken away out of our midst, and no man knoweth -his abiding place.” [222] - -But that these conversions were not merely isolated instances we have -the valuable evidence of Jacques de Vitry, Bishop of Acre (1216–1225), -who thus speaks of the Eastern Church from his experience of it in the -Holy Land:—“Weakened and lamentably ensnared, nay rather grievously -wounded, by the lying persuasions of the false prophet and by the -allurements of carnal pleasure, she hath sunk down, and she that was -brought up in scarlet, hath embraced dunghills.” [223] - -So far the Christian Churches that have been described as coming within -the sphere of Muhammadan influence, have been the Orthodox Eastern -Church and the heretical communions that had sprung out of it. But with -the close of the eleventh century a fresh element was added to the -Christian population of Syria and Palestine, in the large bodies of -Crusaders of the Latin rite who settled in the kingdom of Jerusalem and -the other states founded by the Crusaders, which maintained a -precarious existence for nearly two centuries. During this period, -occasional conversions to Islam were made from among these foreign -immigrants. In the first Crusade, for example, a body of Germans and -Lombards under the command of a certain knight, named Rainaud, had -separated themselves from the main body and were besieged in a castle -by the Saljūq Sultan, Arslān; on pretence of making a sortie, Rainaud -and his personal followers abandoned their unfortunate companions and -went over to the Turks, among whom they embraced Islam. [224] - -The history of the ill-fated second Crusade presents us with a very -remarkable incident of a similar character. The story, as told by Odo -of Deuil, a monk of St. Denis, who, in the capacity of private chaplain -to Louis VII, accompanied him on this Crusade and wrote a graphic -account of it, runs as follows. While endeavouring to make their way -overland through Asia Minor to Jerusalem the Crusaders sustained a -disastrous defeat at the hands of the Turks in the mountain-passes of -Phrygia (A.D. 1148), and with difficulty reached the seaport town of -Attalia. Here, all who could afford to satisfy the exorbitant demands -of the Greek merchants, took ship for Antioch; while the sick and -wounded and the mass of the pilgrims were left behind at the mercy of -their treacherous allies, the Greeks, who received five hundred marks -from Louis, on condition that they provided an escort for the pilgrims -and took care of the sick until they were strong enough to be sent on -after the others. But no sooner had the army left, than the Greeks -informed the Turks of the helpless condition of the pilgrims, and -quietly looked on while famine, disease and the arrows of the enemy -carried havoc and destruction through the camp of these unfortunates. -Driven to desperation, a party of three or four thousand attempted to -escape, but were surrounded and cut to pieces by the Turks, who now -pressed on to the camp to follow up their victory. The situation of the -survivors would have been utterly hopeless, had not the sight of their -misery melted the hearts of the Muhammadans to pity. They tended the -sick and relieved the poor and starving with open-handed liberality. -Some even bought up the French money which the Greeks had got out of -the pilgrims by force or cunning, and lavishly distributed it among the -needy. So great was the contrast between the kind treatment the -pilgrims received from the unbelievers and the cruelty of their -fellow-Christians, the Greeks, who imposed forced labour upon them, -beat them and robbed them of what little they had left, that many of -them voluntarily embraced the faith of their deliverers. As the old -chronicler says: “Avoiding their co-religionists who had been so cruel -to them, they went in safety among the infidels who had compassion upon -them, and, as we heard, more than three thousand joined themselves to -the Turks when they retired. Oh, kindness more cruel than all -treachery! They gave them bread but robbed them of their faith, though -it is certain that contented with the services they performed, they -compelled no one among them to renounce his religion.” [225] - -The increasing intercourse between Christians and Muslims, the growing -appreciation on the part of the Crusaders of the virtues of their -opponents, which so strikingly distinguishes the later from the earlier -chroniclers of the Crusades, [226] the numerous imitations of Oriental -manners and ways of life by the Franks settled in the Holy Land, did -not fail to exercise a corresponding influence on religious opinions. -One of the most remarkable features of this influence is the tolerant -attitude of many of the Christian Knights towards the faith of Islam—an -attitude of mind that was most vehemently denounced by the Church. When -Usāma b. Munqidh, a Syrian Amīr of the twelfth century, visited -Jerusalem, during a period of truce, the Knights Templar, who had -occupied the Masjid al-Aqṣā, assigned to him a small chapel adjoining -it, for him to say his prayers in, and they strongly resented the -interference with the devotions of their guest on the part of a -newly-arrived Crusader, who took this new departure in the direction of -religious freedom in very bad part. [227] It would indeed have been -strange if religious questions had not formed a topic of discussion on -the many occasions when the Crusaders and the Muslims met together on a -friendly footing, during the frequent truces, especially when it was -religion itself that had brought the Crusaders into the Holy Land and -set them upon these constant wars. When even Christian theologians were -led by their personal intercourse with the Muslims to form a juster -estimate of their religion, and contact with new modes of thought was -unsettling the minds of men and giving rise to a swarm of heresies, it -is not surprising that many should have been drawn into the pale of -Islam. [228] The renegades in the twelfth century were in sufficient -numbers to be noticed in the statute books of the Crusaders, the -so-called Assises of Jerusalem, according to which, in certain cases, -their bail was not accepted. [229] - -It would be interesting to discover who were the Muslims who busied -themselves in winning these converts to Islam, but they seem to have -left no record of their labours. We know, however, that they had at -their head the great Saladin himself, who is described by his -biographer as setting before his Christian guest the beauties of Islam -and urging him to embrace it. [230] - -The heroic life and character of Saladin seems to have exercised an -especial fascination on the minds of the Christians of his time; some -even of the Christian knights were so strongly attracted towards him -that they abandoned the Christian faith and their own people and joined -themselves to the Muslims; such was the case, for example, with a -certain English Templar, named Robert of St. Albans, who in A.D. 1185 -gave up Christianity for Islam and afterwards married a grand-daughter -of Saladin. [231] Two years later, Saladin invaded Palestine and -utterly defeated the Christian army in the battle of Ḥiṭṭīn, Guy, king -of Jerusalem, being among the prisoners. On the eve of the battle, six -of his knights, “possessed with a devilish spirit,” deserted the king -and escaped into the camp of Saladin, where of their own accord they -became Saracens. [232] At the same time Saladin seems to have had an -understanding with Raymund III, Count of Tripoli, according to which he -was to induce his followers to abandon the Christian faith and go over -to the Muslims; but the sudden death of the Count effectually put a -stop to the execution of this scheme. [233] - -The fall of Jerusalem and the successes of Saladin in the Holy Land -stirred up Europe to undertake the third Crusade, the chief incident of -which was the siege of Acre (A.D. 1189–1191). The fearful sufferings -that the Christian army was exposed to, from famine and disease, drove -many of them to desert and seek relief from the cravings of hunger in -the Muslim camp. Of these deserters, many made their way back again -after some time to the army of the Crusaders; on the other hand, many -elected to throw in their lot with the Muslims; some, taking service -under their former enemies, still remained true to the Christian faith -and (we are told) were well pleased with their new masters, while -others embracing Islam became good Muslims. [234] The conversion of -these deserters is recorded also by the chronicler who accompanied -Richard I upon this Crusade:—“Some of our men (whose fate cannot be -told or heard without grievous sorrow) yielding to the severity of the -sore famine, in achieving the salvation of the body, incurred the -damnation of their souls. For after the greater part of the affliction -was past, they deserted and fled to the Turks: nor did they hesitate to -become renegades; in order that they might prolong their temporal life -a little space, they purchased eternal death with horrid blasphemies. O -baleful trafficking! O shameful deed beyond all punishment! O foolish -man likened unto the foolish beasts, while he flees from the death that -must inevitably come soon, he shuns not the death unending.” [235] - -From this time onwards references to renegades are not infrequently to -be met with in the writings of those who travelled to the Holy Land and -other countries of the East. The terms of the oath which was proposed -to St. Louis by his Muhammadan captors when he was called upon to -promise to pay the ransom imposed upon him (A.D. 1250), were suggested -by certain whilom priests who had become Muslims; [236] and while this -business of paying the ransom was still being carried on, another -renegade, a Frenchman, born at Provins, came to bring a present to the -king: he had accompanied King John of Jerusalem on his expedition -against Damietta in 1219 and had remained in Egypt, married a -Muhammadan wife and become a great lord in that country. [237] The -danger of the pilgrims to the Holy Land becoming converts to Islam was -so clearly recognised at this time that in a “Remembrance,” written -about 1266 by Amaury de la Roche, the master of the Knights Templar in -France, he requests the Pope and the legates of France and Sicily to -prevent the poor and the aged and those incapable of bearing arms from -crossing the sea to Palestine, for such persons either got killed or -were taken prisoners by the Saracens or turned renegades. [238] Ludolf -de Suchem, who travelled in the Holy Land from 1336 to 1341, speaks of -three renegades he found at Hebron; they had come from the diocese of -Minden and had been in the service of a Westphalian knight, who was -held in high honour by the Soldan and other Muhammadan princes. [239] - -These scattered notices are no doubt significant of more extensive -conversions of Christians to Islam, of which no record has come down to -us: e.g. there were said to be about 25,000 renegades in the city of -Cairo towards the close of the fifteenth century, [240] and there must -have been many also to be found in the cities of the Holy Land after -the disappearance of the Latin princedoms of the East. But the -Muhammadan historians of this period seem to have been too busily -engaged in recording the exploits of princes and the vicissitudes of -dynasties, to turn their attention to religious changes in the lives of -obscure individuals; and (as far as I have been able to discover) they -as little notice the conversions of Christians to Islam as of those of -their own co-religionists to Christianity. Consequently, we have to -depend for our knowledge of both of these classes of events on -Christian writers, who, while they give us detailed and sympathetic -accounts of the latter, bear unwilling testimony to the existence of -instances of the former and represent the motives of the renegades in -the worst light possible. The possibility of any Christian becoming -converted to Islam from honest conviction, probably never entered into -the head of any of these writers, and even had such an idea occurred to -them they would hardly have ventured to expose themselves to the -thunders of ecclesiastical censure by giving open expression to it. - -As an example of the rare instances of such a conversion being -recorded, the account may here be cited which Fürer von Haimendorf, who -was in Cairo in 1565, gives of the conversion of a German scholar who -had studied in the University of Leipzig. “Sed dum nos hanc moram Cairi -nectimus, accidit ut Justus quidam Stevenius Germanus Hamelensis qui in -iisdem ædibus nobiscum habitaverat, fide Christianorum abnegata -Turcarum religioni se initiandum atque circumcidendum obtulerit. Vir -erat doctus, qui diu se Witebergæ ac Lipsiæ studiis operam dedisse sæpe -nobis narrabat: verum de hoc facto interrogatus, peculiarem nunc sibi -Spiritum adesse ajebat, sine cujus instinctu nihil vel facere sibi, vel -cogitare fas esset; quæ hominis apostasia nimium quantum animos nostros -commovit, et ad fugam quasi excitavit. Eodem quoque die Judæus quidam, -qui paucis diebus ante religionem Mahumetanam amplexus fuerat, -triumphali pompa per urbem circumducebatur; quod idem cum Stevenio isto -futurum esse, Janissarii quidam nobis affirmabant.” [241] - -From the historical sources quoted above, we have as little information -respecting the number of these converts as of the proselytising efforts -made to induce them to change their faith. A motive frequently assigned -for going over to Islam is the desire to escape the death penalty by -means of apostasy. European travellers make frequent mention of such -cases. A late example of such an account may be selected, for the -picturesqueness of its language, from the report of a Jesuit, who was -in Cairo in 1627; he saw a Copt who, having allowed himself to be -carried away “partly by passion and partly by the violence of an -indiscreet zeal, had killed his brother with his own hand, in -detestation of his having in a dastardly manner left Jesus Christ to -embrace Mahometanism, in order to deliver himself from the vexation of -the Turks. The poor man was at once seized in the heat of his crime, -and he boldly confessed that the renegade, unworthy of being his -brother, could only wipe out so black a spot by his blood. He was urged -to abandon his faith in order to save his life,” but he declared that -he was resolved to die a Christian; the cruel torments, however, -inflicted on him by the executioners, weakened his resolution and he -yielded at the last moment. “This disaster changed him in a moment from -a confessor into a renegade, from a martyr into an apostate, from a -saint into one of the damned, and from an angel into a veritable devil. -He made the profession of faith or rather of perfidy, after the manner -of the Mahometans ... he was set at liberty, the liberty not of the -sons of God, but of the sons of perdition.” Later on, the reproaches of -his conscience caused him again to recant and he was put to death by -the Muhammadans for his apostasy. [242] - -The monk Burchard, [243] writing about 1283, a few years before the -Crusaders were driven out of their last strongholds and the Latin power -in the East came utterly to an end—represents the Christian population -as largely outnumbering the Muslims throughout the whole of the -Muhammadan world, the latter (except in Egypt and Arabia) forming not -more than three or four per cent. of the whole population. This -language is undoubtedly exaggerated and the good monk was certainly -rash in assuming that what he observed in the cities of the Crusaders -and of the kingdom of Little Armenia held good in other parts of the -East. But his words may be certainly taken to indicate that during the -period of the Crusades there had been no widespread conversion to -Islam, and that when the Muhammadans resumed their sovereignty over the -Holy Land, they extended the same toleration to the Christians as -before, suffering them to “purchase peace and quiet” by the payment of -the jizyah. The presumption is that the conversions that took place -were of individual Christians, who were persuaded in their own minds -before they took the final step. Instances have already been given of -Christians who took service under Muhammadan masters, in the full -enjoyment of their own faith, and the Assises of Jerusalem made a -distinction between “those who have denied God and follow another law” -and “all those who have done armed service to the Saracens and other -miscreants against the Christians for more than a year and a day.” -[244] - -The native Christians certainly preferred the rule of the Muhammadans -to that of the Crusaders, [245] and when Jerusalem fell finally and for -ever into the hands of the Muslims (A.D. 1244), the Christian -population of Palestine seems to have welcomed the new masters and to -have submitted quietly and contentedly to their rule. [246] - -This same sense of security of religious life under Muslim rule led -many of the Christians of Asia Minor, also, about the same time, to -welcome the advent of the Saljūq Turks as their deliverers from the -hated Byzantine government, not only on account of its oppressive -system of taxation, but also of the persecuting spirit of the Greek -Church, which had with such cruelty crushed the heresies of the -Paulicians and the Iconoclasts. In the reign of Michael VIII -(1261–1282), the Turks were often invited to take possession of the -smaller towns in the interior of Asia Minor by the inhabitants, that -they might escape from the tyranny of the empire; and both rich and -poor often emigrated into Turkish dominions. [247] - -Some account still remains to be given of two other Christian Churches -of Western Asia, viz. the Armenian and the Georgian. Of the former it -may be said that of all the Eastern Churches that have come under -Muhammadan rule, the Armenian Church has probably given fewer of its -members (in proportion to the size of the community) to swell the ranks -of Islam, than any other. So in spite of the interest that attaches to -the story of the struggle of this brave nation against overwhelming -odds and of the fidelity with which it has clung to the Christian -faith—through centuries of warfare and oppression, persecution and -exile—it does not come within the scope of the present volume to do -more than briefly indicate its connection with the history of the -Muhammadans. The Armenian kingdom survived the shock of the Arab -conquest, and in the ninth century rose to be a state of some -importance and flourished during the decay of the caliphate of Baghdād, -but in the eleventh century was overthrown by the Saljūq Turks. A band -of fugitives founded the kingdom of Lesser Armenia, but this too -disappeared in the fourteenth century. The national life of the -Armenian people still survived in spite of the loss of their -independence, and, as was the case in Greece under the Turks, their -religion and the national church served as the rallying point of their -eager, undying patriotism. Though a certain number, under the pressure -of cruel persecution, have embraced Islam, yet the bulk of the race has -remained true to its ancient faith. As Tavernier [248] rather -unsympathetically remarks, “There may be some few Armenians, that -embrace Mahometanism for worldly interest, but they are generally the -most obstinate persons in the world, and most firm to their -superstitious principles.” - -The Georgian Church (founded in the early part of the fourth century) -was an offshoot from the Greek Church, with which she has always -remained in communion, although from the middle of the sixth century -the Patriarch or Katholikos of the Georgian Church declared himself -independent. Torn asunder by internal discords and exposed to the -successive attacks of Greeks, Persians, Arabs, Turks and Mongols, the -history of this heroic warrior people is one of almost uninterrupted -warfare against foreign foes and of fiercely contested feuds between -native chiefs: the reigns of one or two powerful monarchs who secured -for their subjects brief intervals of peace, serving only to bring out -in more striking contrast the normally unsettled state of the country. -The fierce independent spirit of the Georgians that could not brook a -foreign rule has often exasperated well-nigh to madness the fury of -their Muhammadan neighbours, when they failed to impose upon them -either their civil authority or their religion. It is this -circumstance—that a change of faith implied loss of political -independence—which explains in a great measure the fact that the -Georgian Church inscribes the names of so many martyrs in her calendar, -while the annals of the Greek Church during the same period have no -such honoured roll to show. - -It was not until after Georgia had been overrun by the devastating -armies of the Mongols, leaving ruined churches and monasteries and -pyramids of human heads to mark the progress of their destroying hosts, -and consequently the spiritual wants of the people had remained long -unprovided for, owing to the decline in the numbers and learning of the -clergy—that Christianity began to lose ground. [249] Even among those -who still remained Christian, some added to the sufferings of the -clergy by plundering the property of the Church and appropriating to -their own use the revenues of churches and monasteries, and thus -hastened the decay of the Christian faith. [250] - -In 1400 the invasion of Tīmūr added a crowning horror to the sufferings -of Georgia, and though for a brief period the rule of Alexander I -(1414–1442) delivered the country from the foreign yoke and drove out -all the Muhammadans—after his death it was again broken up into a -number of petty princedoms, from which the Turks and the Persians -wrested the last shreds of independence. But the Muhammadans always -found Georgia to be a turbulent and rebellious possession, ever ready -to break out into open revolt at the slightest opportunity. Both Turks -and Persians sought to secure the allegiance of these troublesome -subjects by means of conversion to Islam. After the fall of -Constantinople and the increase of Turkish power in Asia Minor, the -inhabitants of Akhaltsikhé and other districts to the west of it became -Muhammadans. [251] In 1579 two Georgian princes—brothers—came on an -embassy to Constantinople with a large retinue of about two hundred -persons: here the younger brother together with his attendants became a -Musalman, in the hope (it was said) of thereby supplanting his elder -brother. [252] At a rather later date, the conquests of the Turks -brought some of the districts in the very centre of Georgia into their -power, the inhabitants of which embraced the creed of the conquerors. -[253] From this period Samtzkhé, the most western portion of Georgia, -recognised the suzerainty of Turkey: its rulers and people were allowed -to continue undisturbed in the Christian faith, but from 1625 the -ruling dynasty became Muhammadan and many of the chiefs and the -aristocracy followed their example. - -Christianity retained its hold upon the peasants much longer, but when -the clergy of Samtzkhé refused allegiance to the Katholikos of Karthli, -there ceased to be regular provision made for supplying the spiritual -needs of the people: the nobles, even before their conversion, had -taken to plundering the estates of the Church, and after becoming -Musalmans they naturally ceased to assist it with their offerings, and -the churches and monasteries falling into decay were replaced by -mosques. [254] - -The rest of Georgia had submitted to Persia, and when Tavernier visited -this part of the country, about the middle of the seventeenth century, -he found it divided into two kingdoms, which were provinces of the -Persian empire, and were governed by native Georgian princes who had to -turn Muhammadan before being advanced to this dignity. [255] One of the -first of such princes was the Tsarevitch Constantine, son of King -Alexander II of Kakheth, who had been brought up at the Persian court -and had there embraced Islam, at the beginning of the seventeenth -century. [256] The first Muhammadan king of Karthli, the Tsarevitch -Rustam (1634–1658), had also been brought up in Persia, and he and his -successors to the end of the century were all Muhammadans. [257] - -Tavernier describes the Georgians as being very ignorant in matters of -religion and the clergy as unlettered and vicious; some of the heads of -the Church actually sold the Christian boys and girls as slaves to the -Turks and Persians. [258] From this period there seems to have been a -widespread apostasy, especially among the higher classes and those who -sought to win the favour of the Persian court. [259] In 1701 the -occupant of the throne of Georgia, Wakhtang VI, was a Christian: for -the first seven years of his reign he was a prisoner in Ispahan, where -great efforts were made to induce him to become a Muhammadan; when he -declared that he preferred to lose his throne rather than purchase it -at the price of apostasy, it is said that his younger brother, although -he was the Patriarch of Georgia, offered to abandon Christianity and -embrace Islam, if the crown were bestowed upon him, but though invested -by the Persians with the royal power, the Georgians refused to accept -him as their ruler, and drove him out of the kingdom. [260] - -Towards the close of the eighteenth century, the king of Georgia placed -his people under the protection of the Russian crown. Hitherto their -intense patriotic feeling had helped to keep the Christian faith alive -among them so long as their foreign invaders had been Musalmans, but -now that the foreign power that sought to rob them of their -independence was Christian, this same feeling operated in some of the -districts north of the Caucasus to the advantage of Islam. In Daghistan -a certain Darvīsh Manṣūr endeavoured to unite the different tribes of -the Caucasus to oppose the Russians; preaching the faith of Islam he -succeeded in converting the princes and nobles of Ubichistan and -Daghistan, who have remained faithful to Islam ever since; many of the -Circassians, too, were converted by his preaching, and preferred exile -to submitting to the Russian rule. [261] But in 1791 he was taken -prisoner, and in 1800 Georgia was formally incorporated in the Russian -empire. - -Darvīsh Manṣūr was not alone in his efforts to convert the Circassians. -When the treaty of Kūchak-Qaïnarji in 1774 had recognised the -independence of the Crimea and opened the Black Sea to Russian vessels, -the Turkish government became alarmed at the prospect of a further -movement of Russian domination along the eastern coast of the Black Sea -and resolved to make an attempt to stir the Circassians to resistance. -A Turkish officer, named Faraḥ ʻAlī, was sent in 1782 to establish a -military colony at Anāpa, near the outlet of the sea of Azov, and to -enter into relations with the Circassian tribes. Faraḥ ʻAlī’s first -care was to seek the hand of a daughter of one of the Circassian beys, -offering rich presents of arms, horses, etc., to her father; the -marriage was celebrated with great pomp and ceremony, and Faraḥ ʻAlī -encouraged his soldiers to follow his example, by promising to defray -the expenses of their nuptials. The result was that a number of -Circassian women joined the little colony and accepted the religion of -their husbands, and with the zeal of new converts won over to Islam -their fathers and brothers. An active movement of proselytism began, -and the Circassians who came in contact with the Turkish colony appear -readily to have abandoned their pagan beliefs for the religion of the -Qurʼān, the mollas were kept busy in instructing the new Muslims, and -help had to be sought from Constantinople to deal with the increasing -number of conversions. [262] But the work of Faraḥ ʻAlī was -short-lived; he died in 1785 and his tomb was reverenced as that of a -saint, but his work perished with him. Anāpa passed into the hands of -the Russians in 1812, and when the resistance of the Circassians was -finally overcome in 1864, more than half a million Circassian -Muhammadans migrated into Turkish territory. - -Under Russian law conversions to any faith other than that of the -Orthodox Church were illegal, and the further progress of Islam was -stayed until the promulgation of the edict of toleration in 1905. One -of the results of this in the Caucasus was a large accession to Islam -from among the Abkhazes, who had long been nominal converts to -Christianity, but now became Muhammadans in such numbers that the -Orthodox clergy became alarmed and founded a special society for the -distribution of religious tracts among them, in the hope of combating -Muhammadan influences. [263] - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER IV. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS OF AFRICA. - - -Islam was first introduced into Africa by the Arab army that invaded -Egypt under the command of ʻAmr b. al-ʻĀṣ in A.D. 640. Three years -later the withdrawal of the Byzantine troops abandoned the vast -Christian population into the hands of the Muslim conquerors. The rapid -success of the Arab invaders was largely due to the welcome they -received from the native Christians, who hated the Byzantine rule not -only for its oppressive administration, but also—and chiefly—on account -of the bitterness of theological rancour. The Jacobites, who formed the -majority of the Christian population, had been very roughly handled by -the Orthodox adherents of the court and subjected to indignities that -have not been forgotten by their children even to the present day. -[264] Some were tortured and then thrown into the sea; many followed -their Patriarch into exile to escape from the hands of their -persecutors, while a large number disguised their real opinions under a -pretended acceptance of the Council of Chalcedon. [265] To these Copts, -as the Jacobite Christians of Egypt are called, the Muhammadan conquest -brought a freedom of religious life such as they had not enjoyed for a -century. On payment of the tribute, ʻAmr left them in undisturbed -possession of their churches and guaranteed to them autonomy in all -ecclesiastical matters, thus delivering them from the continual -interference that had been so grievous a burden under the previous -rule; he laid his hands on none of the property of the churches and -committed no act of spoliation or pillage. [266] In the early days of -the Muhammadan rule then, the condition of the Copts seems to have been -fairly tolerable, [267] and there is no evidence of their widespread -apostasy to Islam being due to persecution or unjust pressure on the -part of their new rulers. Even before the conquest was complete, while -the capital, Alexandria, still held out, many of them went over to -Islam, [268] and a few years later the example these had set was -followed by many others. [269] In the reign of ʻUthmān (A.D. 643–655), -the revenue derived from Egypt amounted to twelve millions; a few years -later, in the reign of Muʻāwiyah (661–679), it had fallen to five -millions owing to the enormous number of conversions: under ʻUmar II -(717–720) it fell still lower, so that the governor of Egypt [270] -proposed that in future the converts should not be exempted from the -payment of the capitation-tax, but this the pious caliph refused to -allow, saying that God had sent Muḥammad to call men to a knowledge of -the truth and not to be a collector of taxes. [271] - -But later rulers recognised that for fiscal reasons such a policy was -ruinous to the state, and insisted on the converts continuing to pay -taxes as before; there was, however, no continuity in such a policy, -and individual governors acted in an arbitrary and irregular manner. -[272] When Ḥafṣ b. al-Walīd, who was governor of Egypt in A.D. 744, -promised that all those who became Muslims would be exempted from the -payment of jizyah, as many as 24,000 Christians are reported to have -accepted Islam. [273] A similar proclamation is said to have been made -by al-Saffāḥ, the first of the ʻAbbāsid caliphs, soon after his -accession in A.D. 750, for “he wrote to the whole of his dominions -saying that every one who embraced his religion and prayed according to -his fashion, should be quit of the jizyah, and many, both rich and -poor, denied the faith of Christ by reason of the magnitude of the -taxation and the burdens imposed upon them.” [274] In fact many of the -Christians of Egypt seem to have abandoned Christianity as lightly and -as rapidly as, in the beginning of the fourth century, they had -embraced it. Prior to that period, a very small section of the -population of the valley of the Nile was Christian, but the sufferings -of the martyrs in the persecution of Diocletian, the stories of the -miracles they performed, the national feeling excited by the sense of -their opposition to the dictates of the foreign government, [275] the -assurance that a paradise of delights was opened to the martyr who died -under the hands of his tormentors,—all these things stirred up an -enthusiasm that resulted in an incredibly rapid spread of the Christian -faith. “Instead of being converted by preaching, as the other countries -of the East were, Egypt embraced Christianity in a fit of wild -enthusiasm, without any preaching, or instruction being given, with -hardly any knowledge of the new religion beyond the name of Jesus, the -Messiah, who bestowed a life of eternal happiness on all who confessed -Him.” [276] - -In the seventh century Christianity had probably very little hold on a -great mass of the people of Egypt. The theological catchwords that -their leaders made use of, to stir up in them feelings of hatred and -opposition to the Byzantine government, could have been intelligible to -a very few, and the rapid spread of Islam in the early days of the Arab -occupation was probably due less to definite efforts to attract than to -the inability of such a Christianity to retain. The theological basis -for the existence of the Jacobites as a separate sect, the tenets that -they had so long and at so great a cost struggled to maintain, were -embodied in doctrines of the most abstruse and metaphysical character, -and many doubtless turned in utter perplexity and weariness from the -interminable controversies that raged around them, to a faith that was -summed up in the simple, intelligible truth of the Unity of God and the -mission of His Prophet, Muḥammad. Even within the Coptic Church itself -at a later period, we find evidence of a movement which, if not -distinctly Muslim, was at least closely allied thereto, and in the -absence of any separate ecclesiastical organisation in which it might -find expression, probably contributed to the increase of the converts -to Islam. In the beginning of the twelfth century, there was in the -monastery of St. Anthony (near Iṭfīḥ on the Nile), a monk named -Balūṭus, “learned in the doctrines of the Christian religion and the -duties of the monastic life, and skilled in the rules of the canon-law. -But Satan caught him in one of his nets; for he began to hold opinions -at variance with those taught by the Three Hundred and Eighteen (of -Nicæa); and he corrupted the minds of many of those who had no -knowledge or instruction in the Orthodox faith. He announced with his -impure mouth, in his wicked discourses, that Christ our Lord—to Whom be -glory—was like one of the prophets. He associated with the lowest among -the followers of his religion, clothed as he was in the monastic habit. -When he was questioned as to his religion and his creed, he professed -himself a believer in the Unity of God. His doctrines prevailed during -a period which ended in the year 839 of the Righteous Martyrs (A.D. -1123); then he died, and his memory was cut off for ever.” [277] - -Further, a theory of the Christian life that found its highest -expression in asceticism of the grossest type [278] could offer little -attraction, in the face of the more human morality of Islam. [279] On -account of the large numbers of Copts that from time to time have -become Muhammadans, they have come to be considered by the followers of -the Prophet as much more inclined to the faith of Islam than any other -Christian sect, and though they have had to endure the most severe -oppression and persecution on many occasions, yet the Copts that have -been thus driven to abandon their faith are said to have been few in -comparison with those who have changed their religion voluntarily, -[280] and even in the nineteenth century, when Egypt was said to be the -most tolerant of all Muhammadan countries, there were yearly -conversions of the Copts to the Muslim faith. [281] Still, persecution -and oppression have undoubtedly played a very large part in the -reduction of the numbers of the Copts, and the story of the sufferings -of the Jacobite Church of Egypt,—persecuted alike by their fellow -Christians [282] and by the followers of the dominant faith, is a very -sad one, and many abandoned the religion of their fathers in order to -escape from burdensome taxes and unendurable indignities. The vast -difference in this respect between their condition and that of the -Christians of Syria, Palestine and Spain at the same period finds its -explanation in the turbulent character of the Copts themselves. Their -long struggle against the civil and theological despotism of Byzantium -seems to have welded the zealots into a national party that could as -little brook the foreign rule of the Arabs as, before, that of the -Greeks. The rising of the Copts against their new masters in 646, when -they drove the Arabs for a time out of Alexandria and opened the gates -of the city to the Byzantine troops (who, however, treated the -unfortunate Copts as enemies, not having yet forgotten the welcome they -had before given to the Muhammadan invaders), was the first of a long -series of risings and insurrections, [283]—excited frequently by -excessive taxation,—which exposed them to terrible reprisals, and -caused the lot of the Jacobite Christians of Egypt to be harder to bear -than that of any other Christian sect in this or other countries under -Muhammadan rule. But the history of these events belongs rather to a -history of Muhammadan persecution and intolerance than to the scope of -the present work. It must not, however, be supposed that the condition -of the Copts was invariably that of a persecuted sect; on the contrary -there were times when they rose to positions of great affluence and -importance in the state. They filled the posts of secretaries and -scribes in the government offices, [284] farmed the taxes, [285] and in -some cases amassed enormous wealth. [286] The annals of their Church -furnish us with many instances of ecclesiastics who were held in high -favour and consideration by the reigning princes of the country, under -the rule of many of whom the Christians enjoyed the utmost -tranquillity. [287] To such a period of the peace of the Church belongs -an incident that led to the absorption of many Christians into the body -of the faithful. - -During the reign of Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn (Saladin) (1169–1193) over Egypt, the -condition of the Christians was very happy under the auspices of this -tolerant ruler; the taxes that had been imposed upon them were -lightened and several swept away altogether; they crowded into the -public offices as secretaries, accountants and registrars; and for -nearly a century under the successors of Saladin, they enjoyed the same -toleration and favour, and had nothing to complain of except the -corruption and degeneracy of their own clergy. Simony had become -terribly rife among them; the priesthood was sold to ignorant and -vicious persons, while postulants for the sacred office who were unable -to pay the sums demanded for ordination, were repulsed with scorn, in -spite of their being worthy and fit persons. The consequence was that -the spiritual and moral training of the people was utterly neglected -and there was a lamentable decay of the Christian life. [288] So -corrupt had the Church become that when, on the death of John, the -seventy-fourth Patriarch of the Jacobites, in 1216, a successor was to -be elected, the contending parties who pushed the claims of rival -candidates, kept up a fierce and irreconcilable dispute for nearly -twenty years, and all this time cared less for the grievous scandal and -the harmful consequences of their shameless quarrels than for the -maintenance of their dogged and obstinately factious spirit. On more -than one occasion the reigning sultan tried to make peace between the -contending parties, refused the enormous bribes of three, five, and -even ten thousand gold pieces that were offered in order to induce him -to secure the election of one of the candidates by the pressure of -official influence, and even offered to remit the fee that it was -customary for a newly-elected Patriarch to pay, if only they would put -aside their disputes and come to some agreement,—but all to no purpose. -Meanwhile many episcopal sees fell vacant and there was no one to take -the place of the bishops and priests that died in this interval; in the -monastery of St. Macarius alone there were only four priests left as -compared with over eighty under the last Patriarch. [289] So utterly -neglected were the Christians of the western dioceses, that they all -became Muslims. [290] To this bald statement of the historian of the -Coptic Church, we unfortunately have no information to add, of the -positive efforts made by the Musalmans to bring these Christians over -to their faith. That such there were, there can be very little doubt, -especially as we know that the Christians held public disputations and -engaged in written controversies on the respective merits of the rival -creeds. [291] That these conversions were not due to persecution, we -know from direct historical evidence that during this vacancy of the -patriarchate, the Christians had full and complete freedom of public -worship, were allowed to restore their churches and even to build new -ones, were freed from the restrictions that forbade them to ride on -horses or mules, and were tried in law-courts of their own, while the -monks were exempted from the payment of tribute and granted certain -privileges. [292] - -How far this incident is a typical case of conversion to Islam among -the Copts it is difficult to say; a parallel case of neglect is -mentioned by two Capuchin missionaries who travelled up the Nile to -Luxor in the seventeenth century, where they found that the Copts of -Luxor had no priest, and some of them had not gone to confession or -communion for fifty years. [293] Under such circumstances the decay of -their numbers can readily be understood. - -A similar neglect probably contributed to the decay of the Nubian -Church which recognised the primacy of the Jacobite Patriarch of -Alexandria, as do the Abyssinians to the present day. The Nubians had -been converted to Christianity about the middle of the sixth century, -and retained their independence when Egypt was conquered by the Arabs; -a treaty was made according to which the Nubians were to send every -year three hundred and sixty slaves, with forty more for the governor -of Egypt, while the Arabs were to furnish them with corn, oil and -raiment. [294] In the reign of al-Muʻtaṣim (833–842), ambassadors were -sent by the caliph renewing this treaty, and the king of Nubia visited -the capital, where he was received with great magnificence and -dismissed with costly presents. [295] In the twelfth century they were -still all Christian, [296] and retained their old independence in spite -of the frequent expeditions sent against them from Egypt. [297] In 1275 -the nephew of the then king of Nubia obtained from the sultan of Egypt -a body of troops to assist him in his revolt against his uncle, whom he -by their help succeeded in deposing; in return for this assistance he -had to cede the two northernmost provinces of Nubia to the sultan, and -as the inhabitants elected to retain their Christian faith, an annual -tribute of one dīnār for each male was imposed upon them. [298] But -this Muhammadan overlordship was temporary only, and the Nubians of the -ceded provinces soon reasserted their independence. [299] - -But settlements of Arabs had been established in Nubia for several -centuries earlier and the Arabs on the Blue Nile had so increased in -number and wealth in the tenth century that they were able to ask -permission to build a mosque in Soba, [300] the capital of the -Christian kingdom. [301] In the thirteenth and especially from the -beginning of the fourteenth century there began a general process of -interpenetration through the migration into Nubia of Arabs, especially -of the Juhaynah tribe, who intermarried with the women of the land and -gradually succeeded in breaking up the power of the Nubian princes. -[302] In the latter half of the fourteenth century Ibn Baṭūṭah [303] -tells us that the Nubians were still Christians, though the king of -their chief city, Dongola, [304] had embraced Islam in the reign of -Nāṣir (probably Nāṣir b. Qulāūn, one of the Mamlūk sultans of Egypt, -who died A.D. 1340); the repeated expeditions of the Muslims so late as -the fifteenth century had not succeeded in pushing their conquests -south of the first cataract, near which was their last fortified place, -[305] while Christianity seems to have extended as far up the Nile as -Sennaar. - -The Christian Nubian kingdom appears to have come to an end partly -through internal dissensions and partly through the attacks of Arab and -Negro tribes on its borders, and finally by the establishment of the -powerful Fūnj empire in the fifteenth century. [306] - -But it is probable that the progress of Islam in the country was all -this time being promoted by the Muhammadan merchants and others that -frequented it. Maqrīzī (writing in the early part of the fifteenth -century) quotes one of those missionary anecdotes which occur so rarely -in the works of Arabic authors; it is told by Ibn Salīm al-Aswāni, and -is of interest as giving us a living picture of the Muslim propagandist -at work. Though the convert referred to is neither a Christian nor a -Nubian, still the story shows that there was such a thing as conversion -to Islam in Nubia in the fifteenth century. Ibn Salīm says that he once -met a man at the court of the Nubian chief of Muqurrah, who told him -that he came from a city that lay three months’ journey from the Nile. -When asked about his religion, he replied, “My Creator and thy Creator -is God; the Creator of the universe and of all men is One, and his -dwelling-place is in Heaven.” When there was a dearth of rain, or when -pestilence attacked them or their cattle, his fellow-countrymen would -climb up a high mountain and there pray to God, who accepted their -prayers and supplied their needs before even they came down again. When -he acknowledged that God had never sent them a prophet, Ibn Salīm -recounted to him the story of the prophets Moses and Jesus and -Muḥammad, and how by the help of God they had been enabled to perform -many miracles. And he answered, “The truth must indeed have been with -them, when they did these things; and if they performed these deeds, I -believe in them.” [307] - -Very slowly and gradually the Nubians seem to have drifted from -Christianity into Muhammadanism. [308] The spiritual life of their -Church had sunk to the lowest ebb, and as no movement of reform sprang -up in their midst, and as they had lost touch with the Christian -Churches beyond their borders, it was only natural that they should -seek for an expression of their spiritual aspirations in the religion -of Islam, whose followers had so long borne witness to its living power -among them, and had already won over some of their countrymen to the -acceptance of it. A Portuguese priest, who travelled in Abyssinia from -1520–1527, has preserved for us a picture of the Nubians in this state -of transition; he says that they were neither Christians, Jews nor -Muhammadans, but had come to be without faith and without laws; but -still “they lived with the desire of being Christians.” Through the -fault of their clergy they had sunk into the grossest ignorance, and -now there were no bishops or priests left among them; accordingly they -sent an embassy of six men to the king of Abyssinia, praying him to -send priests and monks to instruct them, but this the king refused to -do without the permission of the Patriarch of Alexandria, and as this -could not be obtained, the unfortunate ambassadors returned -unsuccessful to their own country. [309] The same writer was informed -by a Christian who had travelled in Nubia, that he had found 150 -churches there, in each of which were still to be seen the figures of -the crucified Christ, of the Virgin Mary, and other saints painted on -the walls. In all the fortresses, also, that were scattered throughout -the country, there were churches. [310] Before the close of the -following century, Christianity had entirely disappeared from Nubia -“for want of pastors,” but the closed churches were to be found still -standing throughout the whole country. [311] The Nubians had yielded to -the powerful Muhammadan influences that surrounded them, to which the -proselytising efforts of the Muslims who had travelled in Nubia for -centuries past no doubt contributed a great deal; on the north were -Egypt and the Arab tribes that had made their way up the Nile and -extended their authority along the banks of that river; [312] on the -south, the Muhammadan state of the Belloos, separating them from -Abyssinia. These Belloos, in the early part of the sixteenth century, -were, in spite of their Muslim faith, tributaries of the Christian king -of Abyssinia; [313] and—if they may be identified with the Baliyyūn, -who, together with their neighbours, the Bajah (the inhabitants of the -so-called island of Meroe), are spoken of by Idrīsī, in the twelfth -century, as being Jacobite Christians, [314]—it is probable that they -had only a few years before been converted to Islam, at the same time -as the Bajah, who had been incorporated into the Muhammadan empire of -the Fūnj, when these latter extended their conquests in 1499–1530 from -the south up to the borders of Nubia and Abyssinia and founded the -powerful state of Sennaar. When the army of Aḥmad Grāñ invaded -Abyssinia and made its way right through the country from south to -north, it effected a junction about 1534 with the army of the sultan of -Maseggia or Mazaga, a province under Muhammadan rule but tributary to -Abyssinia, lying between that country and Sennaar; in the army of this -sultan there were 15,000 Nubian soldiers who, from the account given of -them, appear to have been Musalmans. [315] Fragmentary and insufficient -as these data of the conversion of the Nubians are, we may certainly -conclude from all we know of the independent character of this people -and the tenacity with which they clung to the Christian faith, so long -as it was a living force among them, that their change of religion was -a gradual one, extending through several centuries. - -Let us now pass to the history of Islam among the Abyssinians, who had -received Christianity two centuries before the Nubians, and like them -belonged to the Jacobite Church. - -The tide of Arab emigration does not seem to have set across the Red -Sea, the western shores of which formed part of the Abyssinian kingdom, -until many centuries after Arabia had accepted the faith of the -prophet. Up to the tenth century only a few Muhammadan families were to -be found residing in the coast towns of Abyssinia, but at the end of -the twelfth century the foundation of an Arab dynasty alienated some of -the coast-lands from the Abyssinian kingdom. In 1300 a missionary, -named Abū ʻAbd Allāh Muḥammad, made his way into Abyssinia, calling on -the people to embrace Islam, and in the following year, having -collected around him 200,000 men, he attacked the ruler of Amhara in -several engagements. [316] King Saifa Arʻād (1342–1370) took energetic -measures against the Muhammadans in his kingdom, putting to death or -driving into exile all those who refused to embrace Christianity. [317] -At the close of the same century the disturbed state of the country, -owing to the civil wars that distracted it, made it possible for the -various Arab settlements along the coast to make themselves masters of -the entire seaboard and drive the Abyssinians into the interior, and -the king, Baʼeda Māryām (1468–1478), is said to have spent the greater -part of his reign in fighting against the Muhammadans on the eastern -border of his kingdom. [318] In the early part of the sixteenth -century, while the powerful Muhammadan kingdom of Adal, between -Abyssinia and the southern extremity of the Red Sea, and some others -were bitterly hostile to the Christian power, there were others again -that formed peaceful tributaries of “Prester John”; e.g. in Massowah -there were Arabs who kept the flocks of the Abyssinian seigniors, -wandering about in bands of thirty or forty with their wives and -children, each band having its Christian “captain.” [319] Some -Musalmans are also mentioned as being in the service of the king and -being entrusted by him with important posts; [320] while some of these -remained faithful to Islam, others embraced the prevailing religion of -the country. What was implied in the fact of these Muhammadan -communities being tributaries of the king of Abyssinia, it is difficult -to determine. The Musalmans of Ḥadya had along with other tribute to -give up every year to the king a maiden who had to become a Christian; -this custom was in accordance with an ancient treaty, which the king of -Abyssinia has always made them observe, “because he was the stronger”; -besides this, they were forbidden to carry arms or put on war-apparel, -and, if they rode, their horses were not to be saddled; “these orders,” -they said, “we have always obeyed, so that the king may not put us to -death and destroy our mosques. When the king sends his people to fetch -the maiden and the tribute, we put her on a bed, wash her and cover her -with a cloth, and recite the prayers for the dead over her and give her -up to the people of the king; and thus did our fathers and our -grandfathers before us.” [321] - -These Muhammadan tributaries were chiefly to be found in the low-lying -countries that formed the northern boundary of Abyssinia, from the Red -Sea westward to Sennaar, [322] and on the south and the south-east of -the kingdom. [323] What influence these Muhammadans had on the -Christian populations with which they were intermingled, and whether -they made converts to Islam as in the present century, is matter only -of conjecture. Certain it is, however, that when the independent -Muhammadan ruler of Adal, Aḥmad Grāñ—himself said to have been the son -of a Christian priest of Aijjo, who had left his own country and -adopted Islam in that of the Adals [324]—invaded Abyssinia from 1528 to -1543, many Abyssinian chiefs with their followers joined his victorious -army and became Musalmans, and though the Christian populations of some -districts preferred to pay jizyah, [325] others embraced the religion -of the conqueror. [326] But the contemporary Muslim historian himself -tells us that in some cases this conversion was the result of fear, and -that suspicions were entertained of the genuineness of the allegiance -of the new converts. [327] But such apparently was not universally the -case, and the widespread character of the conversions in several -districts give the impression of a popular movement. The Christian -chiefs who went over to Islam made use of their personal influence in -inducing their troops to follow their example. They were, as we are -told, in some cases very ignorant of their own religion, [328] and thus -the change of faith was a less difficult matter. Particularly -instrumental in conversions of this kind were those Muhammadan chiefs -who had previously entered the service of the king of Abyssinia, and -those renegades who took the opportunity of the invasion of the country -by a conquering Musalman army to throw off their allegiance at once to -Christianity and the Christian king and declare themselves Muhammadans -once more. [329] - -One of these in 1531 wrote the following letter to Aḥmad Grāñ:—“I was -formerly a Muslim and the son of a Muslim, was taken prisoner by the -polytheists and made a Christian by force; but in my heart I have -always clung to the true faith and now I seek the protection of God and -of His Prophet and of thee. If thou wilt accept my repentance and -punish me not for what I have done, I will return in penitence to God; -and I will devise means whereby the troops of the king, that are with -me, may join thee and become Muslims;”—and in fact the greater part of -his army elected to follow their general; including the women and -children their numbers are said to have amounted to 20,000 souls. [330] - -But with the help of the Portuguese, the Abyssinians succeeded in -shaking off the yoke of their Muhammadan conquerors and Aḥmad Grāñ -himself was slain in 1543. Islam had, however, gained a footing in the -country, which the troublous condition of affairs during the remainder -of the sixteenth and the following century enabled it to retain, the -rival Christian Churches being too busily engaged in contending with -one another, to devote much attention to their common enemy. For the -successful proselytising of the Jesuits and other Roman Catholic -missionaries and the active interference of the Portuguese in all civil -and political matters, excited violent opposition in the mass of the -Abyssinian Christians;—indeed so bitter was this feeling that some of -the chiefs openly declared that they would rather submit to a -Muhammadan ruler than continue their alliance with the Portuguese; -[331]—and the semi-religious, semi-patriotic movement set on foot -thereby, rapidly assumed such vast proportions as to lead (about 1632) -to the expulsion of the Portuguese and the exclusion of all foreign -Christians from the country. The condition of Abyssinia then speedily -became one of terrible confusion and anarchy, of which some tribes of -the Galla race took advantage, to thrust their way right into the very -centre of the country, where their settlements remain to the present -day. - -The progress achieved by Islam during this period may be estimated from -the testimony of a traveller of the seventeenth century, who tells us -that in his time the adherents of this faith were scattered throughout -the whole of Abyssinia and formed a third of the entire population. -[332] During the following century the faith of the Prophet seems -steadily to have increased by means of the conversion of isolated -individuals here and there. The absence of any strong central -government in the country favoured the rise of petty independent -chieftains, many of whom had strong Muhammadan sympathies, though (in -accordance with a fundamental law of the state) all the Abyssinian -princes had to belong to the Christian faith; the Muhammadans, too, -aspiring to the dignity of the Abyssinian aristocracy, abjured the -faith in which they had been born and pretended conversion to -Christianity in order to get themselves enrolled in the order of the -nobles, and as governors of Christian provinces made use of all their -influence towards the spread of Islam. [333] One of the chief reasons -of the success of this faith seems to have been the moral superiority -of the Muslims as compared with that of the Christian population of -Abyssinia. Rüppell says that he frequently noticed in the course of his -travels in Abyssinia that when a post had to be filled which required -that a thoroughly honest and trustworthy person should be selected, the -choice always fell upon a Muhammadan. In comparison with the -Christians, he says that they were more active and energetic; that -every Muhammadan had his sons taught to read and write, whereas -Christian children were only educated when they were intended for the -priesthood. [334] This moral superiority of the Muhammadans of -Abyssinia over the Christian population goes far to explain the -continuous though slow progress made by Islam during the eighteenth and -nineteenth centuries; the degradation and apathy of the Abyssinian -clergy and the interminable feuds of the Abyssinian chiefs, have left -Muhammadan influences free to work undisturbed. Mr. Plowden, who was -English consul in Abyssinia from 1844 to 1860, speaking of the Ḥabāb, -three Tigrē tribes dwelling between 16° and 17° 30′ lat., the -north-west of Massowah, says that they have become Muhammadan “within -the last 100 years, and all, save the latest generation, bear Christian -names. They have changed their faith, through the constant influence of -the Muhammadans with whom they trade, and through the gradual and now -entire abandonment of the country by the Abyssinian chiefs, too much -occupied in ceaseless wars with their neighbours.” [335] They have a -tradition that one of their chiefs named Jāwej rejected Christianity -for Islam, in the belief that the latter faith brought good luck and -long life; he then said to his priest, “Break in pieces the Tābōt”; -[336] the priest answered, “I dare not break in pieces the Tābōt of -Mary”; so Jāwej seized the Tābōt with his own hands and cut it in -pieces with an axe; the Christian priests then adopted Islam, and all -their descendants are shaykhs of the tribe to the present day. [337] - -Other sections of the population of the northern districts of the -country were similarly converted to Islam during the same period, -because the priests had abandoned these districts and the churches had -been suffered to fall into ruins,—apparently entirely through neglect, -as the Muhammadans here are said to have been by no means fanatical nor -to have borne any particular enmity to Christianity. [338] Similar -testimony to the progress of Islam in the early part of the nineteenth -century is given by other travellers, [339] who found numbers of -Christians to be continually passing over to that faith. The -Muhammadans were especially favoured by Ras ʻAlī, one of the -vice-regents of Abyssinia and practically master of the country before -the accession of King Theodore in 1853. Though himself a Christian, he -distributed posts and even the spoils of the churches among the -followers of Islam, and during his reign one half of the population of -the central provinces of Abyssinia embraced the faith of the Prophet. -[340] Such deep roots had this faith now struck in Abyssinia that its -followers had in their hands all the commerce as well as all the petty -trade of the country, enjoyed vast possessions, were masters of large -towns and central markets, and had a firm hold upon the mass of the -people. Indeed, a Christian missionary who lived for thirty-five years -in this country, rated the success and the zeal of the Muslim -propagandists so high as to say that were another Aḥmad Grāñ to arise -and unfurl the banner of the Prophet, the whole of Abyssinia would -become Muhammadan. [341] Embroilments with the Egyptian government -(with which Abyssinia was at war from 1875 to 1882) brought about a -revulsion of feeling against Muhammadanism: hatred of the foreign -Muslim foe reacted upon their co-religionists within the border. In -1878, King John summoned a Convocation of the Abyssinian clergy, who -proclaimed him supreme arbiter in matters of faith and ordained that -there should be but one religion throughout the whole kingdom. -Christians of all sects other than the Jacobite were given two years in -which to become reconciled to the national Church; the Muhammadans were -to submit within three, and the heathen within five, years. A few days -later the king promulgated an edict that showed how little worth was -the three years’ grace allowed to the Muhammadans; for not only did he -order them to build Christian churches wherever they were needed and to -pay tithes to the priests resident in their respective districts, but -also gave three months’ notice to all Muhammadan officials to either -receive baptism or resign their posts. Such compulsory conversion -(consisting as it did merely of the rite of baptism and the payment of -tithes) was naturally of the most ineffectual character, and while -outwardly conforming, the Muslims in secret protested their loyalty to -their old faith. Massaja saw some such go straight from the church in -which they had been baptised to the mosque, in order to have this -enforced baptism wiped off by some holy man of their own faith. [342] -These mass conversions were rendered the more ineffectual by being -confined to the men, for as the royal edict had made no mention of the -women they were in no way molested,—a circumstance that probably proved -to be of considerable significance in the future history of Islam in -Abyssinia, as Massaja bears striking testimony to the important part -the Muhammadan women have played in the diffusion of their faith in -this country. [343] By 1880 King John is said to have compelled about -50,000 Muhammadans to be baptised, as well as 20,000 members of one of -the pagan tribes and half a million of Gallas, [344] but as their -conversion went no further than baptism and the payment of tithes, it -is not surprising to learn that the only result of these violent -measures was to increase the hatred and hostility of both the Muslim -and the heathen Abyssinians towards the Christian faith. [345] The king -of the petty state of Kafa (which had almost always acknowledged the -supremacy of Abyssinia),—Sawo-Teheno,—took advantage of the -embarrassment of King John, who was threatened at once by the Italians -and the followers of the Mahdī, to assert his independence, and became -a Musalman, in order to do so more effectively. He successfully -resisted all attacks until 1897, when his state was reconquered and he -himself taken prisoner by the Emperor Menelik, the former king of Shoa, -who had established his authority over the whole of Abyssinia after the -death of King John in 1889. Christianity was re-established as the -state religion throughout Kafa and Christian worship renewed in the -churches, which had been left uninjured, being either shut up or turned -into mosques. [346] But these violent measures taken in the interests -of the Christian faith have failed to arrest the growing power of Islam -during the nineteenth century. Whole tribes that were once Christian -and still bear Christian names, such as Taklēs (“Plant of Jesus”), -Hebtēs (“Gift of Jesus”) and Temāryām (“Gift of Mary”), have become -Muslim. The two Mänsaʻ tribes which were entirely Christian about the -middle of the nineteenth century had become Muslim, for the most part, -at the beginning of the twentieth century; the propagandist efforts of -the Muslims who converted them appear to have been facilitated through -the ignorance of the Christian clergy. A similar Muhammadanising -process has been going on for some time among other tribes also. [347] - -We must return now to the history of Africa in the seventh century, -when the Arabs were pushing their conquests from East to West along the -north coast. The comparatively easy conquest of Egypt, where so many of -the inhabitants assisted the Arabs in bringing the Byzantine rule to an -end, found no parallel in the bloody campaigns and the long-continued -resistance that here barred their further progress, and half a century -elapsed before the Arabs succeeded in making themselves complete -masters of the north coast from Egypt to the Atlantic Ocean. It was not -till 698 that the fall of Carthage brought the Roman rule in Africa to -an end for ever, and the subjugation of the Berbers made the Arabs -supreme in the country. - -The details of these campaigns it is no part of our purpose to -consider, but rather to attempt to discover in what way Islam was -spread among the Christian population. Unfortunately the materials -available for such a purpose are lamentably sparse and insufficient. -What became of that great African Church that had given such saints and -theologians to Christendom? The Church of Tertullian, St. Cyprian and -St. Augustine, which had emerged victorious out of so many -persecutions, and had so stoutly championed the cause of Christian -orthodoxy, seems to have faded away like a mist. - -In the absence of definite information, it has been usual to ascribe -the disappearance of the Christian population to fanatical persecutions -and forced conversions on the part of the Muslim conquerors. But there -are many considerations that militate against such a rough and ready -settlement of this question. First of all, there is the absence of -definite evidence in support of such an assertion. Massacres, -devastation and all the other accompaniments of a bloody and -long-protracted war, there were in horrible abundance, but of actual -religious persecution we have little mention, and the survival of the -native Christian Church for more than eight centuries after the Arab -conquest is a testimony to the toleration that alone could have -rendered such a survival possible. - -The causes that brought about the decay of Christianity in North Africa -must be sought for elsewhere than in the bigotry of Muhammadan rulers. -But before attempting to enumerate these, it will be well to realise -how very small must have been the number of the Christian population at -the end of the seventh century—a circumstance that renders its -continued existence under Muhammadan rule still more significant of the -absence of forced conversion, and leaves such a hypothesis much less -plausibility than would have been the case had the Arabs found a large -and flourishing Christian Church there when they commenced their -conquest of northern Africa. - -The Roman provinces of Africa, to which the Christian population was -confined, never extended far southwards; the Sahara forms a barrier in -this direction, so that the breadth of the coast seldom exceeds 80 or -100 miles. [348] Though there were as many as 500 bishoprics just -before the Vandal conquest, this number can serve as no criterion of -the number of the faithful, owing to the practice observed in the -African Church of appointing bishops to the most inconsiderable towns -and very frequently to the most obscure villages, [349] and it is -doubtful whether Christianity ever spread far inland among the Berber -tribes. [350] When the power of the Roman Empire declined in the fifth -century, different tribes of this great race, known to the Romans under -the names of Moors, Numidians, Libyans, etc., swarmed up from the south -to ravage and destroy the wealthy cities of the coast. These invaders -were certainly heathen. The Libyans, whose devastations are so -pathetically bewailed by Synesius of Cyrene, pillaged and burnt the -churches and carried off the sacred vessels for their own idolatrous -rites, [351] and this province of Cyrenaica never recovered from their -devastations, and Christianity was probably almost extinct here at the -time of the Muslim invasion. The Moorish chieftain in the district of -Tripolis, who was at war with the Vandal king Thorismund (496–524), but -respected the churches and clergy of the orthodox, who had been -ill-treated by the Vandals, declared his heathenism when he said, “I do -not know who the God of the Christians is, but if he is so powerful as -he is represented, he will take vengeance on those who insult him, and -succour those who do him honour.” [352] There is some probability that -the nomads of Mauritania also were very largely heathen. - -But whatever may have been the extent of the Christian Church, it -received a blow from the Vandal persecutions from which it never -recovered. For nearly a century the Arian Vandals persecuted the -orthodox with relentless fury; sent their bishops into exile, forbade -the public exercise of their religion and cruelly tortured those who -refused to conform to the religion of their conquerors. [353] When in -534, Belisarius crushed the power of the Vandals and restored North -Africa to the Roman Empire, only 217 bishops met in the Synod of -Carthage [354] to resume the direction of the Christian Church. After -the fierce and long-continued persecution to which they had been -subjected the number of the faithful must have been very much reduced, -and during the century that elapsed before the coming of the -Muhammadans, the inroads of the barbarian Moors, who shut the Romans up -in the cities and other centres of population, and kept the mountains, -the desert and the open country for themselves, [355] the prevalent -disorder and ill-government, and above all the desolating plagues that -signalised the latter half of the sixth century, all combined to carry -on the work of destruction. Five millions of Africans are said to have -been consumed by the wars and government of the Emperor Justinian. The -wealthier citizens abandoned a country whose commerce and agriculture, -once so flourishing, had been irretrievably ruined. “Such was the -desolation of Africa, that in many parts a stranger might wander whole -days without meeting the face either of a friend or an enemy. The -nation of the Vandals had disappeared; they once amounted to an hundred -and sixty thousand warriors, without including the children, the women, -or the slaves. Their numbers were infinitely surpassed by the number of -Moorish families extirpated in a relentless war; the same destruction -was retaliated on the Romans and their allies, who perished by the -climate, their mutual quarrels, and the rage of the barbarians.” [356] - -In 646, the year before the victorious Arabs advanced from Egypt to the -subjugation of the western province, the African Church that had -championed so often the purity of Christian doctrine, was stirred to -its depths by the struggle against Monotheletism; but when the bishops -of the four ecclesiastical provinces in the archbishopric of Carthage, -viz. Mauritania, Numidia, Byzacena and Africa Proconsularis, held -councils to condemn Monotheletism, and wrote synodal letters to the -Emperor and the Pope, there were only sixty-eight bishops who assembled -at Carthage to represent the last-mentioned province, and forty-two for -Byzacena. The numbers from the other two dioceses are not given, but -the Christian population had undoubtedly suffered much more in these -than in the two other dioceses which were nearer to the seat of -government. [357] It is exceedingly unlikely that any of the bishops -were absent on an occasion that excited so much feeling, when zeal for -Christian doctrine and political animosity to the Byzantine court both -combined in stimulating this movement, and when Africa took the most -prominent part in stirring up the opposition that led to the convening -of the great Lateran Council of 648. This diminution in the number of -the African bishops certainly points to a vast decrease in the -Christian population, and in consideration of the numerous causes -contributing to a decay of the population, too great stress even must -not be laid upon the number of these, because an episcopal see may -continue to be filled long after the diocese has sunk into -insignificance. - -From the considerations enumerated above, it may certainly be inferred -that the Christian population at the time of the Muhammadan invasion -was by no means a large one. During the fifty years that elapsed before -the Arabs assured their victory, the Christian population was still -further reduced by the devastations of this long conflict. The city of -Tripolis, after sustaining a siege of six months, was sacked, and of -the inhabitants part were put to the sword and the rest carried off -captive into Egypt and Arabia. [358] Another city, bordering on the -Numidian desert, was defended by a Roman count with a large garrison -which bravely endured a blockade of a whole year; when at last it was -taken by storm, all the males were put to the sword and the women and -children carried off captive. [359] The number of such captives is said -to have amounted to several hundreds of thousands. [360] Many of the -Christians took refuge in flight, [361] some into Italy and Spain, -[362] and it would almost seem that others even wandered as far as -Germany, judging from a letter addressed to the diocese of St. Boniface -by Pope Gregory II. [363] In fact, many of the great Roman cities were -quite depopulated, and remained uninhabited for a long time or were -even left to fall to ruins entirely, [364] while in several cases the -conquerors chose entirely new sites for their chief towns. [365] - -As to the scattered remnants of the once flourishing Christian Church -that still remained in Africa at the end of the seventh century, it can -hardly be supposed that persecution is responsible for their final -disappearance, in the face of the fact that traces of a native -Christian community were to be found even so late as the sixteenth -century. Idrīs, the founder of the dynasty in Morocco that bore his -name, is indeed said to have compelled by force Christians and Jews to -embrace Islam in the year A.D. 789, when he had just begun to carve out -a kingdom for himself with the sword, [366] but, as far as I have been -able to discover, this incident is without parallel in the history of -the native Church of North Africa. [367] - -The very slowness of its decay is a testimony to the toleration it must -have received. About 300 years after the Muhammadan conquest there were -still nearly forty bishoprics left, [368] and when in 1053 Pope Leo IX -laments that only five bishops could be found to represent the once -flourishing African Church, [369] the cause is most probably to be -sought for in the terrible bloodshed and destruction wrought by the -Arab hordes that had poured into the country a few years before and -filled it with incessant conflict and anarchy. [370] In 1076, the -African Church could not provide the three bishops necessary for the -consecration of an aspirant to the dignity of the episcopate, in -accordance with the demands of canon law, and it was necessary for Pope -Gregory VII to consecrate two bishops to act as coadjutors of the -Archbishop of Carthage; but the numbers of the faithful were still so -large as to demand the creation of fresh bishops to lighten the burden -of the work, which was too heavy for these three bishops to perform -unaided. [371] In the course of the next two centuries, the Christian -Church declined still further, and in 1246 the bishop of Morocco was -the sole spiritual leader of the remnant of the native Church. [372] Up -to the same period traces of the survival of Christianity were still to -be found among the Kabils of Algeria; [373] these tribes had received -some slight instruction in the tenets of Islam at an early period, but -the new faith had taken very little hold upon them, and as years went -by they lost even what little knowledge they had at first possessed, so -much so that they even forgot the Muslim formula of prayer. Shut up in -their mountain fastnesses and jealous of their independence, they -successfully resisted the introduction of the Arab element into their -midst, and thus the difficulties in the way of their conversion were -very considerable. Some unsuccessful attempts to start a mission among -them had been made by the inmates of a monastery belonging to the -Qādiriyyah order, Sāqiyah al-ḥamrāʼ, but the honour of winning an -entrance among them for the Muslim faith was reserved for a number of -Andalusian Moors who were driven out of Spain after the taking of -Granada in 1492. They had taken refuge in this monastery and were -recognised by the shaykh to be eminently fitted for the arduous task -that had previously so completely baffled the efforts of his disciples. -Before dismissing them on this pious errand, he thus addressed them: -“It is a duty incumbent upon us to bear the torch of Islam into these -regions that have lost their inheritance in the blessings of religion; -for these unhappy Kabils are wholly unprovided with schools, and have -no shaykh to teach their children the laws of morality and the virtues -of Islam; so they live like the brute beasts, without God or religion. -To do away with this unhappy state of things, I have determined to -appeal to your religious zeal and enlightenment. Let not these -mountaineers wallow any longer in their pitiable ignorance of the grand -truths of our religion; go and breathe upon the dying fire of their -faith and re-illumine its smouldering embers; purge them of whatever -errors may still cling to them from their former belief in -Christianity; make them understand that in the religion of our lord -Muḥammad—may God have compassion upon him—dirt is not, as in the -Christian religion, looked upon as acceptable in the eyes of God. [374] -I will not disguise from you the fact that your task is beset with -difficulties, but your irresistible zeal and the ardour of your faith -will enable you, by the grace of God, to overcome all obstacles. Go, my -children, and bring back again to God and His Prophet these unhappy -people who are wallowing in the mire of ignorance and unbelief. Go, my -children, bearing the message of salvation, and may God be with you and -uphold you.” - -The missionaries started off in parties of five or six at a time in -various directions; they went in rags, staff in hand, and choosing out -the wildest and least frequented parts of the mountains, established -hermitages in caves and clefts of the rocks. Their austerities and -prolonged devotions soon excited the curiosity of the Kabils, who after -a short time began to enter into friendly relations with them. Little -by little the missionaries gained the influence they desired through -their knowledge of medicine, of the mechanical arts, and other -advantages of civilisation, and each hermitage became a centre of -Muslim teaching. Students, attracted by the learning of the new-comers, -gathered round them and in time became missionaries of Islam to their -fellow-countrymen, until their faith spread throughout all the country -of the Kabils and the villages of the Algerian Sahara. [375] - -The above incident is no doubt illustrative of the manner in which -Islam was introduced among such other sections of the independent -tribes of the interior as had received any Christian teaching, but -whose knowledge of this faith had dwindled down to the observance of a -few superstitious rites; [376] for, cut off as they were from the rest -of the Christian world and unprovided with spiritual teachers, they -could have had little in the way of positive religious belief to oppose -to the teachings of the Muslim missionaries. - -There is little more to add to these sparse records of the decay of the -North African Church. A Muhammadan traveller, [377] who visited -al-Jarīd, the southern district of Tunis, in the early part of the -fourteenth century, tells us that the Christian churches, although in -ruins, were still standing in his day, not having been destroyed by the -Arab conquerors, who had contented themselves with building a mosque in -front of each of these churches. Ibn Khaldūn (writing towards the close -of the fourteenth century), speaks of some villages in the province of -Qastīliyyah, [378] with a Christian population whose ancestors had -lived there since the time of the Arab conquest. [379] At the end of -the following century there was still to be found in the city of Tunis -a small community of native Christians, living together in one of the -suburbs, quite distinct from that in which the foreign Christian -merchants resided; far from being oppressed or persecuted, they were -employed as the bodyguard of the Sultan. [380] These were doubtless the -same persons as were congratulated on their perseverance in the -Christian faith by Charles V after the capture of Tunis in 1535. [381] - -This is the last we hear of the native Christian Church in North -Africa. The very fact of its so long survival would militate against -any supposition of forced conversion, even if we had not abundant -evidence of the tolerant spirit of the Arab rulers of the various North -African kingdoms, who employed Christian soldiers, [382] granted by -frequent treaties the free exercise of their religion to Christian -merchants and settlers, [383] and to whom Popes [384] recommended the -care of the native Christian population, while exhorting the latter to -serve their Muhammadan rulers faithfully. [385] - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER V. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIANS OF SPAIN. - - -In 711 the victorious Arabs introduced Islam into Spain: in 1502 an -edict of Ferdinand and Isabella forbade the exercise of the Muhammadan -religion throughout the kingdom. During the centuries that elapsed -between these two dates, Muslim Spain had written one of the brightest -pages in the history of mediæval Europe. Her influence had passed -through Provence into the other countries of Europe, bringing into -birth a new poetry and a new culture, and it was from her that -Christian scholars received what of Greek philosophy and science they -had to stimulate their mental activity up to the time of the -Renaissance. But these triumphs of the civilised life—art and poetry, -science and philosophy—we must pass over here and fix our attention on -the religious condition of Spain under the Muslim rule. - -When the Muhammadans first brought their religion into Spain they found -Catholic Christianity firmly established after its conquest over -Arianism. The sixth Council of Toledo had enacted that all kings were -to swear that they would not suffer the exercise of any other religion -but the Catholic, and would vigorously enforce the law against all -dissentients, while a subsequent law forbade any one under pain of -confiscation of his property and perpetual imprisonment, to call in -question the Holy Catholic and Apostolic Church, the Evangelical -Institutions, the definitions of the Fathers, the decrees of the -Church, and the Holy Sacraments. The clergy had gained for their order -a preponderating influence in the affairs of the state; [386] the -bishops and chief ecclesiastics sat in the national councils, which met -to settle the most important business of the realm, ratified the -election of the king and claimed the right to depose him if he refused -to abide by their decrees. The Christian clergy took advantage of their -power to persecute the Jews, who formed a very large community in -Spain; edicts of a brutally severe character were passed against such -as refused to be baptised; [387] and they consequently hailed the -invading Arabs as their deliverers from such cruel oppression, they -garrisoned the captured cities on behalf of the conqueror and opened -the gates of towns that were being besieged. [388] - -The Muhammadans received as warm a welcome from the slaves, whose -condition under the Gothic rule was a very miserable one, and whose -knowledge of Christianity was too superficial to have any weight when -compared with the liberty and numerous advantages they gained, by -throwing in their lot with the Muslims. - -These down-trodden slaves were the first converts to Islam in Spain. -The remnants of the heathen population of which we find mention as late -as A.D. 693, [389] probably followed their example. Many of the -Christian nobles, also, whether from genuine conviction or from other -motives, embraced the new creed. [390] Many converts were won, too, -from the lower and middle classes, who may well have embraced Islam, -not merely outwardly, but from genuine conviction, turning to it from a -religion whose ministers had left them ill-instructed and uncared for, -and busied with worldly ambitions had plundered and oppressed their -flocks. [391] Having once become Muslims, these Spanish converts showed -themselves zealous adherents of their adopted faith, and they and their -children joined themselves to the Puritan party of the rigid Muhammadan -theologians as against the careless and luxurious life of the Arab -aristocracy. [392] - -At the time of the Muhammadan conquest the old Gothic virtues are said -by Christian historians to have declined and given place to effeminacy -and corruption, so that the Muhammadan rule appeared to them to be a -punishment sent from God on those who had gone astray into the paths of -vice; [393] but such a statement is too frequent a commonplace of the -ecclesiastical historian to be accepted in the absence of contemporary -evidence. [394] - -But certainly as time went on, matters do not seem to have mended -themselves; and when Christian bishops took part in the revels of the -Muhammadan court, when episcopal sees were put up to auction and -persons suspected to be atheists appointed as shepherds of the -faithful, and these in their turn bestowed the office of the priesthood -on low and unworthy persons, [395] we may well suppose that it was not -only in the province of Elvira [396] that Christians turned from a -religion, the corrupt lives of whose ministers had brought it into -discredit, [397] and sought a more congenial atmosphere for the moral -and spiritual life in the pale of Islam. - -Had ecclesiastical writers cared to chronicle them, Spain would -doubtless be found to offer instances of many a man leaving the -Christian Church like Bodo, a deacon at the French court in the reign -of Louis the Pious, who in A.D. 838 became a Jew, in order that (as he -said), forsaking his sinful life, he might “abide steadfast in the law -of the Lord.” [398] - -It is very possible, too, that the lingering remains of the old Gothic -Arianism—of which, indeed, there had been some slight revival in the -Spanish Church just before the Arab conquest [399]—may have predisposed -men’s minds to accept the new faith whose Christology was in such close -agreement with Arian doctrine, [400] and a later age may have witnessed -parallels to that change of faith which is the earliest recorded -instance of conversion to Islam in western Europe and occurred before -the Arab invasion of Spain—namely the conversion of a Greek named -Theodisclus, who succeeded St. Isidore (ob. A.D. 636) as Archbishop of -Seville; he was accused of heresy, for maintaining that Jesus was not -one God in unity with the Father and the Holy Spirit, but was rather -Son of God by adoption; he was accordingly condemned by an -ecclesiastical synod, deprived of his archbishopric and degraded from -the priesthood. Whereupon he went over to the Arabs and embraced Islam -among them. [401] - -Of forced conversion or anything like persecution in the early days of -the Arab conquest, we hear nothing. Indeed, it was probably in a great -measure their tolerant attitude towards the Christian religion that -facilitated their rapid acquisition of the country. The only complaint -that the Christians could bring against their new rulers for treating -them differently to their non-Christian subjects, was that they had to -pay the usual capitation-tax of forty-eight dirhams for the rich, -twenty-four for the middle classes, and twelve for those who made their -living by manual labour: this, as being in lieu of military service, -was levied only on the able-bodied males, for women, children, monks, -the halt, and the blind, and the sick, mendicants and slaves were -exempted therefrom; [402] it must moreover have appeared the less -oppressive as being collected by the Christian officials themselves. -[403] - -Except in the case of offences against the Muslim religious law, the -Christians were tried by their own judges and in accordance with their -own laws. [404] They were left undisturbed in the exercise of their -religion; [405] the sacrifice of the mass was offered, with the -swinging of censers, the ringing of the bell, and all the other -solemnities of the Catholic ritual; the psalms were chanted in the -choir, sermons preached to the people, and the festivals of the Church -observed in the usual manner. They do not appear to have been -condemned, like their co-religionists in Syria and Egypt, to wear a -distinctive dress as sign of their humiliation, and in the ninth -century at least, the Christian laity wore the same kind of costume as -the Arabs. [406] They were at one time even allowed to build new -churches. [407] - -We read also of the founding [408] of several fresh monasteries in -addition to the numerous convents both for monks and nuns that -flourished undisturbed by the Muhammadan rulers. The monks could appear -publicly in the woollen robes of their order and the priest had no need -to conceal the mark of his sacred office, [409] nor at the same time -did their religious profession prevent the Christians from being -entrusted with high offices at court, [410] or serving in the Muslim -armies. [411] - -Certainly those Christians who could reconcile themselves to the loss -of political power had little to complain of, and it is very noticeable -that during the whole of the eighth century we hear of only one attempt -at revolt on their part, namely at Beja, and in this they appear to -have followed the lead of an Arab chief. [412] Those who migrated into -French territory in order that they might live under a Christian rule, -certainly fared no better than the co-religionists they had left -behind. In 812 Charlemagne interfered to protect the exiles who had -followed him on his retreat from Spain from the exactions of the -imperial officers. Three years later Louis the Pious had to issue -another edict on their behalf, in spite of which they had soon again to -complain against the nobles who robbed them of the lands that had been -assigned to them. But the evil was only checked for a little time to -break out afresh, and all the edicts passed on their behalf did not -avail to make the lot of these unfortunate exiles more tolerable, and -in the Cagots (i.e. canes Gothi), a despised and ill-treated class of -later times, we probably meet again the Spanish colony that fled away -from Muslim rule to throw themselves upon the mercy of their Christian -co-religionists. [413] - -The toleration of the Muhammadan government towards its Christian -subjects in Spain and the freedom of intercourse between the adherents -of the two religions brought about a certain amount of assimilation in -the two communities. Inter-marriages became frequent; [414] Isidore of -Beja, who fiercely inveighs against the Muslim conquerors, records the -marriage of ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz, the son of Mūsạ̄, with the widow of King -Roderic, without a word of blame. [415] Many of the Christians adopted -Arab names, and in outward observances imitated to some extent their -Muhammadan neighbours, e.g. many were circumcised, [416] and in matters -of food and drink followed the practice of the “unbaptized pagans.” -[417] - -The very term Muzarabes (i.e. mustʻaribīn or Arabicised) applied to the -Spanish Christians living under Arab rule, is significant of the -tendencies that were at work. The study of Arabic very rapidly began to -displace that of Latin throughout the country, [418] so that the -language of Christian theology came gradually to be neglected and -forgotten. Even some of the higher clergy rendered themselves -ridiculous by their ignorance of correct Latinity. [419] It could -hardly be expected that the laity would exhibit more zeal in such a -matter than the clergy, and in 854 a Spanish writer brings the -following complaint against his Christian fellow-countrymen:—“While we -are investigating their (i.e. the Muslim) sacred ordinances and meeting -together to study the sects of their philosophers—or rather -philobraggers—not for the purpose of refuting their errors, but for the -exquisite charm and for the eloquence and beauty of their -language—neglecting the reading of the Scriptures, we are but setting -up as an idol the number of the beast. (Apoc. xiii. 18.) Where nowadays -can we find any learned layman who, absorbed in the study of the Holy -Scriptures, cares to look at the works of any of the Latin Fathers? Who -is there with any zeal for the writings of the Evangelists, or the -Prophets, or Apostles? Our Christian young men, with their elegant airs -and fluent speech, are showy in their dress and carriage, and are famed -for the learning of the gentiles; intoxicated with Arab eloquence they -greedily handle, eagerly devour and zealously discuss the books of the -Chaldeans (i.e. Muhammadans), and make them known by praising them with -every flourish of rhetoric, knowing nothing of the beauty of the -Church’s literature, and looking down with contempt on the streams of -the Church that flow forth from Paradise; alas! the Christians are so -ignorant of their own law, the Latins pay so little attention to their -own language, that in the whole Christian flock there is hardly one man -in a thousand who can write a letter to inquire after a friend’s health -intelligibly, while you may find a countless rabble of all kinds of -them who can learnedly roll out the grandiloquent periods of the -Chaldean tongue. They can even make poems, every line ending with the -same letter, which display high flights of beauty and more skill in -handling metre than the gentiles themselves possess.” [420] - -In fact the knowledge of Latin so much declined in one part of Spain -that it was found necessary to translate the ancient Canons of the -Spanish Church and the Bible into Arabic for the use of the Christians. -[421] - -While the brilliant literature of the Arabs exercised such a -fascination and was so zealously studied, those who desired an -education in Christian literature had little more than the materials -that had been employed in the training of the barbaric Goths, and could -with difficulty find teachers to induct them even into this low level -of culture. As time went on this want of Christian education increased -more and more. In 1125 the Muzarabes wrote to King Alfonso of Aragon: -“We and our fathers have up to this time been brought up among the -gentiles, and having been baptised, freely observe the Christian -ordinances; but we have never had it in our power to be fully -instructed in our divine religion; for, subject as we are to the -infidels who have long oppressed us, we have never ventured to ask for -teachers from Rome or France; and they have never come to us of their -own accord on account of the barbarity of the heathen whom we obey.” -[422] - -From such close intercourse with the Muslims and so diligent a study of -their literature—when we find even so bigoted an opponent of Islam as -Alvar [423] acknowledging that the Qurʼān was composed in such eloquent -and beautiful language that even Christians could not help reading and -admiring it—we should naturally expect to find signs of a religious -influence: and such indeed is the case. Elipandus, bishop of Toledo -(ob. 810), an exponent of the heresy of Adoptionism—according to which -the Man Christ Jesus was Son of God by adoption and not by nature—is -expressly said to have arrived at these heretical views through his -frequent and close intercourse with the Muhammadans. [424] This new -doctrine appears to have spread quickly over a great part of Spain, -while it was successfully propagated in Septimania, which was under -French protection, by Felix, bishop of Urgel in Catalonia. [425] Felix -was brought before a council, presided over by Charlemagne, and made to -abjure his error, but on his return to Spain he relapsed into his old -heresy, doubtless (as was suggested by Pope Leo III at the time) owing -to his intercourse with the pagans (meaning thereby the Muhammadans) -who held similar views. [426] When prominent churchmen were so -profoundly influenced by their contact with Muhammadans, we may judge -that the influence of Islam upon the Christians of Spain was very -considerable, indeed in A.D. 936 a council was held at Toledo to -consider the best means of preventing this intercourse from -contaminating the purity of the Christian faith. [427] - -It may readily be understood how these influences of Islamic thought -and practice—added to definite efforts at conversion [428]—would lead -to much more than a mere approximation and would very speedily swell -the number of the converts to Islam so that their descendants, the -so-called Muwallads—a term denoting those not of Arab blood—soon formed -a large and important party in the state, indeed the majority of the -population of the country, [429] and as early as the beginning of the -ninth century we read of attempts made by them to shake off the Arab -rule, and on several occasions later they come forward actively as a -national party of Spanish Muslims. - -We have little or no details of the history of the conversion of these -New-Muslims. Instances appeared to have occurred right up to the last -days of Muslim rule, for when the army of Ferdinand and Isabella -captured Malaga in 1487, it is recorded that all the renegade -Christians found in the city were tortured to death with sharp-pointed -reeds, and in the capitulation that secured the submission of Purchena -two years later, an express promise was made that renegades would not -be forced to return to Christianity. [430] Some few apostatised to -escape the payment of some penalty inflicted by the law-courts. [431] -But the majority of the converts were no doubt won over by the imposing -influence of the faith of Islam itself, presented to them as it was -with all the glamour of a brilliant civilisation, having a poetry, a -philosophy and an art well calculated to attract the reason and dazzle -the imagination: while in the lofty chivalry of the Arabs there was -free scope for the exhibition of manly prowess and the knightly -virtues—a career closed to the conquered Spaniards that remained true -to the Christian faith. Again, the learning and literature of the -Christians must have appeared very poor and meagre when compared with -that of the Muslims, the study of which may well by itself have served -as an incentive to the adoption of their religion. Besides, to the -devout mind Islam in Spain could offer the attractions of a pious and -zealous Puritan party with the orthodox Muslim theologians at its head, -which at times had a preponderating influence in the state and -struggled earnestly towards a reformation of faith and morals. - -Taking into consideration the ardent religious feeling that animated -the mass of the Spanish Muslims and the provocation that the Christians -gave to the Muhammadan government through their treacherous intrigues -with their co-religionists over the border, the history of Spain under -Muhammadan rule is singularly free from persecution. With the exception -of three or four cases of genuine martyrdom, the only approach to -anything like persecution during the whole period of the Arab rule is -to be found in the severe measures adopted by the Muhammadan government -to repress the madness for voluntary martyrdom that broke out in -Cordova in the ninth century. At this time a fanatical party came into -existence among the Christians in this part of Spain (for apparently -the Christian Church in the rest of the country had no sympathy with -the movement), which set itself openly and unprovokedly to insult the -religion of the Muslims and blaspheme their Prophet, with the -deliberate intention of incurring the penalty of death by such -misguided assertion of their Christian bigotry. - -This strange passion for self-immolation displayed itself mainly among -priests, monks and nuns between the years 850 and 860. It would seem -that brooding, in the silence of their cloisters, over the decline of -Christian influence and the decay of religious zeal, they went forth to -win the martyr’s crown—of which the toleration of their infidel rulers -was robbing them—by means of fierce attacks on Islam and its founder. -Thus, for example, a certain monk, by name Isaac, came before the Qāḍī -and pretended that he wished to be instructed in the faith of Islam; -when the Qāḍī had expounded to him the doctrines of the Prophet, he -burst out with the words: “He hath lied unto you (may the curse of God -consume him!), who, full of wickedness, hath led so many men into -perdition, and doomed them with himself to the pit of hell. Filled with -Satan and practising Satanic jugglery, he hath given you a cup of -deadly wine to work disease in you, and will expiate his guilt with -everlasting damnation. Why do ye not, being endowed with understanding, -deliver yourselves from such dangers? Why do ye not, renouncing the -ulcer of his pestilential doctrines, seek the eternal salvation of the -Gospel of the faith of Christ?” [432] On another occasion two -Christians forced their way into a mosque and there reviled the -Muhammadan religion, which, they declared, would very speedily bring -upon its followers the destruction of hell-fire. [433] Though the -number of such fanatics was not considerable, [434] the Muhammadan -government grew alarmed, fearing that such contempt for their authority -and disregard of their laws against blasphemy, argued a widespread -disaffection and a possible general insurrection, for in fact, in 853 -Muḥammad I had to send an army against the Christians at Toledo, who, -incited by Eulogius, the chief apologist of the martyrs, had risen in -revolt on the news of the sufferings of their co-religionists. [435] He -is said to have ordered a general massacre of the Christians, but when -it was pointed out that no men of any intelligence or rank among the -Christians had taken part in such doings [436] (for Alvar himself -complains that the majority of the Christian priests condemned the -martyrs [437]), the king contented himself with putting into force the -existing laws against blasphemy with the utmost rigour. The moderate -party in the Church seconded the efforts of the government; the bishops -anathematised the fanatics, and an ecclesiastical council that was held -in 852 to discuss the matter agreed upon methods of repression [438] -that eventually quashed the movement. One or two isolated cases of -martyrdom are recorded later—the last in 983, after which there was -none as long as the Arab rule lasted in Spain. [439] - -But under the Berber dynasty of the Almoravids at the beginning of the -twelfth century, there was an outburst of fanaticism on the part of the -theological zealots of Islam in which the Christians had to suffer -along with the Jews and the liberal section of the Muhammadan -population—the philosophers, the poets and the men of letters. But such -incidents are exceptions to the generally tolerant character of the -Muhammadan rulers of Spain towards their Christian subjects. - -One of the Spanish Muhammadans who was driven out of his native country -in the last expulsion of the Moriscoes in 1610, while protesting -against the persecutions of the Inquisition, makes the following -vindication of the toleration of his co-religionists: “Did our -victorious ancestors ever once attempt to extirpate Christianity out of -Spain, when it was in their power? Did they not suffer your forefathers -to enjoy the free use of their rites at the same time that they wore -their chains? Is not the absolute injunction of our Prophet, that -whatever nation is conquered by Musalman steel, should, upon the -payment of a moderate annual tribute, be permitted to persevere in -their own pristine persuasion, how absurd soever, or to embrace what -other belief they themselves best approved of? If there may have been -some examples of forced conversions, they are so rare as scarce to -deserve mentioning, and only attempted by men who had not the fear of -God, and the Prophet, before their eyes, and who, in so doing, have -acted directly and diametrically contrary to the holy precepts and -ordinances of Islam which cannot, without sacrilege, be violated by any -who would be held worthy of the honourable epithet of Musulman.... You -can never produce, among us, any bloodthirsty, formal tribunal, on -account of different persuasions in points of faith, that anywise -approaches your execrable Inquisition. Our arms, it is true, are ever -open to receive all who are disposed to embrace our religion; but we -are not allowed by our sacred Qurʼān to tyrannise over consciences. Our -proselytes have all imaginable encouragement, and have no sooner -professed God’s Unity and His Apostle’s mission but they become one of -us, without reserve; taking to wife our daughters, and being employed -in posts of trust, honour and profit; we contenting ourselves with only -obliging them to wear our habit, and to seem true believers in outward -appearance, without ever offering to examine their consciences, -provided they do not openly revile or profane our religion: if they do -that, we indeed punish them as they deserve; since their conversion was -voluntarily, and was not by compulsion.” [440] - -This very spirit of toleration was made one of the main articles in an -account of the “Apostacies and Treasons of the Moriscoes,” drawn up by -the Archbishop of Valencia in 1602 when recommending their expulsion to -Philip III, as follows: “That they commended nothing so much as that -liberty of conscience, in all matters of religion, which the Turks, and -all other Muhammadans, suffer their subjects to enjoy.” [441] - -What deep roots Islam had struck in the hearts of the Spanish people -may be judged from the fact that when the last remnant of the Moriscoes -was expelled from Spain in 1610, these unfortunate people still clung -to the faith of their fathers, although for more than a century they -had been forced to outwardly conform to the Christian religion, and in -spite of the emigrations that had taken place since the fall of -Granada, nearly 500,000 are said to have been expelled at that time. -[442] Whole towns and villages were deserted and the houses fell into -ruins, there being no one to rebuild them. [443] These Moriscoes were -probably all descendants of the original inhabitants of the country, -with little or no admixture of Arab blood; the reasons that may be -adduced in support of this statement are too lengthy to be given here; -one point only in the evidence may be mentioned, derived from a letter -written in 1311, in which it is stated that of the 200,000 Muhammadans -then living in the city of Granada, not more than 500 were of Arab -descent, all the rest being descendants of converted Spaniards. [444] -Finally, it is of interest to note that even up to the last days of its -power in Spain, Islam won converts to the faith, for the historian, -when writing of events that occurred in the year 1499, seven years -after the fall of Granada, draws attention to the fact that among the -Moors were a few Christians who had lately embraced the faith of the -Prophet. [445] - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER VI. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS -IN EUROPE UNDER THE TURKS. - - -We first hear of the Ottoman Turks at the commencement of the -thirteenth century, when fleeing before the Mongols, to the number of -about 50,000, they came to the help of the Sultan of Iconium, and in -return for their services both against the Mongols and the Greeks, had -assigned to them a district in the north-west of Asia Minor. This was -the nucleus of the future Ottoman empire, which, increasing at first by -the absorption of the petty states into which the Saljūq Turks had -split up, afterwards crossed over into Europe, annexing kingdom after -kingdom, until its victorious growth received a check before the gates -of Vienna in 1683. [446] - -From the earliest days of the extension of their kingdom in Asia Minor, -the Ottomans exercised authority over Christian subjects, but it was -not until the ancient capital of the Eastern empire fell into their -hands in 1453 that the relations between the Muslim Government and the -Christian Church were definitely established on a fixed basis. One of -the first steps taken by Muḥammad II, after the capture of -Constantinople and the re-establishment of order in that city, was to -secure the allegiance of the Christians, by proclaiming himself the -protector of the Greek Church. Persecution of the Christians was -strictly forbidden; a decree was granted to the newly elected patriarch -which secured to him and his successors and the bishops under him, the -enjoyment of the old privileges, revenues and exemptions enjoyed under -the former rule. Gennadios, the first patriarch after the Turkish -conquest, received from the hands of the Sultan himself the pastoral -staff, which was the sign of his office, together with a purse of a -thousand golden ducats and a horse with gorgeous trappings, on which he -was privileged to ride with his train through the city. [447] But not -only was the head of the Church treated with all the respect he had -been accustomed to receive from the Christian emperors, but further he -was invested with extensive civil power. The patriarch’s court sat to -decide all cases between Greek and Greek: it could impose fines, -imprison offenders in a prison provided for its own special use, and in -some cases even condemn to capital punishment: while the ministers and -officials of the government were directed to enforce its judgments. The -complete control of spiritual and ecclesiastical matters (in which the -Turkish government, unlike the civil power of the Byzantine empire, -never interfered), was left entirely in his hands and those of the -grand Synod which he could summon whenever he pleased; and hereby he -could decide all matters of faith and dogma without fear of -interference on the part of the state. As a recognised officer of the -imperial government, he could do much for the alleviation of the -oppressed, by bringing the acts of unjust governors to the notice of -the Sultan. The Greek bishops in the provinces in their turn were -treated with great consideration and were entrusted with so much -jurisdiction in civil affairs, that up to modern times they have acted -in their dioceses almost as if they were Ottoman prefects over the -orthodox population, thus taking the place of the old Christian -aristocracy which had been exterminated by the conquerors, and we find -that the higher clergy were generally more active as Turkish agents -than as Greek priests, and they always taught their people that the -Sultan possessed a divine sanction, as the protector of the Orthodox -Church. A charter was subsequently published, securing to the orthodox -the use of such churches as had not been confiscated to form mosques, -and authorising them to celebrate their religious rites publicly -according to their national usages. [448] - -Consequently, though the Greeks were numerically superior to the Turks -in all the European provinces of the empire, the religious toleration -thus granted them, and the protection of life and property they -enjoyed, soon reconciled them to the change of masters and led them to -prefer the domination of the Sultan to that of any Christian power. -Indeed, in many parts of the country, the Ottoman conquerors were -welcomed by the Greeks as their deliverers from the rapacious and -tyrannous rule of the Franks and the Venetians who had so long disputed -with Byzantium for the possession of the Peloponnesos and some of the -adjacent parts of Greece; by introducing into Greece the feudal system, -these had reduced the people to the miserable condition of serfs, and -as aliens in speech, race and creed, were hated by their subjects, -[449] to whom a change of rulers, since it could not make their -condition worse, would offer a possible chance of improving it, and -though their deliverers were likewise aliens, yet the infidel Turk was -infinitely to be preferred to the heretical Catholics. [450] The Greeks -who lived under the immediate government of the Byzantine court, were -equally unlikely to be averse to a change of rulers. The degradation -and tyranny that characterised the dynasty of the Palæologi are -frightful to contemplate. “A corrupt aristocracy, a tyrannical and -innumerable clergy, the oppression of perverted law, the exactions of a -despicable government, and still more, its monopolies, its fiscality, -its armies of tax and custom collectors, left the degraded people -neither rights nor institutions, neither chance of amelioration nor -hope of redress.” [451] Lest such a judgment appear dictated by a -spirit of party bias, a contemporary authority may be appealed to in -support of its correctness. The Russian annalists who speak of the fall -of Constantinople bring a similar indictment against its government. -“Without the fear of the law an empire is like a steed without reins. -Constantine and his ancestors allowed their grandees to oppress the -people; there was no more justice in their law courts; no more courage -in their hearts; the judges amassed treasures from the tears and blood -of the innocent; the Greek soldiers were proud only of the magnificence -of their dress; the citizens did not blush at being traitors; the -soldiers were not ashamed to fly. At length the Lord poured out His -thunder on these unworthy rulers, and raised up Muḥammad, whose -warriors delight in battle, and whose judges do not betray their -trust.” [452] This last item of praise [453] may sound strange in the -ears of a generation that has constantly been called upon to protest -against Turkish injustice; but it is clearly and abundantly borne out -by the testimony of contemporary historians. The Byzantine historian -who has handed down to us the story of the capture of Constantinople -tells us how even the impetuous Bāyazīd was liberal and generous to his -Christian subjects, and made himself extremely popular among them by -admitting them freely to his society. [454] Murād II distinguished -himself by his attention to the administration of justice and by his -reforms of the abuses prevalent under the Greek emperors, and punished -without mercy those of his officials who oppressed any of his subjects. -[455] For at least a century after the fall of Constantinople a series -of able rulers secured, by a firm and vigorous administration, peace -and order throughout their dominions, and an admirable civil and -judicial organisation, if it did not provide an absolutely impartial -justice for Muslims and Christians alike, yet caused the Greeks to be -far better off than they had been before. They were harassed by fewer -exactions of forced labour, extraordinary contributions were rarely -levied, and the taxes they paid were a trifling burden compared with -the endless feudal obligations of the Franks and the countless -extortions of the Byzantines. The Turkish dominions were certainly -better governed and more prosperous than most parts of Christian -Europe, and the mass of the Christian population engaged in the -cultivation of the soil enjoyed a larger measure of private liberty and -of the fruits of their labour, under the government of the Sultan than -their contemporaries did under that of many Christian monarchs. [456] A -great impulse, too, was given to the commercial activity of the -country, for the early Sultans were always ready to foster trade and -commerce among their subjects, and many of the great cities entered -upon an era of prosperity when the Turkish conquest had delivered them -from the paralysing fiscal oppression of the Byzantine empire, one of -the first of them being Nicæa, which capitulated to Urkhān in 1330 -under the most favourable terms after a long-protracted siege. [457] -Like the ancient Romans, the Ottomans were great makers of roads and -bridges, and thereby facilitated trade throughout their empire; and -foreign states were compelled to admit the Greek merchants into ports -from which they had been excluded in the time of the Byzantine -emperors, but now sailing under the Ottoman flag, they assumed the -dress and manners of Turks, and thus secured from the nations of -Western Europe the respect and consideration which the Catholics had -hitherto always refused to the members of the Greek Church. [458] - -There is, however, one notable exception to this general good treatment -and toleration, viz. the tribute of Christian children, who were -forcibly taken from their parents at an early age and enrolled in the -famous corps of Janissaries. Instituted by Urkhān in 1330, it formed -for centuries the mainstay of the despotic power of the Turkish -Sultans, and was kept alive by a regular contribution exacted every -four years, [459] when the officers of the Sultan visited the districts -on which the tax was imposed, and made a selection from among the -children about the age of seven. The Muhammadan legists attempted to -apologise for this inhuman tribute by representing these children as -the fifth of the spoil which the Qurʼān assigns to the sovereign, [460] -and they prescribed that the injunction against forcible conversion -[461] should be observed with regard to them also, although the tender -age at which they were placed under the instruction of Muslim teachers -must have made it practically of none effect. [462] Christian Europe -has always expressed its horror at such a barbarous tax, and travellers -in the Turkish dominions have painted touching pictures of desolated -homes and of parents weeping for the children torn from their arms. But -when the corps was first instituted, its numbers were rapidly swelled -by voluntary accessions from among the Christians themselves, [463] and -the circumstances under which this tribute was first imposed may go far -to explain the apathy which the Greeks themselves appear to have -exhibited. The whole country had been laid waste by war, and families -were often in danger of perishing with hunger; the children who were -thus adopted were in many cases orphans, who would otherwise have been -left to perish; further, the custom so widely prevalent at that time of -selling Christians as slaves may have made this tax appear less -appalling than might have been expected. This custom has, moreover, -been maintained to have been only a continuation of a similar usage -that was in force under the Byzantine emperors. [464] It has even been -said that there was seldom any necessity of an appeal to force on the -part of the officers who collected the appointed number of children, -but rather that the parents were often eager to have their children -enrolled in a service that secured for them in many cases a brilliant -career, and under any circumstances a well-cared-for and comfortable -existence, since these little captives were brought up and educated as -if they were the Sultan’s own children. [465] This institution appears -in a less barbarous light if it be true that the parents could often -redeem their children by a money payment. [466] Metrophanes -Kritopoulos, who was Patriarch of Constantinople and afterwards of -Alexandria, writing in 1625, mentions various devices adopted by the -Christians for escaping from the burden of this tax, e.g. they -purchased Muhammadan boys and represented them to be Christians, or -they bribed the collectors to take Christian boys who were of low birth -or had been badly brought up or such as “deserved hanging.” [467] -Thomas Smith, among others, speaks of the possibility of buying off the -children, so impressed: “Some of their parents, out of natural pity and -out of a true sense of religion, that they may not be thus robbed of -their children, who hereby lie under a necessity of renouncing their -Christianity, compound for them at the rate of fifty or a hundred -dollars, as they are able, or as they can work upon the covetousness of -the Turks more or less.” [468] The Christians of certain cities, such -as Constantinople, and of towns and islands that had made this -stipulation at the time of their submission to the Turks, or had -purchased this privilege, were exempted from the operation of this -cruel tax. [469] These extenuating circumstances at the outset, and the -ease with which men acquiesce in any established usage—though serving -in no way as an excuse for so inhuman an institution—may help us to -understand what a traveller in the seventeenth century calls the -“unaccountable indifference” [470] with which the Greeks seem to have -fallen in with this demand of the new government, which so materially -improved their condition. - -Further, the Christian subjects of the Turkish empire had to pay the -capitation-tax, in return for protection and in lieu of military -service. The rates fixed by the Ottoman law were 2½, 5 and 10 piastres -a head for every full-grown male, according to his income, [471] women -and the clergy being exempt. [472] In the nineteenth century the rates -were 15, 30 and 60 piastres, according to income. [473] Christian -writers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries generally speak of -this tax as being a ducat a head, [474] but it is also variously -described as amounting to 3, 5 or 5⅞ crowns or dollars. [475] The -fluctuating exchange value of the Turkish coinage in the seventeenth -century is the probable explanation of the latter variations. To -estimate with any exactitude how far this tax was a burden to those who -had to pay it, would require a lengthened disquisition on the -purchasing value of money at that period and a comparison with other -items of expenditure. [476] But by itself it could hardly have formed a -valid excuse for a change of faith, as Tournefort points out, when -writing in 1700 of the conversion of the Candiots: “It must be -confessed, these Wretches sell their Souls a Pennyworth: all they get -in exchange for their Religion, is a Vest, and the Privilege of being -exempt from the Capitation-Tax, which is not above five Crowns a year.” -[477] Scheffler also, who is anxious to represent the condition of the -Christians under Turkish rule in as black colours as possible, admits -that the one ducat a head was a trifling matter, and has to lay stress -on the extraordinary taxes, war contributions, etc., that they were -called upon to pay. [478] The land taxes were the same both for -Christians and Musalmans, [479] for the old distinction between lands -on which tithe was paid by the Muhammadan proprietor, and those on -which kharāj was paid by the non-Muhammadan proprietor, was not -recognised by the Ottomans. [480] Whatever sufferings the Christians -had to endure proceeded from the tyranny of individuals, who took -advantage of their official position to extort money from those under -their jurisdiction. Such acts of oppression were not only contrary to -the Muhammadan law, but were rare before the central government had -grown weak and suffered the corruption and injustice of local -authorities to go unpunished. [481] There is a very marked difference -between the accounts we have of the condition of the Christians during -the first two centuries of the Turkish rule in Europe and those of a -later date, when the period of decadence had fully set in. But it is -noticeable that in those very times in which the condition of the -Christians had been most intolerable there is least record of -conversion to Islam. In the eighteenth century, when the condition of -the Christians was worse than at any other period, we find hardly any -mention of conversions at all, and the Turks themselves are represented -as utterly indifferent to the progress of their religion and -considerably infected with scepticism and unbelief. [482] A further -proof that their sufferings have been due to misgovernment rather than -to religious persecution is the fact that Muslims and Christians -suffered alike. [483] The Christians would, however, naturally be more -exposed to extortion and ill-treatment owing to the difficulties that -lay in the way of obtaining redress at law, and some of the poorest may -thus have sought a relief from their sufferings in a change of faith. - -But if we except the tribute of the children, to which the conquered -Greeks seem to have submitted with so little show of resistance, and -which owed its abolition, not to any revolt or insurrection against its -continuance, but to the increase of the Turkish population and of the -number of the renegades who were constantly entering the Sultan’s -service, [484]—the treatment of their Christian subjects by the Ottoman -emperors—at least for two centuries after their conquest of -Greece—exhibits a toleration such as was at that time quite unknown in -the rest of Europe. The Calvinists of Hungary and Transylvania, and the -Unitarians of the latter country, long preferred to submit to the Turks -rather than fall into the hands of the fanatical house of Hapsburg; -[485] and the Protestants of Silesia looked with longing eyes towards -Turkey, and would gladly have purchased religious freedom at the price -of submission to the Muslim rule. [486] It was to Turkey that the -persecuted Spanish Jews fled for refuge in enormous numbers at the end -of the fifteenth century, [487] and the Cossacks who belonged to the -sect of the Old Believers and were persecuted by the Russian State -Church, found in the dominions of the Sultan the toleration which their -Christian brethren denied them. [488] Well might Macarius, Patriarch of -Antioch in the seventeenth century, congratulate himself when he saw -the fearful atrocities that the Catholic Poles inflicted on the -Russians of the Orthodox Eastern Church: “We all wept much over the -thousands of martyrs who were killed by those impious wretches, the -enemies of the faith, in these forty or fifty years. The number -probably amounted to seventy or eighty thousand souls. O you infidels! -O you monsters of impurity! O you hearts of stone! What had the nuns -and women done? What the girls and boys and infant children, that you -should murder them?... And why do I pronounce them (the Poles) -accursed? Because they have shown themselves more debased and wicked -than the corrupt worshippers of idols, by their cruel treatment of -Christians, thinking to abolish the very name of Orthodox. God -perpetuate the empire of the Turks for ever and ever! For they take -their impost, and enter into no account of religion, be their subjects -Christians or Nazarenes, Jews or Samarians: whereas these accursed -Poles were not content with taxes and tithes from the brethren of -Christ, though willing to serve them; but they subjected them to the -authority of the enemies of Christ, the tyrannical Jews, who did not -even permit them to build churches, nor leave them any priests that -knew the mysteries of their faith.” [489] Even in Italy there were men -who turned longing eyes towards the Turks in the hope that as their -subjects they might enjoy the freedom and the toleration they despaired -of enjoying under a Christian government. [490] It would seem, then, -that Islam was not spread by force in the dominion of the Sultan of -Turkey, and though the want of even-handed justice and the oppression -of unscrupulous officials in the days of the empire’s decline, may have -driven some Christians to attempt to better their condition by a change -of faith, such cases were rare in the first two centuries of the -Turkish rule in Europe, to which period the mass of conversions belong. -It would have been wonderful indeed if the ardour of proselytising that -animated the Ottomans at this time had never carried them beyond the -bounds of toleration established by their own laws. Yet it has been -said by one who was a captive among them for twenty-two years that the -Turks “compelled no one to renounce his faith.” [491] Similar testimony -is borne by others: an English gentleman who visited Turkey in the -early part of the seventeenth century, tells us that “There is seldom -any compulsion of conscience, and then not by death, where no criminal -offence gives occasion.” [492] Writing about thirty years later (in -1663), the author [493] of a Türcken-Schrifft says: “Meanwhile he (i.e. -the Turk) wins (converts) by craft more than by force, and snatches -away Christ by fraud out of the hearts of men. For the Turk, it is -true, at the present time compels no country by violence to apostatise; -but he uses other means whereby imperceptibly he roots out -Christianity.... What then has become of the Christians? They are not -expelled from the country, neither are they forced to embrace the -Turkish faith: then they must of themselves have been converted into -Turks.” - -The Turks considered that the greatest kindness they could show a man -was to bring him into the salvation of the faith of Islam, [494] and to -this end they left no method of persuasion untried: a Dutch traveller -of the sixteenth century, tells us that while he was admiring the great -mosque of Santa Sophia, some Turks even tried to work upon his -religious feelings through his æsthetic sense, saying to him, “If you -become a Musalman, you will be able to come here every day of your -life.” About a century later, an English traveller [495] had a similar -experience: “Sometimes, out of an excess of zeal, they will ask a -Christian civilly enough, as I have been asked myself in the Portico of -Sancta Sophia, why will you not turn Musalman, and be as one of us?” -The public rejoicings that hailed the accession of a new convert to the -faith, testify to the ardent love for souls which made these men such -zealous proselytisers. The new Muslim was set upon a horse and led in -triumph through the streets of the city. If he was known to be -genuinely honest in his change of faith and had voluntarily entered the -pale of Islam, or if he was a person of good position, he was received -with high honour and some provision made for his support. [496] There -was certainly abundant evidence for saying that “The Turks are -preposterously zealous in praying for the conversion, or perversion -rather, of Christians to their irreligious religion: they pray -heartily, and every day in their Temples, that Christians may imbrace -the Alcoran, and become their Proselytes, in effecting of which they -leave no means unassaied by fear and flattery, by punishments and -rewards.” [497] - -These zealous efforts for winning converts were rendered the more -effective by certain conditions of Christian society itself. Foremost -among these was the degraded condition of the Greek Church. Side by -side with the civil despotism of the Byzantine empire, had arisen an -ecclesiastical despotism which had crushed all energy of intellectual -life under the weight of a dogmatism that interdicted all discussion in -matters of morals and religion. The only thing that disturbed this -lethargy was the fierce controversial war waged against the Latin -Church with all the bitterness of theological polemics and race hatred. -The religion of the people had degenerated into a scrupulous observance -of outward forms, and the intense fervour of their devotion found an -outlet in the worship of the Virgin and the saints, of pictures and -relics. There were many who turned from a Church whose spiritual life -had sunk so low, and weary of interminable discussions on such subtle -points of doctrine as the Double Procession of the Holy Spirit, and -such trivialities as the use of leavened and unleavened bread in the -Blessed Sacrament, gladly accepted the clear and intelligible theistic -teaching of Islam. We are told [498] of large numbers of persons being -converted, not only from among the simple folk, but also learned men of -every class, rank and condition; of how the Turks made a better -provision for those monks and priests who embraced the Muslim creed, in -order that their example might lead others to be converted. While -Adrianople was still the Turkish capital (e.g. before 1453) the court -was thronged with renegades, and they are said to have formed the -majority of the magnates there. [499] Byzantine princes and others -often passed over to the side of the Muhammadans, and received a ready -welcome among them: one of the earliest of such cases dates from 1140 -when a nephew of the emperor John Comnenes embraced Islam and married a -daughter of Masʻūd, the Sultan of Iconium. [500] After the fall of -Constantinople, the upper classes of Christian society showed much more -readiness to embrace Islam than the mass of the Greeks; among the -converts we meet with several bearing the name of the late imperial -family of the Palæologi, and the learned George Amiroutzes of Trebizond -abandoned Christianity in his declining years, and the names of many -other such individuals have found a record. [501] The new religion only -demanded assent to its simple creed, “There is no god but God: Muḥammad -is the apostle of God”; as the above-mentioned writer [502] says, “The -whole difficulty lies in this profession of faith. For if only a man -can persuade himself that he is a worshipper of the One God, the poison -of his error easily infects him under the guise of religion. This is -the rock of offence on which many have struck and fallen into the snare -that has brought perdition on their souls. This is the mill-stone that -hung about the necks of many has plunged them into the pit of despair. -For when these fools hear the Turks execrate idolatry and express their -horror of every image and picture as though it were the fire of hell, -and so continually profess and preach the worship of One God, there no -longer remains any room for suspicion in their minds.” - -The faith of Islam would now be the natural refuge for those members of -the Eastern Church who felt such yearnings after a purer and simpler -form of doctrine as had given rise to the Paulician heresy so fiercely -suppressed a few centuries before. This movement had been very largely -a protest against the superstitions of the Orthodox Church, against the -worship of images, relics and saints, and an effort after simplicity of -faith and the devout life. As some adherents of this heresy were to be -found in Bulgaria even so late as the seventeenth century, [503] the -Muhammadan conquerors doubtless found many who were dissatisfied with -the doctrine and practice of the Greek Church; and as all the -conditions were unfavourable to the formation of any such Protestant -Churches as arose in the West, such dissentient spirits would doubtless -find a more congenial atmosphere in the religion of Islam. There is -every reason to think that such was the result of the unsuccessful -attempt to Protestantise the Greek Church in the beginning of the -seventeenth century. The guiding spirit of this movement was Cyril -Lucaris, five times Patriarch of Constantinople, from 1621 to 1638; as -a young man he had visited the Universities of Wittenberg and Geneva, -for the purpose of studying theology in the seats of Protestant -learning, and on his return he kept up a correspondence with doctors of -the reformed faith in Geneva, Holland and England. But neither the -doctrines of the Church of England nor of the Lutherans attracted his -sympathies so warmly as the teachings of John Calvin, [504] which he -strove to introduce into the Greek Church; his efforts in this -direction were warmly supported by the Calvinists of Geneva, who sent a -learned young theologian, named Leger, to assist the work by -translating into Greek the writings of Calvinist theologians. [505] -Cyril also found warm friends in the Protestant embassies at -Constantinople, the Dutch and English ambassadors especially assisting -him liberally with funds; the Jesuits, on the other hand, supported by -the Catholic ambassadors, tried in every way to thwart this attempt to -Calvinise the Greek Church, and actively seconded the intrigues of the -party of opposition among the Greek clergy, who finally compassed the -death of the Patriarch. In 1629 Cyril published a Confession of Faith, -the main object of which seems to have been to present the doctrines of -the Orthodox Church in their opposition to Roman Catholicism in such a -way as to imply a necessary accord with Protestant teaching. [506] From -Calvin he borrows the doctrines of Predestination and salvation by -faith alone, he denies the infallibility of the Church, rejects the -authority of the Church in the interpretation of Holy Scripture, and -condemns the adoration of pictures: in his account of the will and in -many other questions, he inclines rather to Calvinism than to the -teachings of the Orthodox Church. [507] The promulgation of this -Confession of Faith as representing the teaching of the whole Church of -which he was the spiritual head, excited violent opposition among the -mass of the Greek clergy, and a few weeks after Cyril’s death a synod -was held to condemn his opinions and pronounce him to be Anathema; in -1642 a second synod was held at Constantinople for the same purpose, -which after refuting each article of Cyril’s Confession in detail, as -the first had done, thus fulminated its curse upon him and his -followers:—“With one consent and in unqualified terms, we condemn this -whole Confession as full of heresies and utterly opposed to our -orthodoxy, and likewise declare that its compiler has nothing in common -with our faith, but in calumnious fashion has falsely charged his own -Calvinism on us. All those who read and keep it as true and blameless, -and defend it by written word or speech, we thrust out of the community -of the faithful as followers and partakers of his heresy and corruptors -of the Christian Church, and command that whatever be their rank and -station, they be treated as heathen and publicans. Let them be laid -under an anathema for ever and cut off from the Father, the Son and the -Holy Ghost in this life and in the life to come, accursed, -excommunicated, be lost after death, and be partakers of everlasting -punishment.” [508] In 1672 a third synod met at Jerusalem to repudiate -the heretical articles of this Confession of Faith and vindicate the -orthodoxy of the Greek Church against those who represented her as -infected with Calvinism. The attempt to Protestantise the Greek Church -thus completely failed to achieve success: the doctrines of Calvin were -diametrically opposed to her teachings, and indeed inculcated many -articles of faith that were more in harmony with the tenets of Muslim -theologians than with those of the Orthodox Church, and which moreover -she had often attacked in her controversies with her Muhammadan -adversaries. It is this approximation to Islamic thought which gives -this movement towards Calvinism a place in a history of the spread of -Islam: a man who inveighed against the adoration of pictures, decried -the authority and the very institution of the priesthood, maintained -the doctrines of absolute Predestination, denied freedom to the human -will and was in sympathy with the stern spirit of Calvinism that had -more in common with the Old than the New Testament—would certainly find -a more congenial atmosphere in Islam than in the Greek Church of the -seventeenth century, and there can be little doubt that among the -numerous converts of Islam during that century were to be found men who -had been alienated from the Church of their fathers through their -leanings towards Calvinism. [509] We have no definite information as to -the number of the followers of Cyril Lucaris and the extent of -Calvinistic influences in the Greek Church; the clergy, jealous of the -reputation of their Church, whose orthodoxy and immunity from heresy -were so boastfully vindicated by her children, and had thus been -impugned through the suspicion of Calvinism, wished to represent the -heretical patriarch as standing alone in his opinions. [510] But a -following he undoubtedly had: his Confession of Faith had received the -sanction of a synod composed of his followers; [511] those who -sympathised with his heresies were anathematised both by the second -synod of Constantinople (1642) and by the synod of Jerusalem (1672) -[512]—surely a meaningless repetition, had no such persons existed; -moreover the names of some few of these have come down to us: -Sophronius, Metropolitan of Athens, was a warm supporter of the -Reformation; [513] a monk named Nicodemus Metaras, who had brought a -printing-press from London and issued heretical treatises therefrom, -was rewarded with a metropolitan see by Cyril in return for his -services; [514] the philosopher Corydaleus, a friend of Cyril, opened a -Calvinistic school in Constantinople, and another Greek, Gerganos, -published a Catechism so as to introduce the teachings of Calvin among -his fellow-countrymen; [515] and Neophytus II, who was made Patriarch -in 1636, while Cyril was in exile in the island of Rhodes, was his -disciple and adopted son; he recalled his master from banishment and -resigned the patriarchal chair in his favour. [516] In a letter to the -University of Geneva (dated July, 1636), Cyril writes that Leger had -gained a large number of converts to Calvinism by his writings and -preaching; [517] in another letter addressed to Leger, he describes how -he had made his influence felt in Candia. [518] His successor [519] in -the patriarchal chair was banished to Carthage and there strangled by -the adherents of Lucaris in 1639. [520] The Calvinists are said to have -entertained hopes of Parthenius I (the successor of Cyril II), but his -untimely end (whether by poison or banishment is uncertain) -disappointed their expectations. [521] Parthenius II, who was Patriarch -of Constantinople from 1644 to 1646, was at heart a thorough Calvinist, -and though he did not venture openly to teach the doctrines of Calvin, -still his known sympathy with them caused him to be deposed, sent into -exile and strangled. [522] Thus the influence of Calvinism was -undoubtedly more widespread than the enemies of Cyril Lucaris were -willing to admit, and as stated above, those who refused to bow to the -anathemas of the synods that condemned their leader, had certainly more -in common with their Muhammadan neighbours than with the Orthodox -clergy who cast them out of their midst. There is no actual evidence, -it is true, of Calvinistic influences in Turkey facilitating conversion -to Islam, [523] but in the absence of any other explanation it -certainly seems a very plausible conjecture that such were among the -factors that so enormously increased the number of the Greek renegades -towards the middle of the seventeenth century—a period during which the -number of renegades from among the middle and lower orders of society -is said to have been more considerable than at any other time. [524] -Frequent mention is made of cases of apostasy from among the clergy, -and even among the highest dignitaries of the Church, such as a former -Metropolitan of Rhodes. [525] In 1676 it is said that in Corinth some -Christian people went over every day to “the Turkish abomination,” and -that three priests had become Musalmans the year before; [526] in 1679 -is recorded the death of a renegade monk. [527] On the occasion of the -circumcision of Muṣṭafā, son of Muḥammad IV, in 1675, there were at -least two hundred proselytes made during the thirteen days of public -rejoicing, [528] and numerous other instances may be found in writings -of this period. A contemporary writer (1663) has well described the -mental attitude of such converts. “When you mix with the Turks in the -ordinary intercourse of life and see that they pray and sing even the -Psalms of David; that they give alms and do other good works; that they -think highly of Christ, hold the Bible in great honour, and the like; -that, besides, any ass may become parish priest who plies the Bassa -with presents, and he will not urge Christianity on you very much; so -you will come to think that they are good people and will very probably -be saved; and so you will come to believe that you too may be saved, if -you likewise become Turks. Herewith will the Holy Trinity and the -crucified Son of God, with many other mysteries of the faith, which -seem quite absurd to the unenlightened reason, easily pass out of your -thoughts, and imperceptibly Christianity will quite die out in you, and -you will think that it is all the same whether you be Christians or -Turks.” [529] - -Thomas Smith, who was in Constantinople in 1669, speaks of the number -of Christian converts about this period, but assigns baser motives. -“’Tis sad to consider the great number of wretched people, who turn -Turks; some out of meer desperation; being not able to support the -burthen of slavery, and to avoid the revilings and insultings of the -Infidels; some out of a wanton light humour, to put themselves into a -condition of domineering and insulting over others ... some to avoid -the penalties and inflictions due to their heinous crimes, and to enjoy -the brutish liberties, that Mahomet consecrated by his own example, and -recommended to his followers. These are the great and tempting -arguments and motives of their apostasy, meer considerations of ease, -pleasure and prosperity, or else of vanity and guilt; for it cannot be -presumed, that any through conviction of mind should be wrought upon to -embrace the dotages and impostures of Turcisme.” [530] Records of -conversions after this period are rare, but Motraye gives an account of -several renegades, who became Muhammadans in Constantinople in 1703; -among them was a French priest and some other French Catholics, and -some priests from Smyrna. [531] - -Another feature in the condition of the Greek Church that contributed -to the decay of its numbers, was the corruption and degradation of its -pastors, particularly the higher clergy. The sees of bishops and -archbishops were put up to auction to the highest bidders, and the -purchasers sought to recoup themselves by exacting levies of all kinds -from their flocks; they burdened the unfortunate Christians with taxes -ordinary and extraordinary, made them purchase all the sacraments at -exorbitant rates, baptism, confession, holy communion, indulgences, and -the right of Christian burial. Some of the clergy even formed an unholy -alliance with the Janissaries, and several bishops had their names and -those of their households inscribed on the list of one of their Ortas -or regiments, the better to secure an immunity for their excesses and -escape the punishment of their crimes under the protection of this -corporation which the weakness of the Ottoman rulers had allowed to -assume such a powerful position in the state. [532] The evidence of -contemporary eye-witnesses to the oppressive behaviour of the Greek -clergy presents a terrible picture of the sufferings of the Christians. -Tournefort in 1700, after describing the election of a new Patriarch, -says: “We need not at all doubt but the new Patriarch makes the best of -his time. Tyranny succeeds to Simony: the first thing he does is to -signify the Sultan’s order to all the Archbishops and Bishops of his -clergy: his greatest study is to know exactly the revenues of each -Prelate; he imposes a tax upon them, and enjoins them very strictly by -a second letter to send the sum demanded, otherwise their dioceses are -adjudg’d to the highest bidder. The Prelates being used to this trade, -never spare their Suffragans; these latter torment the Papas: the Papas -flea the Parishioners and hardly sprinkle the least drop of Holy Water, -but what they are paid for beforehand. If afterwards the Patriarch has -occasion for money, he farms out the gathering of it to the highest -bidder among the Turks: he that gives most for it, goes into Greece to -cite the Prelates. Usually for twenty thousand crowns that the clergy -is tax’d at, the Turk extorts two and twenty; so that he has the two -thousand crowns for his pains, besides having his charges borne in -every diocese. In virtue of the agreement he has made with the -Patriarch, he deprives and interdicts from all ecclesiastical -functions, those prelates who refuse to pay their tax.” [533] The -Christian clergy are even said to have carried off the children of the -parishioners and sold them as slaves, to get money for their simoniacal -designs. [534] - -The extortions practised in the seventeenth have found their -counterpart in the nineteenth century, and the sufferings of the -Christians of the Greek Church in Bosnia, before the Austrian -occupation, exactly illustrate the words of Tournefort. The -Metropolitan of Serajevo used to wring as much as £10,000 a year from -his miserable flock—a sum exactly double the salary of the Turkish -Governor himself—and to raise this enormous sum the unfortunate -parishioners were squeezed in every possible way, and the Turkish -authorities had orders to assist the clergy in levying their exactions; -and whole Christian villages suffered the fate of sacked cities, for -refusing, or often being unable, to comply with the exorbitant demands -of Christian Prelates. [535] Such unbearable oppression on the part of -the spiritual leaders who should protect the Christian population, has -often stirred it up to open revolt, whenever a favourable opportunity -has offered itself. [536] It is not surprising then to learn that many -of the Christians went over to Islam, to deliver themselves from such -tyranny. [537] - -Ecclesiastical oppression of a rather different character is said to -have been responsible for the conversion of the ancestors of a small -community of about 4000 Southern Rumanians, at Noanta in the Meglen -district of the vilayet of Salonika; they have a tradition that in the -eighteenth century the Patriarch of Constantinople persuaded the -reigning Sultan that only the Christians who spoke Greek could be loyal -subjects of the Turkish empire; the Sultan thereupon forbade the -Christians to speak anything but Greek, on pain of having their tongues -cut out; when the news of this reached Noanta, a part of the population -fled into the woods and founded fresh villages, but those who were left -behind went over to Islam, with their bishop at their head, in order -thereby to retain their mother-tongue. [538] - -Though the mass of the parish clergy were innocent of the charges -brought against their superiors, [539] still they were very ignorant -and illiterate. At the end of the seventeenth century, there were said -to be hardly twelve persons in the whole Turkish dominions thoroughly -skilled in the knowledge of the ancient Greek language; it was -considered a great merit in the clergy to be able to read, while they -were quite ignorant of the meaning of the words of their service-books. -[540] - -While there was so much in the Christian society of the time to repel, -there was much in the character and life of the Turks to attract, and -the superiority of the early Ottomans as compared with the degradation -of the guides and teachers of the Christian Church would naturally -impress devout minds that revolted from the selfish ambition, simony -and corruption of the Greek ecclesiastics. Christian writers constantly -praise these Turks for the earnestness and intensity of their religious -life; their zeal in the performance of the observances prescribed by -their faith; the outward decency and modesty displayed in their apparel -and mode of living; the absence of ostentatious display and the -simplicity of life observable even in the great and powerful. [541] The -annalist of the embassy from the Emperor Leopold I to the Ottoman Porte -in 1665–1666, especially eulogises the devoutness and regularity of the -Turks in prayer, and he even goes so far as to say, “Nous devons dire à -la confusion des Chrêtiens, que les Turcs têmoignent beaucoup plus de -soin et de zèle à l’exercice de leur Religion: que les Chrêtiens n’en -font paroître à la pratique de la leur.... Mais ce qui passe tout ce -que nous experimentons de dévot entre les Chrêtiens: c’est que pendant -le tems de la prière, vous ne voyez pas une personne distraite de ses -yeux: vous n’en voyez pas une qui ne soit attachée à l’objet de sa -prière: et pas une qui n’ait toute la révérence extérieure pour son -Créateur, qu’on peut exiger de la Créature.” [542] - -Even the behaviour of the soldiery receives its meed of praise. During -the march of an army the inhabitants of the country, we are told by the -secretary to the Embassy sent by Charles II to the Sultan, had no -complaints to make of being plundered or of their women being -maltreated. All the taverns along the line of march were shut up and -sealed two or three days before the arrival of the army, and no wine -was allowed to be sold to the soldiers under pain of death. [543] - -Many a tribute of praise is given to the virtues of the Turks even by -Christian writers who bore them no love; one such who had a very poor -opinion of their religion, [544] speaks of them as follows:—“Even in -the dirt of the Alcoran you shall find some jewels of Christian -Virtues; and indeed if Christians will but diligently read and observe -the Laws and Histories of the Mahometans, they may blush to see how -zealous they are in the works of devotion, piety, and charity, how -devout, cleanly, and reverend in their Mosques, how obedient to their -Priest, that even the great Turk himself will attempt nothing without -consulting his Mufti; how careful are they to observe their hours of -prayer five times a day wherever they are, or however employed? how -constantly do they observe their Fasts from morning till night a whole -month together; how loving and charitable the Muslemans are to each -other, and how careful of strangers may be seen by their Hospitals, -both for the Poor and for Travellers; if we observe their Justice, -Temperance, and other moral Vertues, we may truly blush at our own -coldness, both in devotion and charity, at our injustice, intemperance, -and oppression; doubtless these Men will rise up in judgment against -us; and surely their devotion, piety, and works of mercy are main -causes of the growth of Mahometism.” - -The same conclusion is drawn by a modern historian, [545] who -writes:—“We find that many Greeks of high talent and moral character -were so sensible of the superiority of the Mohammedans, that even when -they escaped being drafted into the Sultan’s household as -tribute-children, they voluntarily embraced the faith of Mahomet. The -moral superiority of Othoman society must be allowed to have had as -much weight in causing these conversions, which were numerous in the -fifteenth century, as the personal ambition of individuals.” - -A generation that has watched the decay of the Turkish power in Europe -and the successive curtailment of its territorial possessions, and is -accustomed to hearing it spoken of as the “sick man,” destined to a -speedy dissolution, must find it difficult to realise the feelings -which the Ottoman empire inspired in the early days of its rise in -Europe. The rapid and widespread success of the Turkish arms filled -men’s minds with terror and amazement. One Christian kingdom after -another fell into their hands: Bulgaria, Servia, Bosnia, and Hungary -yielded up their independence as Christian states. The proud Republic -of Venice saw one possession after another wrested from it, until the -Lion of St. Mark held sway on the shores of the Adriatic alone. Even -the safety of the Eternal City itself was menaced by the capture of -Otranto. Christian literature of the latter half of the fifteenth and -of the sixteenth centuries is full of direful forebodings of the fate -that threatened Christian Europe unless the victorious progress of the -Turk was arrested; he is represented as a scourge in the hand of God -for the punishment of the sins and backslidings of His people, [546] or -on the other hand as the unloosed power of the Devil working for the -destruction of Christianity under the hypocritical guise of religion. -But—what is most important to notice here—some men began to ask -themselves, “Is it possible that God would allow the Muhammadans to -increase in such countless numbers without good reason? Is it -conceivable that so many thousands are to be damned like one man? How -can such multitudes be opposed to the true faith? since truth is -stronger than error and is more loved and desired by all men, it is not -possible for so many men to be fighting against it. How could they -prevail against truth, since God always helps and upholds the truth? -How could their religion so marvellously increase, if built upon the -rotten foundation of error?” [547] Such thoughts, we are told, appealed -strongly to the Christian peoples that lived under the Turkish rule, -and with especial force to the unhappy Christian captives who watched -the years drag wearily on without hope of release or respite from their -misery. Can we be surprised when we find such a one asking himself? -“Surely if God were pleased with the faith to which you have clung, He -would not have thus abandoned you, but would have helped you to gain -your freedom and return to it again. But as He has closed every avenue -of freedom to you, perchance it is His pleasure that you should leave -it and join this sect and be saved therein.” [548] - -The Christian slave who thus describes the doubts that arose in his -mind as the slow-passing years brought no relief, doubtless gives -expression here to thoughts that suggested themselves to many a hapless -Christian captive with overwhelming persistency, until at last he broke -away from the ties of his old faith and embraced Islam. Many who would -have been ready to die as martyrs for the Christian religion if the -mythical choice between the Qurʼān and the sword had been offered them, -felt more and more strongly, after long years of captivity, the -influence of Muhammadan thought and practice, and humanity won converts -where violence would have failed. [549] For though the lot of many of -the Christian captives was a very pitiable one, others who held -positions in the households of private individuals, were often no worse -off than domestic servants in the rest of Europe. As organised by the -Muhammadan Law, slavery was robbed of many of its harshest features, -nor in Turkey at least does it seem to have been accompanied by such -barbarities and atrocities as in the pirate states of Northern Africa. -The slaves, like other citizens, had their rights, and it is even said -that a slave might summon his master before the Qāḍī for ill usage, and -that if he alleged that their tempers were so opposite, that it was -impossible for them to agree, the Qāḍī could oblige his master to sell -him. [550] The condition of the Christian captives naturally varied -with circumstances and their own capabilities of adapting themselves to -a life of hardship; the aged, the priests and monks, and those of noble -birth suffered most, while the physician and the handicraftsman -received more considerate treatment from their masters, as being -servants that best repaid the money spent upon them. [551] The -galley-slaves naturally suffered most of all, indeed the kindest -treatment could have but little relieved the hardships incident to such -an occupation. [552] Further, the lot of the slaves who were state -property was more pitiable than that of those who had been purchased by -private individuals. [553] As a rule they were allowed the free -exercise of their religion; in the state-prisons at Constantinople, -they had their own priests and chapels, and the clergy were allowed to -administer the consolations of religion to the galley-slaves. [554] The -number of the Christian slaves who embraced Islam was enormous; some -few cases have been recorded of their being threatened and ill-treated -for the very purpose of inducing them to recant, but as a rule the -masters seldom forced them to renounce their faith, [555] and put the -greatest pressure upon them during the first years of their captivity, -after which they let them alone to follow their own faith. [556] The -majority of the converted slaves therefore changed their religion of -their own free choice; and when the Christian embassies were never sure -from day to day that some of their fellow-countrymen that had -accompanied them to Constantinople as domestic servants, might not turn -Turk, [557] it can easily be understood that slaves who had lost all -hope of return to their native country, and found little in their -surroundings to strengthen and continue the teachings of their earlier -years, would yield to the influences that beset them and would feel few -restraints to hinder them from entering a new society and a new -religion. An English traveller [558] of the seventeenth century has -said of them: “Few ever return to their native country; and fewer have -the courage and constancy of retaining the Christian Faith, in which -they were educated; their education being but mean, and their knowledge -but slight in the principles and grounds of it; whereof some are -frightened into Turcism by their impatience and too deep resentments of -the hardships of the servitude; others are enticed by the blandishments -and flatteries of pleasure the Mahometan Law allows, and the -allurements they have of making their condition better and more easy by -a change of their Religion; having no hope left of being redeemed, they -renounce their Saviour and their Christianity, and soon forget their -original country, and are no longer looked upon as strangers, but pass -for natives.” - -Much of course depended upon the individual character of the different -Christian slaves themselves. The anonymous writer, so often quoted -above, whose long captivity made him so competent to speak on their -condition, divides them into three classes:—first, those who passed -their days in all simplicity, not caring to trouble themselves to learn -anything about the religion of their masters; for them it was enough to -know that the Turks were infidels, and so, as far as their captive -condition and their yoke of slavery allowed, they avoided having -anything to do with them and their religious worship, fearing lest they -should be led astray by their errors, and striving to observe the -Christian faith as far as their knowledge and power went. The second -class consisted of those whose curiosity led them to study and -investigate the doings of the Turks: if, by the help of God, they had -time enough to dive into their secrets, and understanding enough for -the investigation of them and light of reason to find the -interpretation thereof, they not only came out of the trial unscathed, -but had their own faith strengthened. The third class includes those -who, examining the Muslim religion without due caution, fail to dive -into its depths and find the interpretation of it and so are deceived; -believing the errors of the Turks to be the truth, they lose their own -faith and embrace the false religion of the Muslims, hereby not only -compassing their own destruction, but setting a bad example to others: -of such men the number is infinite. [559] - -Conversion to Islam did not, as some writers have affirmed, release the -slave from his captivity and make him a free man, [560] for -emancipation was solely at the discretion of the master; who indeed -often promised to set any slave free, without the payment of ransom, if -only he would embrace Islam; [561] but, on the other hand, would also -freely emancipate the Christian slave, even though he had persevered in -his religion, provided he had proved himself a faithful servant, and -would make provision for his old age. [562] - -There were many others who, like the Christian slaves, separated from -early surroundings and associations, found themselves cut loose from -old ties and thrown into the midst of a society animated by social and -religious ideals of an entirely novel character. The crowds of -Christian workmen that came wandering from the conquered countries in -the fifteenth century to Adrianople and other Turkish cities in search -of employment, were easily persuaded to settle there and adopt the -faith of Islam. [563] Similarly the Christian families that Muḥammad II -transported from conquered provinces in Europe into Asia Minor, [564] -may well have become merged into the mass of the Muslim population by -almost imperceptible degrees, as was the case with the Armenians -carried away into Persia by Shāh ʻAbbās I (1587–1629), most of whom -appear to have passed over to Islam in the second generation. [565] - -During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries there would seem to have -been a decay of the missionary spirit among the Turks, but the latter -years of the reign of Sultan ʻAbd al-Ḥamīd witnessed a renewed interest -in Muslim propaganda, and Turkish newspapers began to record instances -of conversion. Among the most noteworthy of such converts were some -eighteen amīrs of the princely family of Shihāb in Mount Lebanon, which -had been Christian for about a century; they are said to claim descent -from the Quraysh, and the Turks made every effort to bring them back to -the fold of Islam; those who became Muslims were appointed to lucrative -posts in the Turkish civil service. [566] - -In the following pages it is proposed to give a more detailed and -particular account of the spread of Islam among the Christian -populations of Albania, Servia, Bosnia and Crete, as the history of -each of these countries after its conquest by the Ottomans presents -some special features of interest in the history of the propagation of -Islam. - -The Albanians, with the exception of some settlements in Greece, [567] -inhabit the mountainous country that stretches along the east shore of -the Adriatic from Montenegro to the Gulf of Arta. They form one of the -oldest and purest-blooded races in Europe and are said to belong to the -Pelasgic branch of the Aryan stock. - -Their country was first invaded by the Turks in 1387, but the Turkish -forces soon had to withdraw, and the authority of the Sultan was -recognised for the first time in 1423. For a short period Albania -regained its independence under George Kastriota, who is better known -under his Muhammadan name of Scanderbeg or Sikandarbeg. Recent -investigations have established the falsity of the romantic fictions -that had gathered round the story of his early days—how that as a boy -he had been surrendered as a hostage to the Turks, had been brought up -among them as a Muslim and had won the special favour of the Sultan. -The truth is, that the days of his youth were passed in his native -mountains and his warfare with the Turks began with the victory gained -over them in 1444; for more than twenty years he maintained a vigorous -and successful resistance to their invading forces, but after his death -in 1467, the Turks began again to take possession of Albania. Krūya, -the capital of the Kastriot dynasty, fell into their hands eleven years -later, and from this date there appears to have been no organised -resistance of the whole country, though revolts were frequent and the -subjection of the country was never complete. Some of the sea-port -towns held out much longer; Durazzo was captured in 1501, while -Antivari, the northernmost point of the sea-coast of Albania, did not -surrender until 1571. The terms of capitulation were that the city -should retain its old laws and magistrature, that there should be free -and public exercise of the Christian religion, that the churches and -chapels should remain uninjured and might be rebuilt if they fell into -decay; that the citizens should retain all their movable and immovable -property and should not be burdened by any additional taxation. - -The Albanians under Turkish rule appear always to have maintained a -kind of semi-autonomy, and the several tribes and clans remained as -essentially independent as they were before the conquest. Though -vassals of the Sultans, they would not brook the interference of -Turkish officials in their internal administration, and there is reason -to believe that the Turkish Government has never been able to appoint -or confirm any provincial governor who was not a native of Albania, and -had not already established his influence by his arms, policy or -connections. [568] Their racial pride is intense, and to the present -day, the Albanian, if asked what he is, will call himself a Skipetar, -[569] before saying whether he is a Christian or a Muhammadan—a very -remarkable instance of national feeling obliterating the fierce -distinction between these two religions that so forcibly obtrudes -itself in the rest of the Ottoman empire. The Christian and Muhammadan -Albanians alike, just as they speak the same language, so do they -cherish the same traditions, and observe the same manners and customs; -and pride in their common nationality has been too strong a bond to -allow differences of religious belief to split the nation into separate -communities on this basis. [570] Side by side they served in the -irregular troops, which soon after the Turkish conquest became the main -dependence of the government in all its internal administration, and -both classes found the same ready employment in the service of the -local pashas, being accounted the bravest soldiers in the empire. -Christian Albanians served in the Ottoman army in the Crimean War, -[571] and though they have perhaps been a little more quiet and -agricultural than their Muslim fellow-countrymen, still the difference -has been small: they have always retained their arms and military -habits, have always displayed the same fierce, proud, untameable -spirit, and been animated with the same intense national feeling as -their brethren who had embraced the creed of the Prophet. [572] - -The consideration of these facts is of importance in tracing the spread -of Islam in Albania, for it appears to have been propagated very -gradually by the people of the country themselves, and not under -pressure of foreign influences. The details that we possess of this -movement are very meagre, as the history of Albania from the close of -the fifteenth century to the rise of ʻAlī Pasha three hundred years -later, is almost a blank; what knowledge we have, therefore, of the -slow but continuous accession of converts to Islam during this period, -is derived from the ecclesiastical chronicles of the various dioceses, -[573] and the reports sent in from time to time to the Pope and the -Congregatio de Propaganda Fide. [574] But it goes without saying that -the very nature of these sources gives the information derived from -them the stamp of imperfection—especially in the matter of the motives -assigned for conversion. For an ecclesiastic of those times to have -even entertained the possibility of a conversion to Islam from genuine -conviction—much less have openly expressed such an opinion in writing -to his superiors—is well-nigh inconceivable. - -During the sixteenth century, Islam appears to have made but little -progress, though the tide of conversion had already set in. In 1610 the -Christian population exceeded the Muhammadan in the proportion of ten -to one, [575] and as most of the villages were inhabited by Christians, -with a very small admixture of Muhammadans, [576] the conversions -appear to have been more frequent in the large towns. In Antivari, for -example, while many Christians elected to emigrate into the -neighbouring Christian countries, the majority of those who remained, -both high-born and low, went over gradually to the Muslim faith, so -that the Christian population grew less and less day by day. [577] As -the number of accessions to Islam increased, churches were converted -into mosques—a measure which, though contrary to the terms of the -capitulation, seems justified by the change in the religion of the -people. [578] In 1610 two collegiate churches only remained in the -hands of the Latin Christians, but these appear to have sufficed for -the needs of the community; [579] what this amounted to can only -roughly be guessed from the words of Marco Bizzi: “There are about 600 -houses inhabited indiscriminately by Muhammadans and Christians—both -Latin and Schismatics (i.e. of the Orthodox Greek Church): the number -of the Muhammadans is a little in excess of the Christians, and that of -the Latins in excess of the Schismatics.” - -In the accounts we have of the social relations between the Christians -and the Muslims, and in the absence of any sharp line of demarcation -between the two communities, we find some clue to the manner in which -Muhammadan influences gradually gained converts from among the -Christian population in proportion as the vigour and the spiritual life -of the Church declined. - -It had become very common for Christian parents to give their daughters -in marriage to Muhammadans, and for Christian women to make no -objection to such unions. [580] The male children born of these mixed -marriages were brought up as Musalmans, but the girls were allowed to -follow the religion of their mother. [581] Such permission was rendered -practically ineffective by the action of the Christian ecclesiastics, -who ordered the mothers to be excluded from the churches and from -participation in the sacraments; [582] and consequently (though the -parish priests often disregarded the commands of their superiors) many -of these women embraced the faith of their husbands. But even then they -kept up a superstitious observance of the rite of baptism, which was -supposed to be a sovereign specific against leprosy, witches and -wolves, [583] and Christian priests were found ready to pander to this -superstition for any Muhammadan woman who wished to have her children -baptised. [584] This good feeling between the members of the two -religions [585] is similarly illustrated by the attendance of -Muhammadans at the festivals of Christian saints; e.g. Marco Bizzi says -that on the feast-day of St. Elias (for whom the Albanians appear to -have had a special devotion) there were as many Muhammadans present in -the church as Christians. [586] Even to the present day we are told -that Albanian Muhammadans revere the Virgin Mary and the Christian -saints, and make pilgrimages to their shrines, while Christians on the -other hand resort to the tombs of Muslim saints for the cure of -ailments or in fulfilment of vows. [587] In the town of Calevacci, -where there were sixty Christian and ten Muhammadan households, the -followers of the Prophet contributed towards the support of the parish -priest, as the majority of them had Christian wives. [588] Under such -circumstances it is hardly surprising to learn that many openly -professed Islam, while satisfying their consciences by saying that they -professed Christianity in their hearts. [589] Marco Bizzi has three -explanations to offer for such a lapse—the attraction of worldly -advantage, the desire to avoid the payment of tribute, and the want of -a sufficiently large number of intelligent clergy to supply the -spiritual needs of the country. [590] Conversions are frequently -ascribed to the pressure of the burden of taxation imposed upon the -Christians, and whole villages are said to have apostatised to avoid -payment of the tribute. As no details are given, it is impossible to -judge whether there was really sufficient ground for the complaint, or -whether this was not the apology for their conduct alleged by the -renegades in order to make some kind of excuse to their former -co-religionists—or indeed an exaggeration on the part of ecclesiastics -to whom a genuine conversion to Islam on rational grounds seemed an -absolute impossibility. A century later (in 1703) the capitation-tax -was six reals a head for each male and this (with the exception of a -tax, termed sciataraccio, of three reals a year) was the only burden -imposed on the Christians exclusively. [591] Men must have had very -little attachment to their religion to abandon it merely in order to be -quit of so slight a penalty, and with no other motive; and the very -existence of so large a body of Christians in Albania at the present -time shows that the burden could not have been so heavy as to force -them into apostasy without any other alternative. - -If only we had something more than vague general complaints against the -“Turkish tyranny,” we should be better able to determine how far this -could have had such a preponderating influence as is ascribed to it: -but the evidence alleged seems hardly to warrant such a conclusion. The -vicious practice followed by the Ottoman Court of selling posts in the -provinces to the highest bidder and the uncertainty of the tenure of -such posts, often resulted in the occupants trying to amass as large a -fortune as possible by extortions of every kind. But such burdens are -said to have weighed as heavily on Muhammadans as Christians. [592] -Though certainly an avaricious and unjust official may have found it -easier to oppress the Christians than the Muslims, especially when the -former were convicted of treasonable correspondence with the Venetians -and other Christian states and were suspected of a wish to revolt. - -However this may have been, there can be little doubt of the influence -exerted by the zealous activity and vigorous life of Islam in the face -of the apathetic and ignorant Christian clergy. If Islam in Albania had -many such exponents as the Mullā, whose sincerity, courtesy and -friendliness are praised by Marco Bizzi, with whom he used to discuss -religious questions, it may well have made its way. [593] The majority -of the Christian clergy appear to have been wholly unlettered: most of -them, though they could read a little, did not know how to write, and -were so ignorant of the duties of their sacred calling that they could -not even repeat the formula of absolution by heart. [594] Though they -had to recite the mass and other services in Latin, there were very few -who could understand any of it, as they were ignorant of any language -but their mother tongue, and they had only a vague, traditionary -knowledge of the truths of their religion. [595] Marco Bizzi considered -the inadequate episcopate of the country responsible for these evils, -as for the small numbers of the clergy, and their ignorance of their -sacred calling, and for the large number of Christians who grew old and -even died without being confirmed, and apostatised almost everywhere; -[596] and unless this were remedied he prophesied a rapid decay of -Christianity in the country. [597] Several priests were also accused of -keeping concubines, and of drunkenness. [598] - -It may here be observed that the Albanian priests were not the -repositories of the national aspirations and ideals, as were the clergy -of the Orthodox Church in other provinces of the Turkish empire, who in -spite of their ignorance kept alive among their people that devotion to -the Christian faith which formed the nucleus of the national life of -the Greeks. [599] On the contrary, the Albanians cherished a national -feeling that was quite apart from religious belief, and with regard to -the Turks, considered, in true feudal spirit, that as they were the -masters of the country they ought to be obeyed whatever commands they -gave. [600] - -There is a curious story of conversion which is said to have taken -place owing to a want of amicable relations between a Christian priest -and his people, as follows: “Many years since, when all the country was -Christian, there stood in the city of Scutari a beautiful image of the -Virgin Mary, to whose shrine thousands flocked every year from all -parts of the country to offer their gifts, perform their devotions, and -be healed of their infirmities. For some cause or other, however, it -fell out that there was dissension between the priest and the people, -and one day the latter came to the church in great crowds, declaring -that unless the priest yielded to them they would then and there abjure -the faith of Christ and embrace in its stead that of Muḥammad. The -priest, whether right or wrong, still remaining firm, his congregation -tore the rosaries and crosses from their necks, trampled them under -their feet, and going to the nearest mosque, were received by the -Mollah into the fold of the True Believers.” [601] - -Through the negligence and apathy of the Christian clergy many abuses -and irregularities had been allowed to creep into the Christian -society; in one of which, namely the practice of contracting marriages -without the sanction of the Church or any religious ceremony, we find -an approximation to the Muhammadan law, which makes marriage a civil -contract. In order to remedy this evil, the husband and wife were to be -excluded from the Church, until they had conformed to the -ecclesiastical law and gone through the service in the regular manner. -[602] - -In the course of the seventeenth century, the social conditions and -other factors, indicated above, bore fruit abundantly, and the numbers -of the Christian population began rapidly to decline. In the brief -space of thirty years, between 1620 and 1650, about 300,000 Albanians -are said to have gone over to Islam. [603] In 1624 there were only 2000 -Catholics in the whole diocese of Antivari, and in the city itself only -one church; at the close of the century, even this church was no longer -used for Christian worship, as there were only two families of Roman -Catholics left. [604] In the whole country generally, the majority of -the Christian community in 1651 was composed of women, as the male -population had apostatised in such large numbers to Islam. [605] -Matters were still worse at the close of the century, the Catholics -being then fewer in number than the Muhammadans, the proportions being -about 1 to 1⅓, [606] whereas less than a hundred years before, they had -outnumbered the Muhammadans in the proportion of 10 to 1; [607] in the -Archbishopric of Durazzo the Christian population had decreased by -about half in twenty years, [608] in another town (in the diocese of -Kroia) the entire population passed from Christianity to Islam in the -course of thirty years. [609] In spite of the frequent protests and -regulations made by their ecclesiastical superiors, the parish priests -continued to countenance the open profession of Islam along with a -secret adherence to Christianity, on the part of many male members of -their flocks, by administering to them the Blessed Sacrament; the -result of which was that the children of such persons, being brought up -as Muhammadans, were for ever lost to the Christian Church. [610] -Similarly, Christian parents still gave their daughters in marriage to -Muhammadans, the parish priests countenancing such unions by -administering the sacrament to such women, [611] in spite of the -fulminations of the higher clergy against such indulgence. [612] Such -action on the part of the lower clergy can hardly, however, be taken as -indicating any great zeal on behalf of the spiritual welfare of their -flocks, in the face of the accusations brought against them; the -majority of them are accused of being scandalous livers, who very -seldom went to confession and held drunken revels in their parsonages -on festival days; they sold the property of the Church, frequently -absented themselves from their parishes, and when censured, succeeded -in getting off by putting themselves under the protection of the Turks. -[613] The Reformed Franciscans and the Observants who had been sent to -minister to the spiritual wants of the people did nothing but quarrel -and go to law with one another; much to the scandal of the laity and -the neglect of the mission. [614] In the middle of the seventeenth -century five out of the twelve Albanian sees were vacant; the diocese -of Pullati had not been visited by a bishop for thirty years, and there -were only two priests to 6348 souls. [615] In some parishes in the -interior of the country, there had been no priests for more than forty -years; and this was in no way due to the oppression of the “Turkish -tyrant,” for when at last four Franciscan missionaries were sent, they -reported that they could go through the country and exercise their -sacred office without any hindrance whatever. [616] The bishop of -Sappa, to the great prejudice of his diocese, had been long resident in -Venice, where he is said to have lived a vicious life, and had -appointed as his vicar an ignorant priest who was a notorious -evil-liver: this man had 12,400 souls under his charge, and, says the -ecclesiastical visitor, “through the absence of the bishop there is -danger of his losing his own soul and compassing the destruction of the -souls under him and of the property of the Church.” [617] The bishop of -Scutari was looked upon as a tyrant by his clergy and people, and only -succeeded in keeping his post through the aid of the Turks; [618] and -Zmaievich complains of the bishops generally that they burdened the -parishes in their diocese with forced contributions. [619] It appears -that Christian ecclesiastics were authorised by the Sultan to levy -contributions on their flocks. Thus the Archbishop of Antivari -(1599–1607) was allowed to “exact and receive” two aspers from each -Christian family, twelve for every first marriage (and double the -amount for a second, and quadruple for a third marriage), and one gold -piece from each parish annually, and it seems to have been possible to -obtain the assistance of the Turkish authorities in levying these -contributions. [620] - -Throughout the whole of Albania there was not a single Christian -school, [621] and the priests were profoundly ignorant: some were sent -to study in Italy, but Marco Crisio condemns this practice, as such -priests were in danger of finding life in Italy so pleasant that they -refused to return to their native country. With a priesthood so -ignorant and so careless of their sacred duties, it is not surprising -to learn that the common people had no knowledge even of the rudiments -of their faith, and that numerous abuses and corruptions sprang up -among them, which “wrought the utmost desolation to this vineyard of -the Lord.” [622] Many Christians lived in open concubinage for years, -still, however, being admitted to the sacraments, [623] while others -had a plurality of wives. [624] In this latter practice we notice an -assimilation between the habits of the two communities—the Christian -and the Muslim—which is further illustrated by the admission of -Muhammadans as sponsors at the baptism of Christian children, while the -old superstitious custom of baptising Muhammadan children was still -sanctioned by the priests. [625] - -Such being the state of the Christian Church in Albania in the latter -half of the seventeenth century, some very trifling incentive would -have been enough to bring about a widespread apostasy; and the -punishment inflicted on the rebellious Catholics in the latter half of -the century was a determining factor more than sufficient to consummate -the tendencies that had been drawing them towards Islam and to cause -large numbers of them to fall away from the Christian Church. The -rebellious movement referred to seems to have been instigated by -George, the thirty-ninth Archbishop of Antivari (1635–1644), who -through the bishops of Durazzo, Scodra and Alessio tried to induce the -leaders of the Christian community to conspire against the Turkish rule -and hand over the country to the neighbouring Christian power, the -Republic of Venice. As in his time Venice was at peace with the Turks a -fitting opportunity for the hatching of this plot did not occur, but in -1645 war broke out between Turkey and the Republic, and the Venetians -made an unsuccessful attempt to capture the city of Antivari, which -before the Turkish conquest had been in their possession for more than -three centuries (1262–1571). The Albanian Catholics who had sided with -the enemy and secretly given them assistance were severely punished and -deprived of their privileges, while the Greek Christians (who had -everything to fear in the event of the restoration of the Venetian rule -and had remained faithful to the Turkish government) were liberally -rewarded and were lauded as the saviours of their country. Many of the -Catholics either became Muhammadans or joined the Greek Church. The -latter fact is very significant as showing that there was no -persecution of the Christians as such, nor any attempt to force the -acceptance of Islam upon them. The Catholics who became Muhammadans did -so to avoid the odium of their position after the failure of their -plot, and could have gained the same end and have at the same time -retained their Christian faith by joining the Greek Church, which was -not only officially recognised by the Turkish government but in high -favour in Antivari at this time: so that those who neglected to do so, -could have had very little attachment to the Christian religion. The -same remark holds good of the numerous conversions to Islam in the -succeeding years: Zmaievich attributes them in some cases to the desire -to avoid the payment of tribute, but, from what has been said above, it -is very unlikely that this was the sole determining motive. - -In 1649 a still more widespread insurrection broke out, an Archbishop -of Antivari, Joseph Maria Bonaldo (1646–1654), being again the main -instigator of the movement; and the leading citizens of Antivari, -Scodra and other towns conspired to throw open their gates to the army -of the Venetian Republic. But this plot also failed and the -insurrection was forcibly crushed by the Turkish troops, aided by the -dissensions that arose among the Christians themselves. Many Albanians -whose influence was feared were transported from their own country into -the interior of the Turkish dominions; a body of 3000 men crossed the -border into Venetian territory; those who remained were overawed by the -erection of fortresses and the marching of troops through the -disaffected districts, while heavy fines were imposed upon the -malcontents. [626] - -Unfortunately the Christian writers who complain of the “unjust -tributes and vexations” with which the Turks oppressed the Albanians, -so that they apostatised to Islam, [627] make use only of general -expressions, and give us no details to enable us to judge whether or -not such complaints were justified by the facts. Zmaievich prefaces his -account of the apostasy of 2000 persons with an enumeration of the -taxes and other burdens the Christians had to bear, but all these, he -says, were common also to the Muhammadans, with the exception of the -capitation-tax of six reals a year for each male, and another tax, -termed sciataraccio, of three reals a year. [628] He concludes with the -words: “The nation, wounded by these taxes in its weakest part, namely, -worldly interest, to the consideration of which it has a singular -leaning either by nature or by necessity, has given just cause for -lamenting the deplorable loss of about 2000 souls who apostatised from -the true faith so as not to be subject to the tribute.” [629] There is -nothing in his report to show that the taxes the Catholics had to pay -constituted so intolerable a burden as to force them to renounce their -creed, and though he attributes many conversions to Islam to the desire -of escaping the tribute, he says expressly that these apostasies from -the Christian faith are mainly to be ascribed to the extreme ignorance -of the clergy, [630] in great measure also to their practice of -admitting to the sacraments those who openly professed Islam while in -secret adhering to the Christian faith: [631] in another place he says, -speaking of the clergy who were not fit to be parish priests and their -practice of administering the sacraments to apostates and secret -Christians: “These are precisely the two causes from which have come -all the losses that the Christian Church has sustained in Albania.” -[632] There is very little doubt that the widespread apostasy at this -time was the result of a long series of influences similar to those -mentioned in the preceding pages, and that the deliverance from the -payment of the tribute was the last link in the chain. - -What active efforts Muhammadans themselves were making to gain over the -Christians to Islam, we can hardly expect to learn from the report of -an ecclesiastical visitor. But we find mention of a district, the -inhabitants of which, from their intercourse with the Turks, had -“contracted the vices of these infidels,” and one of the chief causes -of their falling away from the Christian faith was their contracting -marriages with Turkish women. [633] There were no doubt strong -Muhammadan influences at work here, as also in the two parishes of -Biscascia and Basia, whose joint population of nearly a thousand souls -was “exposed to the obvious risk of apostatising through lack of any -pastor,” and were “much tempted in their faith, and needed to be -strengthened in it by wise and zealous pastors.” [634] - -Zmaievich speaks of one of the old noble Christian families in the -neighbourhood of Antivari which was represented at that time by two -brothers; the elder of these had been “wheedled” by the prominent -Muhammadans of the place, who were closely related to him, into denying -his faith; the younger wished to study for the priesthood, in which -office “he would be of much assistance to the Christian Church through -the high esteem in which the Turks held his family; which though poor -was universally respected.” [635] This indeed is another indication of -the fact that the Muhammadans did not ill-treat the Christians, merely -as such, but only when they showed themselves to be politically -disaffected. Zmaievich, who was himself an Albanian, and took up his -residence in his diocese instead of in Venetian territory, as many of -the Archbishops of Antivari seem to have done, [636] was received with -“extraordinary honours” and with “marvellous courtesy,” not only by the -Turkish officials generally, but also by the Supreme Pasha of Albania -himself, who gave him the place of honour in his Divan, always -accompanying him to the door on his departure and receiving him there -on his arrival. [637] This “barbarian” who “showed himself more like a -generous-hearted Christian than a Turk,” gave more substantial marks of -good feeling towards the Christians by remitting—at the Archbishop’s -request—the tribute due for the ensuing year from four separate towns. -[638] If any of the Christian clergy were roughly treated by the Turks, -it seems generally to have been due to the suspicion of treasonable -correspondence with the enemies of the Turks; ecclesiastical visits to -Italy seem also to have excited—and in many cases, justly—such -suspicions. Otherwise the Christian clergy seem to have had no reason -to complain of the treatment they received from the Muslims; Zmaievich -even speaks of one parish priest being “much beloved by the principal -Turks,” [639] and doubtless there were parallels in Albania to the case -of a priest in the diocese of Trebinje in Herzegovina, who in the early -part of the eighteenth century was suspected, on account of his -familiar intercourse with Muhammadans, of having formed an intention to -embrace Islam, and was accordingly sent by his bishop to Rome under -safe custody. [640] - -No subsequent period of Albanian history appears to have witnessed such -widespread apostasy as the seventeenth century, but there have been -occasional accessions to Islam up to more recent times. In Southern -Albania, the country of the Tosks, the preponderance of the Muhammadan -population placed the Christians at a disadvantage, and a story is told -of the Karamurtads, inhabitants of thirty-six villages near Pogoniani, -that up to the close of the eighteenth century they were Christians, -but finding themselves unable to repel the continual attacks of the -neighbouring Muhammadan population of Leskoviki, they met in a church -and prayed that the saints might work some miracle on their behalf; -they swore to fast till Easter in expectation of the divine assistance; -but Easter came and no miracle was wrought, so the whole population -embraced Islam; soon afterwards they obtained the arms they required -and massacred their old enemies in Leskoviki and took possession of -their lands. [641] Community of faith in Albania is never allowed to -stand in the way of a tribal feud. Even up to the nineteenth century -Albanian tribes and villages have changed their religion for very -trivial reasons; part of one Christian tribe is said to have turned -Muhammadan because their priest, who served several villages and -visited them first, insisted on saying mass at an unreasonably early -hour. [642] - -At the present day the Muhammadans in Albania are said to number about -1,000,000 and the Christians 480,000, but the accuracy of these figures -is not certain. The Mirdites are entirely Christian; they submitted to -the Sultan on condition that no Muslim would be allowed to settle in -their territory, but adherents of both the rival creeds are found in -almost all the other tribes. Central Albania is said to be almost -entirely Muhammadan, and the followers of Islam form about sixty per -cent. of the population of Northern Albania; the Christian population -attains its largest proportion in Southern Albania, especially in the -districts bordering upon Greece. - -The kingdom of Servia first paid tribute to the Ottomans in 1375 and -lost its independence after the disastrous defeat of Kossovo (1389), -where both the king of Servia and the Turkish sultan were left dead -upon the field. The successors of the two sovereigns entered into a -friendly compact, the young Servian prince, Stephen, acknowledged the -suzerainty of Turkey, gave his sister in marriage to the new sultan, -Bāyazīd, and formed with him a league of brotherhood. At the battle of -Nikopolis (1394), which gave to the Turks assured possession of the -whole Balkan peninsula, except the district surrounding Constantinople, -the Servian contingent turned the wavering fortune of the battle and -gave the victory to the Turks. On the field of Angora (1402), when the -Turkish power was annihilated and Bāyazīd himself taken prisoner by -Tīmūr, Stephen was present with his Servian troops and fought bravely -for his brother-in-law, and instead of taking this opportunity of -securing his independence, remained faithful to his engagement, and -stood by the sons of Bāyazīd until they recovered their father’s -throne. Under the successor of Stephen, George Brankovich, Servia -enjoyed a semi-independence, but when in 1438 he raised the standard of -revolt, his country was again overrun by the Turks. Then for a time -Servia had to acknowledge the suzerainty of Hungary, but the defeat of -John Hunyady at Varna in 1444 brought her once more under tribute, and -in 1459 she finally became a Turkish province. - -It is not impossible that the Servians who had embraced Islam after the -battle of Kossovo had knowledge of the fate of the little Muslim -community that had been rooted out of Hungary about a century before, -and therefore preferred the domination of the Turks to that of the -Hungarians. Yāqūt gives the following account of his meeting, about the -year 1228, with some members of this group of followers of the Prophet -in mediæval Europe, who had owed their conversion to Muslims who had -settled among them. “In the city of Aleppo, I met a large number of -persons called Bashkirs, with reddish hair and reddish faces. They were -studying law according to the school of Abū Ḥanīfah (may God be well -pleased with him!) I asked one of them who seemed to be an intelligent -fellow for information concerning their country and their condition. He -told me, ‘Our country is situated on the other side of Constantinople, -in a kingdom of a people of the Franks called the Hungarians. We are -Muslims, subjects of their king, and live on the border of his -territory, occupying about thirty villages, which are almost like small -towns. But the king of the Hungarians does not allow us to build walls -round any of them, lest we should revolt against him. We are situated -in the midst of Christian countries, having the land of the Slavs on -the north, on the south, that of the Pope, i.e. Rome (now the Pope is -the head of the Franks, the vicar of the Messiah in their eyes, like -the commander of the faithful in the eyes of the Muslims; his authority -extends over all matters connected with religion among the whole of -them); on the west, Andalusia; on the east, the land of the Greeks, -Constantinople and its provinces.’ He added, ‘Our language is the -language of the Franks, we dress after their fashion, we serve with -them in the army, and we join them in attacking all their enemies, -because they only go to war with the enemies of Islam.’ I then asked -him how it was they had adopted Islam in spite of their dwelling in the -midst of the unbelievers. He answered, ‘I have heard several of our -forefathers say that a long time ago seven Muslims came from Bulgaria -and settled among us. In kindly fashion they pointed out to us our -errors and directed us into the right way, the faith of Islam. Then God -guided us and (praise be to God!) we all became Muslims and God opened -our hearts to the faith. We have come to this country to study law; -when we return to our own land, the people will do us honour and put us -in charge of their religious affairs.’” [643] Islam kept its ground -among the Bashkirs of Hungary until 1340, when King Charles Robert -compelled all his subjects that were not yet Christians to embrace the -Christian faith or quit the country. [644] - -The Servian Muslims may, therefore, well have been pleased to escape -from the rule of Hungary, like their Christian fellow-countrymen, for -when these were given the choice between the Roman Catholic rule of -Hungary and the Muslim rule of the Turks, the devotion of the Servians -to the Greek Church led them to prefer the tolerance of the Muhammadans -to the uncompromising proselytising spirit of the Latins. An old legend -thus represents their feelings at this time:—The Turks and the -Hungarians were at war; George Brankovich sought out John Hunyady and -asked him, “If you are victorious, what will you do?” “Establish the -Roman Catholic faith,” was the answer. Then he sought out the sultan -and asked him, “If you come out victorious, what will you do with our -religion?” “By the side of every mosque shall stand a church, and every -man shall be free to pray in whichever he chooses.” [645] The treachery -of some Servian priests forced the garrison of Belgrade to capitulate -to the Turks; [646] similarly the Servians of Semendria, on the Danube, -welcomed the Turkish troops who in 1600 delivered them from the rule of -their Catholic neighbours. [647] - -The spread of Islam among the Servians began immediately after the -battle of Kossovo, when a large part of the old feudal nobility, such -as still remained alive and did not take refuge in neighbouring -Christian countries, went over voluntarily to the faith of the Prophet, -in order to keep their old privileges undisturbed. [648] In these -converted nobles the sultans found the most zealous propagandists of -the new faith. [649] But the majority of the Servian people clung -firmly to their old religion through all their troubles and sufferings, -and only in Stara Serbia or Old Servia, [650] which now forms the -north-eastern portion of modern Albania, has there been any very -considerable number of conversions. Even here the spread of -Muhammadanism proceeded very slowly until the seventeenth century, when -the Austrians induced the Servians to rise in revolt and, after the -ill-success of this rising, the then Patriarch, Arsenius III -Tsernoïevich, in 1690 emigrated with 40,000 Servian families across the -border into Hungary; another exodus in 1739 of 15,000 families under -the leadership of Arsenius IV Jovanovich, well nigh denuded this part -of the country of its original Servian population. [651] - -Albanian colonists from the south pressed into the country vacated by -the fugitives: these Albanians at the time of their arrival were Roman -Catholics for the most part, but after they settled in Old Servia they -gradually adopted Islam and at the present time the remnant of Roman -Catholic Albanians is but small, though from time to time it is -recruited by fresh arrivals from the mountains: the new-comers, -however, usually follow the example of their predecessors, and after a -while become Muhammadans. [652] - -After this Albanian immigration, Islam began to spread more rapidly -among the remnant of the Servian population. The Servian clergy were -very ignorant and unlettered, they could only manage with difficulty to -read their service-books and hardly any had learned to write; they -neither preached to the people nor taught them the catechism, -consequently in whole villages scarcely a man could be found who knew -the Lord’s Prayer or how many commandments there were; even the priests -themselves were quite as ignorant. [653] After the insurrection of -1689, the Patriarch of Ipek, the ecclesiastical capital of Servia, was -appointed by the Porte, but in 1737, as the result of another -rebellion, the Servian Patriarchate was entirely suppressed and the -Servian Church made dependent upon the Greek Patriarch of -Constantinople. The churches were filled with Greek bishops, who made -common cause with the Turkish Beys and Pashas in bleeding the -unfortunate Christians: their national language was proscribed and the -Old Slavonic service-books, etc., were collected and sent off to -Constantinople. [654] With such a clergy it is not surprising that the -Christian faith should decline: e.g. in the commune of Gora (in the -district of Prizren), which had begun to become Muhammadanised soon -after the great exodus of 1690, the Servians that still clung to the -Christian faith, appealed again and again to the Greek bishop of -Prizren to send them priests, at least occasionally, but all in vain; -their children remained unbaptised, weddings and burials were conducted -without the blessing of the Church, and the consecrated buildings fell -into decay. [655] In the neighbouring district of Opolje, similarly, -the present Muslim population of 9500 souls is probably for the most -part descended from the original Slav inhabitants of the place. [656] -At the beginning of the seventeenth century, Bizzi found in the city of -Jagnevo, 120 Roman Catholic households, 200 Greek and 180 Muhammadan; -[657] less than a hundred years later, every house in the city was -looked upon as Muhammadan, as the head of each family professed this -faith and the women only, with some of the children, were Christian. -[658] About the middle of the eighteenth century, the village of Ljurs -was entirely Catholic; in 1863 there were 90 Muslim and 23 Christian -families, but at the present day this village, together with the -surrounding villages, has wholly given up Christianity. [659] Until -recently some lingering survivals of their old Christian faith, such as -the burning of the Yule-log at Christmas, etc., were still to be met -with in certain villages, but such customs are now fast dying out. - -After the battle of Kossovo and the downfall of the Servian empire, the -wild highlands of Montenegro afforded a refuge to those Servians who -would not submit to the Turks but were determined to maintain their -independence. It is not the place here to relate the history of the -heroic struggles of this brave people against overwhelming odds, how -through centuries of continual warfare, under the rule of their -prince-bishops, [660] they have kept alive a free Christian state when -all their brethren of the same race had been compelled to submit to -Muhammadan rule. While the very basis of their separate existence as a -nation was their firm adherence to the Christian faith it could hardly -have been expected that Islam would have made its way among them, but -in the seventeenth century many Montenegrins in the frontier districts -became Muhammadans and took service with the neighbouring Pashas. But -in 1703, Daniel Petrovich, the then reigning bishop, called the tribes -together and told them that the only hope for their country and their -faith lay in the destruction of the Muhammadans living among them. -Accordingly, on Christmas Eve, all the converted Montenegrins who would -not forswear Islam and embrace Christianity were massacred in cold -blood. [661] - -To pass now to Bosnia:—in this country the religious and social -conditions of the people, before the Turkish conquest, merit especial -attention. The majority of the population belonged to a heretical -Christian sect, called Bogomiles, who from the thirteenth century had -been exposed to the persecution of the Roman Catholics and against whom -Popes had on several occasions preached a Crusade. [662] In 1325, Pope -John XXII wrote thus to the king of Bosnia: “To our beloved son and -nobleman, Stephen, Prince of Bosnia,—knowing that thou art a faithful -son of the Church, we therefore charge thee to exterminate the heretics -in thy dominion, and to render aid and assistance to Fabian, our -Inquisitor, forasmuch as a large multitude of heretics from many and -divers parts collected hath flowed together into the principality of -Bosnia, trusting there to sow their obscene errors and dwell there in -safety. These men, imbued with the cunning of the Old Fiend, and armed -with the venom of their falseness, corrupt the minds of Catholics by -outward show of simplicity and the sham assumption of the name of -Christians; their speech crawleth like a crab, and they creep in with -humility, but in secret they kill, and are wolves in sheep’s clothing, -covering their bestial fury as a means to deceive the simple sheep of -Christ.” In the fifteenth century, the sufferings of the Bogomiles -became so intolerable that they appealed to the Turks to deliver them -from their unhappy condition, for the king of Bosnia and the priests -were pushing the persecution of the Bogomiles to an extreme which -perhaps it had never reached before; as many as forty thousand of them -fled from Bosnia and took refuge in neighbouring countries; others who -did not succeed in making their escape, were sent in chains to Rome. -But even these violent measures did little to diminish the strength of -the Bogomiles in Bosnia, as in 1462 we are told that heresy was as -powerful as ever in this country. The following year, when Bosnia was -invaded by Muḥammad II, the Catholic king found himself deserted by his -subjects: the keys of the principal fortress, the royal city of -Bobovatz, were handed over to the Turks by the Bogomile governor; the -other fortresses and towns hastened to follow this example, and within -a week seventy cities passed into the hands of the Sultan, and Muḥammad -II added Bosnia to the number of his numerous conquests. [663] - -From this time forth we hear but little of the Bogomiles; they seem to -have willingly embraced Islam in large numbers immediately after the -Turkish conquest, and the rest seem to have gradually followed later, -while the Bosnian Roman Catholics emigrated into the neighbouring -territories of Hungary and Austria. It has been supposed by some [664] -that a large proportion of the Bogomiles, at least in the earlier -period of the conquest, embraced Islam with the intention of returning -to their faith when a favourable opportunity presented itself; as, -being constantly persecuted they may have learnt to deny their faith -for the time being; but that, when this favourable opportunity never -arrived, this intention must have gradually been lost sight of and at -length have been entirely forgotten by their descendants. Such a -supposition is, however, a pure conjecture and has no direct evidence -to support it. We may rather find the reason for the willingness of the -Bogomiles to allow themselves to be merged in the general mass of the -Musalman believers, in the numerous points of likeness between their -peculiar beliefs and the tenets of Islam. They rejected the worship of -the Virgin Mary, the institution of Baptism and every form of -priesthood. [665] They abominated the cross as a religious symbol, and -considered it idolatry to bow down before religious pictures and the -images and relics of the saints. Their houses of prayer were very -simple and unadorned, in contrast to the gaudily decorated Roman -Catholic churches, and they shared the Muhammadan dislike of bells, -which they styled “the devil’s trumpets.” They believed that Christ was -not himself crucified but that some phantom was substituted in his -place: in this respect agreeing partially with the teaching of the -Qurʼān. [666] Their condemnation of wine and the general austerity of -their mode of life and the stern severity of their outward demeanour -would serve as further links to bind them to Islam, [667] for it was -said of them: “You will see heretics quiet and peaceful as lambs -without, silent, and wan with hypocritical fasting, who do not speak -much nor laugh loud, who let their beard grow, and leave their person -incompt.” [668] They prayed five times a day and five times a night, -repeating the Lord’s Prayer with frequent kneelings, [669] and would -thus find it very little change to join in the services of the mosque. -I have brought together here the many points of likeness to the -teachings of Islam, which we find in this Bogomilian heresy, but there -were, of course, some doctrines of a distinctly Christian character -which an orthodox Muslim could not hold; still, with so much in common, -it can easily be understood how the Bogomiles may gradually have been -persuaded to give up those doctrines that were repugnant to the Muslim -faith. Their Manichæan dualism was equally irreconcilable with Muslim -theology, but Islam has always shown itself tolerant of such -theological speculations provided that they did not issue in a schism -and that a general assent and consent were given to the main principles -of its theory and practice. - -The Turks, as was their usual custom, offered every advantage to induce -the Bosnians to accept their creed. All who embraced Islam were allowed -to retain their lands and possessions, and their fiefs were exempt from -all taxation, [670] and it is probable that many rightful heirs of -ancient houses who had been dispossessed for heretical opinions by the -Catholic faction among the nobility, now embraced the opportunity of -regaining their old position by submission to the dominant creed. The -Bosnian Muhammadans retained their nationality and still for the most -part bear Serb names and speak only their national tongue; [671] at the -same time they have always evinced a lively zeal for their new faith, -and by their military prowess, their devotion to Islam and the powerful -influence they exercised, the Bosnian nobility rapidly rose into high -favour in Constantinople and many were entrusted with important offices -of state, e.g. between the years 1544 and 1611 nine statesmen of -Bosnian origin filled the post of Grand Vizier. - -The latest territorial acquisition of the Ottoman conquests was the -island of Crete, which in 1669 was wrested from the hands of the -Venetian Republic by the capture of the city of Candia after a long and -desperate siege of nearly three years, which closed a struggle of -twenty-five years between these rival powers for the possession of the -island. - -This was not the first time that Crete had come under Muslim rule. -Early in the ninth century the island was suddenly seized by a band of -Saracen adventurers from Spain, and it remained in their power for -nearly a century and a half (A.D. 825–961). [672] During this period -well nigh the whole population of the island had become Muslim, and the -churches had either fallen into ruins or been turned into mosques; but -when the authority of the Byzantine empire was once re-established -here, the people were converted again to their ancient faith through -the skilful preaching of an Armenian monk, and the Christian religion -became the only one professed on the island. [673] In the beginning of -the thirteenth century, the Venetians purchased the island from -Boniface, Duke of Montserrat, to whose lot it had fallen after the -partition of the Byzantine empire, and they ruled it with a heavy hand, -apparently looking upon it only in the light of a purchase that was to -be exploited for the benefit of the home government and its colonists. -Their administration was so oppressive and tyrannical as to excite -several revolts, which were crushed with pitiless severity; on one of -these occasions whole cantons in the provinces of Sfakia and Lassiti -were depopulated, and it was forbidden under pain of death to sow any -corn there, so that these districts remained barren and uncultivated -for nearly a century. [674] The terrific cruelty with which the -Venetian senate suppressed the last of these attempts at the beginning -of the sixteenth century added a crowning horror to the miserable -condition of the unhappy Cretans. How terrible was their lot at this -time we learn from the reports of the commissioners sent by the -Venetian senate in the latter part of the same century, in order to -inquire into the condition of the islanders. The peasants were said to -be crushed down by the cruelest oppression and tyranny on the part of -the Venetian nobles, their feudal lords, being reduced to a worse -condition than that of slaves, so that they never dared even to -complain of any injustice. Each peasant had to do twelve days’ forced -labour for his feudal lord every year without payment, and could then -be compelled to go on working for as long as his lord required his -services at the nominal rate of a penny a day; his vineyards were -mulcted in a full third of their produce, but fraud and force combined -generally succeeded in appropriating as much as two-thirds; his oxen -and mules could be seized for the service of the lord, who had a -thousand other devices for squeezing the unfortunate peasant. [675] The -protests of these commissioners proved ineffectual to induce the -Venetian senate to alleviate the unhappy condition of the Cretans and -put a stop to the cruelty and tyranny of the nobles: it preferred to -listen to the advice of Fra Paolo Sarpi who in 1615 thus addressed the -Republic on the subject of its Greek colonies: “If the gentlemen of -these Colonies do tyrannize over the villages of their dominion, the -best way is not to seem to see it, that there may be no kindness -between them and their subjects.” [676] - -It is not surprising to learn from the same sources that the Cretans -longed for a change of rulers, and that “they would not much stick at -submitting to the Turk, having the example of all the rest of their -nation before their eyes.” Indeed, many at this time fled into Turkey -to escape the intolerable burden of taxation, following in the -footsteps of countless others, who from time to time had taken refuge -there. [677] Large numbers of them also emigrated to Egypt, where many -embraced Islam. [678] Especially galling to the Cretans were the -exactions of the Latin clergy who appropriated the endowments that -belonged of right to the Greek ecclesiastics, and did everything they -could to insult the Christians of the Greek rite, who constituted -nine-tenths of the population of the island. [679] The Turks, on the -other hand, conciliated their good-will by restoring the Greek -hierarchy. This, according to a Venetian writer, was brought about in -the following manner: “A certain papas or priest of Canea went to -Cusseim the Turkish general, and told him that if he desired to gain -the good-will of the Cretan people, and bring detestation upon the name -of Venice, it was necessary for him to bear in mind that the staunchest -of the links which keep civilised society from falling asunder is -religion. It would be needful for him to act in a way different from -the line followed by the Venetians. These did their utmost to root out -the Greek faith and establish that of Rome in its place, with which -interest they had made an injunction that there should be no Greek -bishops in the island. By thus removing these venerated and -authoritative shepherds, they thought the more easily to gain control -over the scattered flocks. This prohibition had caused such distress in -the minds of the Cretans that they were ready to welcome with joy and -obedience any sovereignty that would lend its will to the -re-institution of this order in their hierarchy—an order so essential -for the proper exercise of their divine worship. He added, that it -would be a further means of conciliating the people if they were -assured that they would not only be confirmed in the old privileges of -their religion, but that new privileges would be granted them. These -arguments seemed to Cusseim so plausible that he wrote at once to -Constantinople with a statement of them. Here they were approved, and -the Greek Patriarch was bidden to institute an archbishop who should be -metropole of the Province of Candia. Under the metropolitan seven other -bishops were also to be nominated.” [680] - -The Turkish conquest seems to have been very rapidly followed by the -conversion of large numbers of the Cretans to Islam. It is not -improbable that the same patriotism as made them cling to their old -faith under the foreign domination of the Venetians who kept them at -arm’s length and regarded any attempt at assimilation as an -unpardonable indignity, [681] and always tried to impress on their -subjects a sense of their inferiority—may have led them to accept the -religion of their new masters, which at once raised them from the -position of subjects to that of equals and gave them a share in the -political life and government of their country. Whatever may have been -the causes of the widespread conversion of the Cretans, it seems almost -incredible that violence should have changed the religion of a people -who had for centuries before clung firmly to their old faith despite -the persecution of a hostile and a foreign creed. Whatever may have -been the means by which the ranks of Islam were filled, thirty years -after the conquest we are told that the majority of the Muslims were -renegades or the children of renegades, [682] and in little more than a -century half the population of Crete had become Muhammadan. From one -end of the island to the other, not only in the towns but also in the -villages, in the inland districts and in the very heart of the -mountains, were (and are still) found Cretan Muslims who in figure, -habits and speech are thoroughly Greek. There never has been, and to -the present day there is not, any other language spoken on the island -of Crete except Greek; even the few Turks to be found here had to adopt -the language of the country and all the firmans of the Porte and -decrees of the Pashas were read and published in Greek. [683] The -bitter feelings between the Christians and Muhammadans of Crete that -have made the history of this island during the nineteenth century so -sad a one, was by no means so virulent before the outbreak of the Greek -revolution, in days when the Cretan Muslims were very generally in the -habit of taking as their wives Christian maidens, the children of their -Christian friends. [684] The social communication between the two -communities was further signified by their common dress, as the Cretans -of both creeds dressed so much alike that the distinction was often not -even recognised by residents of long standing or by Greeks of the -neighbouring islands. [685] - -Recent political events have brought about a considerable diminution in -the Muhammadan population of Crete. In 1881 the number of Muhammadans -in the island was 73,234; in 1909, in consequence of continual -emigrations, it had been reduced to 33,496. [686] - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER VII. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN PERSIA AND CENTRAL ASIA. - - -In order to follow the course of the spread of Islam eastward into -Central Asia, we must retrace our steps to the period of the first Arab -conquests. By the middle of the seventh century, the great dynasty of -the Sāsānids had fallen, and the vast empire of Persia that for four -centuries had withstood the might of Rome and Byzantium, now became the -heritage of the Muslims. When the armies of the state had been routed, -the mass of the people offered little resistance; the reigns of the -last representatives of the Sāsānid dynasty had been marked by terrible -anarchy, and the sympathies of the people had been further alienated -from their rulers on account of the support they gave to the -persecuting policy of the state religion of Zoroastrianism. The -Zoroastrian priests had acquired an enormous influence in the state; -they were well-nigh all-powerful in the councils of the king and -arrogated to themselves a very large share in the civil administration. -They took advantage of their position to persecute all those religious -bodies—(and they were many)—that dissented from them. Besides the -numerous adherents of older forms of the Persian religion, there were -Christians, Jews, Sabæans and numerous sects in which the speculations -of Gnostics, Manichæans and Buddhists found expression. In all of -these, persecution had stirred up feelings of bitter hatred against the -established religion and the dynasty that supported its oppressions, -and so caused the Arab conquest to appear in the light of a -deliverance. [687] The followers of all these varied forms of faith -could breathe again under a rule that granted them religious freedom -and exemption from military service, on payment of a light tribute. For -the Muslim law granted toleration and the right of paying jizyah not -only to the Christians and Jews, but to Zoroastrians and Sabæans, to -worshippers of idols, of fire and of stone. [688] It was said that the -Prophet himself had distinctly given directions that the Zoroastrians -were to be treated exactly like “the people of the book,” i.e. the Jews -and Christians, and that jizyah might also be taken from them in return -for protection, [689]—a tradition that probably arose in the second -century of the Hijrah, when apostolic sanction was sought for the -toleration that had been extended to all the followers of the various -faiths that Arabs had found in the countries they had conquered, -whether such non-Muslims came under the category Ahl al-Kitāb or not. -[690] - -To the distracted Christian Church in Persia the change of government -brought relief from the oppression of the Sāsānid kings, who had -fomented the bitter struggles of Jacobites and Nestorians and added to -the confusion of warring sects. Some reference has already [691] been -made to earlier persecutions, and even during the expiring agony of the -Sāsānid dynasty, Khusrau II, exasperated at the defeat he had suffered -at the hands of the Christian emperor, Heraclius, ordered a fresh -persecution of the Christians within his dominions, a persecution from -which all the various Christian sects alike had to suffer. These -terrible conditions may well have prepared men’s minds for that -revulsion of feeling that facilitates a change of faith. “Side by side -with the political chaos in the state was the moral confusion that -filled the minds of the Christians; distracted by such an accumulation -of disasters and by the moral agony wrought by the furious conflict of -so many warring doctrines among them, they tended towards that peculiar -frame of mind in which a new doctrine finds it easy to take root, -making a clean sweep of such a bewildering babel and striving to -reconstruct faith and society on a new basis. In other words the people -of Persia, and especially the Semitic races, were just in the very -mental condition calculated to make them welcome the Islamic revolution -and urge them on to enthusiastically embrace the new and rugged creed, -which with its complete and virile simplicity swept away at one stroke -all those dark mists, opened the soul to new, alluring and tangible -hopes, and promised immediate release from a miserable state of -servitude.” [692] - -But the Muslim creed was most eagerly welcomed by the townsfolk, the -industrial classes and the artisans, whose occupations made them impure -according to the Zoroastrian creed, because in the pursuance of their -trade or occupations they defiled fire, earth or water, and who thus, -outcasts in the eyes of the law and treated with scant consideration in -consequence, embraced with eagerness a creed that made them at once -free men, and equal in a brotherhood of faith. [693] Nor were the -conversions from Zoroastrianism itself less striking: the fabric of the -National Church had fallen with a crash in the general ruin of the -dynasty that had before upheld it; having no other centre round which -to rally, the followers of this creed would find the transition to -Islam a simple and easy one, owing to the numerous points of similarity -in the old creed and the new. For the Persian could find in the Qurʼān -many of the fundamental doctrines of his old faith, though in a rather -different form: he would meet again Ahuramazda and Ahriman under the -names of Allāh and Iblīs; the creation of the world in six periods; the -angels and the demons; the story of the primitive innocence of man; the -resurrection of the body and the doctrine of heaven and hell. [694] -Even in the details of daily worship there were similarities to be -found and the followers of Zoroaster when they adopted Islam were -enjoined by their new faith to pray five times a day just as they had -been by the Avesta. [695] Those tribes in the north of Persia that had -stubbornly resisted the ecclesiastical organisation of the state -religion, on the ground that each man was a priest in his own household -and had no need of any other, and believing in a supreme being and the -immortality of the soul, taught that a man should love his neighbour, -conquer his passions, and strive patiently after a better life—such men -could have needed very little persuasion to induce them to accept the -faith of the Prophet. [696] Islam had still more points of contact with -some of the heretical sects of Persia, that had come under the -influence of Christianity. - -In addition to the causes above enumerated of the rapid spread of Islam -in Persia, it should be remembered that the political and national -sympathies of the conquered race were also enlisted on behalf of the -new religion through the marriage of Ḥusayn, the son of ʻAlī with -Shāhbānū, one of the daughters of Yazdagird, the last monarch of the -Sāsānid dynasty. In the descendants of Shāhbānū and Ḥusayn the Persians -saw the heirs of their ancient kings and the inheritors of their -national traditions, and in this patriotic feeling may be found the -explanation of the intense devotion of the Persians to the ʻAlid -faction and the first beginnings of Shīʻism as a separate sect. [697] - -That this widespread conversion was not due to force or violence is -evidenced by the toleration extended to those who still clung to their -ancient faith. Even to the present day there are some small communities -of fire-worshippers to be found in certain districts of Persia, and -though these have in later years often had to suffer persecution, [698] -their ancestors in the early centuries of the Hijrah enjoyed a -remarkable degree of toleration, their fire-temples were respected, and -we even read of a Muhammadan general (in the reign of al-Muʻtaṣim, A.D. -833–842), who ordered an imām and a muʼadhdhin to be flogged because -they had destroyed a fire-temple in Sughd and built a mosque in its -place. [699] In the tenth century, three centuries after the conquest -of the country, fire-temples were to be found in ʻIrāq, Fārs, Kirmān, -Sijistān, Khurāsān, Jibāl, Ādharbayjān and Arrān, i.e. in almost every -province of Persia. [700] In Fārs itself there were hardly any cities -or districts in which fire-temples and Magians were not to be found. -[701] Al-Shahrastānī also (writing as late as the twelfth century), -makes mention of a fire-temple at Isfīniyā, in the neighbourhood of -Baghdād itself. [702] - -In the face of such facts, it is surely impossible to attribute the -decay of Zoroastrianism entirely to violent conversions made by the -Muslim conquerors. The number of Persians who embraced Islam in the -early days of the Arab rule was probably very large from the various -reasons given above, but the late survival of their ancient faith and -the occasional record of conversions in the course of successive -centuries, render it probable that the acceptance of Islam was both -peaceful and voluntary. About the close of the eighth century, Sāmān, a -noble of Balkh, having received assistance from Asad b. ʻAbd-Allāh, the -governor of Khurāsān, renounced Zoroastrianism, embraced Islam and -named his son Asad after his protector: it is from this convert that -the dynasty of the Sāmānids (A.D. 874–999) took its name. About the -beginning of the ninth century, Karīm b. Shahriyār was the first king -of the Qābūsiyyah dynasty who became a Musalman, and in 873 a large -number of fire-worshippers were converted to Islam in Daylam through -the influence of Nāṣir al-Ḥaqq Abū Muḥammad. In the following century, -about A.D. 912, Ḥasan b. ʻAlī, of the ʻAlid dynasty on the southern -shore of the Caspian Sea, who is said to have been a man of learning -and intelligence and well acquainted with the religious opinions of -different sects, invited the inhabitants of Ṭabaristān and Daylam, who -were partly idolaters and partly Magians, to accept Islam; many of them -responded to his call, while others persisted in their former state of -unbelief. [703] In the year A.H. 394 (A.D. 1003–1004), a famous poet, -Abu’l Ḥasan Mihyār, a native of Daylam, who had been a fire-worshipper, -was converted to Islam by a still more famous poet, the Sharīf al-Riḍā, -who was his master in the poetic art. [704] - -It was probably about the same period that the grandfather of the great -geographer, Ibn Khūrdādbih, was converted through the influence of one -of the Barmecides, [705] whose ancestor had been likewise a Magian and -high priest of the great Fire Temple of Nawbahār at Balkh. - -Scanty as these notices of conversion are, they appear to have been -voluntary, and the Zoroastrians would seem to have enjoyed on the whole -toleration for the exercise of their religion up to the close of the -ʻAbbāsid period. With the Mongol invasion a darker period in their -history begins, and the miseries which the Persian Muslims themselves -suffered seems to have generated in them a spirit of fanatical -intolerance which exposed the Zoroastrians at times to cruel -sufferings. [706] - -In the middle of the eighth century, Persia gave birth to a movement -that is of interest in the missionary history of Islam, viz. the sect -of the Ismāʻīlians. This is not the place to enter into a history of -this sect or of the theological position taken up by its followers, or -of the social and political factors that lent it strength, but it -demands attention here on account of the marvellous missionary -organisation whereby it was propagated. The founder of this -organisation—which rivals that of the Jesuits for the keen insight into -human nature it displays and the consummate skill with which the -doctrines of the sect were accommodated to varying capacities and -prejudices—was a certain ʻAbd Allāh b. Maymūn, who early in the ninth -century infused new life into the Ismāʻīlians. He sent out his -missionaries in all directions under various guises, very frequently as -ṣūfīs but also as merchants and traders and the like; they were -instructed to be all things to all men and to win over different -classes of men to allegiance to the grandmaster of their sect, by -speaking to each man, as it were, in his own language, and -accommodating their teaching to the varying capacities and opinions of -their hearers. They captivated the ignorant multitude by the -performance of marvels that were taken for miracles and by mysterious -utterances that excited their curiosity. To the devout they appeared as -models of virtue and religious zeal; to the mystics they revealed the -hidden meaning of popular teachings and initiated them into various -grades of occultism according to their capacity. Taking advantage of -the eager looking-forward to a deliverer that was common to so many -faiths of the time, they declared to the Musalmans the approaching -advent of the Imām Mahdī, to the Jews that of the Messiah, and to the -Christians that of the Comforter, but taught that the aspirations of -each could alone be realised in the coming of ʻAlī as the great -deliverer. With the Shīʻah, the Ismāʻīlian missionary was to put -himself forward as the zealous partisan of all the Shīʻah doctrine, was -to dwell upon the cruelty and injustice of the Sunnīs towards ʻAlī and -his sons, and liberally abuse the Sunnī Khalīfahs; having thus prepared -the way, he was to insinuate, as the necessary completion of the Shīʻah -system of faith, the more esoteric doctrines of the Ismāʻīlian sect. In -dealing with the Jew, he was to speak with contempt of both Christians -and Muslims and agree with his intended convert in still looking -forward to a promised Messiah, but gradually lead him to believe that -this promised Messiah could be none other than ʻAlī, the great Messiah -of the Ismāʻīlian system. If he sought to win over the Christian, he -was to dwell upon the obstinacy of the Jews and the ignorance of the -Muslims, to profess reverence for the chief articles of the Christian -creed, but gently hint that they were symbolic and pointed to a deeper -meaning, to which the Ismāʻīlian system alone could supply the key; he -was also cautiously to suggest that the Christians had somewhat -misinterpreted the doctrine of the Paraclete and that it was in ʻAlī -that the true Paraclete was to be found. Similarly the Ismāʻīlian -missionaries who made their way into India endeavoured to make their -doctrines acceptable to the Hindus, by representing ʻAlī as the -promised tenth Avatār of Viṣṇu who was to come from the West, i.e. -(they averred) from Alamūt. They also wrote a Mahdī Purāṇa and composed -hymns in imitation of those of the Vāmācārins or left-hand Śāktas, -whose mysticism already predisposed their minds to the acceptance of -the esoteric doctrines of the Ismāʻīlians. [707] - -By such means as these an enormous number of persons of different -faiths were united together to push forward an enterprise, the real aim -of which was known to very few. The aspirations of ʻAbd Allāh b. Maymūn -seem to have been entirely political, but as the means he adopted were -religious and the one common bond—if any—that bound his followers -together was the devout expectation of the coming of the Imām Mahdī, -the missionary activity connected with the history of this sect -deserves this brief mention in these pages. [708] - -The history of the spread of Islam in the countries of Central Asia to -the north of Persia presents little in the way of missionary activity. -When Qutaybah b. Muslim went to Samarqand, he found many idols there, -whose worshippers maintained that any man who dared outrage them would -perish; the Muslim conqueror, undeterred by such superstitious fears, -set fire to the idols; whereupon a number of persons embraced Islam. -[709] There is, however, but scanty record of such conversions in the -early history of the Muslim advance into Central Asia; moreover the -people of this country seem often to have pretended to embrace Islam -for a time and then to have thrown off the mask and renounced their -allegiance to the caliph as soon as the conquering armies were -withdrawn, [710] and it was not until Qutaybah had forcibly occupied -Bukhārā for the fourth time that he succeeded in compelling the -inhabitants to conform to the faith of their conquerors. - -In Bukhārā and Samarqand the opposition to the new faith was so violent -and obstinate that none but those who had embraced Islam were allowed -to carry arms, and for many years the Muslims dared not appear unarmed -in the mosques or other public places, while spies had to be set to -keep a watch on the new converts. The conquerors made various efforts -to gain proselytes, and even tried to encourage attendance at the -Friday prayers in the mosques by rewards of money, and allowed the -Qurʼān to be recited in Persian instead of in Arabic, in order that it -might be intelligible to all. [711] - -The progress of Islam in Transoxania was certainly very slow: some of -the inhabitants accepted the invitation of ʻUmar II (A.D. 717–720) to -embrace Islam, [712] and large numbers were converted through the -preaching of a certain Abū Ṣaydā who commenced this mission in -Samarqand in the reign of Hishām (724–743), [713] but it was not until -the reign of Al-Muʻtaṣim (A.D. 833–842) that Islam was generally -adopted there, [714] one of the reasons probably being the more -intimate relations established at this time with the then capital of -the Muhammadan world, Baghdād, through the enormous numbers of Turks -that had flocked in thousands to join the army of the caliph. [715] -Islam having thus gained a footing among the Turkish tribes seems to -have made but slow progress until the middle of the tenth century, when -the conversion of some of their chieftains to Islam, like that of -Clovis and other barbarian kings of Northern Europe to Christianity, -led their clansmen to follow their example in a body. - -Pious legends have grown up to supply the lack of sober historical -record of such conversions. The city of Khīva reveres as its national -saint a Muslim wrestler—Pahlavān—who was in the service of a heathen -king of Khwārizm. The king of India, hearing of the fame of this -Pahlavān, sent his own court wrestler with a challenge to the king of -Khwārizm. A day was fixed for the trial of strength and the nobles and -people of Khīva were summoned to view the spectacle; the vanquished man -was to have his head cut off. On the day before, the saintly Pahlavān -was praying in the mosque when he overheard the prayer of an old woman: -“O God, suffer not my son to be beaten by this invincible Pahlavān, for -I have no other child.” Touched with compassion for the mother, -Pahlavān lets the Indian wrestler win the day; the enraged king orders -his head to be cut off, but at that very moment the horse on which the -king is sitting, bolts, carrying his master straight towards a -dangerous precipice. Pahlavān springs forward, catches the horse and -rescues the king from a horrible death. In gratitude the king embraces -the true faith, and the saintly wrestler, full of joy, goes away into -the desert and becomes a hermit. [716] - -A strange legend is told of the conversion of Sātūq Bughrā Khān, the -founder of the Muhammadan dynasty of the Īlik-Khāns of Kāshgar, about -the middle of the tenth century. A prince of the Sāmānid house, Khwājah -Abu’l-Naṣr Sāmānī, a man of great piety and humility of character, -finding no scope for the exercise of his talent for administration, -resolved to become a merchant, with the purpose of spreading the true -faith in the lands of the unbelievers. Instead of trying to acquire a -fortune by his commercial enterprises, he devoted all his gains to the -furtherance of his proselytising efforts. One night the Prophet -appeared to him in a dream, saying: “Arise, and go into Turkistan where -the prince Sātūq Bughrā Khān only awaits your coming to be converted to -Islam.” The young prince had in a similar manner been warned in a -vision to expect the arrival of an instructor in the faith, and when -some days later he met Abu’l-Naṣr Sāmānī he was prepared to accept his -teaching and become a Musalman. This legend would appear to have been -based on the historic fact that Islam made its way from the Sāmānid -kingdom into the neighbouring country of Turkistan, and the example of -the ruler seems to have been followed by his subjects, for in A.D. 960 -as many as 200,000 tents of the Turks, i.e. probably the greater part -of the Turkish population of Bughrā Khān’s kingdom, professed the faith -of Islam. [717] Legend credits him with miraculous powers in his wars -against the heathen, when a devouring flame would issue from his mouth -and the sword that he brandished would become forty feet long. By the -time he had reached the age of ninety-six, the terror of his sword is -said to have converted the unbelievers from the banks of the Oxus in -the south to Qurāquram in the north, and just before his death he is -said to have led his victorious army into China, and spread Islam as -far as Turfan. [718] This picturesque account of a dynastic struggle -with the Buddhist kingdom of Khotan credits the hero with a measure of -success which was not really achieved until the fourteenth century. How -limited the success of Sātūq Bughrā Khān really was, may be judged from -the fact that when his successors among the Īlik-Khāns sought in 1026 -to contract matrimonial alliances with princesses of the house of -Maḥmūd of Ghazna, Maḥmūd replied that he was a Musalman, while they -were unbelievers, and that it was not the custom to give the sisters -and daughters of Musalmans in marriage to unbelievers, but that, if -they would embrace Islam, the matter would be considered. [719] A few -years later, in 1041–1042, a number of Turks who were still heathen and -living in Tibetan territory sought permission from Arslān Khān b. Qadr -Khān to settle in his dominions, having heard of the justice and -mildness of his rule; when they arrived in the neighbourhood of -Bālāsāghūn [720] he sent a message to them urging them to accept Islam; -but they refused, and as he found them to be peaceable and obedient -subjects, he left them alone. There is no record of their conversion, -which probably ensued in course of time; but they can hardly be -identified with the group of ten thousand tents of infidel Turks who -embraced Islam in the following year, as these latter are expressly -stated to have harried and plundered the Musalmans before their -conversion. [721] The invasion of the Qarā Khitāy into Turkistan [722] -dealt a severe blow to the power of Islam, and as late as the -thirteenth century the reports of European travellers show that there -were still important groups of Buddhists, Manichæans and Christians in -these parts. [723] - -Of supreme importance to Islam was the conversion of the Saljūq Turks, -but no record of their conversion remains beyond the statement that in -A.D. 956 Saljūq migrated from Turkistan with his clan to the province -of Bukhārā, where he and his people enthusiastically embraced Islam. -[724] This was the origin of the famous Saljūq Turks, whose wars and -conquests revived the fading glory of the Muhammadan arms and united -into one empire the Muslim kingdoms of Western Asia. - -When at the close of the twelfth century, the Saljūq empire had lost -all power except in Asia Minor, and when Muḥammad Ghūrī was extending -his empire from Khurāsān eastward across the north of India, there was -a great revival of the Muslim faith among the Afghāns and their country -was overrun by Arab preachers and converts from India, who set about -the task of proselytising with remarkable energy and boldness. [725] -The traditions of the Afghāns represent Islam as having been peaceably -introduced among them. They say that in the first century of the Hijrah -they occupied the Ghūr country to the east of Herāt, and that Khālid b. -Walīd came to them there with the tidings of Islam and invited them to -join the standard of the Prophet; he returned to Muḥammad accompanied -by a deputation of six or seven representative men of the Afghan -people, with their followers, and these, when they went back to their -own country, set to work to convert their fellow-tribesmen. [726] This -tradition is, however, devoid of any historical foundation, and the -earliest authentic record of conversion to Islam from among the Afghans -seems to be that of a king of Kābul in the reign of al-Maʼmūn. [727] -His successors, however, seem to have relapsed to Buddhism, for when -Yaʻqūb b. Layth, the founder of the Ṣaffārid dynasty, extended his -conquests as far as Kābul in 871, he found the ruler of the land to be -an “idolater,” and Kābul now became really Muhammadan for the first -time, the Afghans probably being quite willing to take service in the -army of so redoubtable a conqueror as Yaʻqūb b. Layth, [728] but it was -not until after the conquests of Sabaktigīn and Maḥmūd of Ghazna that -Islam became established throughout Afghanistan. - -Of the further history of Islam in Persia and Central Asia some details -will be found in the following chapter. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER VIII. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE MONGOLS AND TATARS. - - -There is no event in the history of Islam that for terror and -desolation can be compared to the Mongol conquest. Like an avalanche, -the hosts of Chingīz Khān swept over the centres of Muslim culture and -civilisation, leaving behind them bare deserts and shapeless ruins -where before had stood the palaces of stately cities, girt about with -gardens and fruitful corn-land. When the Mongol army had marched out of -the city of Herāt, a miserable remnant of forty persons crept out of -their hiding-places and gazed horror-stricken on the ruins of their -beautiful city—all that were left out of a population of over 100,000. -In Bukhārā, so famed for its men of piety and learning, the Mongols -stabled their horses in the sacred precincts of the mosques and tore up -the Qurʼāns to serve as litter; those of the inhabitants who were not -butchered were carried away into captivity and their city reduced to -ashes. Such too was the fate of Samarqand, Balkh and many another city -of Central Asia, which had been the glories of Islamic civilisation and -the dwelling-places of holy men and the seats of sound learning—such -too the fate of Baghdād that for centuries had been the capital of the -ʻAbbāsid dynasty. - -Well might the Muhammadan historian shudder to relate such horrors; -when Ibn al-Athīr comes to describe the inroads of the Mongols into the -countries of Islam, “for many years,” he tells us, “I shrank from -giving a recital of these events on account of their magnitude and my -abhorrence. Even now I come reluctant to the task, for who would deem -it a light thing to sing the death-song of Islam and of the Muslims, or -find it easy to tell this tale? O that my mother had not given me -birth! ‘Oh, would that I had died ere this, and been a thing forgotten, -forgotten quite!’ [729] Many friends have urged me and still I stood -irresolute; but I saw that it was of no profit to forego the task and -so I thus resume. I shall have to describe events so terrible and -calamities so stupendous that neither day nor night have ever brought -forth the like; they fell on all nations, but on the Muslims more than -all; and were one to say that since God created Adam the world has not -seen the like, he would but tell the truth, for history has nothing to -relate that at all approaches it. Among the greatest calamities in -history is the slaughter that Nebuchadnezzar wrought among the children -of Israel and his destruction of the Temple; but what is Jerusalem in -comparison to the countries that these accursed ones laid waste, every -town of which was far greater than Jerusalem, and what were the -children of Israel in comparison to those they slew, since the -inhabitants of one of the cities they destroyed were greater in numbers -than all the children of Israel? Let us hope that the world may never -see the like again.” [730] But Islam was to rise again from the ashes -of its former grandeur and through its preachers win over these savage -conquerors to the acceptance of the faith. This was a task for the -missionary energies of Islam that was rendered more difficult from the -fact that there were two powerful competitors in the field. The -spectacle of Buddhism, Christianity and Islam emulously striving to win -the allegiance of the fierce conquerors that had set their feet on the -necks of adherents of these great missionary religions, is one that is -without parallel in the history of the world. - -Before entering on a recital of this struggle, it will be well in order -to the comprehension of what is to follow briefly to glance at the -partition of the Mongol empire after the death of Chingīz Khān, when it -was split up into four sections and divided among his sons. His third -son, Ogotāy, succeeded his father as Khāqān and received as his share -the eastern portion of the empire, in which Qūbīlāy afterwards included -the whole of China. Chaghatāy the second son took the middle kingdom. -Bātū, the son of his first-born Jūjī, ruled the western portion as Khān -of the Golden Horde; Tulūy the fourth son took Persia, to which Hūlāgū, -who founded the dynasty of the Īlkhāns, added a great part of Asia -Minor. - -The primitive religion of the Mongols was Shamanism, which while -recognising a supreme God, offered no prayers to Him, but worshipped a -number of inferior divinities, especially the evil spirits whose powers -for harm had to be deprecated by means of sacrifices, and the souls of -ancestors who were considered to exercise an influence on the lives of -their descendants. To propitiate these powers of the heaven and of the -lower world, recourse was had to the Shamans, wizards or medicine-men, -who were credited with possessing mysterious influence over the -elements and the spirits of the departed. Their religion was not one -that was calculated to withstand long the efforts of a proselytising -faith, possessed of a systematic theology capable of satisfying the -demands of the reason and an organised body of religious teachers, when -once the Mongols had been brought into contact with civilised races, -had responded to their civilising influences and begun to pass out of -their nomadic barbarism. It so happened that the civilised races with -which the conquest of the Mongols brought them in contact comprised -large numbers of Buddhists, Christians and Muhammadans, and the -adherents of these three great missionary faiths entered into rivalry -with one another for the conversion of their conquerors. When not -carried away by the furious madness for destruction and insult that -usually characterised their campaigns, the Shamanist Mongols showed -themselves remarkably tolerant of other religions, whose priests were -exempted from taxation and allowed perfect freedom of worship. Buddhist -priests held controversies with the Shamans in the presence of Chingīz -Khān; and at the courts of Mangū Khān and Qūbīlāy the Buddhist and -Christian priests and the Muslim Imāms alike enjoyed the patronage of -the Mongol prince. [731] In the reign of the latter monarch the Mongols -in China began to yield to the powerful influences of the surrounding -Buddhism, and by the beginning of the fourteenth century the Buddhist -faith seems to have gained a complete ascendancy over them. [732] It -was the Lamas of Tibet who showed themselves most zealous in this work -of conversion, and the people of Mongolia to the present day cling to -the same faith, as do the Kalmuks who migrated to Russia in the -seventeenth century. - -Although Buddhism made itself finally supreme in the eastern part of -the empire, at first the influence of the Christian Church was by no -means inconsiderable and great hopes were entertained of the conversion -of the Mongols. The Nestorian missionaries in the seventh century had -carried the knowledge of the Christian faith from west to east across -Asia as far as the north of China, and scattered communities were still -to be found in the thirteenth century. The famous Prester John, around -whose name cluster so many legends of the Middle Ages, is supposed to -have been the chief of the Karaïts, a Christian Tartar tribe living to -the south of Lake Baikal. When this tribe was conquered by Chingīz -Khān, he married one of the daughters of the then chief of the tribe, -while his son Ogotāy took a wife from the same family. Ogotāy’s son, -Kuyūk, although he did not himself become a Christian, showed great -favour towards this faith, to which his chief minister and one of his -secretaries belonged. The Nestorian priests were held in high favour at -his court and he received an embassy from Pope Innocent IV. [733] The -Christian powers both of the East and the West looked to the Mongols to -assist them in their wars against the Musalmans. It was Hayton, the -Christian King of Armenia, who was mainly instrumental in persuading -Mangū Khān to despatch the expedition that sacked Baghdād under the -leadership of Hūlāgū, [734] the influence of whose Christian wife led -him to show much favour to the Christians, and especially to the -Nestorians. Many of the Mongols who occupied the countries of Armenia -and Georgia were converted by the Christians of these countries and -received baptism. [735] The marvellous tales of the greatness and -magnificence of Prester John, that fired the imagination of mediæval -Europe, had given rise to a belief that the Mongols were Christians—a -belief which was further strengthened by the false reports that reached -Europe of the conversion of various Mongol princes and their zeal for -the Christian cause. It was under this delusion that St. Louis sent an -ambassador, William of Rubruck, to exhort the great Khāqān to persevere -in his supposed efforts for the spread of the Christian faith. But -these reports were soon discovered to be without any foundation in -fact, though William of Rubruck found that the Christian religion was -freely tolerated at the court of Mangū Khān, and the adhesion of some -few Mongols to this faith made the Christian priests hopeful of still -further conquests. But so long as Latins, Greeks, Nestorians and -Armenians carried their theological differences into the very midst of -the Mongol camp, there was very little hope of much progress being -made, and it is probably this very want of union among the preachers of -Christianity that caused their efforts to meet with so little success -among the Mongols; so that while they were fighting among one another, -Buddhism and Islam were gaining a firm footing for themselves. The -haughty pretensions of the Roman Pontiff soon caused the proud -conquerors of half the world to withdraw from his emissaries what -little favour they might at first have been inclined to show, and many -other circumstances contributed to the failure of the Roman mission. -[736] - -As for the Nestorians, who had been first in the field, they appear to -have been too degraded and apathetic to take much advantage of their -opportunities. Of the Nestorians in China, William of Rubruck [737] -says that they were very ignorant and could not even understand their -service books, which were written in Syriac. He accuses them of -drunkenness, polygamy and covetousness, and makes an unfavourable -comparison between their lives and those of the Buddhist priests. Their -bishop paid them very rare visits—sometimes only once in fifty years: -on such occasions he would ordain all the male children, even the -babies in their cradles. The priests were eaten up with simony, made a -traffic of the sacred rites of their Church and concerned themselves -more with money-making than with the propagation of the faith. [738] - -In the western parts of the Mongol empire, where the Christians looked -to the newly-risen power to help them in their wars with the Musalmans -and to secure for them the possession of the Holy Land, the alliance -between the Christians and the Īlkhāns of Persia was short-lived, as -the victories of Baybars, the Mamlūk Sultan of Egypt (1260–1277) and -his alliance with Baraka Khān, gave the Īlkhāns quite enough to do to -look after their own interests. The excesses that the Christians of -Damascus and other cities committed during the brief period in which -they enjoyed the favour of this Mongol dynasty of Persia, did much to -discredit the Christian name in Western Asia. [739] - -In the course of the struggle, the adherents of either faith were at -times guilty of much brutality. One example may be taken from the -middle of the thirteenth century as told by al-Jūzjānī, who claims to -have heard the story, while in Delhi, from the lips of a certain Sayyid -Ashraf al-Dīn who had come there from Samarqand. “The eminent Sayyid -thus related, that one of the Christians of Samarqand attained unto the -felicity of Islam, and the Musalmans of Samarqand, who are staunch in -their faith, paid him great honour and reverence, and conferred great -benefits upon him. Unexpectedly, one of the haughty Mongol infidels of -China, who possessed power and influence, and the inclinations of which -accursed one were towards the Christian faith, arrived at Samarqand. -The Christians of that city repaired to that Mongol, and complained -saying: ‘The Musalmans are enjoining our children to turn away from the -Christian faith and from serving Jesus—on whom be peace—and calling -upon them to follow the religion of Muṣṭafạ̄ [740]—on whom be peace—and, -in case that gate becomes unclosed, the whole of our dependents will -turn away from the Christian faith. By thy power and authority devise a -settlement of our case.’ The Mongol commanded that the youth, who had -turned Musalman, should be produced, and they tried with blandishment -and kindness, and money and wealth to induce the newly-converted -Musalman to recant, but he refused to recant, and put not off from his -heart and spirit that garment of freshness—the Muslim faith. The Mongol -ruler then turned over a leaf in his temper, and began to speak of -severe punishment; and every punishment, which it was in his power to -inflict, or his severity to devise, he inflicted upon the youth, who, -from his great zeal for the faith of Islam, did not recant, and did not -in any way cast away from his hand the sweet draught of religion -through the blow of infidel perverseness. As the youth continued firm -in the true faith, and paid no heed to the promises and threats of that -depraved company, the accursed Mongol commanded that they should bring -the youth to public punishment; and he departed from the world in the -felicity of religion—may God reward and requite him!—and the Musalman -community in Samarqand were overcome with despondency and consternation -in consequence. A petition was got up, and was attested with the -testimony of the chief men and credible persons of the Musalman -religion dwelling at Samarqand, and we proceeded with that petition to -the camp of Baraka Khān, and presented to him an account of the -proceedings and disposition of the Christians of that city. Zeal for -the Muslim religion was manifested in the mind of that monarch of -exemplary faith, and the defence of the truth became predominant in his -disposition. After some days, he showed honour to this Sayyid, -appointed a body of Turks and confidential persons among the chief -Musalmans, and commanded that they should slaughter the Christian -company who had committed that dire oppression, and despatch them to -hell. When that mandate had been obtained, it was preserved until that -wretched sect had assembled in the church, then they seized them all -together, and despatched the whole of them to hell, and reduced the -church again to bricks.” [741] - -For Islam to enter into competition with such powerful rivals as -Buddhism and Christianity were at the outset of the period of Mongol -rule, must have appeared a well-nigh hopeless undertaking. For the -Muslims had suffered more from the storm of the Mongol invasions than -the others. Those cities that had hitherto been the rallying points of -spiritual organisation and learning for Islam in Asia, had been for the -most part laid in ashes: the theologians and pious doctors of the -faith, either slain or carried away into captivity. [742] Among the -Mongol rulers—usually so tolerant towards all religions—there were some -who exhibited varying degrees of hatred towards the Muslim faith. -Chingīz Khān ordered all those who killed animals in the Muhammadan -fashion to be put to death, and this ordinance was revived by Qūbīlāy, -who by offering rewards to informers set on foot a sharp persecution -that lasted for seven years, as many poor persons took advantage of -this ready means of gaining wealth, and slaves accused their masters in -order to gain their freedom. [743] During the reign of Kuyūk -(1246–1248), who left the conduct of affairs entirely to his two -Christian ministers and whose court was filled with Christian monks, -the Muhammadans were made to suffer great severities. [744] - -A contemporary historian, al-Jūzjānī, gives the following account of -the kind of treatment to which a Muhammadan theologian might be exposed -at the court of Kuyūk. “Trustworthy persons have related that Kuyūk was -constantly being incited by the Buddhist priests to acts of oppression -towards the Musalmans and the persecution of the faithful. There was an -Imām in that country, one of the men of learning among the Muslims ... -named Nūr al-Dīn, al-Khwārazmī. A number of Christian laymen and -priests and a band of idol-worshipping Buddhist priests made a request -to Kuyūk, asking him to summon that Imām of the Musalmans that they -might hold a controversy with him and get him to prove the superiority -of the faith of Muḥammad and his prophetic mission—otherwise, he should -be put to death. The Khān agreed, the Imām was sent for, and a -discussion ensued upon the claim of Muḥammad to be a prophet and the -manner of his life as compared with that of other prophets. At length, -as the arguments of those accursed ones were weak and devoid of the -force of truth, they withdrew their hand from contradiction and drew -the mark of oppression and outrage on the pages of the business and -asked Kuyūk Khān to tell the Imām to perform two genuflexions in -prayer, according to the rites and ordinances of the Muhammadan law, in -order that his unbecoming movements in the performance of this act of -worship might become manifest to them and to the Khān.” Kuyūk gave the -order accordingly, and the Imām and another Musalman who was with him -performed the ritual of the prayer according to the prescribed forms. -“When the godly Imām and the other Musalman who was with him, had -placed their foreheads on the ground in the act of prostration, some -infidels whom Kuyūk had summoned, greatly annoyed them and knocked -their heads with force upon the ground, and committed other abominable -acts against them. But that godly Imām endured all this oppression and -annoyance and performed all the required forms and ceremonies of the -prayer and in no way curtailed it. When he had repeated the salutation, -he lifted up his face towards heaven and observed the form of ‘Invoke -your Lord with humility and in secret,’ and having asked permission to -depart, he returned unto his own house.” [745] - -Arghūn (1284–1291) the fourth Īlkhān persecuted the Musalmans and took -away from them all posts in the departments of justice and finance, and -forbade them to appear at his court. [746] - -In spite of all difficulties, however, the Mongols and the savage -tribes that followed in their wake [747] were at length brought to -submit to the faith of those Muslim peoples whom they had crushed -beneath their feet. Unfortunately history sheds little light on the -progress of this missionary movement and only a few details relating to -the conversion of the more prominent converts have been preserved to -us. Scattered up and down throughout the length and breadth of the -Mongol empire, there must have been many of the followers of the -Prophet who laboured successfully and unknown, to win unbelievers to -the faith. In the reign of Ogotāy (1229–1241), we read of a certain -Buddhist governor of Persia, named Kurguz, who in his later years -abjured Buddhism and became a Musalman. [748] In the reign of Tīmūr -Khān (1323–1328), Ānanda, a grandson of Qūbīlāy and viceroy of Kan-Su, -was a zealous Musalman and had converted a great many persons in Tangut -and won over a large number of the troops under his command to the same -faith. He was summoned to court and efforts were made to induce him to -conform to Buddhism, and on his refusing to abandon his faith he was -cast into prison. But he was shortly after set at liberty, for fear of -an insurrection among the inhabitants of Tangut, who were much attached -to him. [749] - -The author of the Muntakhab al-Tawārīkh asserts that Ānanda built four -mosques in Khānbāligh (the modern Peking), which provided accommodation -for 1,000,000 men at the time of the Friday prayer; but no credence can -be given to this or to his other statements regarding the spread of -Islam in China, in view of the fact that he represents Ānanda to have -been the successor of Tīmūr Khān on the imperial throne and gives an -entirely fictitious account of his descendants, several of whom are -represented as having professed Islam, though none of the five had any -existence except in the imagination of the writer. [750] - -The first Mongol ruling prince who professed Islam was Baraka Khān, who -was chief of the Golden Horde from 1256 to 1267. [751] According to -Abu’l-Ghāzī he was converted after he had come to the throne. He is -said one day to have fallen in with a caravan coming from Bukhārā, and -taking two of the merchants aside, to have questioned them on the -doctrines of Islam, and they expounded to him their faith so -persuasively that he became converted in all sincerity. He first -revealed his change of faith to his youngest brother, whom he induced -to follow his example, and then made open profession of his new belief. -[752] But, according to al-Jūzjānī, Baraka Khān was brought up as a -Musalman from infancy, and, as soon as he was old enough to learn, was -taught the Qurʼān by one of the ʻUlamā of the city of Khujand. [753] -The same author (who compiled his history during the lifetime of Baraka -Khān), states that the whole of his army was Musalman. “Trustworthy -persons have also related that, throughout his whole army, it is the -etiquette for every horseman to have a prayer-carpet with him, so that, -when the time for prayer arrives, they may occupy themselves in their -devotions. Not a person in his whole army takes any intoxicating drink -whatever; and great ʻUlamā, consisting of commentators, traditionists, -jurists, and disputants, are in his society. He has a great number of -religious books, and most of his receptions and debates are with -ʻUlamā. In his place of audience debates on ecclesiastical law -constantly take place; and, in his faith, as a Musalman, he is -exceedingly strict and orthodox.” [754] Baraka Khān entered into a -close alliance with the Mamlūk Sultan of Egypt, Rukn al-Dīn Baybars. -The initiative came from the latter, who had given a hospitable -reception to a body of troops, two hundred in number, belonging to the -Golden Horde; these men, observing the growing enmity between their -Khān and Hūlāgū, the conqueror of Baghdād, in whose army they were -serving, took flight into Syria, whence they were honourably conducted -to Cairo to the court of Baybars, who persuaded them to embrace Islam. -[755] Baybars himself was at war with Hūlāgū, whom he had recently -defeated and driven out of Syria. He sent two of the Mongol fugitives, -with some other envoys, to bear a letter to Baraka Khān. On their -return these envoys reported that each princess and amīr at the court -of Baraka Khān had an imām and a muʼadhdhin, and the children were -taught the Qurʼān in the schools. [756] These friendly relations -between Baybars and Baraka Khān brought many of the Mongols of the -Golden Horde into Egypt, where they were prevailed upon to become -Musalmans. [757] - -In Persia, where Hūlāgū founded the dynasty of the Īlkhāns, the -progress of Islam among the Mongols was much slower. In order to -strengthen himself against the attacks of Baraka Khān and the Sultan of -Egypt, Hūlāgū accepted the alliance of the Christian powers of the -East, such as the king of Armenia and the Crusaders. His favourite wife -was a Christian and favourably disposed the mind of her husband towards -her co-religionists, and his son Abāqā Khān married the daughter of the -Emperor of Constantinople. Though Abāqā Khān did not himself become a -Christian, his court was filled with Christian priests, and he sent -envoys to several of the princes of Europe—St. Louis of France, King -Charles of Sicily and King James of Aragon—to solicit their alliance -against the Muhammadans; to the same end also, an embassy of sixteen -Mongols was sent to the Council of Lyons in 1274, where the spokesman -of this embassy embraced Christianity and was baptised with some of his -companions. Great hopes were entertained of the conversion of Abāqā, -but they proved fruitless. His brother Takūdār, [758] who succeeded -him, was the first of the Īlkhāns who embraced Islam. He had been -brought up as a Christian, for (as a contemporary Christian writer -[759] tells us), “he was baptised when young and called by the name of -Nicholas. But when he was grown up, through his intercourse with -Saracens of whom he was very fond, he became a base Saracen, and, -renouncing the Christian faith, wished to be called Muḥammad Khān, and -strove with all his might that the Tartars should be converted to the -faith and sect of Muḥammad, and when they proved obstinate, not daring -to force them, he brought about their conversion by giving them honours -and favours and gifts, so that in his time many Tartars were converted -to the faith of the Saracens.” This prince sent the news of his -conversion to the Sultan of Egypt in the following letter:—“By the -power of God Almighty, the mandate of Aḥmad to the Sultan of Egypt. God -Almighty (praised be His name!) by His grace preventing us and by the -light of His guidance, hath guided us in our early youth and vigour -into the true path of the knowledge of His deity and the confession of -His unity, to bear witness that Muḥammad (on whom rest the highest -blessings!) is the Prophet of God, and to reverence His saints and His -pious servants. ‘Whom God shall please to guide, that man’s breast will -He open to Islam.’ [760] We ceased not to incline our heart to the -promotion of the faith and the improvement of the condition of Islam -and the Muslims, up to the time when the succession to the empire came -to us from our illustrious father and brother, and God spread over us -the glory of His grace and kindness, so that in the abundance of His -favours our hopes were realised, and He revealed to us the bride of the -kingdom, and she was brought forth to us a noble spouse. A Qūriltāy or -general assembly was convened, wherein our brothers, our sons, great -nobles, generals of the army and captains of the forces, met to hold -council; and they were all agreed on carrying out the order of our -elder brother, viz. to summon here a vast levy of our troops whose -numbers would make the earth, despite its vastness, appear too narrow, -whose fury and fierce onset would fill the hearts of men with fear, -being animated with a courage before which the mountain peaks bow down, -and a firm purpose that makes the hardest rocks grow soft. We reflected -on this their resolution which expressed the wish of all, and we -concluded that it ran counter to the aim we had in view—to promote the -common weal, i.e. to strengthen the ordinance of Islam; never, as far -as lies in our power, to issue any order that will not tend to prevent -bloodshed, remove the ills of men, and cause the breeze of peace and -prosperity to blow on all lands, and the kings of other countries to -rest upon the couch of affection and benevolence, whereby the commands -of God will be honoured and mercy be shown to the people of God. -Herein, God inspired us to quench this fire and put an end to these -terrible calamities, and make known to those who advanced this proposal -(of a levy) what it is that God has put into our hearts to do, namely, -to employ all possible means for the healing of all the sickness of the -world, and putting off what should only be appealed to as the last -remedy. For we desire not to hasten to appeal to arms, until we have -first declared the right path, and will permit it only after setting -forth the truth and establishing it with proofs. Our resolve to carry -out whatever appears to us good and advantageous has been strengthened -by the counsels of the Shaykh al-Islām, the model of divines, who has -given us much assistance in religious matters. We have appointed our -chief justice, Qutb al-Dīn and the Atābak, Bahā al-Dīn, both -trustworthy persons of this flourishing kingdom, to make known to you -our course of action and bear witness to our good intentions for the -common weal of the Muslims; and to make it known that God has -enlightened us, and that Islam annuls all that has gone before it, and -that God Almighty has put it into our hearts to follow the truth and -those who practice it.... If some convincing proof be required, let men -observe our actions. By the grace of God, we have raised aloft the -standards of the faith, and borne witness to it in all our orders and -our practice, so that the ordinances of the law of Muḥammad may be -brought to the fore and firmly established in accordance with the -principles of justice laid down by Aḥmad. Whereby we have filled the -hearts of the people with joy, have granted free pardon to all -offenders, and shown them indulgences, saying, ‘May God pardon the -past!’ We have reformed all matters concerning the pious endowments of -Muslims given for mosques, colleges, charitable institutions, and the -rebuilding of caravanserais; we have restored their incomes to those to -whom they were due according to the terms laid down by the donors.... -We have ordered the pilgrims to be treated with respect, provision to -be made for their caravans and for securing their safety on the pilgrim -routes; we have given perfect freedom to merchants, travelling from one -country to another, that they may go wherever they please; and we have -strictly prohibited our soldiers and police from interfering with them -in their comings or goings.” He seeks the alliance of the Sultan of -Egypt “so that these countries and cities may again be populated, these -terrible calamities be put down, the sword be returned to the scabbard; -that all peoples may dwell in peace and quietness, and the necks of the -Muslims be freed from the ills of humiliation and disgrace.” [761] - -To the student of the history of the Mongols it is a relief to pass -from the recital of nameless horrors and continual bloodshed to a -document emanating from a Mongol prince and giving expression to such -humane and benevolent sentiments, which sound strange indeed coming -from such lips. - -This conversion of their chief and the persecutions that he inflicted -on the Christians gave great offence to the Mongols, who, although not -Christians themselves, had been long accustomed to intercourse with the -Christians, and they denounced their chief to Qūbīlāy Khān as one who -had abandoned the footsteps of his forefathers. A revolt broke out -against him, headed by his nephew Arghūn, who compassed his death and -succeeded him on the throne. During his brief reign (1284–1291), the -Christians were once more restored to favour, while the Musalmans had -to suffer persecution in their turn, were dismissed from their posts -and driven away from the court. [762] - -The successors of Takūdār were all heathen, until, in 1295, Ghāzān, the -seventh and greatest of the Īlkhāns, became a Musalman and made Islam -the ruling religion of Persia. During the last three reigns the -Christians had entertained great hopes of the conversion of the ruling -family of Persia, who had shown them such distinguished favour and -entrusted them with so many important offices of state. His immediate -predecessor, the insurgent Baydū Khān, who occupied the throne for a -few months only in 1295, carried his predilection for Christianity so -far as to try to put a stop to the spread of Islam among the Mongols, -and accordingly forbade any one to preach the doctrines of this faith -among them. [763] - -Ghāzān himself before his conversion had been brought up as a Buddhist -and had erected several Buddhist temples in Khurāsān, and took great -pleasure in the company of the priests of this faith, who had come into -Persia in large numbers since the establishment of the Mongol supremacy -over that country. [764] He appears to have been naturally of a -religious turn of mind, for he studied the creeds of the different -religions of his time, and used to hold discussions with the learned -doctors of each faith. [765] Rashīd al-Dīn, his learned minister and -the historian of his reign, maintained the genuineness of his -conversion to Islam, the religious observances of which he zealously -kept throughout his whole reign, though his contemporaries (and later -writers have often re-echoed the imputation) represented him as having -only yielded to the solicitations of some Amīrs and Shaykhs. [766] -“Besides, what interested motive,” asks his apologist, “could have led -so powerful a sovereign to change his faith: much less, a prince whose -pagan ancestors had conquered the world?” His conversion, however, -certainly won over to his side the hearts of the Persians, when he was -contending with Baydū for the throne, and the Muhammadan Mongols in the -army of his rival deserted to support the cause of their -co-religionist. These were the very considerations that were urged upon -Ghāzān by Nawrūz, a Muhammadan Amīr who had espoused his cause and who -hailed him as the prince who, according to a prophecy, was to appear -about this time to protect the faith of Islam and restore it to its -former splendour: if he embraced Islam, he could become the ruler of -Persia: the Musalmans, delivered from the grievous yoke of the Pagan -Mongols, would espouse his cause, and God, recognising in him the -saviour of the true faith from utter destruction, would bless his arms -with victory. [767] After hesitating a little, Ghāzān made a public -profession of the faith, and his officers and soldiers followed his -example: he distributed alms to men of piety and learning and visited -the mosques and tombs of the saints and in every way showed himself an -exemplary Muslim ruler. His brother, Uljāytū, who succeeded him in -1304, under the name of Muḥammad Khudābandah, had been brought up as a -Christian in the faith of his mother and had been baptised under the -name of Nicholas, but after his mother’s death, while he was still a -young man, he became a convert to Islam through the persuasions of his -wife. [768] Ibn Baṭūṭah says that his example exercised a great -influence on the Mongols. [769] From this time forward Islam became the -paramount faith in the kingdom of the Īlkhāns. - -The details that we possess of the progress of Islam in the Middle -Kingdom, which fell to the lot of Chaghatāy and his descendants, are -still more meagre. Several of the princes of this line had a Muhammadan -minister in their service, but they showed themselves unsympathetic to -the faith of Islam. Chaghatāy harassed his Muhammadan subjects by -regulations that restricted their ritual observances in respect of the -killing of animals for food and of ceremonial washings. Al-Jūzjānī says -that he was the bitterest enemy of the Muslims among all the Mongol -rulers and did not wish any one to utter the word Musalman before him -except with evil purpose. [770] Orghana, the wife of his grandson and -successor, Qarā-Hūlāgū, brought up her son as a Musalman, and under the -name of Mubārak Shāh he came forward in 1264 as one of the claimants of -the disputed succession to the Chaghatāy Khānate; but he was soon -driven from the throne by his cousin Burāq Khān, and appears to have -exercised no influence on behalf of his faith, indeed judging from -their names it would not appear that any of his own children even -adopted the religion of their father. [771] Burāq Khān is said to have -“had the blessedness of receiving the light of the faith” a few days -before his death in 1270, and to have taken the name of Sulṭān Ghiyāth -al-Dīn, [772] but he was buried according to the ancient funeral rites -of the Mongols, and not as a Musalman, and those who had been converted -during his reign relapsed into their former heathenism. It was not -until the next century that the conversion of Ṭarmāshīrīn Khān, about -1326, caused Islam to be at all generally adopted by the Chaghatāy -Mongols, who when they followed the example of their chief this time -remained true to their new faith. But even now the ascendancy of Islam -was not assured, for Būzun who was Khān in the next decade—the -chronology is uncertain—drove Ṭarmāshīrīn from his throne, and -persecuted the Muslims, [773] and it was not until some years later -that we hear of the first Musalman king of Kāshgar, which the break-up -of the Chaghatāy dynasty had erected into a separate kingdom. This -prince, Tūqluq Tīmūr Khān (1347–1363), is said to have owed his -conversion to a holy man from Bukhārā, by name Shaykh Jamāl al-Dīn. -This Shaykh, in company with a number of travellers, had unwittingly -trespassed on the game-preserves of the prince, who ordered them to be -bound hand and foot and brought before him. In reply to his angry -question, how they had dared interfere with his hunting, the Shaykh -pleaded that they were strangers and were quite unaware that they were -trespassing on forbidden ground. Learning that they were Persians, the -prince said that a dog was worth more than a Persian. “Yes,” replied -the Shaykh, “if we had not the true faith, we should indeed be worse -than the dogs.” Struck with his reply, the Khān ordered this bold -Persian to be brought before him on his return from hunting, and taking -him aside asked him to explain what he meant by these words and what -was “faith.” The Shaykh then set before him the doctrines of Islam with -such fervour and zeal that the heart of the Khān that before had been -hard as a stone was melted like wax, and so terrible a picture did the -holy man draw of the state of unbelief, that the prince was convinced -of the blindness of his own errors, but said, “Were I now to make -profession of the faith of Islam, I should not be able to lead my -subjects into the true path. But bear with me a little; and when I have -entered into the possession of the kingdom of my forefathers, come to -me again.” For the empire of Chaghatāy had by this time been broken up -into a number of petty princedoms, and it was many years before Tūqluq -Tīmūr succeeded in uniting under his sway the whole empire as before. -Meanwhile Shaykh Jamāl al-Dīn had returned to his home, where he fell -dangerously ill: when at the point of death, he said to his son Rashīd -al-Dīn, “Tūqluq Tīmūr will one day become a great monarch; fail not to -go and salute him in my name and fearlessly remind him of the promise -he made me.” Some years later, when Tūqluq Tīmūr had re-won the empire -of his fathers, Rashīd al-Dīn made his way to the camp of the Khān to -fulfil the last wishes of his father, but in spite of all his efforts -he could not gain an audience of the Khān. At length he devised the -following expedient: one day in the early morning, he began to chant -the call to prayers, close to the Khān’s tent. Enraged at having his -slumbers disturbed in this way, the prince ordered him to be brought -into his presence, whereupon Rashīd al-Dīn delivered his father’s -message. Tūqluq Khān was not unmindful of his promise, and said: “Ever -since I ascended the throne I have had it on my mind that I made that -promise, but the person to whom I gave the pledge never came. Now you -are welcome.” He then repeated the profession of faith and became a -Muslim. “On that morn the sun of bounty rose out of the east of divine -favour and effaced the dark night of unbelief.... They then decided -that for the propagation of Islam they should interview the princes one -by one, and it should be well for those who accepted the faith, but -those who refused should be slain as heathens and idolaters.” The first -to be examined was a noble named Amīr Tūlik. The Khān asked him, “Will -you embrace Islam?” Amīr Tūlik burst into tears and said: “Three years -ago I was converted by some holy men at Kāshgar and became a Musalman, -but from fear of you I did not openly declare it.” Then Tūqluq Khān -rose up and embraced him, and the three sat down again together. In -this manner they examined the princes one by one, and they all accepted -Islam, with the exception of one named Jarās, who suggested a trial of -strength between the Shaykh and his servant, an infidel who was above -the ordinary stature of man and so strong that he could lift a -two-year-old camel. The Shaykh accepted the challenge, saying: “If I do -not throw him, I will not require you to become a Musalman. If it is -God’s wish that the Mongols become honoured with the blessed state of -Islam, He will doubtless give me sufficient power to overcome this -man.” Tūqluq Khān and those who had become Musalmans with him tried to -dissuade the holy man, but he persisted in his purpose. “A large crowd -assembled, the infidel was brought in, and he and the Shaykh advanced -towards one another. The infidel, proud of his own strength, advanced -with a conceited air. The Shaykh looked very small and weak beside him. -When they came to blows, the Shaykh struck the infidel full in the -chest, and he fell senseless. After a little he came to again, and -having raised himself, fell again at the feet of the Shaykh, crying out -and uttering words of belief. The people raised loud shouts of -applause, and on that day 160,000 persons cut off the hair of their -heads and became Musalmans. The Khān was circumcised, and the lights of -Islam dispelled the shades of unbelief.” From that time Islam became -the established faith in the settled countries under the rule of the -descendants of Chaghatāy. [774] But many of the nomad Mongols appear to -have remained outside the pale of Islam up to the early part of the -fifteenth century, judging from the violent methods adopted for their -conversion by Muḥammad Khān, who was Khān of Mughalistān [775] about -1416. “Muḥammad Khān was a wealthy prince and a good Musalman. He -persisted in following the road of justice and equity, and was so -unremitting in his exertions, that during his blessed reign most of the -tribes of the Mongols became Musalmans. It is well known what severe -measures he had recourse to, in bringing the Mongols to be believers in -Islam. If, for instance, a Mongol did not wear a turban, a horseshoe -nail was driven into his head: and treatment of this kind was common. -May God recompense him with good.” [776] - -Even such drastic measures were ineffectual in bringing about a general -acceptance of Islam, for as late as at the close of the following -century, [777] a dervish named Isḥāq Walī found scope for his -proselytising activities in Kāshgar, Yārkand and Khotan, where he spent -twelve years in spreading the faith; [778] he also worked among the -Kirghiz and Kazaks, from among whom he made 180 converts and destroyed -eighteen temples of idols. [779] - -In the preceding pages some attempt has been made to indicate some of -the steps by which the Muslims won over to their faith the savage -hordes who had destroyed their centres of culture. By slow degrees, -Islam thus began to emerge out of the ruins of its former ascendancy -and take its place again as a dominant faith, after more than a century -of depression. In the course of the struggle between the followers of -rival creeds for the adherence of the Mongols, considerations of -political expediency undoubtedly operated in favour of the Muslim -party, and the intrigues of Western Christendom caused the Christians -to become suspect, as agents of a foreign power; but at the beginning -such of the Mongols as were Nestorians could put forward a better claim -to be the national party and could attack the Musalmans as adherents of -a foreign faith. Aḥmad Takūdār was denounced by Arghūn as a traitor to -the law of his fathers, in that he had followed the way of the Arabs -which none of his ancestors had known. [780] The insurrection that -caused Ṭarmāshīrīn to be driven into exile, gained strength from the -complaint that this monarch had disregarded the Yassāq or ancient code -of Mongol institutes. [781] But though the issue of the struggle long -remained doubtful, Islam gradually gained ground in the lands of which -it had been dispossessed. The means whereby this success was achieved -are obscure, and the scanty details set forth above leave much of the -tale untold, but enough has been recorded to indicate some of the -proselytising agencies that led to individual conversions. Ānanda drank -in Islam with his foster-mother’s milk; [782] and the remnant of the -faithful, especially the older families of Muhammadan Turks, exercised -an almost insensible influence on the Mongols who settled down in their -midst. But of special importance among the proselytising agencies at -work was the influence of the pīr and his spiritual disciples. In the -midst of the profound discouragement which filled the Musalmans after -the flood of the Mongol conquest had poured over them, their first -refuge was in mysticism, and the pīr, or spiritual guide, and religious -orders—such as the Naqshbandī, which in the fourteenth century entered -on a new period of its development—breathed new life into the Muslim -community and inspired it with fresh fervour. “In the hands of the pīr -and his monks, the Musalman in Asia came to be an agent, at first -passive and unconscious, later on the adherent of a party—the party of -the national faith, in opposition to the rule of the Mongols, which was -at once foreign, barbaric and secular.” [783] - -Let us now return to the history of Islam in the Golden Horde. The -chief camping ground of this section of the Mongols was the grassy -plain watered by the Volga, on the bank of which they founded their -capital city Serai, whither the Russian princes sent their tribute to -the khān. The conversion of Baraka Khān, of which mention has been made -above, and the close intercourse with Egypt that subsequently sprang -up, contributed considerably to the progress of Islam, and his example -seems to have been gradually followed by those of the aristocracy and -leaders of the Golden Horde that were of Mongol descent. But many -tribes of the Golden Horde appear to have resented the introduction of -Islam into their midst, and when the conversion of Baraka Khān was -openly proclaimed, they sent to offer the crown, of which they -considered him now unworthy, to his rival Hūlāgū. Indeed, so strong was -this opposition, that it seems to have largely contributed to the -formation of the Nogais as a separate tribe. They took their name from -Nogāy, who was the chief commander of the Mongol forces under Baraka -Khān. When the other princes of the Golden Horde became Musalmans, -Nogāy remained a Shamanist and thus became a rallying point for those -who refused to abandon the old religion of the Mongols. His daughter, -however, who was married to a Shamanist, became converted to Islam some -time after her marriage and had to endure the ill-treatment and -contempt of her husband in consequence. [784] - -To Ūzbek Khān, who was leader of the Golden Horde from 1313 to 1340, -and who distinguished himself by his proselytising zeal, it was said, -“Content yourself with our obedience, what matters our religion to you? -Why should we abandon the faith of Chingīz Khān for that of the Arabs?” -But in spite of the strong opposition to his efforts, Ūzbek Khān -succeeded in winning many converts to the faith of which he was so -ardent a follower and which owed to his efforts its firm establishment -in the country under his sway. [785] A further sign of his influence is -found in the tribes of the Ūzbeks of Central Asia, who take their name -from him and were probably converted during his reign. He is said to -have formed the design of spreading the faith of Islam throughout the -whole of Russia, [786] but here he met with no success. Indeed, though -the Mongols were paramount in Russia for two centuries, they appear to -have exercised very little influence on the people of that country, and -least of all in the matter of religion. It is noticeable, moreover, -that in spite of his zeal for the spread of his own faith, Ūzbek Khān -was very tolerant towards his Christian subjects, who were left -undisturbed in the exercise of their religion and even allowed to -pursue their missionary labours in his territory. One of the most -remarkable documents of Muhammadan toleration is the charter that Ūzbek -Khān granted to the Metropolitan Peter in 1313:—“By the will and power, -the greatness and mercy of the most High! Ūzbek to all our princes, -great and small, etc., etc. Let no man insult the metropolitan church -of which Peter is the head, or his servants or his churchmen; let no -man seize their property, goods or people, let no man meddle with the -affairs of the metropolitan church, since they are divine. Whoever -shall meddle therein and transgress our edict, will be guilty before -God and feel His wrath and be punished by us with death. Let the -metropolitan dwell in the path of safety and rejoice, with a just and -upright heart let him (or his deputy) decide and regulate all -ecclesiastical matters. We solemnly declare that neither we nor our -children nor the princes of our realm nor the governors of our -provinces will in any way interfere with the affairs of the church and -the metropolitan, or in their towns, districts, villages, chases and -fisheries, their hives, lands, meadows, forests, towns and places under -their bailiffs, their vineyards, mills, winter quarters for cattle, or -any of the properties and goods of the church. Let the mind of the -metropolitan be always at peace and free from trouble, with uprightness -of heart let him pray to God for us, our children and our nation. -Whoever shall lay hands on anything that is sacred, shall be held -guilty, he shall incur the wrath of God and the penalty of death, that -others may be dismayed at his fate. When the tribute or other dues, -such as custom duties, plough-tax, tolls or relays are levied, or when -we wish to raise troops among our subjects, let nothing be exacted from -the cathedral churches under the metropolitan Peter, or from any of his -clergy: ... whatever may be exacted from the clergy, shall be returned -threefold.... Their laws, their churches, their monasteries and chapels -shall be respected; whoever condemns or blames this religion, shall not -be allowed to excuse himself under any pretext, but shall be punished -with death. The brothers and sons of priests and deacons, living at the -same table and in the same house, shall enjoy the same privileges.” -[787] - -That these were no empty words and that the toleration here promised -became a reality, may be judged from a letter sent to the Khān by Pope -John XXII in 1318, in which he thanks the Muslim prince for the favour -he showed to his Christian subjects and the kind treatment they -received at his hands. [788] The successors of Ūzbek Khān do not appear -to have been animated by the same zeal for the spread of Islam as he -had shown, and could not be expected to succeed where he failed. So -long as the Russians paid their taxes, they were left free to worship -according to their own desires, and the Christian religion had become -too closely intertwined with the life of the people to be disturbed, -even had efforts been made to turn them from the faith of their -fathers; for Christianity had been the national religion of the Russian -people for well-nigh three centuries before the Mongols established -themselves in Russian territory. - -Another race many years before had tried to win the Russians to Islam -but had likewise failed, viz. the Muslim Bulgarians who were found in -the tenth century on the banks of the Volga, and who probably owed -their conversion to the Muslim merchants, trading in furs and other -commodities of the North; their conversion must have taken place some -time before A.D. 921, when the caliph al-Muqtadir sent an envoy to -confirm them in the faith and instruct them in the tenets and -ordinances of Islam. [789] - -These Bulgarians attempted the conversion of Vladimir, the then -sovereign of Russia, who (the Russian chronicler tells us) had found it -necessary to choose some religion better than his pagan creed, but they -failed to overcome his objections to the rite of circumcision and to -the prohibition of wine, the use of which, he declared, the Russians -could never give up, as it was the very joy of their life. Equally -unsuccessful were the Jews who came from the country of the Khazars on -the Caspian Sea and had won over the king of that people to the Mosaic -faith. [790] After listening to their arguments, Vladimir asked them -where their country was. “Jerusalem,” they replied, “but God in His -anger has scattered us over the whole world.” “Then you are cursed of -God,” cried the king, “and yet want to teach others: begone! we have no -wish, like you, to be without a country.” The most favourable -impression was made by a Greek priest who, after a brief criticism of -the other religions, set forth the whole scheme of Christian teaching -beginning with the creation of the world and the story of the fall of -man and ending with the seven œcumenical councils accepted by the Greek -Church; then he showed the prince a picture of the Last Judgment with -the righteous entering paradise and the wicked being thrust down into -hell, and promised him the heritage of heaven, if he would be baptised. -But Vladimir was unwilling to make a rash choice of a substitute for -his pagan religion, so he called his boyards together and having told -them of the accounts he had received of the various religions, asked -them for their advice. “Prince,” they replied, “every man praises his -own religion, and if you would make choice of the best, send wise men -into the different countries to discover which of all the nations -honours God in the manner most worthy of Him.” So the prince chose out -for this purpose ten men who were eminent for their wisdom. These -ambassadors found among the Bulgarians mean-looking places of worship, -gloomy prayers and solemn faces; among the German Catholics religious -ceremonies that lacked both grandeur and magnificence. At length they -reached Constantinople: “Let them see the glory of our God,” said the -Emperor. So they were taken to the church of Santa Sophia, where the -Patriarch, clad in his pontifical robes, was celebrating mass. The -magnificence of the building, the rich vestments of the priests, the -ornaments of the altars, the sweet odour of the incense, the reverent -silence of the people, and the mysterious solemnity of the ceremonial -filled the savage Russians with wonder and amazement. It seemed to them -that this church must be the dwelling of the Most High, and that He -manifested His glory therein to mortals. On their return to Kief, the -ambassadors gave the prince an account of their mission; they spoke -with contempt of the religion of the Prophet and had little to say for -the Roman Catholic faith, but were enthusiastic in their eulogies of -the Greek Church. “Every man,” they said, “who has put his lips to a -sweet draught, henceforth abhors anything bitter; wherefore we having -come to the knowledge of the faith of the Greek Church desire none -other.” Vladimir once more consulted his boyards, who said unto him, -“Had not the Greek faith been best of all, Olga, your grandmother, the -wisest of mortals, would never have embraced it.” Whereupon Vladimir -hesitated no longer and in A.D. 988 declared himself a Christian. On -the day after his baptism he threw down the idols his forefathers had -worshipped, and issued an edict that all the Russians, masters and -slaves, rich and poor, should submit to be baptised into the Christian -faith. [791] - -Thus Christianity became the national religion of the Russian people, -and after the Mongol conquest, the distinctive national characteristics -of Russians and Tatars that have kept the two races apart to the -present day, the bitter hatred of the Tatar yoke, the devotion of the -Russians to their own faith and the want of religious zeal on the part -of the Tatars, kept the conquered race from adopting the religion of -the conqueror. Especially has the prohibition of spirituous liquors by -the laws of Islam been supposed to have stood in the way of the -adoption of this religion by the Russian people. - -It would appear that not until after the promulgation of the edict of -religious toleration in 1905 throughout the Russian empire and the -active Muslim propaganda that followed it, were cases observed of -Russians being converted to Islam, and those that have occurred are -ascribed to the strong attraction of the material help offered by the -Tatars to such converts and the influence of the moral strength of the -Muslims themselves. [792] - -Not that the Tatars in Russia had been altogether inoperative in -promoting the spread of Islam during the preceding centuries. The -distinctly Hellenic type of face that is to be found among the -so-called Tatars of the Crimea has led to the conjecture that these -Muhammadans have absorbed into their community the Greek and Italian -populations that they found settled on the Crimean peninsula, and that -we find among them the Muhammadanised descendants of the indigenous -inhabitants, and of the Genoese colonists. [793] A traveller of the -seventeenth century tells us that the Tatars of the Crimea tried to -induce their slaves to become Muhammadans, and won over many of them to -this faith by promising them their liberty if they would be persuaded. -[794] Conversions to Islam from among the Tatars of the Crimea are also -reported after the proclamation of religious liberty in 1905. [795] - -A brief reference may here be made to the Tatars in Lithuania, where -small groups of them have been settled since the early part of the -fifteenth century; these Muslim immigrants, dwelling in the midst of a -Christian population, have preserved their old faith, but (probably for -political reasons) do not appear to have attempted to proselytise. But -they have been in the habit of marrying Lithuanian and Polish women, -whose children were always brought up as Muslims, whereas no Muhammadan -girl was permitted to marry a Christian. The grand dukes of Lithuania -in the fifteenth century encouraged the marriage of Christian women -with their Tatar troops, on whom they bestowed grants of land and other -privileges. [796] - -One of the most curious incidents in the missionary history of Islam is -the conversion of the Kirghiz of Central Asia by Tatar mullās, who -preached Islam among them in the eighteenth century, as emissaries of -the Russian government. The Kirghiz began to come under Russian rule -about 1731, and for 120 years all diplomatic correspondence was carried -on with them in the Tatar language under the delusion that they were -ethnographically the same as the Tatars of the Volga. Another -misunderstanding on the part of the Russian government was that the -Kirghiz were Musalmans, whereas in the eighteenth century they were -nearly all Shamanists, as a large number of them were still up to the -middle of the nineteenth century. At the time of the annexation of -their country to the Russian empire only a few of their Khāns and -Sulṭāns had any knowledge of the faith of Islam—and that very confused -and vague. Not a single mosque was to be found throughout the whole of -the Kirghiz Steppes, or a single religious teacher of the faith of the -Prophet, and the Kirghiz owed their conversion to Islam to the fact -that the Russians, taking them for Muhammadans, insisted on treating -them as such. Large sums of money were given for the building of -mosques, and mullās were sent to open schools and instruct the young in -the tenets of the Muslim faith: the Kirghiz scholars were to receive -every day a small sum to support themselves on, and the fathers were to -be induced to send their children to the schools by presents and other -means of persuasion. An incontrovertible proof that the Musalman -propaganda made its way into the Kirghiz Steppes from the side of -Russia, is the circumstance that it was especially those Kirghiz who -were more contiguous to Europe that first became Musalmans, and the old -Shamanism lingered up to the nineteenth century among those who -wandered in the neighbourhood of Khiva, Bukhārā and Khokand, though -these for centuries had been Muhammadan countries. [797] - -This is probably the only instance of a Christian government -co-operating in the promulgation of Islam, and is the more remarkable -inasmuch as the Russian government of this period was attempting to -force Christianity on its Muslim subjects in Europe, in continuation of -the efforts made in the sixteenth century soon after the conquest of -the Khanate of Kazan. - -At the beginning of the nineteenth century many of the Kirghiz dwelling -in the vast plains stretching southwards from the district of Tobolsk -towards Turkistan were still heathen, and the Russian government was -approached for permission for a Christian mission to be established -among them. But this request was not granted, on the ground that “these -people were as yet too wild and savage to be accessible to the Gospel. -But soon after other missionaries, not depending on the good-will of -any government, and having more zeal and understanding, occupied this -field and won the whole of the Kirghis tribe to the faith of Islam.” -[798] - -After the conquest of Kazan by the Russians in the sixteenth century, -the occupation of the former Tatar Khanate was followed up by an -official Christian missionary movement, and a number of the heathen -population of the Khanate were baptised, the labours of the clergy -being actively seconded by the police and the civil authorities, but as -the Russian priests did not understand the language of their converts -and soon neglected them, it had to be admitted that the new converts -“shamelessly retain many horrid Tartar customs, and neither hold nor -know the Christian faith.” When spiritual exhortations failed, the -government ordered its officials to “pacify, imprison, put in irons, -and thereby unteach and frighten from the Tartar faith those who, -though baptised, do not obey the admonitions of the Metropolitan.” - -In the eighteenth century the Russian government made fresh efforts to -convert the heathen tribes and the relapsed Tatars, and held out many -inducements to them to become baptised. Catherine II in 1778 ordered -that all the new converts should sign a written promise to the effect -that “they would completely forsake their infidel errors, and, avoiding -all intercourse with unbelievers, would hold firmly and unwaveringly -the Christian faith and its dogmas.” But in spite of all, these -so-called “baptised Tartars” were Christians only in name, and soon -began to try to escape from the propagandist efforts of the Orthodox -Church and abandoned Christianity for Islam, their so-called conversion -merely serving as a stepping-stone to their entrance into the faith of -the Prophet. - -They may, indeed, have been inscribed in the official registers as -Christians, but they resolutely stood out against any efforts that were -made to Christianise them. In a semi-official article, published in -1872, the writer says: “It is a fact worthy of attention that a long -series of evident apostasies coincides with the beginning of measures -to confirm the converts in the Christian faith. There must be, -therefore, some collateral cause producing those cases of apostasy -precisely at the moment when the contrary might be expected.” The fact -seems to be that these Tatars having all the time remained Muhammadan -at heart, resisted the active measures taken to make their nominal -profession of Christianity in any way a reality. [799] But in the -latter part of the nineteenth century efforts were made to Christianise -these heathen and Muslim tribes by means of schools established in -their midst. In this way it was hoped to win the younger generation, -since otherwise it seemed impossible to gain an entrance for -Christianity among the Tatars, for, as a Russian professor said, “The -citizens of Kazan are hard to win, but we get some little folk from the -villages on the steppe, and train them in the fear of God. Once they -are with us they can never turn back.” [800] For the Russian criminal -code used to contain severe enactments against those who fell away from -the Orthodox Church, [801] and sentenced any person convicted of -converting a Christian to Islam to the loss of all civil rights and to -imprisonment with hard labour for a term varying from eight to ten -years. In spite, however, of the edicts of the government, Muslim -propagandism succeeded in winning over whole villages to the faith of -Islam, especially among the tribes of north-eastern Russia. [802] - -The town of Kazan is the chief centre of this missionary activity; a -large number of Muslim publications are printed here every year, and -mullās go forth from the University to convert the pagans in the -villages and bring back to Islam the Tatars who have allowed themselves -to be baptised. The increasing number of these Christian Tatars, who -have gone to swell the ranks of Islam, has alarmed the clergy of the -Orthodox Church, but their efforts have failed to check the success of -the mullās. [803] Especially since the edict of toleration in 1905, -mass conversions have been reported, e.g. in 1909, ninety-one families -in the village of Atomva are said to have become Muhammadan, [804] and -as many as 53,000 persons between 1906 and 1910. [805] This propaganda -is said to owe much of its success to the higher moral level of life in -Muslim society, as well as to the stronger feeling of solidarity that -prevails in it; [806] moreover, the methods adopted by the Russian -clergy, supported by the government, to make the so-called Christian -Tatars more orthodox, have caused the Christian faith to become -unpopular among them. [807] On the other hand, the propaganda of Islam -is very zealously carried forward; “every simple, untaught Moslem is a -missionary of his religion, and the poor, dark, untaught heathen or -half-heathen tribes cannot resist their force. In many villages of -baptised aborigines the men go away for the winter to work as tailors -in Moslem villages. There they are converted to Islam, and they return -to their villages as fanatics bringing with them Moslem ideas with -which to influence their homes.” [808] - -The tribes that have chiefly come under the influence of this -missionary movement are the Votiaks, the greater part of whom are -baptised Christians, but many became Muslims in the eighteenth and the -beginning of the nineteenth centuries; and the influence of Islam is -continually growing both among those that are Christian and among the -small remnant that is still heathen. The Cheremiss, like the Votiaks, -are a Finnish tribe, about a quarter of whom are still heathen, but -many have already embraced Islam and it is probable that most of them -will soon adopt the same religion. The movement of the Cheremiss -towards Islam made itself manifest in the nineteenth century and though -many of them were nominally Christian, whole villages of them became -Muhammadan despite the laws forbidding conversion except to the -Orthodox Church. [809] They became Muhammadan through their immediate -contact with the Bashkirs and Tatars, whose family and social customs -were very similar to their own. The process sometimes began with -intermarriages with Muhammadans—e.g. in one village a Cheremiss family -intermarried with some Bashkirs and adopted their faith; the converts -being persecuted as “circumcised dogs” in their own village, moved away -and founded a new settlement some miles off, some wealthy Bashkirs -helping them with money; but as they were officially registered as -heathen, they could not get permission for the building of a mosque, so -a few Bashkir families in the neighbourhood moved into the new -settlement, in order to make up the number requisite for obtaining the -necessary official permission. [810] A similar process has several -times occurred in other villages in which Muhammadans have come to -settle and have intermarried with Cheremiss. [811] In other cases there -has been a definite missionary movement—e.g. in the beginning of the -nineteenth century the village of Karakul was inhabited by Christian -Cheremiss, but shortly after the middle of the century some families -were converted to Islam by a Cheremiss who had become a mullā; on his -death he was succeeded by a Bashkir from another village. Later on, the -converts moved away to Tatar and Bashkir villages, their place being -taken by Tatars, until the whole village became practically Tatar, few -of the younger generation retaining any knowledge of the Cheremiss -language, and intermarriages taking place only with Tatars. [812] Apart -from this proselytising activity, there has been a very distinct spread -of Tatar influence in speech and manners among the Cheremiss. The Tatar -language has spread among them, bringing with it the moral and -religious ideas of Islam; the adoption of the Tatar dress is held to be -a sign of superior culture, and if a Cheremiss does not dress like a -Tatar he runs the risk of being laughed at by the first Tatar he meets -or by his fellow Cheremiss; all this cultural movement tends to the -ultimate adoption of the Tatar religion. [813] After their conversion, -the Cheremiss are said to be very zealous in the propagation of their -new faith and receive the assistance of wealthy Tatars; [814] on the -other hand, the Russians despise the Cheremiss as an inferior race and -apply opprobrious epithets even to those among them who are Christians. -[815] About one-fourth of the Cheremiss are still heathen, but Muslim -influences are so powerful among them that it is probable that in -course of time they will for the most part become Muhammadans. [816] -The Chuvash, who number about 1,000,000, have nearly all been baptised; -there are about 20,000 of them that are still heathen but these are -gradually being absorbed by Islam, while some of the Christian Chuvash -have become Muhammadans and the rest are coming under Muslim -influences. The extent of their zeal for their converts may be judged -from the instance of a Christian Chuvash village, the priest of which -had spent several years in collecting the 300 roubles necessary for the -repair of the church; eight Chuvash families became Muhammadan and in -the course of a few months 2000 roubles were collected for the building -of a mosque. [817] Such ready activity is characteristic of the Muslim -propaganda now being carried among the aboriginal tribes. Each family -that accepts Islam receives help either in money or in kind: a house is -built for one; a field, cattle, etc., are purchased for another; when -several families in a village are converted, a mosque is built for them -and a school established for their children. [818] - -Of the spread of Islam among the Tatars of Siberia, we have a few -particulars. It was not until the latter half of the sixteenth century -that it gained a footing in this country, but even before this period -Muhammadan missionaries had from time to time made their way into -Siberia with the hope of winning the heathen population over to the -acceptance of their faith, but the majority of them met with a martyr’s -death. When Siberia came under Muhammadan rule, in the reign of Kūchum -Khān, the graves of seven of these missionaries were discovered by an -aged Shaykh who came from Bukhārā to search them out, being anxious -that some memorial should be kept of the devotion of these martyrs to -the faith: he was able to give the names of this number, and up to the -last century their memory was still revered by the Tatars of Siberia. -[819] When Kūchum Khān (who was descended from Jūjī Khān, the eldest -son of Chingīz Khān) became Khān of Siberia (about the year 1570), -either by right of conquest or (according to another account) at the -invitation of the people whose Khān had died without issue, [820] he -made every effort for the conversion of his subjects, and sent to -Bukhārā asking for missionaries to assist him in this pious -undertaking. One of the missionaries who was sent from Bukhārā has left -us an account of how he set out with a companion to the capital of -Kūchum Khān, on the bank of the Irtish. Here, after two years, his -companion died, and, for some reasons that the writer does not mention, -he went back again; but soon afterwards returned to the scene of his -labours, bringing with him another coadjutor, when Kūchum Khān had -appealed for help once more to Bukhārā. [821] Missionaries also came to -Siberia from Kazan. But the advancing tide of Russian conquest soon -brought the proselytising efforts of Kūchum Khān to an end before much -had been accomplished, especially as many of the tribes under his rule -offered a strong opposition to all attempts made to convert them. - -But though interrupted by the Russian conquest, the progress of Islam -was by no means stopped. Mullās from Bukhārā and other cities of -Central Asia and merchants from Kazan were continually active as -missionaries of Islam in Siberia. In 1745 an entrance was first -effected among the Baraba Tatars (between the Irtish and the Ob), and -though at the beginning of the nineteenth century many were still -heathen, they have now all become Musalmans. [822] The conversion of -the Kirghiz has already been spoken of above: the history of most of -the other Muslim tribes of Siberia is very obscure, but their -conversion is probably of a recent date. Among the instruments of -Muhammadan propaganda at the present time, it is interesting to note -the large place taken by the folk-songs of the Kirghiz, in which, -interwoven with tale and legend, the main truths of Islam make their -way into the hearts of the common people. [823] - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER IX. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN INDIA. - - -The Muhammadan invasions of India and the foundation and growth of the -Muhammadan power in that country, have found many historians, both -among contemporary and later writers. But hitherto no one has attempted -to write a history of the spread of Islam in India, considered apart -from the military successes and administrative achievements of its -adherents. Indeed, to many, such a task must appear impossible. For -India has often been picked out as a typical instance of a country in -which Islam owes its existence and continuance in existence to the -settlement in it of foreign, conquering Muhammadan races, who have -transmitted their faith to their descendants, and only succeeded in -spreading it beyond their own circle by means of persecution and forced -conversions. Thus the missionary spirit of Islam is supposed to show -itself in its true light in the brutal massacres of Brahmans by Maḥmūd -of Ghaznạ̄, in the persecutions of Aurangzeb, the forcible circumcisions -effected by Ḥaydar ʻAlī, Tīpū Sulṭān and the like. - -But among the sixty-six millions of Indian Musalmans there are vast -numbers of converts or descendants of converts, in whose conversion -force played no part and the only influences at work were the teaching -and persuasion of peaceful missionaries. This class of converts forms a -very distinct group by itself which can be distinguished from that of -the forcibly converted and the other heterogeneous elements of which -Muslim India is made up. The entire community may be roughly divided -into those of foreign race who brought their faith into the country -along with them, and those who have been converted from one of the -previous religions of the country under various inducements and at many -different periods of history. The foreign settlement consists of three -main bodies: first, and numerically the most important, are the -immigrants from across the north-west frontier, who are found chiefly -in Sind and the Panjāb; next come the descendants of the court and -armies of the various Muhammadan dynasties, mainly in Upper India and -to a much smaller extent in the Deccan; lastly, all along the west -coast are settlements probably of Arab descent, whose original founders -came to India by sea. [824] But the number of families of foreign -origin that actually settled in India is nowhere great except in the -Panjāb and its neighbourhood. More than half the Muslim population of -India has indeed assumed appellations of distinctly foreign races, such -as Shaykh, Beg, Khān, and even Sayyid, but the greater portion of them -are local converts or descendants of converts, who have taken the title -of the person of highest rank amongst those by whom they were converted -or have affiliated themselves to the aristocracy of Islam on even less -plausible grounds. [825] Of this latter section of the community—the -converted natives of the country—part no doubt owed their change of -religion to force and official pressure, but by far the majority of -them entered the pale of Islam of their own free will. The history of -the proselytising movements and the social influences that brought -about their conversion has hitherto received very little attention, and -most of the commonly accessible histories of the Muhammadans in India, -whether written by European or by native authors, are mere chronicles -of wars, campaigns and the achievements of princes, in which little -mention of the religious life of the time finds a place, unless it has -taken the form of fanaticism or intolerance. From the biographies of -the Muslim saints, however, and from local traditions, something may be -learned of the missionary work that was carried on quite independently -of the political life of the country. But before dealing with these it -is proposed to give an account of the official propagation of Islam and -of the part played by the Muhammadan rulers in the spread of their -faith. - -From the fifteenth year after the death of the Prophet, when an Arab -expedition was sent into Sind, up to the eighteenth century, a series -of Muhammadan invaders, some founders of great empires, others mere -adventurers, poured into India from the north-west. While some came -only to plunder and retired laden with spoils, others remained to found -kingdoms that have had a lasting influence to the present day. But of -none of these do we learn that they were accompanied by any -missionaries or preachers. Not that they were indifferent to their -religion. To many of them, their invasion of India appeared in the -light of a holy war. Such was evidently the thought in the minds of -Maḥmūd of Ghaznạ̄ and Tīmūr. The latter, after his capture of Dehli, -writes as follows in his autobiography:—“I had been at Dehli fifteen -days, which time I passed in pleasure and enjoyment, holding royal -Courts and giving great feasts. I then reflected that I had come to -Hindustān to war against infidels, and my enterprise had been so -blessed that wherever I had gone I had been victorious. I had triumphed -over my adversaries, I had put to death some lacs of infidels and -idolaters, and I had stained my proselyting sword with the blood of the -enemies of the faith. Now this crowning victory had been won, and I -felt that I ought not to indulge in ease, but rather to exert myself in -warring against the infidels of Hindustān.” [826] Though he speaks much -of his “proselyting sword,” it seems, however, to have served no other -purpose than that of sending infidels to hell. Most of the Muslim -invaders seem to have acted in a very similar way; in the name of -Allāh, idols were thrown down, their priests put to the sword, and -their temples destroyed; while mosques were often erected in their -place. It is true that the offer of Islam was generally made to the -unbelieving Hindus before any attack was made upon them. [827] Fear -occasionally dictated a timely acceptance of such offers and led to -conversions which, in the earlier days of the Muhammadan invasion at -least, were generally short-lived and ceased to be effective after the -retreat of the invader. An illustration in point is furnished by the -story of Hardatta, a rāʼīs of Bulandshahr, whose submission to Maḥmūd -of Ghaznạ̄ is thus related in the history of that conqueror’s campaigns -written by his secretary. “At length (about A.D. 1019) he (i.e. Maḥmūd) -arrived at the fort of Barba, [828] in the country of Hardat, who was -one of the rāʼīs, that is “kings,” in the Hindī language. When Hardat -heard of this invasion by the protected warriors of God, who advanced -like the waves of the sea, with the angels around them on all sides, he -became greatly agitated, his steps trembled, and he feared for his -life, which was forfeited under the law of God. So he reflected that -his safety would best be secured by conforming to the religion of -Islam, since God’s sword was drawn from the scabbard, and the whip of -punishment was uplifted. He came forth, therefore, with ten thousand -men, who all proclaimed their anxiety for conversion and their -rejection of idols.” [829] - -These new converts probably took the earliest opportunity of -apostatising presented to them by the retreat of the conqueror—a kind -of action which we find the early Muhammadan historians of India -continually complaining of. For when Quṭb al-Dīn Ībak attacked Baran in -1193, he was stoutly opposed by Chandrasen, the then Rājā, who was a -lineal descendant of Hardatta and whose very name betrays his Hindu -faith: nor do we hear of there being any Musalmans remaining under his -rule. [830] - -But these conquerors would appear to have had very little of that “love -for souls” which animates the true missionary and which has achieved -such great conquests for Islam. The Khiljīs (1290–1320), the Tughlaqs -(1320–1412), and the Lodīs (1451–1526) were generally too busily -engaged in fighting to pay much regard to the interests of religion, or -else thought more of the exaction of tribute than of the work of -conversion. [831] Not that they were entirely lacking in religious -zeal: e.g. the Ghakkars, a barbarous people in the mountainous -districts of the North of the Panjāb, who gave the early invaders much -trouble, are said to have been converted through the influence of -Muḥammad Ghorī at the end of the twelfth century. Their chieftain had -been taken prisoner by the Muhammadan monarch, who induced him to -become a Musalman, and then confirming him in his title of chief of -this tribe, sent him back to convert his followers, many of whom having -little religion of their own were easily prevailed upon to embrace -Islam. [832] According to Ibn Baṭūṭah, the Khiljīs offered some -encouragement to conversion by making it a custom to have the new -convert presented to the sultan, who clad him in a robe of honour and -gave him a collar and bracelets of gold, of a value proportionate to -his rank. [833] But the monarchs of the earlier Muhammadan dynasties as -a rule evinced very little proselytising zeal, and it would be hard to -find a parallel in their history to the following passage from the -autobiography of Fīrūz Shāh Tughlaq (1351–1388): “I encouraged my -infidel subjects to embrace the religion of the Prophet, and I -proclaimed that every one who repeated the creed and became a Musalman -should be exempt from the jizyah, or poll tax. Information of this came -to the ears of the people at large and great numbers of Hindus -presented themselves, and were admitted to the honour of Islam. Thus -they came forward day by day from every quarter, and, adopting the -faith, were exonerated from the jizyah, and were favoured with presents -and honours.” [834] - -As the Muhammadan power became consolidated, and particularly under the -Mughal dynasty, the religious influences of Islam naturally became more -permanent and persistent. These influences are certainly apparent in -the Hindu theistic movements that arose in the fifteenth and sixteenth -centuries, and Bishop Lefroy has conjectured that the positive -character of Muslim teaching attracted minds that were dissatisfied -with the vagueness and subjectivity of a Pantheistic system of thought. -“When Mohammedanism, with its strong grasp of the reality of the Divine -existence and, as flowing from this, of the absolutely fixed and -objective character of truth, came into conflict with the haziness of -Pantheistic thought and the subjectivity of its belief, it necessarily -followed, not only that it triumphed in the struggle, but also that it -came as a veritable tonic to the life and thought of Upper India, -quickening into a fresh and more vigorous life many minds which never -accepted for themselves its intellectual sway.” [835] - -A powerful incentive to conversion was offered, when adherence to an -idolatrous system stood in the way of advancement at the Muhammadan -courts; and though a spirit of tolerance, which reached its culmination -under the eclectic Akbar, was very often shown towards Hinduism, and -respected even, for the most part, the state endowments of that -religion; [836] and though the dread of unpopularity and the desire of -conciliation dictated a policy of non-interference and deprecated such -deeds of violence and such outbursts of fanaticism as had characterised -the earlier period of invasion and triumph, still such motives of -self-interest gained many converts from Hinduism to the Muhammadan -faith. Many Rajputs became converts in this way, and their descendants -are to this day to be found among the landed aristocracy. The most -important perhaps among these is the Musalman branch of the great -Bachgoti clan, the head of which is the premier Muhammadan noble of -Oudh. According to one tradition, their ancestor Tilok Chand was taken -prisoner by the Emperor Bābar, and to regain his liberty adopted the -faith of Islam; [837] but another legend places his conversion in the -reign of Humāyūn. This prince having heard of the marvellous beauty of -Tilok Chand’s wife, had her carried off while she was at a fair. No -sooner, however, was she brought to him than his conscience smote him -and he sent for her husband. Tilok Chand had despaired of ever seeing -her again, and in gratitude he and his wife embraced the faith “which -taught such generous purity.” [838] These converted Rajputs are very -zealous in the practice of their religion, yet often betray their Hindu -origin in a very striking manner. In the district of Bulandshahr, for -example, a large Musalman family, which is known as the Lālkhānī -Paṭhāns, still (with some exceptions) retains its old Hindu titles and -family customs of marriage, while Hindu branches of the same clan still -exist side by side with it. [839] In the Mirzapur district, the -Gaharwār Rajputs, who are now Muslim, still retain in all domestic -matters Hindu laws and customs and prefix a Hindu honorific title to -their Muhammadan names. [840] - -Official pressure is said never to have been more persistently brought -to bear upon the Hindus than in the reign of Aurangzeb. In the eastern -districts of the Panjāb, there are many cases in which the ancestor of -the Musalman branch of the village community is said to have changed -his religion in the reign of this zealot, “in order to save the land of -the village.” In Gurgaon, near Dehli, there is a Hindu family of Banyās -who still bear the title of Shaykh (which is commonly adopted by -converted Hindus), because one of the members of the family, whose line -is now extinct, became a convert in order to save the family property -from confiscation. [841] Many Rajput landowners, in the Cawnpore -district, were compelled to embrace Islam for the same reason. [842] In -other cases the ancestor is said to have been carried as a prisoner or -hostage to Dehli, and there forcibly circumcised and converted. [843] -It should be noted that the only authority for these forced conversions -is family or local tradition, and no mention of such (as far as I have -been able to discover) is made in the historical accounts of -Aurangzeb’s reign. [844] It is established without doubt that forced -conversions have been made by Muhammadan rulers, and it seems probable -that Aurangzeb’s well-known zeal on behalf of his faith has caused many -families of Northern India (the history of whose conversion has been -forgotten) to attribute their change of faith to this, the most easily -assignable cause. Similarly in the Deccan, Aurangzeb shares with Ḥaydar -ʻAlī and Tīpū Sulṭān (these being the best known of modern Muhammadan -rulers) the reputation of having forcibly converted sundry families and -sections of the population, whose conversion undoubtedly dates from a -much earlier period, from which no historical record of the -circumstances of the case has come down. [845] - -Tīpū Sulṭān is probably the Muhammadan monarch who most systematically -engaged in the work of forcible conversion. In 1788 he issued the -following proclamation to the people of Malabar: “From the period of -the conquest until this day, during twenty-four years, you have been a -turbulent and refractory people, and in the wars waged during your -rainy season, you have caused numbers of our warriors to taste the -draught of martyrdom. Be it so. What is past is past. Hereafter you -must proceed in an opposite manner, dwell quietly and pay your dues -like good subjects; and since it is the practice with you for one woman -to associate with ten men, and you leave your mothers and sisters -unconstrained in their obscene practices, and are thence all born in -adultery, and are more shameless in your connections than the beasts of -the field, I hereby require you to forsake these sinful practices and -to be like the rest of mankind; and if you are disobedient to these -commands, I have made repeated vows to honour the whole of you with -Islam and to march all the chief persons to the seat of Government.” -This proclamation stirred up a general revolt in Malabar, and early in -1789 Tīpū Sulṭān prepared to enforce his proclamation with an army of -more than twenty thousand men, and issued general orders that “every -being in the district without distinction should be honoured with -Islam, that the houses of such as fled to avoid that honour should be -burned, that they should be traced to their lurking places, and that -all means of truth and falsehood, force or fraud should be employed to -effect their universal conversion.” Thousands of Hindus were -accordingly circumcised and made to eat beef; but by the end of 1790 -the British army had destroyed the last remnant of Tīpū Sulṭān’s power -in Malabar, and this monarch himself perished early in 1799 at the -capture of Seringapatam. Most of the Brahmans and Nayars who had been -forcibly converted, subsequently disowned their new religion. [846] - -How little was effected towards the spread of Islam by violence on the -part of the Muhammadan rulers may be judged from the fact that even in -the centres of the Muhammadan power, such as Dehli and Agra, the -Muhammadans in modern times in the former district hardly exceeded -one-tenth, and in the latter they did not form one-fourth of the -population. [847] A remarkable example of the worthlessness of forced -conversion is exhibited in the case of Bodh Mal, Raja of Majhauli, in -the district of Gorakhpur; he was arrested by Akbar in default of -revenue, carried to Dehli, and there converted to Islam, receiving the -name of Muḥammad Salīm. But on his return his wife refused to let him -into the ancestral castle, and, as apparently she had the sympathy of -his subjects on her side, she governed his territories during the -minority of his son Bhawāni Mal, so that the Hindu succession remained -undisturbed. [848] Until recently there were some strange survivals of -a similarly futile false conversion, noticeable in certain customs of a -Hindu sect called the Bishnois, the principal tenet of whose faith is -the renunciation of all Hindu deities, except Viṣṇu. They used recently -to bury their dead, instead of burning them, to adopt Ghulām Muḥammad -and other Muhammadan names, and use the Muslim form of salutation. They -explained their adoption of these Muhammadan customs by saying that -having once slain a Qāḍī, who had interfered with their rite of -widow-burning, they had compounded for the offence by embracing Islam. -They have now, however, renounced these practices in favour of Hindu -customs. [849] - -But though some Muhammadan rulers may have been more successful in -forcing an acceptance of Islam on certain of their Hindu subjects than -in the last-mentioned cases, and whatever truth there may be in the -assertion [850] that “it is impossible even to approach the religious -side of the Mahomedan position in India without surveying first its -political aspect,” we undoubtedly find that Islam has gained its -greatest and most lasting missionary triumphs in times and places in -which its political power has been weakest, as in Southern India and -Eastern Bengal. Of such missionary movements it is now proposed to -essay some account, commencing with Southern India and the Deccan, then -after reviewing the history of Sind, Cutch and Gujarāt, passing to -Bengal, and finally noticing some missionaries whose work lay outside -the above geographical limits. Of several of the missionaries to be -referred to, little is recorded beyond their names and the sphere of -their labours; accordingly, in view of the general dearth of such -missionary annals, any available details have been given at length. - -The first advent of Islam in South India dates as far back as the -eighth century, when a band of refugees, to whom the Mappillas trace -their descent, came from ʻIrāq and settled in the country. [851] The -trade in spices, ivory, gems, etc., between India and Europe, which for -many hundred years was conducted by the Arabs and Persians, caused a -continual stream of Muhammadan influence to flow in upon the west coast -of Southern India. From this constant influx of foreigners there -resulted a mixed population, half Hindu and half Arab or Persian, in -the trading centres along the coast. Very friendly relations appear to -have existed between these Muslim traders and the Hindu rulers, who -extended to them their protection and patronage in consideration of the -increased commercial activity and consequent prosperity of the country, -that resulted from their presence in it, [852] and no obstacles were -placed in the way of proselytising, the native converts receiving the -same consideration and respect as the foreign merchants, even though -before their conversion they had belonged to the lowest grades of -society. [853] - -The traditionary account of the introduction of Islam into Malabar, as -given by a Muhammadan historian of the sixteenth century, represents -the first missionaries to have been a party of pilgrims on their way to -visit the foot-print of Adam in Ceylon; on their arrival at Cranganore -the Raja sent for them and the leader of the party, Shaykh Sharaf b. -Mālik, who was accompanied by his brother, Mālik b. Dīnār, and his -nephew, Mālik b. Ḥabīb, took the opportunity of expounding to him the -faith of Islam and the mission of Muḥammad, “and God caused the truth -of the Prophet’s teaching to enter into the king’s heart and he -believed therein; and his heart became filled with love for the Prophet -and he bade the Shaykh and companions come back to him again on their -return from their pilgrimage to Adam’s foot-print.” [854] On the return -of the pilgrims from Ceylon, the king secretly departed with them in a -ship bound for the coast of Arabia, leaving his kingdom in the hand of -viceroys. Here he remained for some time, and was just about to return -to his own country, with the intention of erecting mosques there and -spreading the faith of Islam, when he fell sick and died. On his -death-bed he solemnly enjoined on his companions not to abandon their -proposed missionary journey to Malabar, and to assist them in their -labours, he gave them letters of recommendation to his viceroys, at the -same time bidding them conceal the fact of his death. Armed with these -letters, Sharaf b. Mālik and his companions sailed for Cranganore, -where the king’s letter secured for them a kindly welcome and a grant -of land, on which they built a mosque. Mālik b. Dīnār decided to settle -there, but Mālik b. Ḥabīb set out on a missionary tour with the object -of building mosques throughout Malabar. “So Mālik b. Ḥabīb set out for -Quilon with his worldly goods and his wife and some of his children, -and he built a mosque there; then leaving his wife there, he went on to -Hīlī Mārāwī, [855] where he built a mosque”; and so the narrative -continues, giving a list of seven other places at which the missionary -erected mosques, finally returning to Cranganore. Later on, he visited -all these places again to pray in the mosque at each of them, and came -back “praising and giving thanks to God for the manifestation of the -faith of Islam in a land filled with unbelievers.” [856] - -In spite of the circumstantial character of this narrative, there is no -evidence of its historicity. Popular belief puts the date of the events -recorded as far back as the lifetime of the Prophet; with a mild -scepticism Zayn al-Dīn thought that they could not have been earlier -than the third century of the Hijrah; [857] but there is no more -authority for the one date than for the other, or for the common -Mappilla tradition of the existence of the tomb of a Hindu king at -Zafār, on the coast of Arabia, bearing the inscription, “ʻAbd al-Raḥmān -al-Sāmirī, arrived A.H. 212, died A.H. 216”; [858] and the mosque at -Madāyi, said to have been founded by Mālik b. Dīnār, bears an -inscription commemorating its erection in A.D. 1124. [859] - -But the legend certainly bears witness to the peaceful character of the -proselytising influences that were at work on the Malabar coast for -centuries. The agents in this work were chiefly Arab merchants, but Ibn -Baṭūṭah makes mention of several professed theologians from Arabia and -elsewhere, whom he met in various towns on the Malabar coast. [860] The -Zamorin of Calicut, who was one of the chief patrons of Arab trade, is -said to have encouraged conversion to Islam, in order to man the Arab -ships on which he depended for his aggrandisement, and to have ordered -that in every family of fishermen in his dominion one or more of the -male members should be brought up as Muhammadans. [861] At the -beginning of the sixteenth century the Mappillas were estimated to have -formed one-fifth of the population of Malabar, spoke the same language -as the Hindus, and were only distinguished from them by their long -beards and peculiar head-dress. But for the arrival of the Portuguese, -the whole of this coast would have become Muhammadan, because of the -frequent conversions that took place and the powerful influence -exercised by the Muslim merchants from other parts of India, such as -Gujarāt and the Deccan, and from Arabia and Persia. [862] - -But there would appear to be no record of the individuals who took part -in the propaganda, except in the case of the historian ʻAbd al-Razzāq, -who has himself left an account of his unsuccessful mission to the -court of the Zamorin of Calicut. He was sent on this mission in the -year 1441 by the Tīmūrid Shāh Rukh Bahādur, in response to an appeal -made by an ambassador who had been sent by the Zamorin of Calicut to -this monarch. The ambassador was himself a Musalman and represented to -the Sultan how excellent and meritorious an action it would be to send -a special envoy to the Zamorin, “to invite him to accept Islam in -accordance with the injunction ‘Summon thou to the ways of thy Lord -with wisdom and with kindly warning,’ [863] and open the bolt of -darkness and error that locked his benighted heart, and let the -splendour of the light of the faith and the brightness of the sun of -knowledge shine into the window of his soul.” ʻAbd al-Razzāq was chosen -for this task and after an adventurous journey reached Calicut, but -appears to have met with a cold reception, and after remaining there -for about six months abandoned his original purposes and made his way -back to Khurāsān, which he reached after an absence of three years. -[864] - -Another community of Musalmans in Southern India, the Ravuttans, [865] -ascribe their conversion to the preaching of missionaries whose tombs -are held in veneration by them to the present day. The most famous of -these was Sayyid Nathar Shāh [866] (A.D. 969–1039) who after many -wanderings in Arabia, Persia and Northern India, settled down in -Trichinopoly, where he spent the remaining years of his life in prayer -and works of charity, and converted a large number of Hindus to the -faith of Islam; his tomb is much resorted to as a place of pilgrimage -and the Muhammadans re-named Trichinopoly Natharnagar, after the name -of their saint. [867] Sayyid Ibrāhīm Shahīd (said to have been born -about the middle of the twelfth century), whose tomb is at Ervadi, was -a militant hero who led an expedition into the Pandyan kingdom, -occupied the country for about twelve years, but was at length slain; -his son’s life was, however, spared in consideration of the beneficent -rule of his father, and a grant of land given to him, which his -descendants enjoy to the present day. The latest of these saints, Shāh -al-Ḥamīd (1532–1600), was born at Manikpur in Northern India, and spent -most of his life in visiting the holy shrines of Islam and in -missionary tours chiefly throughout Southern India; he finally settled -in Nagore, where the descendants of his adopted son are still in charge -of his tomb. [868] - -Another group of Muhammadans in Southern India, the Dudekulas, who live -by cotton cleaning (as their name denotes) and by weaving coarse -fabrics, attribute their conversion to Bābā Fakhr al-Dīn, whose tomb -they revere at Penukonda. Legend says that he was originally a king of -Sīstān, who abdicated his throne in favour of his brother and became a -religious mendicant. After making the pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina, -he was bidden by the Prophet in a dream to go to India; here he met -Nathar Shāh, of Trichinopoly, and became his disciple and was sent by -him in company with 200 religious mendicants on a proselytising -mission. The legend goes on to say that they finally settled at -Penukonda in the vicinity of a Hindu temple, where their presence was -unwelcome to the Raja of the place, but instead of appealing to force -he applied several tests to discover whether the Muhammadan saint or -his own priest was the better qualified by sanctity to possess the -temple. As a final test, he had them both tied up in sacks filled with -lime and thrown into tanks. The Hindu priest never re-appeared, but -Bābā Fakhr al-Dīn asserted the superiority of his faith by being -miraculously transported to a hill outside the town. The Raja hereupon -became a Musalman, and his example was followed by a large number of -the inhabitants of the neighbourhood, and the temple was turned into a -mosque. [869] - -The history of Islam in Southern India by no means always continued to -be of so peaceful a character, but it does not appear that the forcible -conversions of the Hindus and others to Islam which were perpetrated -when the Muhammadan power became paramount under Ḥaydar ʻAlī -(1767–1782) and Tīpū Sulṭān (1782–1799), can be paralleled in the -earlier history of this part of India. However this may be, there is no -reason to doubt that constant conversions by peaceful methods were made -to Islam from among the lower castes, [870] as is the case at the -present day when accessions to Islam from time to time occur from among -the Tiyans, who are said to form one of the most progressive -communities in India, the Mukkuvans or fisherman caste, as well as from -the Cherumans or agricultural labourers, and other serf castes, to whom -Islam brings deliverance from the disabilities attaching to the -outcasts of the Hindu social system; occasionally, also, converts are -drawn from among the Nayars and the native Christians. In Ponnani, the -residence of the spiritual head of the majority of the Muhammadans of -Malabar, there is an association entitled Minnat al-Islām Sabhā, where -converts are instructed in the tenets of their new faith and material -assistance rendered to those under instruction; the average number of -converts received in this institution in the course of the first three -years of the twentieth century, was 750. [871] So numerous have these -conversions from Hinduism been, that the tendency of the Muhammadans of -the west as well as the east coast of Southern India has been to -reversion to the Hindu or aboriginal type, and, except in the case of -some of the nobler families, they now in great part present all the -characteristics of an aboriginal people, with very little of the -original foreign blood in them. [872] In the western coast districts -the tyranny of caste intolerance is peculiarly oppressive; to give but -one instance, in Travancore certain of the lower castes may not come -nearer than seventy-four paces to a Brahman, and have to make a -grunting noise as they pass along the road, in order to give warning of -their approach. Similar instances might be abundantly multiplied. What -wonder, then, that the Musalman population is fast increasing through -conversion from these lower castes, who thereby free themselves from -such degrading oppression, and raise themselves and their descendants -in the social scale? - -In fact the Mappillas on the west coast are said to be increasing so -considerably through accessions from the lower classes of Hindus, as to -render it possible that in a few years the whole of the lower races of -the west coast may become Muhammadans. [873] - -It was most probably from Malabar that Islam crossed over to the -Laccadive and Maldive Islands, the population of which is now entirely -Muslim. The inhabitants of these islands owed their conversion to the -Arab and Persian merchants, who established themselves in the country, -intermarrying with the natives, and thus smoothing the way for the work -of active proselytism. The date of the conversion of the first -Muhammadan Sultan of the Maldive Islands, Aḥmad Shanūrāzah, [874] has -been conjectured to have occurred about A.D. 1200, but it is very -possible that the Muhammadan merchants had introduced their religion -into the island as much as three centuries before, and the process of -conversion must undoubtedly have been a gradual one. [875] No details, -however, have come down to us. - -At Mālē, the seat of government, is found the tomb of Shaykh Yūsuf -Shams al-Dīn, a native of Tabrīz, in Persia, who is said to have been a -successful missionary of Islam in these islands. His tomb is still held -in great veneration, and always kept in good repair, and in the same -part of the island are buried some of his countrymen who came in search -of him, and remained in the Maldives until their death. [876] - -The introduction of Islam into the neighbouring Laccadive Islands is -attributed to an Arab preacher, known to the islanders by the name of -Mumba Mulyaka; his tomb is still shown at Androth and as the present -qāḍī of that place claims to be twenty-sixth in descent from him, he -probably reached these islands some time in the twelfth century. [877] - -The Deccan also was the scene of the successful labours of many Muslim -missionaries. It has already been pointed out that from very early -times Arab traders had visited the towns on the west coast; in the -tenth century we are told that the Arabs were settled in large numbers -in the towns of the Konkan, having intermarried with the women of the -country and living under their own laws and religion. [878] Under the -Muhammadan dynasties of the Bahmanid (1347–1490) and Bījāpūr -(1489–1686) kings, a fresh impulse was given to Arab immigration, and -with the trader and the soldier of fortune came the missionaries -seeking to make spiritual conquests in the cause of Islam, and win over -the unbelieving people of the country by their preaching and example, -for of forcible conversions we have no record under the early Deccan -dynasties, whose rule was characterised by a striking toleration. [879] - -One of these Arab preachers, Pīr Mahābīr Khamdāyat, came as a -missionary to the Deccan as early as A.D. 1304, and among the -cultivating classes of Bījāpūr are to be found descendants of the Jains -who were converted by him. [880] About the close of the same century a -celebrated saint of Gulbarga, Sayyid Muḥammad Gīsūdarāz, [881] -converted a number of Hindus of the Poona district, and twenty years -later his labours were crowned with a like success in Belgaum. [882] At -Dahanu still reside the descendants of a relative of one of the -greatest saints of Islam, Sayyid ʻAbd al-Qādir Jīlānī of Baghdād; he -came to Western India about the fifteenth century, and after making -many converts in the Konkan, died and was buried at Dahanu. [883] In -the district of Dharwar, there are large numbers of weavers whose -ancestors were converted by Hāshim Pīr Gujarātī, the religious teacher -of the Bījāpūr king, Ibrāhīm ʻĀdil Shāh II, about the close of the -sixteenth century. These men still regard the saint with special -reverence and pay great respect to his descendants. [884] The -descendants of another saint, Shāh Muḥammad Ṣādiq Sarmast Ḥusaynī, are -still found in Nasik; he is said to have been the most successful of -Muhammadan missionaries; having come from Medina in 1568, he travelled -over the greater part of Western India and finally settled at Nasik—in -which district another very successful Muslim missionary, Khwājah -Khunmir Ḥusaynī, had begun to labour about fifty years before. [885] -Two other Arab missionaries may be mentioned, the scene of whose -proselytising efforts was laid in the district of Belgaum, namely -Sayyid Muḥammad b. Sayyid ʻAlī and Sayyid ʻUmar ʻAydrūs Basheban. [886] - -Another missionary movement may be said roughly to centre round the -city of Multan. [887] This in the early days of the Arab conquest was -one of the outposts of Islam, when Muḥammad b. Qāsim had established -Muhammadan supremacy over Sind (A.D. 714). During the three centuries -of Arab rule there were naturally many accessions to the faith of the -conquerors. Several Sindian princes responded to the invitation of the -Caliph ʻUmar b. ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz to embrace Islam. [888] The people of -Sāwandari—who submitted to Muḥammad b. Qāsim and had peace granted to -them on the condition that they would entertain the Musalmans and -furnish guides—are spoken of by al-Balādhurī (writing about a hundred -years later) as professing Islam in his time; and the despatches of the -conqueror frequently refer to the conversion of the unbelievers. - -That these conversions were in the main voluntary, may be judged from -the toleration that the Arabs, after the first violence of their -onslaught, showed towards their idolatrous subjects. The people of -Brahmanābād, for example, whose city had been taken by storm, were -allowed to repair their temple, which was a means of livelihood to the -Brahmans, and nobody was to be forbidden or prevented from following -his own religion, [889] and generally, where submission was made, -quarter was readily given, and the people were permitted the exercise -of their own creeds and laws. - -During the troubles that befell the caliphate in the latter half of the -ninth century, Sind, neglected by the central government, came to be -divided among several petty princes, the most powerful of whom were the -Amīrs of Multan and Mansūra. Such disunion naturally weakened the -political power of the Musalmans, which had in fact begun to decline -earlier in the century. For in the reign of al-Muʻtaṣim (A.D. 833–842), -the Indians of Sindān [890] declared themselves independent, but they -spared the mosque, in which the Musalmans were allowed to perform their -devotions undisturbed. [891] The Muhammadans of Multan succeeded in -maintaining their political independence, and kept themselves from -being conquered by the neighbouring Hindu princes, by threatening, if -attacked, to destroy an idol which was held in great veneration by the -Hindus and was visited by pilgrims from the most distant parts. [892] -But in the hour of its political decay, Islam was still achieving -missionary successes. Al-Balādhurī [893] tells the following story of -the conversion of a king of ʻUsayfān, a country between Kashmīr and -Multan and Kābul. The people of this country worshipped an idol for -which they had built a temple. The son of the king fell sick, and he -desired the priests of the temple to pray to the idol for the recovery -of his son. They retired for a short time, and then returned saying: -“We have prayed and our supplications have been accepted.” But no long -time passed before the youth died. Then the king attacked the temple, -destroyed and broke in pieces the idol, and slew the priests. He -afterwards invited a party of Muhammadan traders, who made known to him -the unity of God; whereupon he believed in the unity and became a -Muslim. A similar missionary influence was doubtless exercised by the -numerous communities of Muslim merchants who carried their religion -with them into the infidel cities of Hindustan. Arab geographers of the -tenth and twelfth centuries mention the names of many such cities, both -on the coast and inland, where the Musalmans built their mosques, and -were safe under the protection of the native princes, who even granted -them the privilege of living under their own laws. [894] The Arab -merchants at this time formed the medium of commercial communication -between Sind and the neighbouring countries of India and the outside -world. They brought the produce of China and Ceylon to the sea-ports of -Sind and from there conveyed them by way of Multan to Turkistan and -Khurāsān. [895] - -It would be strange if these traders, scattered about in the cities of -the unbelievers, failed to exhibit the same proselytising zeal as we -find in the Muhammadan trader elsewhere. To the influence of such -trading communities was most probably due the conversion of the Sammas, -who ruled over Sind from A.D. 1351 to 1521. While the reign of Nanda b. -Bābiniyyah of this dynasty is specially mentioned as one of such “peace -and security, that never was this prince called upon to ride forth to -battle, and never did a foe take the field against him,” [896] it is at -the same time described as being “remarkable for its justice and an -increase of Islam.” This increase could thus only have been brought -about by peaceful missionary methods. One of the most famous of these -missionaries was the celebrated saint, Sayyid Yūsuf al-Dīn, a -descendant of ʻAbd al-Qādir Jīlānī, who was bidden in a dream to leave -Baghdād for India and convert its inhabitants to Islam. He came to Sind -in 1422 and after labouring there for ten years, he succeeded in -winning over to Islam 700 families of the Lohāna caste, who followed -the example of two of their number, by name Sundarjī and Hansrāj; these -men embraced Islam, after seeing some miracles performed by the saint, -and on their conversion received the names of Adamjī and Tāj Muḥammad -respectively. Under the leadership of the grandson of the former, these -people afterwards migrated to Cutch, where their numbers were increased -by converts from among the Cutch Lohānas. [897] - -Sind was also the scene of the labours of Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn, an Ismāʻīlī -missionary, who was head of the Khojah sect about the year 1430. In -accordance with the principles of accommodation practised by this sect, -he took a Hindu name and made certain concessions to the religious -beliefs of the Hindus whose conversion he sought to achieve, and -introduced among them a book entitled Dasavatār in which ʻAlī was made -out to be the tenth Avatār or incarnation of Viṣṇu; this book has been -from the beginning the accepted scripture of the Khojah sect, and it is -always read by the bedside of the dying and periodically at many -festivals; it assumes the nine incarnations of Viṣṇu to be true as far -as they go, but to fall short of the perfect truth, and supplements -this imperfect Vaiṣṇav system by the cardinal doctrine of the -Ismāʻīlians, the incarnation and coming manifestation of ʻAlī. Further, -he made out Brahmā to be Muḥammad, Viṣṇu to be ʻAlī and Adam Siva. The -first of Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn’s converts were won in the villages and towns -of Upper Sind: he preached also in Cutch and from these parts the -doctrines of this sect spread southwards through Gujarāt to Bombay; and -at the present day Khojah communities are to be found in almost all the -large trading towns of Western India and on the seaboard of the Indian -Ocean. [898] - -Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn was not however the first of the Ismāʻīlian -missionaries who came into India. He was preceded by ʻAbd Allāh, a -missionary sent from Yaman about 1067; he is said to have been a man of -great learning, and is credited with the performance of many miracles, -whereby he convinced a large number of Hindus of the truth of his -religion. [899] The second Ismāʻīlī missionary, Nūr al-Dīn, generally -known by the Hindu name he adopted, Nūr Satāgar, was sent into India -from Alamūt, the stronghold of the Grand Master of the Ismāʻīlīs, and -reached Gujarāt in the reign of the Hindu king, Siddhā Rāj (A.D. -1094–1143). [900] He adopted a Hindu name but told the Muhammadans that -his real name was Sayyid Saʻādat; he is said to have converted the -Kanbīs, Khārwās and Korīs, low castes of Gujarāt. [901] - -As Nūr Satāgar is revered as the first missionary of the Khojahs, so is -ʻAbd Allāh believed by some to have been the founder of the sect of the -Bohras, a large and important community of Shīʻahs, mainly of Hindu -origin, who are found in considerable numbers in the chief commercial -centres of the Bombay Presidency. But others ascribe the honour of -being the first Bohra missionary to Mullā ʻAlī, of whose proselytising -methods the following account is given by a Shīʻah historian: “As the -people of Gujarāt in those days were infidels and accepted as their -religious leader an old man whose teaching they blindly followed, Mullā -ʻAlī saw no alternative but to go to the old man and ask to become his -disciple, intending to set before him such convincing arguments that he -would become a Musalman, and afterwards to attempt the conversion of -others. He accordingly spent some years in the service of the old man, -and having learned the language of the people of the country, read -their books and acquired a knowledge of their sciences. Step by step he -unfolded to the enlightened mind of the old man the truth of the faith -of Islam and persuaded him to become a Musalman. After his conversion, -some of his disciples followed the old man’s example. Finally, the -chief minister of the king of that country became aware of the old -man’s conversion to Islam, and going to see him submitted to his -spiritual guidance and likewise became a Musalman. For a long time, the -old man, the minister and the rest of the converts to Islam, kept the -fact of their conversion concealed and through fear of the king always -took care to prevent it coming to his knowledge; but at length the king -received a report of the minister’s having adopted Islam and began to -make inquiries. One day, without giving previous notice, he went to the -minister’s house and found him bowing his head in prayer and was vexed -with him. The minister recognised the purpose of the king’s visit, and -realised that his displeasure had been excited by suspicions aroused by -his prayer, with its bowing and prostrations; but the guidance of God -and divine grace befitting the occasion, he said that he was making -these movements because he was watching a serpent in the corner of the -room. When the king turned towards the corner of the room, by divine -providence he saw a snake there, and accepted the minister’s excuse and -his mind was cleared of all suspicions. In the end the king also -secretly became a Musalman, but for reasons of state concealed his -change of mind; when however, the hour of his death drew near, he gave -orders that his body was not to be burnt, as is the custom of the -infidels. Subsequently to his decease, when Sulṭān Z̤afar, one of the -trusty nobles of Sulṭān Fīrūz Shāh, king of Dehlī, conquered Gujarāt, -some of the Sunnī nobles who accompanied him used arguments to make the -people join the Sunnī sect of the Muslim faith; so some of the Bohras -are Sunnīs, but the greater part remain true to their original faith.” -[902] - -Several small groups of Musalmans in Cutch and Gujarāt trace their -conversion to Imām Shāh of Pīrāna, [903] who was actively engaged in -missionary work during the latter half of the fifteenth century. He is -said to have converted a large body of Hindu cultivators, by bringing -about a fall of rain after two seasons of scarcity. On another occasion -meeting a band of Hindu pilgrims passing through Pīrāna on their way to -Benares, he offered to take them there; they agreed and in a moment -were in the holy city, where they bathed in the Ganges and paid their -vows; they then awoke to find themselves still in Pīrāna and adopted -the faith of the saint who could perform such a miracle. He died in -1512 and his tomb in Pīrāna is still an object of pilgrimage for Hindus -as well as for Muhammadans. [904] - -Many of the Cutch Musalmans that are of Hindu descent reverence as -their spiritual leader Dāwal Shāh Pīr, whose real name was Malik ʻAbd -al-Laṭīf, [905] the son of one of the nobles of Maḥmūd Bīgarah -(1459–1511), the famous monarch of the Muhammadan dynasty of Gujarāt, -to whose reign popular tradition assigns the date of the conversion of -many Hindus. [906] - -It is in Bengal, however, that the Muhammadan missionaries in India -have achieved their greatest success, as far as numbers are concerned. -A Muhammadan kingdom was first founded here at the end of the twelfth -century by Muḥammad Bakhtiyār Khiljī, who conquered Bihar and Bengal -and made Gaur the capital of the latter province. The long continuance -of the Muhammadan rule would naturally assist the spread of Islam, and -though the Hindu rule was restored for ten years under the tolerant -Rājā Kāns, whose rule is said to have been popular with his Muhammadan -subjects, [907] his son, Jatmall, renounced the Hindu religion and -became a Musalman. After his father’s death in 1414 he called together -all the officers of the state and announced his intention of embracing -Islam, and proclaimed that if the chiefs would not permit him to ascend -the throne, he was ready to give it up to his brother; whereupon they -declared that they would accept him as their king, whatever religion he -might adopt. Accordingly, several learned men of the Muslim faith were -summoned to witness the Raja renounce the Hindu religion and publicly -profess his acceptance of Islam: he took the name of Jalāl al-Dīn -Muḥammad Shāh, and according to tradition numerous conversions were -made during his reign. [908] Many of these were however due to force, -for his reign is signalised as being the only one in which any -wholesale persecution of the subject Hindus is recorded, during the -five centuries and a half of Muhammadan rule in Eastern Bengal. [909] - -Conversions, however, often took place at other times under pressure -from the Muhammadan government. The Rajas of Kharagpur were originally -Hindus, and became Muhammadans because, having been defeated by one of -Akbar’s generals, they were only allowed to retain the family estates -on the condition that they embraced Islam. The Hindu ancestor of the -family of Asad ʻAlī Khān, in Chittagong, was deprived of his caste by -being forced to smell beef and had perforce to become a Muhammadan, and -several other instances of the same kind might be quoted. [910] - -Murshid Qulī Khān (son of a converted Brahman), who was made governor -of Bengal by the Emperor Aurangzeb at the beginning of the eighteenth -century, enforced a law that any official or landlord, who failed to -pay the revenue that was due or was unable to make good the loss, -should with his wife and children be compelled to become Muhammadans. -Further, it was the common law that any Hindu who forfeited his caste -by a breach of regulations could only be reinstated by the Muhammadan -government; if the government refused to interfere, the outcast had no -means of regaining his position in the social system of the Hindus, and -would probably find no resource but to become a Musalman. [911] - -The Afghān adventurers who settled in this province also appear to have -been active in the work of proselytising, for besides the children that -they had by Hindu women, they used to purchase a number of boys in -times of scarcity, and educate them in the tenets of Islam. [912] But -it is not in the ancient centres of the Muhammadan government that the -Musalmans of Bengal are found in large numbers, but in the country -districts, in districts where there are no traces of settlers from the -West, and in places where low-caste Hindus and outcasts most abound. -[913] The similarity of manners between these low-caste Hindus and the -followers of the Prophet, and the caste distinctions which they still -retain, as well as their physical likeness, all bear the same testimony -and identify the Bengal Musalmans with the aboriginal tribes of the -country. Here Islam met with no consolidated religious system to bar -its progress, as in the north-west of India, where the Muhammadan -invaders found Brahmanism full of fresh life and vigour after its -triumphant struggle with Buddhism; where, in spite of persecutions, its -influence was an inspiring force in the opposition offered by the -Hindus, and retained its hold on them in the hour of their deepest -distress and degradation. But in Bengal the Muslim missionaries were -welcomed with open arms by the aborigines and the low castes on the -very outskirts of Hinduism, despised and condemned by their proud Aryan -rulers. “To these poor people, fishermen, hunters, pirates, and -low-caste tillers of the soil, Islam came as a revelation from on high. -It was the creed of the ruling race, its missionaries were men of zeal -who brought the Gospel of the unity of God and the equality of men in -its sight to a despised and neglected population. The initiatory rite -rendered relapse impossible, and made the proselyte and his posterity -true believers for ever. In this way Islam settled down on the richest -alluvial province of India, the province which was capable of -supporting the most rapid and densest increase of population. -Compulsory conversions are occasionally recorded. But it was not to -force that Islam owed its permanent success in Lower Bengal. It -appealed to the people, and it derived the great mass of its converts -from the poor. It brought in a higher conception of God, and a nobler -idea of the brotherhood of man. It offered to the teeming low castes of -Bengal, who had sat for ages abject on the outermost pale of the Hindu -community, a free entrance into a new social organisation.” [914] - -The existence in Bengal of definite missionary efforts is said to be -attested by certain legends of the zeal of private individuals on -behalf of their religion, and the graves of some of these missionaries -are still honoured, and are annually visited by hundreds of pilgrims. -[915] One of the earliest of these was Shaykh Jalāl al-Dīn Tabrīzī, who -died in A.D. 1244. He was a pupil of the great saint, Shihāb al-Dīn -Suhrawardī. In the course of his missionary journeys he visited Bengal, -where a shrine to which is attached a rich endowment was erected in his -honour, the real site of his tomb being unknown. Many miracles are -ascribed to him; among others, that he converted a Hindu milkman to -Islam by a single look. [916] - -In the nineteenth century there was a remarkable revival of the -Muhammadan religion in Bengal, and several sects that owe their origin -to the influence of the Wahhābī reformation, have sent their -missionaries through the province purging out the remnants of Hindu -superstitions, awakening religious zeal and spreading the faith among -unbelievers. [917] - -Some account still remains to be given of Muslim missionaries who have -laboured in parts of India other than those mentioned above. One of the -earliest of these is Shaykh Ismāʻīl, one of the most famous of the -Sayyids of Bukhārā, distinguished alike for his secular and religious -learning; he is said to have been the first Muslim missionary who -preached the faith of Islam in the city of Lahore, whither he came in -the year A.D. 1005. Crowds flocked to listen to his sermons, and the -number of his converts swelled rapidly day by day, and it is said that -no unbeliever ever came into personal contact with him without being -converted to the faith of Islam. [918] - -The conversion of the inhabitants of the western plains of the Panjāb -is said to have been effected through the preaching of Bahā al-Ḥaqq of -Multan [919] and Bābā Farīd al-Dīn of Pakpattan, who flourished about -the end of the thirteenth and beginning of the fourteenth centuries. -[920] A biographer of the latter saint gives a list of sixteen tribes -who were won over to Islam through his preaching, but unfortunately -provides us with no details of this work of conversion. [921] - -One of the most famous of the Muslim saints of India and a pioneer of -Islam in Rajputana was Khwājah Muʻīn al-Dīn Chishtī, who died in Ajmīr -in A.D. 1234. He was a native of Sajistān to the east of Persia, and is -said to have received his call to preach Islam to the unbelievers in -India while on a pilgrimage to Medina. Here the Prophet appeared to him -in a dream and thus addressed him: “The Almighty has entrusted the -country of India to thee. Go thither and settle in Ajmīr. By God’s -help, the faith of Islam shall, through thy piety and that of thy -followers, be spread in that land.” He obeyed the call and made his way -to Ajmīr which was then under Hindu rule and idolatry prevailed -throughout the land. Among the first of his converts here was a Yogī, -who was the spiritual preceptor of the Raja himself: gradually he -gathered around him a large body of disciples whom his teachings had -won from the ranks of infidelity, and his fame as a religious leader -became very widespread and attracted to Ajmīr great numbers of Hindus -whom he persuaded to embrace Islam. [922] On his way to Ajmīr he is -said to have converted as many as 700 persons in the city of Delhi. - -Of immense importance in the history of Islam in India was the arrival -in that country of Sayyid Jalāl al-Dīn, who is said to have been born -at Bukhārā in 1199. He settled in Uch, now in the Bahawalpur territory, -in 1244, and converted numbers of persons in the neighbourhood to -Islam; he died in 1291, and his descendants, many of whom are also -revered as saints, have remained as guardians of his shrine up to the -present day and form the centre of a widespread religious influence. -His grandson, Sayyid Aḥmad Kabīr, known as Makhdūm-i-Jahāniyān, is -credited with having effected the conversion of several tribes in the -Punjab. [923] About a mile to the east of Uch is situated the shrine of -Ḥasan Kabīr al-Dīn, son of Sayyid Ṣadr al-Dīn, who was a contemporary -of Jalāl-al-Dīn; both father and son are said to have made many -converts, and such was the influence attributed to Ḥasan Kabīr al-Dīn -that it was said as soon as his glance fell upon any Hindu, the latter -would accept Islam. [924] - -Rather later in the same century, a native of Persian ʻIrāq, by name -Abū ʻAlī Qalandar, came into India and took up his residence at -Panipat, where he died at the ripe age of 100, in A.D. 1324. The Muslim -Rajputs of this city, numbering about 300 males, are descended from a -certain Amīr Singh who was converted by this saint. His tomb is still -held in honour and is visited by many pilgrims. - -Another such was Shaykh Jalāl al-Dīn, a Persian who came into India -about the latter half of the fourteenth century and settled down at -Silhaṭ, in Lower Assam, in order to convert the people of these parts -to Islam. He achieved a great reputation as a holy man, and his -proselytising labours were crowned with eminent success. [925] - -In more recent years there have been abundant witnesses for Islam -seeking to spread this faith in India—and with very considerable -success; the second half of the nineteenth century especially witnessed -a great revival of missionary activity, the number of annual -conversions being variously estimated at ten, fifty, one hundred and -six hundred thousand. [926] But it is difficult to obtain accurate -information on account of the peculiarly individualistic character of -Muslim missionary work and the absence of any central organisation or -of anything in the way of missionary reports, and the success that -attends the labours of Muslim preachers is sometimes much exaggerated, -e.g. in the Panjāb a certain Ḥājī Muḥammad is said to have converted as -many as 200,000 Hindus, [927] and a mawlavī in Bangalore boasted that -in five years he had made as many as 1000 converts in this city and its -suburbs. But that there are Muslim missionaries engaged in active and -successful propagandist labours is undoubted, and the following -examples are typical of the period referred to. - -Mawlavī Baqā Ḥusayn Khān, an itinerant preacher, in the course of -several years converted 228 persons, residents of Bombay, Cawnpore, -Ajmīr, and other cities. Mawlavī Ḥasan ʻAlī converted twenty-five -persons, twelve in Poona, the rest in Ḥaydarabad and other parts of -India. [928] In the district of Khandesh, in the Bombay Presidency, the -preaching of the Qāḍī of Nasirabad, Sayyid Safdar ʻAlī, won over to -Islam a large body of artisans, who follow the trade of armourers or -blacksmiths. [929] A number of persons of the same trade, who form a -small community of about 200 souls in the district of Nasik, were -converted in a curious way about 1870. The Presbyterian missionaries of -Nasik had for a long time been trying to convert them from Hinduism, -and they were in a state of hesitation as to whether or not to embrace -Christianity when a Muhammadan faqīr from Bombay, who was well -acquainted with their habits of thought, expounded to them the -doctrines of Islam and succeeded in winning them over to that faith. -[930] - -In Patiala, Mawlavī ʻUbayd Allāh, a converted Brahman of great -learning, proved himself to be a zealous preacher of Islam, and in -spite of the obstacles that were at first thrown in his way by his -relatives, achieved so great a success that his converts almost filled -an entire ward of the city. He wrote controversial works, which have -passed through several editions, directed against the Christian and -Hindu religions. In one of these books he thus speaks of his own -conversion: “I, Muḥammad ʻUbayd Allāh, the son of Munshi Koṭā Mal, -resident of Payal, in the Patiala State, declare that this poor man in -his childhood and during the lifetime of his father was held in the -bondage of idol-worship, but the mercy of God caught me by the hand and -drew me towards Islam, i.e. I came to know the excellence of Islam and -the deficiencies of Hinduism, and I accepted Islam heart and soul and -counted myself one of the servants of the Prophet of God (peace be upon -him!). At that time intelligence, which is the gift of God, suggested -to me that it was mere folly and laziness to blindly follow the customs -of one’s forefathers and be misled by them and not make researches into -matters of religion and faith, whereon depend our eternal bliss or -misery. With these thoughts I began to study the current faiths and -investigated each of them impartially. I thoroughly explored the Hindu -religion and conversed with learned Paṇḍits, gained a thorough -knowledge of the Christian faith, read the books of Islam and conversed -with learned men. In all of them I found errors and fallacies, with the -exception of Islam, the excellence of which became clearly manifest to -me; its leader, Muḥammad the Prophet, possesses such moral excellences -that no tongue can describe them, and he alone who knows the beliefs -and the liturgy, and the moral teachings and practice of this faith, -can fully realise them. Praise be to God! So excellent is this religion -that everything in it leads the soul to God. In short, by the grace of -God, the distinction between truth and falsehood became as clear to me -as night and day, darkness and light. But although my heart had long -been enlightened by the brightness of Islam and my mouth fragrant with -the profession of faith, yet my evil passions and Satan had bound me -with the fetters of the luxury and ease of this fleeting world, and I -was in evil case because of the outward observances of idolatry. At -length, the grace of God thus admonished me: ‘How long wilt thou keep -this priceless pearl hidden within the shell and this refreshing -perfume shut up in the casket? thou shouldest wear this pearl about thy -neck and profit by this perfume.’ Moreover the learned have declared -that to conceal one’s faith in Islam and retain the dress and habits of -infidels brings a man to Hell. So (God be praised!) on the ʻĪd al-Fiṭr -1264 the sun of my conversion emerged from its screen of clouds, and I -performed my devotions in public with my Muslim brethren.” [931] - -Many Muhammadan preachers have adopted the methods of Christian -missionaries, such as street preaching, tract distribution, and other -agencies. In many of the large cities of India, Muslim preachers may be -found daily expounding the teachings of Islam in some principal -thoroughfare. In Bangalore this practice is very general, and one of -these preachers, who was the imām of the mosque about the year 1890, -was so popular that he was even sometimes invited to preach by Hindus: -he preached in the market-place, and in the course of seven or eight -years gained forty-two converts. In Bombay a Muhammadan missionary -preaches almost daily near the chief market of the city, and in -Calcutta there are several preaching-stations that are kept constantly -supplied. Among the converts are occasionally to be found some -Europeans, mostly persons in indigent circumstances; the mass, however, -are Hindus. [932] Some of the numerous Anjumans that have of recent -years sprung up in the chief centres of Musalman life in India, include -among their objects the sending of missionaries to preach in the -bazaars; such are the Anjuman Ḥimāyat-i-Islām of Lahore, and the -Anjuman Ḥāmī Islām of Ajmīr. These particular Anjumans appoint paid -agents, but much of the work of preaching in the bazaars is performed -by persons who are engaged in some trade or business during the working -hours of the day and devote their leisure time in the evenings to this -pious work. - -Much of the missionary zeal of the Indian Musalmans is directed towards -counteracting the anti-Islamic tendencies of the instruction given by -Christian missionaries and the preachers of the Ārya Samāj, and the -efforts made are thus defensive rather than directly proselytising. -Some preachers too turn their attention rather to the strengthening of -the foundation already laid, and endeavour to rid their ignorant -co-religionists of their Hindu superstitions, and instil in them a -purer form of faith, such efforts being in many cases the continuation -of earlier missionary activity. The work of conversion has indeed been -often very imperfect. Of many, nominally Muslims, it may be said that -they are half Hindus: they observe caste rules, they join in Hindu -festivals and practise numerous idolatrous ceremonies. In certain -districts also, e.g. in Mewāt and Gurgaon, large numbers of Muhammadans -may be found who know nothing of their religion but its name; they have -no mosques, nor do they observe the hours of prayer. This is especially -the case among the Muhammadans of the villages or in parts of the -country where they are isolated from the mass of believers; but in the -towns the presence of learned religious men tends, in great measure, to -counteract the influence of former superstitions, and makes for a purer -and more intelligent form of religious life. In recent years, however, -there has been, speaking generally, a movement noticeable among the -Indian Muslims towards a religious life more strictly in accordance -with the laws of Islam. The influence of the Christian mission schools -has also been very great in stimulating among some Muhammadans of the -younger generation a study of their own religion and in bringing about -a consequent awakening of religious zeal. Indeed, the spread of -education generally, has led to a more intelligent grasp of religious -principles and to an increase of religious teachers in outlying and -hitherto neglected districts. This missionary movement of reform (from -whatever cause it may originate), may be observed in very different -parts of India. In the eastern districts of the Panjāb, for example, -after the Mutiny, a great religious revival took place. Preachers -travelled far and wide through the country, calling upon believers to -abandon their idolatrous practices and expounding the true tenets of -the faith. Now, in consequence, most villages, in which Muhammadans own -any considerable portion, have a mosque, while the grosser and more -open idolatries are being discontinued. [933] In Rajputana also, the -Hindu tribes who have been from time to time converted to Islam in the -rural districts, are now becoming more orthodox and regular in their -religious observances, and are abandoning the ancient customs which -hitherto they had observed in common with their idolatrous neighbours. -The Merāts, for example, now follow the orthodox Muhammadan form of -marriage instead of the Hindu ritual they formerly observed, and have -abjured the flesh of the wild boar. [934] A similar revival in Bengal -has already been spoken of above. - -Such movements and the efforts of individual missionaries are, however, -quite inadequate to explain the rapid increase of the Muhammadans of -India, and one is naturally led to inquire what are the causes other -than the normal increase of population, [935] which add so enormously -to their numbers. The answer is to be found in the social conditions of -life among Hindus. The insults and contempt heaped upon the lower -castes of Hindus by their co-religionists, and the impassable obstacles -placed in the way of any member of these castes desiring to better his -condition, show up in striking contrast the benefits of a religious -system which has no outcasts, and gives free scope for the indulgence -of any ambition. In Bengal, for example, the weavers of cotton -piece-goods, who are looked upon as vile by their Hindu -co-religionists, embrace Islam in large numbers to escape from the low -position to which they are otherwise degraded. [936] A very remarkable -instance of a similar kind occurs in the history of the north-eastern -part of the same province. Here in the year 1550 the aboriginal tribe -of the Kocch established a dynasty under their great leader, Haju; in -the reign of his grandson, when the higher classes in the state were -received into the pale of Hinduism, [937] the mass of the people -finding themselves despised as outcasts, became Muhammadans. [938] - -The escape that Islam offers to Hindus from the oppression of the -higher castes was strikingly illustrated in Tinnevelli at the close of -the nineteenth century. A very low caste, the Shanars, had in recent -years become prosperous and many of them had built fine houses; they -asserted that they had the right to worship in temples, from which they -had hitherto been excluded. A riot ensued, in the course of which the -Shanars suffered badly at the hands of Hindus of a higher caste, and -they took refuge in the pale of Islam. Six hundred Shanars in one -village became Muslims in one day, and their example was quickly -followed in other places. [939] - -Similar instances might be given from other parts of India. A Hindu who -has in any way lost caste and been in consequence repudiated by his -relations and by the society of which he has been accustomed to move, -would naturally be attracted towards a religion that receives all -without distinction, and offers to him a grade of society equal in the -social scale to that from which he has been banished. Such a change of -religion might well be accompanied with sincere conviction, but men -also who might be profoundly indifferent to the number or names of the -deities they were called upon to worship, would feel very keenly the -social ostracism entailed by their loss of caste, and become Muhammadan -without any religious feelings at all. The influence of the study of -Muhammadan literature also, and the habitual contact with Muhammadan -society, must often make itself insensibly felt. Among the Rajput -princes of the nineteenth century in Rajputana and Bundelkhand, such -tendencies towards Islamism were to be observed, [940] tendencies -which, had the Mughal empire lasted, would probably have led to their -ultimate conversion. They not only respected Muhammadan saints, but had -Muhammadan tutors for their sons; they also had their food killed in -accordance with the regulations laid down by the Muhammadan law, and -joined in the Muhammadan festivals dressed as faqīrs, and praying like -true believers. On the other hand, it has been conjectured that the -present position of affairs, under a government perfectly impartial in -matters religious, is much more likely to promote conversions among the -Hindus generally than was the case under the rule of the Muhammadan -kingdoms, when Hinduism gained union and strength from the constant -struggle with an aggressive enemy. [941] Hindus, too, often flock in -large numbers to the tombs of Muslim saints on the day appointed to -commemorate them, and a childless father, with the feeling that prompts -a polytheist to leave no God unaddressed, will present his petition to -the God of the Muhammadans, and if children are born to him, apparently -in answer to this prayer, the whole family will in such a case (and -examples are not infrequent) embrace Islam. [942] - -Love for a Muhammadan woman is occasionally the cause of the conversion -of a Hindu, since the marriage of a Muslim woman to an unbeliever is -absolutely forbidden by the Muslim law. Hindu children, if adopted by -wealthy Musalmans, would be brought up in the religion of their new -parents; and a Hindu wife, married to a follower of the Prophet, would -be likely to adopt the faith of her husband. [943] As the contrary -process can rarely take place, the number of Muhammadans is bound to -increase in proportion to that of the Hindus. Hindus, who for some -reason or other have been driven out of their caste; the poor who have -become the recipients of Muhammadan charity, or women and children who -have been protected when their parents have died or deserted them—(such -cases would naturally be frequent in times of famine)—form a continuous -though small stream of additions from the Hindus. [944] There are often -local circumstances favourable to the growth of Islam; for example, it -has been pointed out [945] that in the villages of the Terai, in which -the number of Hindus and Muhammadans happen to be equally balanced, any -increase in the predominance of the Muhammadans is invariably followed -by disputes about the killing of cows and other practices offensive to -Hindu feeling. The Hindus gradually move away from the village, leaving -behind of their creed only the Chamār ploughman in the service of the -Muhammadan peasants. These latter eventually adopt the religion of -their masters, not from any conviction of its truth, but from the -inconvenience their isolation entails. - -Some striking instances of conversions from the lower castes of Hindus -are also found in the agricultural districts of Oudh. Although the -Muhammadans of this province form only one-tenth of the whole -population, still the small groups of Muhammadan cultivators form -“scattered centres of revolt against the degrading oppression to which -their religion hopelessly consigns these lower castes.” [946] The -advantages Islam holds out to such classes as the Korīs and Chamārs, -who stand at the lowest level of Hindu society, and the deliverance -which conversion to Islam brings them, may be best understood from the -following passage descriptive of their social condition as Hindus. -[947] “The lowest depth of misery and degradation is reached by the -Korīs and Chamārs, the weavers and leather-cutters to the rest. Many of -these in the northern districts are actually bond-slaves, having hardly -ever the spirit to avail themselves of the remedy offered by our -courts, and descend with their children from generation to generation -as the value of an old purchase. They hold the plough for the Brahman -or Chhattri master, whose pride of caste forbids him to touch it, and -live with the pigs, less unclean than themselves, in separate quarters -apart from the rest of the village. Always on the verge of starvation, -their lean, black, and ill-formed figures, their stupid faces, and -their repulsively filthy habits reflect the wretched destiny which -condemns them to be lower than the beast among their fellow-men, and -yet that they are far from incapable of improvement is proved by the -active and useful stable servants drawn from among them, who receive -good pay and live well under European masters. A change of religion is -the only means of escape open to them, and they have little reason to -be faithful to their present creed.” - -It is this absence of class prejudices which constitutes the real -strength of Islam in India, and enables it to win so many converts from -Hinduism. - -To complete this survey of Islam in India, some account still remains -to be given of the spread of this faith in Kashmīr and thence beyond -the borders of India into Tibet. Of all the provinces and states of -India (with the exception of Sind) Kashmīr contains the largest number -of Muhammadans (namely 70 per cent.) in proportion to the whole -population; but unfortunately historical facts that should explain the -existence in this state of so many Musalmans, almost entirely of Hindu -or Tibetan origin, are very scanty. But all the evidence leads us to -attribute it on the whole to a long-continued missionary movement -inaugurated and carried out mainly by faqīrs and dervishes, among whom -were Ismāʻīlian preachers sent from Alamūt. [948] - -It is difficult to say when this Islamising influence first made itself -felt in the country. The first Muhammadan king of Kashmīr, Ṣadr al-Dīn, -[949] is said to have owed his conversion to a certain Darwesh Bulbul -Shāh in the early part of the fourteenth century. This saint was the -only religious teacher who could satisfy his craving for religious -truth when, dissatisfied with his own Hindu faith, he looked for a more -acceptable form of doctrine. Towards the end of the same century (in -1388) the progress of Islam was most materially furthered by the advent -of Sayyid ʻAlī Hamadānī, a fugitive from his native city of Hamadān in -Persia, where he had incurred the wrath of Tīmūr. He was accompanied by -700 Sayyids, who established hermitages all over the country and by -their influence appear to have assured the acceptance of the new -religion. Their advent appears, however, to have also stirred up -considerable fanaticism, as Sultan Sikandar (1393–1417) acquired the -name of Butshikan from his destruction of Hindu idols and temples, and -his prime minister, a converted Hindu, set on foot a fierce persecution -of the adherents of his old faith, but on his death toleration was -again made the rule of the kingdom. [950] Towards the close of the -fifteenth century, a missionary, by name Mīr Shams al-Dīn, belonging to -a Shīʻah sect, came from ʻIrāq, and, with the aid of his disciples, won -over a large number of converts in Kashmīr. - -When under Akbar, Kashmīr became a province of the Mughal empire, the -Muhammadan influence was naturally strengthened and many men of -learning came into the country. In the reign of Aurangzeb, the Rajput -Raja of Kishtwar was converted by the miracles of a certain Sayyid Shāh -Farīd al-Dīn and his conversion seems to have been followed by that of -the majority of his subjects, and along the route which the Mughal -emperors took on their progresses into Kashmīr we still find Rajas who -are the descendants of Muhammadanised Rajputs. [951] - -To the north and north-east of Kashmīr, the provinces of Baltistan and -Ladakh are inhabited by a mixed Tibetan race, among whom Islam has been -firmly established for several centuries, but the date and manner of -its introduction is unknown. The Muhammadans of Baltistan tell of four -brothers who came from Khurāsān and brought about a revival of the -faith, but appear to have no tradition regarding the earliest -propagandists. [952] Up to the middle of the nineteenth century Islam -appeared to be making progress, but this tendency was counteracted by -the encouragement which Maharaja Ranbir Singh gave to the followers of -the Buddhist faith. In Ladakh there are a number of half-castes, called -Arghons, [953] born of Tibetan mothers and Muhammadan fathers, traders -who have come to Leh and persuaded the Tibetan women they marry to -accept Islam. These Arghons are all Musalmans and, like their fathers, -marry Tibetan wives; they are said to be increasing in numbers more -rapidly than the pure Tibetan stock. [954] Islam has also been carried -into Tibet Proper by Kashmīrī merchants. Settlements of such merchants -are to be found in all the chief cities of Tibet; they marry Tibetan -wives, who often adopt the religion of their husbands; and there are -now said to be as many as 2000 Muhammadan families in Lhasa. [955] -Islam has made its way into Tibet also from Yunnan, [956] and at -Su-ching, on the border of the Sze-chwan province and Tibet, converts -are being won from among the Tibetan inhabitants. [957] Muhammadan -influences are also said to have come from Persia [958] and from -Turkestan. [959] - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER X. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN CHINA. - - -Tradition ascribes to Muḥammad the saying, “Seek for knowledge, even -unto China.” [960] Though there is no historical evidence for these -words having ever been uttered by the Prophet, it is not impossible -that the name of this country may have been known to him, for -commercial relations between Arabia and China had been established long -before his birth. It was through Arabia, in great measure, that Syria -and the ports of the Levant received the produce of the East. In the -sixth century, there was a considerable trade between China and Arabia -by way of Ceylon, and at the beginning of the seventh century the -commerce between China, Persia and Arabia was still further extended, -the town of Sīrāf on the Persian Gulf being the chief emporium for the -Chinese traders. It was at this period, at the commencement of the -Tʼang dynasty (618–907) that mention is first made of the Arabs in the -Chinese Annals; [961] they note the rise of the Muslim power in Medina -and briefly describe the religious observances of the new faith. - -The Annals of Kwangtung thus record the coming of the first Muslims -into China:—“At the beginning of the Tʼang dynasty there came to Canton -a large number of strangers, from the kingdoms of Annam, Cambodia, -Medina and several other countries. These strangers worshipped heaven -(i.e. God) and had neither statue, idol nor image in their temples. The -kingdom of Medina is close to that of India, and it is in this kingdom -that the religion of these strangers, which is different to that of -Buddha, originated. They do not eat pork or drink wine, and they regard -as unclean the flesh of any animal not killed by themselves. They are -nowadays called Hui Hui. [962]... Having asked and obtained from the -emperor permission to reside in Canton, they built magnificent houses -of a style different to that of our country. They were very rich and -obeyed a chief chosen by themselves.” [963] Though direct historical -evidence is lacking, [964] it is most probable that Islam was first -introduced into China by merchants who followed the old-established sea -route. But the earliest record we can trust refers to diplomatic -relations carried on by land, through Persia. When Yazdagird, the last -Sāsānid king of Persia, had perished, his son, Fīrūz, appealed to China -for help against the Arab invaders; [965] but the emperor replied that -Persia was too far distant for him to send the required troops. But he -is said to have despatched an ambassador to the Arab court to plead the -cause of the fugitive prince—probably also with instructions to -ascertain the extent and power of the new kingdom that had arisen in -the West, and the caliph ʻUthmān is said to have sent one of the Arab -generals to accompany the Chinese ambassador on his return in 651, and -this first Muslim envoy was honourably received by the emperor. In the -reign of Walīd (705–715), the famous Arab general, Qutaybah b. Muslim, -having been appointed governor of Khurāsān, crossed the Oxus and began -a series of successful campaigns, in which he successively subjugated -Bukhārā, Samarqand and other cities, and carried his conquests up to -the western frontier of the Chinese empire. In 713 he sent envoys to -the emperor, who (according to Arab accounts) dismissed them with -valuable presents. A few years later, the Chinese Annals make mention -of an ambassador, named Sulaymān, who came from the caliph Hishām in -726 to the Emperor Hsuan Tsung. These diplomatic relations between the -Arab and the Chinese empires assumed a new importance at the close of -this emperor’s reign, when, driven from his throne by a usurper, he -abdicated in favour of his son, Su Tsung (A.D. 756). The latter sought -the help of the ʻAbbāsid caliph, al-Manṣūr, who responded to this -appeal by sending a body of Arab troops, and with their assistance the -emperor succeeded in recovering his two capitals, Si-ngan-fu and -Ho-nan-fu, from the rebels. At the end of the war, these Arab troops -did not return to their own country, but married and settled in China. -Various reasons are assigned for this action on their part; one account -represents them as having returned to their native land but, being -refused permission to remain on the ground that they had been so long -in a land where pork was eaten, they went back again to China; -according to another account they were prepared to embark for Arabia, -at Canton, when they were taunted with having eaten pork during their -campaign, and in consequence they refused to return home and run the -risk of similar taunts from their own people; when the governor of -Canton tried to compel them, they joined with the Arab and Persian -merchants, their co-religionists, and pillaged the principal commercial -houses in the city; the governor saved himself by taking refuge on the -city wall, and was only able to return after he had obtained from the -emperor permission for these Arab troops to remain in the country; -houses and lands were assigned to them in different cities, where they -settled down and intermarried with the women of the country. [966] - -The Chinese Muhammadans have a legend that their faith was first -preached in China by a maternal uncle of the Prophet, and his reputed -tomb at Canton is highly venerated by them. But there is not the -slightest historical base for this legend, and it appears to be of late -growth. [967] It doubtless arose from a desire to connect the history -of the faith in their own land as closely as possible with apostolic -times—a fruitful source of legends in countries far removed from the -centres of Muslim history. [968] But of the existence of Muslims in -China, especially of merchants in the port towns, during the Tʼang -dynasty there is clear evidence. The Chinese annalist of this period -(A.D. 713–742) says that “the barbarians of the West came into the -Middle Kingdom in crowds, like a deluge, from a distance of at least -1000 leagues and from more than 100 kingdoms, bringing as tribute their -sacred books, which were received and deposited in the hall set apart -for translations of sacred and canonical books, in the imperial palace: -from this period the religious doctrines of these different countries -were thus diffused and openly practised in the empire of Tʼang.” [969] -An Arab geographer, writing about the year 851, describes these -settlements and the mosques which these merchants were allowed to build -for their religious exercises; [970] he states that he knew of no -Chinaman having embraced Islam, but as he makes the same remark of the -people of India, it may be that he was as ill-informed in the one case -as the other. [971] - -But there is certainly no distinct evidence of any proselytising -activity on the part of the Muslims in China, and indeed very little -information about them at all until the period of Mongol conquests, in -the thirteenth century. These conquests resulted in a vast immigration -of Musalmans of various nationalities, Arabs, Persians, Turks and -others into the Chinese empire. [972] Some came as merchants, artisans, -soldiers or colonists, others were brought in as prisoners of war. A -large number of them settled permanently in the country and developed -into a populous and flourishing community, which gradually lost its -original racial peculiarities through intermarriage with Chinese women. -Several Muhammadans occupied high posts under the Mongol rulers, e.g. -ʻAbd al-Raḥmān, who in 1244 was appointed head of the Imperial finances -and allowed to farm the taxes imposed upon China, [973] and ʻUmar Shams -al-Dīn, commonly known as Sayyid Ajall, a native of Bukhārā, to whom -Qūbīlāy Khān, on his accession in 1259, entrusted the management of the -Imperial finances; he was subsequently governor of Yunnan, after this -province had been conquered and added to the Chinese empire. [974] -Sayyid Ajall died in 1270, leaving behind him a reputation as an -enlightened and upright administrator; he built Confucian temples as -well as mosques in Yunnan city. [975] - -The descendants of Sayyid Ajall played a great part in the establishing -of Islam in China; it was his grandson who in 1335 obtained from the -emperor the recognition of Islam as the “True and Pure Religion”—a name -which it has kept to the present day,—and another descendant of Sayyid -Ajall was authorised by the emperor in 1420 to build mosques in the -capitals, Si-ngan-fu and Nan-kin. [976] - -The Chinese historians of the reign of Qūbīlāy Khān make it a ground of -complaint against this monarch that he did not employ Chinese officials -in place of the immigrant Turks and Persians. [977] The exalted -position occupied by Sayyid Ajall and the facilities of communication -between China and the West established by Mongol conquest, attracted a -number of such persons into the north of China, and it was probably as -a result of these immigrations that those scattered Muhammadan -communities began to be formed, which have grown to large proportions -in most of the provinces of China. Marco Polo, who enjoyed the favour -of Qūbīlāy Khān and lived in China from 1275 to 1292, notes the -presence of Muhammadans in various parts of Yunnan. [978] At the -beginning of the fourteenth century, all the inhabitants of Talifu, the -capital of Yunnan, are said by a contemporary historian to have been -Musalmans; [979] and Ibn Baṭūṭah, who visited several coast towns in -China towards the middle of the fourteenth century, speaks of the -hearty welcome he received from his co-religionists, [980] and reports -that “In every town there is a special quarter for the Muslims, -inhabited solely by them, where they have their mosques; they are -honoured and respected by the Chinese.” [981] - -Up to this period the Muhammadans appear to have been looked upon as a -foreign community in China, but after the expulsion of the Mongol -dynasty in the latter part of the fourteenth century they received no -fresh addition to their numbers from abroad, in consequence of the -policy of isolation which the Chinese government now adopted; and being -thus cut off from communication with their co-religionists in other -countries, they tended, in most parts of the empire, gradually to -become merged into the mass of the native population, through their -marriages with Chinese women and their adoption of Chinese habits and -manners. The founder of the new Ming dynasty, the emperor Hungwu, -extended to them many privileges, and their flourishing condition -during the period that this dynasty lasted (1368–1644) is shown by the -large number of mosques erected. - -The emperors of this dynasty cultivated friendly relations with the -Muhammadan princes on their western frontier, and there was a frequent -interchange of embassies between them and the Tīmūrid princes. One of -these is of interest in the missionary history of Islam, inasmuch as -Shāh Rukh Bahādur in 1412 took advantage of the arrival of a Chinese -embassy at his court in Samarqand, to include in his answer an -invitation to the emperor to embrace Islam. He sent with his envoy, who -accompanied the Chinese ambassadors on their return, two letters, the -first of which, written in Arabic, was to the following effect:—“In the -name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate. There is no god save God: -Muḥammad is the Apostle of God. The Apostle of God, Muḥammad (peace be -on him!) said: ‘There shall not cease to be in my church a people -abiding in the commandments of God; whosoever fails to help them or -opposes them, shall never prosper, until the commandment of the Lord -cometh.’ When the Most High God purposed to create Adam and his race, -he said ‘I was a hidden treasure, but it was my pleasure to become -known; I therefore created man that I might be known’; It is manifest -from hence that the divine purpose (great is His power and exalted is -His word!) in the creation of man was to make Himself known and uplift -the banners of right guidance and faith. Wherefore He sent His Apostle -with guidance and the religion of truth that it might prevail over all -other faiths, though the polytheists turn away from it, that he might -make known the laws and the ordinances and the observances of what is -lawful and unlawful, and He gave him the holy Qurʼān miraculously that -thereby he might put to silence the unbelievers and stop their mouths -when they discussed and disputed with him, and by His perfect grace and -His all-pervading guidance He has caused it to remain even unto the day -of judgment. By His power He hath established in all ages and times and -in all parts of the world, in east and west, and in China, a mighty -monarch, lord of great armies and authority, to administer justice and -mercy and spread the wings of peace and security over the heads of men; -to enjoin upon them righteousness and warn them against evil and -disobedience and lift up among them the banners of the noble religion; -and he drives away idolatry and infidelity from among them through -belief in the unity of God. The Most High God thus disposeth our hearts -by His past mercies and His ensuing grace to strive for the -establishing of the laws of pure religion and the continuance of the -ordinances of the shining path. He also bids us administer justice to -our subjects in all suits and cases in accordance with the religion of -the Prophet and the ordinances of the Chosen One, and build mosques and -colleges and monasteries and hermitages and places of worship, that the -teaching of the sciences and the schools of learning may not cease nor -the memorials and injunctions of religion be swept away. Seeing that -the continuance of worldly prosperity and dominion, and the permanence -of authority and rule depend upon the assistance given to truth and -righteousness and the extirpation of the evils caused by idolatry and -unbelief from the earth, in the expectation of blessing and reward, we, -therefore, hope that your Majesty and the nobles of your realm will -agree with us in these matters and join us in strengthening the -foundations of the established law.” The other letter, written in -Persian, makes a more direct appeal, without the rhetorical -embellishments of the Arabic:—“The Most High God, having in the depth -of His wisdom and the perfection of His power created Adam (peace be -upon him!), made some of his sons prophets and apostles and sent them -among men to summon them to the truth. To certain of these prophets, -such as Abraham, Moses, David and Muḥammad (peace be upon them!) He -gave a book and taught a law, and He bade the people of their time -follow the law and the religion of each of them. All these apostles -invited men to faith in the unity and to the worship of God and forbade -the adoration of the sun, moon and stars, of kings and idols; and -though each one of these apostles had a separate law, yet they were all -agreed in the doctrine of the unity of the Most High God. At length, -when the apostolic and prophetic office devolved on the Apostle -Muḥammad Muṣṭafạ̄ (the peace and blessing of God be upon him!) all other -systems of law were abrogated. He was the apostle and the prophet of -the latter age, and it behoves the whole world—lords and kings and -ministers, rich and poor, small and great,—to observe his law and -forsake all past creeds and laws. This is the true and perfect faith -and is called Islam. Some years ago, Chingīz Khān took up arms and sent -his sons into various countries and kingdoms—Jūjī Khān to the confines -of Sarāy, Qrim and Dasht Qafchāq, where some monarchs, such as Ūzbek -Khān, Chānī Khān and Urus Khān, became Musalmans and observed the law -of Muḥammad (peace be upon him!). Hūlāgū Khān was set over Khurāsān, -ʻIrāq and the neighbouring countries, and some of his sons who -succeeded him received into their hearts the light of the law of -Muḥammad (peace be upon him!), and in like manner became Musalmans, and -honoured with the blessedness of Islam passed into the other world, -such as the truthful king, Ghāzān, and Uljāytū Sulṭān and the fortunate -king, Abū Saʻīd Bahādur, until my honoured father, Amīr Tīmūr Gūrgān, -succeeded to the throne. He too observed the law of Muḥammad (peace be -upon him!) in all the countries under his rule, and throughout his -reign the followers of the faith of Islam enjoyed complete prosperity. -Now that by the goodness and favour of God this Kingdom of Khurāsān, -ʻIrāq, Mā-warāʼ-al-nahr, etc., has passed into my hands, the -administration is carried on throughout the whole kingdom in accordance -with the pure law of the Prophet; righteousness is enjoined and wrong -forbidden, and the Yarghū and the institutes of Chingīz Khān have been -abolished. Since, then, it is sure and certain that salvation and -deliverance in the day of judgment, and sovereignty and felicity in the -present world, depend upon true faith and Islam, and the favour of the -Most High God, it is incumbent upon us to treat our subjects with -justice and equity. I hope that by the bounty and benevolence of God -you too will observe the law of Muḥammad, the Apostle of God (peace be -upon him!) and strengthen the religion of Islam, so that you may -exchange the transitory sovereignty of this world for the sovereignty -of the world to come.” [982] - -It is not improbable that these letters gave rise to the later legend -of one of the Chinese emperors having become a convert to Islam. [983] -This legend is referred to, among others, by a Muhammadan merchant, -Sayyid ʻAlī Akbar, who spent some years in Peking at the end of the -fifteenth and the beginning of the sixteenth century; he speaks of the -large number of Musalmans who had settled in China; in the city of -Kenjanfu there were as many as 30,000 Muslim families; they paid no -taxes and enjoyed the favour of the emperor, who gave them grants of -land; they enjoyed complete toleration for the exercise of their -religion, which was favourably viewed by the Chinese, and conversions -were freely permitted; in the capital itself there were four great -mosques and about ninety more in other provinces of the empire,—all -erected at the cost of the emperor. [984] - -Up to the establishment of the Manchu dynasty in 1644 there is no -record of any Muhammadan uprising, and the followers of Islam appear to -have been entirely content with the religious liberty they enjoyed; but -difficulties arose soon after the advent of the new ruling power, and -an insurrection in the province of Kansu in 1648 was the first occasion -on which any Muhammadans rose in arms against the Chinese government, -though it was not until the nineteenth century that any such revolt -entailed very disastrous consequences, or seriously interrupted the -amicable relations that had subsisted from the beginning between the -Chinese Muslims and their rulers. The official view of the Chinese -Government of these relations is set forth in an edict published by the -emperor Yung Chen in 1731:—“In every province of the empire, for many -centuries past, have been found a large number of Muhammadans who form -part of the people whom I regard as my own children just as I do my -other subjects. I make no distinction between them and those who do not -belong to their religion. I have received from certain officials secret -complaints against the Muhammadans on the ground that their religion -differs from that of the other Chinese, that they do not speak the same -language, and wear a different dress to the rest of the people. They -are accused of disobedience, haughtiness, and rebellious feelings, and -I have been asked to employ severe measures against them. After -examining these complaints and accusations, I have discovered that -there is no foundation for them. In fact, the religion followed by the -Musalmans is that of their ancestors; it is true their language is not -the same as that of the rest of the Chinese, but what a multitude of -different dialects there are in China. As to their temples, dress and -manner of writing, which differ from those of the other Chinese—these -are matters of absolutely no importance. These are mere matters of -custom. They bear as good a character as my other subjects, and there -is nothing to show that they intend to rebel. It is my wish, therefore, -that they should be left in the free exercise of their religion, whose -object is to teach men the observance of a moral life, and the -fulfilment of social and civil duties. This religion respects the -fundamental basis of Government, and what more can be asked for? If -then the Muhammadans continue to conduct themselves as good and loyal -subjects, my favour will be extended towards them just as much as -towards my other children. From among them have come many civil and -military officers, who have risen to the very highest ranks. This is -the best proof that they have adopted our habits and customs, and have -learned to conform themselves to the precepts of our sacred books. They -pass their examinations in literature just like every one else, and -perform the sacrifices enjoined by law. In a word, they are true -members of the great Chinese family and endeavour always to fulfil -their religious, civil and political duties. When the magistrates have -a civil case brought before them, they should not concern themselves -with the religion of the litigants. There is but one single law for all -my subjects. Those who do good shall be rewarded, and those who do evil -shall be punished.” [985] - -About thirty years later, his successor, the Emperor Kʼien Lung, showed -distinguished marks of his favour towards the Muhammadans by ennobling -two Turkī Begs who had materially helped in suppressing a revolt in the -north-west and Kāshgar, and building palaces for them in Peking; he -also erected a mosque for the use of the Turkī Begs who visited the -Imperial court and for the prisoners of war who had been brought to the -capital from Kāshgar. Among these prisoners was a beautiful girl who -became a favourite concubine of the emperor, and it is stated that for -love of her he built this mosque immediately opposite his own palace -and erected a pavilion within the palace grounds, from which the -concubine could watch her fellow-countrymen at prayer and could join in -their devotions. This mosque was built in the years 1763–1764 and -contains an inscription in four languages, the Chinese text of which -was written by the emperor himself. [986] - -After crushing the revolt in Zungaria, this same emperor Kʼien Lung, in -1770 transported thither from other parts of China ten thousand -military colonists, who were followed by their families and other -persons, to re-people the country, and they are all said to have -embraced the religion of the surrounding Muhammadan population. [987] -Whether such mass conversions occurred in other parts of the empire -also, we have no means of telling, but the existence of a considerable -Muhammadan population in every province of China can hardly be -explained merely by reference to foreign immigration and the natural -growth of population, [988] though the numbers are larger in those -provinces in which foreign Muhammadans have settled. [989] It is -unlikely that the Muhammadans in China during the many centuries of -their residence in this country, in the enjoyment of religious freedom -and the liberal patronage of several of the emperors, should have been -entirely devoid of that proselytising zeal which modern observers have -noted in their descendants at the present day. [990] To such direct -proselytising efforts must have been due the conversion of Chinese Jews -to Islam; their establishment in this country dates from an early -period, they held employments under the Government and were in -possession of large estates; but by the close of the seventeenth -century a great part of them had been converted to Islam. [991] Such -propaganda must have been quite quiet and unobtrusive, and indeed more -public methods might have excited suspicions on the part of the -Government, as is shown by an interesting report which was sent to the -Emperor Kʼien Lung in 1783 by a governor of the province of Khwang-Se. -It runs as follows: “I have the honour respectfully to inform your -Majesty that an adventurer named Han-Fo-Yun, of the province of -Khwang-Se, has been arrested on a charge of vagrancy. This adventurer -when interrogated as to his occupation, confessed that for the last ten -years he had been travelling through the different provinces of the -Empire in order to obtain information about his religion. In one of his -boxes were found thirty books, some of which had been written by -himself, while others were in a language that no one here understands. -These books praise in an extravagant and ridiculous manner a Western -king, called Muḥammad. The above-mentioned Han-Fo-Yun, when put to the -torture, at last confessed that the real object of his journey was to -propagate the false religion taught in these books, and that he -remained in the province of Shen-Si for a longer time than anywhere -else. I have examined these books myself. Some are certainly written in -a foreign language; for I have not been able to understand them: the -others that are written in Chinese are very bad, I may add, even -ridiculous on account of the exaggerated praise given in them to -persons who certainly do not deserve it, because I have never even -heard of them. Perhaps the above-mentioned Han-Fo-Yun is a rebel from -Kan-Su. His conduct is certainly suspicious, for what was he going to -do in the provinces through which he has been travelling for the last -ten years? I intend to make a serious inquiry into the matter. -Meanwhile, I would request your Majesty to order the stereotyped -plates, that are in the possession of his family, to be burnt, and the -engravers to be arrested, as well as the authors of the books, which I -have sent to your Majesty desiring to know your pleasure in the -matter.” [992] - -This report bears testimony to the activity of at least one Muhammadan -missionary in the eighteenth century, and the growth of Islam, which -the Jesuit missionaries [993] noted in the eighteenth century, was -probably not so little connected with direct proselytism as some of -them supposed. Du Halde, in one of the few passages he devotes to the -Muhammadans in his great work, [994] attributes the increase in their -numbers largely to their habit of purchasing children in times of -famine. “The Mahometans have been settled for more than six hundred -years in various provinces, where they live quite quietly, because they -do not make any great efforts to spread their doctrines and gain -proselytes, and because in former times they only increased in numbers -by the alliances and marriages they contracted. But for several years -past they have continued to make very considerable progress by means of -their wealth. They buy up heathen children everywhere; and the parents, -being often unable to provide them with food, have no scruples in -selling them. During a famine that devastated the Province of Chantong, -they bought more than 10,000 of them. They marry them, and either -purchase or build for them separate quarters in a town, or even whole -villages; gradually in several places they gain such influence that -they do not let any one live among them who does not go to the mosque. -By such means they have multiplied exceedingly during the last -century.” - -Similarly, in the famine that devastated the province of Kwangtung in -1790, as many as ten thousand children are said to have been purchased -by the Muhammadans from parents who, too poor to support them, were -willing to part with them to save them from starvation; these were all -brought up in the faith of Islam. [995] A Chinese Musalman, from -Yunnan, named Sayyid Sulaymān, who visited Cairo in 1894 and was there -interviewed by the representative of an Arabic journal, [996] declared -that the number of accessions to Islam gained in this way every year -was beyond counting. Similar testimony is given by M. d’Ollone, who -reports that this practice of buying children in times of famine -prevails among the Muhammadans throughout the whole of China to the -present day; in the same way, they purchased the children of Christian -parents who were massacred by the Boxers in 1900, and brought them up -as Musalmans. [997] - -The Muhammadans in China tend to live together in separate villages and -towns or to form separate Muhammadan quarters in the towns, where they -will not allow any person to dwell among them who does not go to the -mosque. [998] Though they thus in some measure hold themselves apart, -they are careful to avoid the open exhibition of any specially -distinguishing features of the religious observances of their faith, -which may offend their neighbours, and they have been careful to make -concessions to the prejudices of their Chinese fellow-countrymen. In -their ordinary life they are completely in touch with the customs and -habits that prevail around them; they wear the pigtail and the ordinary -dress of the Chinese, and put on a turban, as a rule, only in the -mosque. To avoid offending against a superstitious prejudice on the -part of the Chinese, they also refrain from building tall minarets, -wherever they build them at all. [999] But for the most part, their -mosques conform to the Chinese type of architecture, often with nothing -to distinguish them from an ordinary temple or dwelling. [1000] Every -mosque is obliged by law to have a tablet to the emperor, with the -inscription on it, “The emperor, the immortal, may he live for ever,” -and the Muhammadans prostrate themselves before it in accordance with -the regular Chinese custom, though with various expedients to satisfy -their consciences and avoid the imputation of idolatry. [1001] Even in -Chinese Tartary, where the special privilege is allowed to the Musalman -soldiers, of remaining unmixed, and of forming a separate body, the -higher Muhammadan officials wear the dress prescribed to their rank, -long moustaches and the pigtail, and on holidays they perform the usual -homage demanded from officials, to a portrait of the emperor, by -touching the ground three times with their forehead. [1002] Similarly -all Muhammadan mandarins and other officials in other provinces perform -the rites prescribed to their official position, in the temples of -Confucius on festival days; in fact every precaution is taken by the -Muslims to prevent their faith from appearing to be in opposition to -the state religion, and hereby they have succeeded in avoiding the -odium with which the adherents of foreign religions, such as Judaism -and Christianity are regarded. They even represent their religion to -their Chinese fellow-countrymen as being in agreement with the -teachings of Confucius, with only this difference, that they follow the -traditions of their ancestors with regard to marriages, funerals, the -prohibition of pork, wine, tobacco, and games of chance, and the -washing of the hands before meals. [1003] Similarly the writings of the -Chinese Muhammadans treat the works of Confucius and other Chinese -classics with great respect, and where possible, point out the harmony -between the teachings contained therein and the doctrines of Islam. -[1004] - -The Chinese government, in its turn, has always given to its Muhammadan -subjects (except when in revolt) the same privileges and advantages as -are enjoyed by the rest of the population. No office of state is closed -to them; and as governors of provinces, generals, magistrates and -ministers of state they enjoy the confidence and respect both of the -rulers and the people. Not only do Muhammadan names appear in the -Chinese annals as those of famous officers of state, whether military -or civil, but they have also distinguished themselves in the mechanical -arts and in sciences such as mathematics and astronomy. [1005] - -The Chinese Muhammadans are also said to be keen men of business and -successful traders; they monopolise the beef trade and carry on other -trades with great success. [1006] They are thus in touch with every -section of the national life and have every opportunity for carrying on -a propaganda, but the few Christian missionaries who have concerned -themselves with this matter are of opinion that they are not animated -with any particular proselytising zeal. [1007] Still, many recent -converts are to be met with, and the fact that a large number of -Chinese Muslims can cite the name of the particular ancestor who first -embraced Islam points to a continuous process of conversion. [1008] -Apparently the Muslims are not allowed to preach their faith in the -streets, as Protestant missionaries do, [1009] but (as we have seen -above) [1010] they do not fail to make use of such opportunities as -present themselves for adding to the number of their sect. One of their -religious text-books, “A Guide to the Rites of the True Religion” -(published in Canton in 1668), commends the work of proselytising and -makes reference to such as may have recently become converts from among -the heathen. [1011] The fundamental doctrines of Islam are taught to -the new converts by means of metrical primers, [1012] and to the -influence of the religious books of the Chinese Muslims, Sayyid -Sulaymān attributes many of the conversions made in recent years. -[1013] The Muslim seminary at Hochow in Kansu is said to train -theological students who return to their several provinces, at the -completion of their studies, to promulgate their faith there, [1014] -and in upwards of ten provinces centres are said to have been started -where mullās are to be trained for Muslim propaganda. [1015] Military -officers convert many of the soldiers serving under them, to Islam, and -Muslim mandarins take advantage of the authority they enjoy, to win -converts, but as they are frequently transferred from one place to -another, they are not able to exercise so much influence as Muslim -military officers. [1016] Conversions may also occasionally occur, -which are not the result of a direct propagandist appeal, e.g. a -Turkish traveller who visited Peking in 1895 reported that he found -thirty mosques there, among them one that had originally been a temple; -this had been the family temple of a wealthy Chinaman, whose life had -been saved during the Boxer insurrection by the Mufti Wa-Ahonad (ʻAbd -al-Raḥmān); as a token of his gratitude, he embraced the faith of his -deliverer. [1017] - -Turkish and other Muslim missionaries have in recent years been -visiting China and endeavouring to stir up among the Chinese Muslims a -more thorough knowledge of their faith and to awaken their zeal, but -their efforts seem so far to have borne but little fruit. [1018] - -In 1867 a Russian writer, [1019] in a remarkable work on Islam in -China, expressed the opinion that it was destined to become the -national faith of the Chinese empire and thereby entirely change the -political conditions of the Eastern world. Nearly half a century has -elapsed since this note of alarm was sounded, but nothing has occurred -since to verify these prognostications. On the contrary, it would -appear that Islam has been losing rather than gaining ground during the -last century, since the wholesale massacres that accompanied the -suppression of the Panthay risings in Yunnan from 1855 to 1873 and the -Tungan rebellion in Shen-si and Kan-su in 1864–1877 and 1895–1896, -reduced the Muhammadan population by millions. [1020] The establishment -of the new Republic has given to the Chinese Muslims a freedom of -activity unknown under any preceding government, but it is too early -yet to discover how far they are likely to avail themselves of the -opportunities offered by the altered conditions of life. The -proselytism that still goes on, restricted as its sphere may be, -indicates a still cherished hope of expansion. Though four centuries -have elapsed since a Muslim traveller [1021] in China could discuss the -possibility of the conversion of the emperor being followed by that of -his subjects, it was still possible for a Chinese Muslim of the present -generation to state that his co-religionists in that country looked -forward with confidence to the day when Islam would be triumphant -throughout the length and breadth of the Chinese empire. [1022] - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER XI. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN AFRICA. - - -The history of Islam in Africa, covering as it does a period of -well-nigh thirteen centuries and embracing two-thirds of this vast -continent, with its numerous and diverse tribes and races, presents -especial difficulties in the way of systematic treatment, as it is -impossible to give a simultaneous account in chronological order of the -spread of this faith in all the different parts of the continent. Its -relations to the Christian Churches of Egypt and the rest of North -Africa, of Nubia and Abyssinia have already been dealt with in a former -chapter; in the present chapter it is proposed to trace its progress -first among the heathen population of North Africa, then throughout the -Sudan and along the West coast, and lastly along the East coast and in -Cape Colony. [1023] - -The information we possess of the spread of Islam among the heathen -population of North Africa is hardly less meagre than the few facts -recorded above regarding the disappearance of the Christian Church. The -Berbers offered a vigorous resistance to the progress of the Arab arms, -and force seems to have had more influence than persuasion in their -conversion. Whenever opportunity presented itself, they rebelled -against the religion as well as the rule of their conquerors, and Arab -historians declare that they apostasised as many as twelve times. -[1024] In the annals of the long struggle a few scanty references to -conversions are to be found. These would appear sometimes to have been -prompted by the recognition of the fact that further resistance to the -Arab arms was useless. When in 703 the Berbers made their last stand -against the invaders, their intrepid leader and prophetess, al-Kāhinah, -[1025] foreseeing that the fortune of battle was to turn against them, -sent her sons into the camp of the Muslim general with instructions -that they were to embrace Islam and make common cause with the enemy; -she herself elected to fall fighting with her countrymen in the great -battle that crushed the political power of the Berbers and gave -Northern Africa into the hands of the Arabs. Peace was made on -condition that the Berbers would furnish 12,000 combatants to the ranks -of the Arab troops, and of these men two army-corps were formed, each -of which was placed under the command of one of the sons of al-Kāhinah. -[1026] By this device of enlisting the Berbers in their armies, the -Arab generals hoped to win them to their own religion by the hope of -booty. - -The army of seven thousand Berbers that sailed from Africa in 711 under -the command of Ṭāriq (himself a Berber) to the conquest of Spain, was -composed of recent converts to Islam, and their conversion is expressly -said to have been sincere: learned Arabs and theologians were -appointed, “to read and explain to them the sacred words of the Qurʼān, -and instruct them in all and every one of the duties enjoined by their -new religion.” [1027] Mūsạ̄, the great conqueror of Africa, showed his -zeal for the progress of Islam by devoting the large sums of money -granted him by the caliph ʻAbd al-Malik to the purchase of such -captives as gave promise of showing themselves worthy children of the -faith: “for whenever after a victory there was a number of slaves put -up for sale, he used to buy all those whom he thought would willingly -embrace Islam, who were of noble origin, and who looked, besides, as if -they were active young men. To these he first proposed the embracing of -Islam, and if, after cleansing their understanding and making them fit -to receive its sublime truths, they were converted to the best of -religions, and their conversion was a sincere one, he then would, by -way of putting their abilities to trial, employ them. If they evinced -good disposition and talents he would instantly grant them liberty, -appoint them to high commands in his army, and promote them according -to their merits; if, on the contrary, they showed no aptitude for their -appointments, he would send them back to the common depôt of captives -belonging to the army, to be again disposed of according to the general -custom of drawing out the spoil by arrows.” [1028] - -How superficial the conversion of the Berbers was may be judged from -the fact that when the pious ʻUmar b. ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz in A.H. 100 (A.D. -718) appointed Ismāʻīl b. ʻAbd Allāh governor of North Africa, ten -learned theologians were sent with him to instruct the Muslim Berbers -in the ordinances of their faith, since up to that time they do not -seem to have recognised that their new religion forbade to them -indulgence in wine. The new governor is said to have shown great zeal -in inviting the Berbers to accept Islam, but the statement that his -efforts were crowned with such success that not a single Berber -remained unconverted is certainly not correct. [1029] For the -conversion of the Berbers was undoubtedly the work of several -centuries; even to the present day they retain many of their primitive -institutions which are in opposition to Muslim law. [1030] Islam took -no firm root among them until it assumed the form of a national -movement and became connected with the establishment of native -dynasties, under which many Berbers came within the pale of Islam who -before had looked upon the acceptance of this faith as a sign of loss -of political independence. Of these various changes of political -condition it is not the place to speak here, but in a history of Muslim -propaganda the rise of the Almoravids deserves special mention as a -great national movement that attracted a great many of the Berber -tribes to join the Muslim community. In the early part of the eleventh -century, Yaḥyạ̄ b. Ibrāhīm, a chief of the Ṣanhāja, one of the Berber -tribes of the Sahara, on his return from a pilgrimage to Mecca, sought -in the religious centres of Northern Africa for a learned and pious -teacher, who should accompany him as a missionary of Islam to his -benighted and ignorant tribesmen: at first he found it difficult to -find a man willing to leave his scholarly retreat and brave the dangers -of the Sahara, but at length he met in ʻAbd Allāh b. Yāsīn the fit -person, bold enough to undertake so difficult a mission, pious and -austere in his life, and learned in theology, law and other sciences. -So far back as the ninth century the preachers of Islam had made their -way among the Berbers of the Sahara and established among them the -religion of the Prophet, but this faith had found very little -acceptance there, and ʻAbd Allāh b. Yāsīn found even the professed -Muslims to be very lax in their religious observances and given up to -all kinds of vicious practices. He ardently threw himself into the task -of converting them to the right path and instructing them in the duties -of religion; but the sternness with which he rebuked their vices and -sought to reform their conduct, alienated their sympathies from him, -and the ill-success of his mission almost drove him to abandon this -stiff-necked people and devote his efforts to the conversion of the -Sudan. Being persuaded, however, not to desert the work he had once -undertaken, he retired with such disciples as his preaching had -gathered around him, to an island in the river Senegal, where they -founded a monastery and gave themselves up unceasingly to devotional -exercises. The more devout-minded among the Berbers, stung to -repentance by the thought of the wickedness that had driven their holy -teacher from their midst, came humbly to his island to implore his -forgiveness and receive his instructions in the saving truths of -religion. Thus day by day there gathered around him an increasing band -of disciples, especially from among the Lamṭūna, a branch of the -Ṣanhāja clan, whose numbers swelled at length to about a thousand. ʻAbd -Allāh b. Yāsīn then recognised that the time had come for launching out -upon a wider sphere of action, and he called upon his followers to show -their gratitude to God for the revelation he had vouchsafed them, by -communicating the knowledge of it to others: “Go to your -fellow-tribesmen, teach them the law of God and threaten them with His -chastisement. If they repent, amend their ways and accept the truth, -leave them in peace; if they refuse and persist in their errors and -evil lives, invoke the aid of God against them, and let us make war -upon them until God decide between us.” Hereupon each man went to his -own tribe and began to exhort them to repent and believe, but without -success: equally unsuccessful were the efforts of ʻAbd Allāh b. Yāsīn -himself, who left his monastery in the hope of finding the Berber -chiefs more willing now to listen to his preaching. At length in 1042 -he put himself at the head of his followers, to whom he had given the -name of al-Murābiṭīn (the so-called Almoravids)—a name derived from the -same root as the ribāṭ [1031] or monastery on his island in the -Senegal,—and attacked the neighbouring tribes and forced the acceptance -of Islam upon them. The success that attended his warlike expeditions -appeared to the tribes of the Sahara a more persuasive argument than -all his preaching, and they very soon came forward voluntarily to -embrace a faith that secured such brilliant successes to the arms of -its adherents. ʻAbd Allāh b. Yāsīn died in 1059, but the movement he -had initiated lived after him and many heathen tribes of Berbers came -to swell the numbers of their Muslim fellow-countrymen, embracing their -religion at the same time as the cause they championed, and poured out -of the Sahara over North Africa and later on made themselves masters of -Spain also. [1032] - -It is not improbable that the other great national movement that -originated among the Berber tribes, viz. the rise of the Almohads at -the beginning of the twelfth century, may have attracted into the -Muslim community some of the tribes that had up to that time still -stood aloof. Their founder, Ibn Tūmart, popularised the sternly -Unitarian tenets of this sect by means of works in the Berber language -which expounded from his own point of view the fundamental doctrines of -Islam, and he made a still further concession to the nationalist spirit -of the Berbers by ordering the call to prayer to be made in their own -language. [1033] - -Some of the Berber tribes, however, remained heathen up to the close of -the fifteenth century, [1034] but the general tendency was naturally -towards an absorption of these smaller communities into the larger. - -The sixteenth century witnessed the birth of a movement of active -proselytising in the Maghrib, which has been traced to the reaction -excited by the successes of the Christian powers in Spain and North -Africa. This gave an immense impulse to the institution of the -“marabouts,” [1035] and large numbers of them set out from the monastic -settlements in the south of Morocco to carry a peaceful missionary -campaign throughout the Maghrib, renewing the faith of the lukewarm -adherents of Islam and converting their heathen neighbours. [1036] To -this proselytising movement the Muslim refugees from Spain contributed -their part, as has been shown above (p. 127), coming to the aid of the -Shurafāʼ or descendants of Idrīs b. ʻAbd Allāh, who had fled to Morocco -to escape the wrath of Hārūn al-Rashīd. [1037] - -From the Sahara the knowledge of Islam first spread among the Negroes -of the Sudan. The early history of this movement is wrapped in -obscurity, but there seems little doubt that it was the Berbers who -first introduced Islam into the lands watered by the Senegal and the -Niger; here they came in contact with pagan kingdoms, some of them -(e.g. Ghāna and Songhay) of great antiquity. [1038] The two Berber -tribes, the Lamṭūna and the Jadāla, belonging to the Ṣanhāja clan, -especially distinguished themselves by their religious zeal in the work -of conversion, [1039] and through their agency the Almoravid movement -reacted on the pagan tribes of the Sudan. The reign of Yūsuf b. -Tāshfīn, the founder of Morocco (A.D. 1062) and the second amīr of the -Almoravid dynasty, was very fruitful in conversions, and many Negroes -under his rule came to know of the doctrines of Muḥammad. [1040] In -1076 the Berbers who had been spreading Islam in the kingdom of Ghāna -for some time, drove out the reigning dynasty, which was probably -Fulbe, and this ancient kingdom became throughout Muhammadan; at the -beginning of the thirteenth century it lost its independence and was -conquered by the Mandingos. [1041] - -Of the introduction of Islam into the ancient kingdom of Songhay, which -is said to have been in existence as early as A.D. 700, we have only -the record that the first Muhammadan king was named Zā-kassi, the -fifteenth monarch of the Zā dynasty; his conversion took place in the -year A.H. 400 (A.D. 1009–1010), and in the Songhay language he was -styled Muslim-dam, which implied that he had adopted Islam of his own -free will and not by compulsion, but there is no mention of the -influences to which he owed his conversion. [1042] - -In the same century there were founded on the Upper Niger two cities, -destined in succeeding centuries to exercise an immense influence on -the development of Islam in the Western Sudan,—Jenne, [1043] founded in -A.H. 435 (A.D. 1043–1044), [1044] and destined to become an important -trading centre, and Timbuktu, the great emporium for the caravan trade -with the north, founded about the year A.D. 1100. The king of Jenne, -Kunburu, became a Muslim towards the end of the sixth century of the -Hijrah (i.e. about A.D. 1200) and his example was followed by the -inhabitants of the city; when he had made up his mind to embrace Islam, -he is said to have collected together all the ʻulamāʼ in his kingdom, -to the number of 4200—(however exaggerated this number may be, the -story would seem to imply that Islam had already made considerable -progress in his dominions)—and publicly in their presence declared -himself a Muslim and exhorted them to pray for the prosperity of his -city; he then had his palace pulled down and built a great mosque -[1045] in its place. [1046] Timbuktu, on the other hand, was a -Muhammadan city from the beginning; “never did the worship of idols -defile it, never did any man prostrate himself on its soil except in -prayer to God the Merciful.” [1047] In later years it became -influential as a seat of Muhammadan learning and piety, and students -and divines flocked there in large numbers, attracted by the -encouragement and patronage they received. Ibn Baṭūṭah, who travelled -through this country in the middle of the fourteenth century, praises -the Negroes for their zeal in the performance of their devotions and in -the study of the Qurʼān: unless one went very early to the mosque on -Friday, he tells us, it was impossible to find a place, so crowded was -the attendance. [1048] In his time, the most powerful state of the -Western Sudan was that of Melle or Māllī, which had risen to importance -about a century before, after the conquest of Ghāna by the Mandingos, -one of the finest races of Africa: Leo Africanus [1049] calls them the -most civilised, the most intellectual and most respected of all the -Negroes, and modern travellers praise them for their industry, -cleverness and trustworthiness. [1050] These Mandingos have been among -the most active missionaries of Islam, which has been spread by them -among the neighbouring peoples. [1051] - -According to the Kano Chronicle it was the Mandingos who brought the -knowledge of Islam to the Hausa people; the date is uncertain, [1052] -as are most dates connected with the history of the Hausa states, -because the Fulbe, who conquered them at the beginning of the -nineteenth century, destroyed most of their historical records. But the -importance of the adoption of Islam by the Hausas cannot be -exaggerated; they are an energetic and intelligent people, and their -remarkable aptitude for trade has won for them an immense influence -among the various peoples with whom they have come in contact; their -language has become the language of commerce for the Western Sudan, and -wherever the Hausa traders go—and they are found from the coast of -Guinea to Cairo—they carry the faith of Islam with them. References to -their missionary activity will be found in the following pages. But of -their own adoption of the faith, as well as of the rise of the seven -Hausa states and their dependencies, [1053] historical evidence is -almost entirely wanting; [1054] one of the missionaries of Islam to -Kano and Katsena would certainly seem to have been a learned and pious -teacher from Tlemsen, Muḥammad b. ʻAbd al-Karīm b. Muḥammad al-Majīlī, -who flourished about the year 1500; [1055] possibly they were affected -by the great wave of Muhammadan influence which moved southward from -Egypt in the twelfth century. [1056] The merchants of Kordofan and in -the Eastern Sudan generally, boast that they are descended from Arabs -who made their way thither after the fall of the Fāṭimid caliphate of -Egypt in 1171. But there were probably still earlier instances of -Muslim influence coming into Central Africa from the north-east. It was -from Egypt that Islam spread into Kanem, a kingdom on the N. and N.E. -of Lake Chad, which shortly after the adoption of Islam rose to be a -state of considerable importance and extended its sway over the tribes -of the Eastern Sudan to the borders of Egypt and Nubia; the first -Muhammadan king of Kanem is said to have reigned either towards the -close of the eleventh or in the first half of the twelfth century. -[1057] But the details we possess of the spread of Islam from the -north-east are even more scanty than those already given for the -history of the states of the Western Sudan. The mere dates of the -conversion of kings and the establishment of Muhammadan dynasties tell -us very little; but one fact stands out clearly from this meagre -record, namely the extreme slowness of the process. The survival of -considerable groups of fetish-worshippers in the midst of territories -which for centuries were under Muhammadan rule, would seem to indicate -that the influence of Islam was long confined to the towns and only by -degrees made its way among the pagan population, if indeed it did not -meet with such stubborn resistance as has kept the Bambara pagan, -though (dwelling between the Upper Senegal and the Upper Niger) they -have been hemmed in by a Muhammadan population for centuries. - -An unsuccessful attempt to convert the Bambara was made by a marabout, -named ʻUmaru Kaba, early in the twentieth century. This man had founded -a new religious confraternity, connected with the Qādiriyyah, and -having failed to attract his co-religionists to it, he turned his -attention to the pagan Bambara, and endeavoured to convert them to -Islam and enrol them in his order. He seemed to be on the road to -success and had already converted a pagan village in the province of -Sansanding, when the chief of the province drove the missionary across -the frontier and ordered the newly-converted Bambara to return to their -old religious observances. [1058] - -Where intermarriages with such races as Arabs and Berbers have been -frequent, a steady process of infiltration has gone on, and this, added -to the propagandist activities of those races—Fulbe, Hausa and -Mandingo—who have distinguished themselves for their zeal on behalf of -their religion, would have contributed to the more rapid growth of a -Muhammadan population, had it not been for the internecine wars that -caused one Muhammadan state to work the destruction of another. Melle -rose on the ruins of Ghāna in the thirteenth century, to be crushed at -the beginning of the sixteenth by Songhay, which in its turn was -desolated by the Moors a century later. As these Muhammadan empires -declined, with the wholesale massacres characteristic of warfare in the -Sudan, fetishism regained much of the ground it had lost; and as in the -Christian, so in the Muhammadan world, there have been periods when -missionary zeal has sunk to a low ebb, and Muhammadans in some parts of -the Sudan have been content to leave the paganism that surrounded them -untouched by any proselytising efforts. - -In the fourteenth century the Tunjar Arabs, emigrating south from -Tunis, made their way through Bornu and Wadai to Darfur; others came in -later from the east; [1059] one of their number named Aḥmad met with a -kind reception from the heathen king of Darfur, who took a fancy to -him, made him director of his household and consulted him on all -occasions. His experience of more civilised methods of government -enabled him to introduce a number of reforms both into the economy of -the king’s household and the government of the state. By judicious -management, he is said to have brought the unruly chieftains into -subjection, and by portioning out the land among the poorer inhabitants -to have put an end to the constant internal raids, thereby introducing -a feeling of security and contentment before unknown. The king having -no male heir gave Aḥmad his daughter in marriage and appointed him his -successor,—a choice that was ratified by the acclamation of the people, -and the Muhammadan dynasty thus instituted has continued down to the -present century. The civilising influences exercised by this chief and -his descendants were doubtless accompanied by some work of proselytism, -but these Arab immigrants seem to have done very little for the spread -of their religion among their heathen neighbours. Darfur only -definitely became Muhammadan through the efforts of one of its kings -named Sulaymān who began to reign in 1596, [1060] and it was not until -the sixteenth century that Islam gained a footing in the other kingdoms -lying between Kordofan and Lake Chad, such as Wadai and Baghirmi. The -first Muhammadan king of Baghirmi was Sultan ʻAbd Allāh, who reigned -from 1568 to 1608, but the chief centre of Muhammadan influence at this -time was the kingdom of Wadai, which was founded by ʻAbd al-Karīm about -A.D. 1612, and it was not until the latter part of the eighteenth -century that the mass of the people of Baghirmi were converted to -Islam. [1061] - -But the history of the Muhammadan propaganda in Africa during the -seventeenth and eighteenth centuries is very slight and wholly -insignificant when compared with the remarkable revival of missionary -activity during the present century. Some powerful influence was needed -to arouse the dormant energies of the African Muslims, whose condition -during the eighteenth century seems to have been almost one of -religious indifference. Their spiritual awakening owed itself to the -influence of the Wahhābī reformation at the close of the eighteenth -century; whence it comes that in modern times we meet with some -accounts of proselytising movements among the Negroes that are not -quite so forbiddingly meagre as those just recounted, but present us -with ample details of the rise and progress of several important -missionary enterprises. - -Towards the end of the eighteenth century, a remarkable man, Shaykh -ʻUthmān Danfodio, [1062] arose from among the Fulbe [1063] as a -religious reformer and warrior-missionary. From the Sudan he made the -pilgrimage to Mecca, whence he returned full of zeal and enthusiasm for -the reformation and propagation of Islam. Influenced by the doctrines -of the Wahhābīs, who were growing powerful at the time of his visit to -Mecca, he denounced the practice of prayers for the dead and the honour -paid to departed saints, and deprecated the excessive veneration of -Muḥammad himself; at the same time he attacked the two prevailing sins -of the Sudan, drunkenness and immorality. - -Up to that time the Fulbe had consisted of a number of small scattered -clans living a pastoral life; they had early embraced Islam, and -hitherto had contented themselves with forming colonies of shepherds -and planters in different parts of the Sudan. The accounts we have of -them in the early part of the eighteenth century, represent them to be -a peaceful and industrious people; one [1064] who visited their -settlements on the Gambia in 1731 speaks of them thus: “In every -kingdom and country on each side of the river are people of a tawny -colour, called Pholeys (i.e. Fulbe), who resemble the Arabs, whose -language most of them speak; for it is taught in their schools, and the -Koran, which is also their law, is in that language. They are more -generally learned in the Arabic, than the people of Europe are in -Latin; for they can most of them speak it; though they have a vulgar -tongue called Pholey. They live in hordes or clans, build towns, and -are not subject to any of the kings of the country, tho’ they live in -their territories; for if they are used ill in one nation they break up -their towns and remove to another. They have chiefs of their own, who -rule with such moderation, that every act of government seems rather an -act of the people than of one man. This form of government is easily -administered, because the people are of a good and quiet disposition, -and so well instructed in what is just and right, that a man who does -ill is the abomination of all.... They are very industrious and frugal, -and raise much more corn and cotton than they consume, which they sell -at reasonable rates, and are so remarkable for their hospitality that -the natives esteem it a blessing to have a Pholey town in their -neighbourhood; besides, their behaviour has gained them such reputation -that it is esteemed infamous for any one to treat them in an -inhospitable manner. Though their humanity extends to all, they are -doubly kind to people of their own race; and if they know of any of -their body being made a slave, all the Pholeys will unite to redeem -him. As they have plenty of food they never suffer any of their own -people to want; but support the old, the blind, and the lame, equally -with the others. They are seldom angry, and I never heard them abuse -one another; yet this mildness does not proceed from want of courage, -for they are as brave as any people of Africa, and are very expert in -the use of their arms, which are the assagay, short cutlasses, bows and -arrows and even guns upon occasion.... They are strict Mahometans; and -scarcely any of them will drink brandy, or anything stronger than -water.” - -Danfodio united into one powerful organisation these separate -communities, scattered throughout the various Hausa states. The first -outbreak occurred in the year 1802, in the still pagan kingdom of -Gober, which had gained ascendancy over the northernmost of the Hausa -states; the attempt of the king of Gober to check the growing power of -the Fulbe in his dominions caused Danfodio to raise the standard of -revolt; he soon found himself at the head of a powerful army, which -attacked not only the pagan tribes, forcing upon them the faith of the -Prophet, but also the Muhammadan Hausa states. These fell one after -another and the whole of Hausaland came under the rule of Danfodio -before his death in 1816. His grave in Sokoto is still an object of -reverence to large numbers of pilgrims. He divided his kingdom among -his two sons, who still further extended the boundary of Fulbe rule; -Adamaua, founded in 1837 on the ruins of several pagan kingdoms, marks -the limit of their conquests to the south-east; and the city of Ilorin, -in the Yoruba country, founded in the lifetime of Danfodio, was the -bulwark of the Pul empire to the south-west. With varying fortunes the -dominant power remained throughout the nineteenth century in the hands -of the Fulbe, who showed themselves cruel and fanatical propagandists -of Islam, until British administration was established in Nigeria in -1900. - -The introduction of law and order into Southern Nigeria has favoured -the propaganda of Islam as in other parts of Africa that have come -under European rule. The Hausa Muslims, some of whom belong to the -Tijāniyyah order, have been able to move freely about the country and -to penetrate among pagan tribes which had hitherto kept all Muhammadan -influences rigidly at bay. In the Yoruba country particularly Islam is -said to be rapidly gaining ground. There is a legend of an unsuccessful -attempt made by a Muslim missionary as early as the eleventh or twelfth -century; he was a Hausa who came to Ife, the religious capital of the -pagan Yoruba country, and used to call the people together and read -them passages from the Qurʼān; he could only speak the Yoruba language -imperfectly, and with a foreign accent he would repeat to his -listeners, “Let us worship Allāh: He created the mountain, He created -the lowland, He created everything, He created us.” He did this from -time to time without succeeding in winning a single convert, and died a -few months after his arrival in Ife. After his death his Qurʼān was -found hanging on a peg in the wall of his room, and it came to be -worshipped as a fetish. [1065] Where this early apostle of the faith -failed, his modern co-religionists have achieved a remarkable success. -During the period of anarchy before the British occupation, the Muslims -were for the most part congregated in large, walled towns, but under -the new conditions of security they are able to reside permanently in -villages, and near the scenes of their agricultural labours, and -Muhammadan influences have thus become more widely extended over the -country. As in German East Africa, the presence of Muhammadans among -the native troops has been found to be favourable to the extension of -their faith, and the pagan recruits often adopt Islam in order to -escape ridicule and gain in self-respect. [1066] In the Ijebu country -also, in Southern Nigeria, a quite recent propagandist movement has -been observed; Islam was only introduced into this part of the country -in 1893, and in 1908 there was one town with twenty, and another with -twelve mosques. [1067] This rapid spread of the Muslim faith is -particularly noticeable along the banks of the river Niger in Southern -Nigeria; a Christian missionary reports: “When I came out in 1898 there -were few Mohammedans to be seen below Iddah. [1068] Now they are -everywhere, excepting below Abo, and at the present rate of progress -there will scarcely be a heathen village on the river-banks by 1910.” -[1069] - -There has thus been much missionary work done for Islam in this part of -Africa by men who have never taken up the sword to further their -end,—the conversion of the heathen. Such have been the members of some -of the great Muhammadan religious orders, which form such a prominent -feature of the religious life of Northern Africa. Their efforts have -achieved great results during the nineteenth century, and though -doubtless much of their work has never been recorded, still we have -accounts of some of the movements initiated by them. - -Of these one of the earliest owed its inception to Sī Aḥmad b. Idrīs, -[1070] who enjoyed a wide reputation as a religious teacher in Mecca -from 1797 to 1833, and was the spiritual chief of the Khaḍriyyah; -before his death in 1835 he sent one of his disciples, by name Muḥammad -ʻUthmān al-Amīr Ghanī, on a proselytising expedition into Africa. -Crossing the Red Sea to Kossayr, he made his way inland to the Nile; -here, among a Muslim population, his efforts were mainly confined to -enrolling members of the order to which he belonged, but in his journey -up the river he did not meet with much success until he reached Aṣwān; -from this point up to Dongola, his journey became quite a triumphant -progress; the Nubians hastened to join his order, and the royal pomp -with which he was surrounded produced an impressive effect on this -people, and at the same time the fame of his miracles attracted to him -large numbers of followers. At Dongola Muḥammad ʻUthmān left the valley -of the Nile to go to Kordofan, where he made a long stay, and it was -here that his missionary work among unbelievers began. Many tribes in -this country and about Sennaar were still pagan, and among these the -preaching of Muḥammad ʻUthmān achieved a very remarkable success, and -he sought to make his influence permanent by contracting several -marriages, the issue of which, after his death in 1853, carried on the -work of the order he founded—called after his name the Amīrghaniyyah. -[1071] - -A few years before this missionary tour of Muḥammad ʻUthmān, the troops -of Muḥammad ʻAlī, the founder of the present dynasty of Egypt, had -begun to extend their conquests into the Eastern Sudan, and the -emissaries of the various religious orders in Egypt were encouraged by -the Egyptian government, in the hope that their labours would assist in -the pacification of the country, to carry on a propaganda in this -newly-acquired territory, where they laboured with so much success, -that the recent insurrection in the Sudan under the Mahdī has been -attributed to the religious fervour their preaching excited. [1072] - -In the West of Africa two orders have been especially instrumental in -the spread of Islam, the Qādiriyyah and the Tijāniyyah. The former, the -most widespread of the religious orders of Islam, was founded in the -twelfth century by ʻAbd al-Qādir al-Jīlānī, said to be the most popular -and most universally revered of all the saints of Islam, [1073]—and was -introduced into Western Africa in the fifteenth century, by emigrants -from Tuat, one of the oases in the western half of the Sahara; they -made Walata the first centre of their organisation, but later on their -descendants were driven away from this town, and took refuge in -Timbuktu, further to the east. In the beginning of the nineteenth -century the great spiritual revival that was so profoundly influencing -the Muhammadan world, stirred up the Qādiriyyah of the Sahara and the -Western Sudan to renewed life and energy, and before long, learned -theologians or small colonies of persons affiliated to the order were -to be found scattered throughout the Western Sudan from the Senegal to -the mouth of the Niger. The chief centres of their missionary -organisation are in Kanka, Timbo (Futah-Jallon) and Musardu (in the -Mandingo country). [1074] These initiates formed centres of Islamic -influence in the midst of a pagan population, among whom they received -a welcome as public scribes, legists, writers of amulets, and -schoolmasters: gradually they would acquire influence over their new -surroundings, and isolated cases of conversion would soon grow into a -little band of converts, the most promising of whom would often be sent -to complete their studies at the chief centres of the order, or even to -the schools of Kairwan or Tripoli, or to the universities of Fez and -al-Azhar in Cairo. [1075] Here they might remain for several years, -until they had perfected their theological studies, and would then -return to their native place, fully equipped for the work of spreading -the faith among their fellow-countrymen. In this way a leaven has been -introduced into the midst of fetish-worshippers and idolaters, which -has gradually spread the faith of Islam surely and steadily, though by -almost imperceptible degrees. Up to the middle of the nineteenth -century most of the schools in the Sudan were founded and conducted by -teachers trained under the auspices of the Qādiriyyah and their -organisation provided for a regular and continuous system of propaganda -among the heathen tribes. The missionary work of this order has been -entirely of a peaceful character, and has relied wholly on personal -example and precept, on the influence of the teacher over his pupils, -and on the spread of education. [1076] In this way the Qādiriyyah -missionaries of the Sudan have shown themselves true to the principles -of their founder and the universal tradition of their order. For the -guiding principles that governed the life of ʻAbd al-Qādir were love of -his neighbour and toleration: though kings and men of wealth showered -their gifts upon him, his boundless charity kept him always poor, and -in none of his books or precepts are to be found any expressions of -ill-will or enmity towards the Christians; whenever he spoke of the -people of the Book, it was only to express his sorrow for their -religious errors, and to pray that God might enlighten them. This -tolerant attitude he bequeathed as a legacy to his disciples, and it -has been a striking characteristic of his followers in all ages. [1077] - -The Tijāniyyah, belonging to an order founded in Algiers towards the -end of the eighteenth century, have, since their establishment in the -Sudan about the middle of the nineteenth century, pursued the same -missionary methods as the Qādiriyyah, and their numerous schools have -contributed largely to the propagation of the faith; but, unlike the -former, they have not refrained from appealing to the sword to assist -in the furtherance of their scheme of conversion, and, unfortunately -for a true estimate of the missionary work of Islam in Western Africa, -the fame of their Jihāds or religious wars has thrown into the shade -the successes of the peaceful propagandist, though the labours of the -latter have been more effectual towards the spread of Islam than the -creation of petty, short-lived dynasties. The records of campaigns, -especially when they have interfered with the commercial projects or -schemes of conquest of the white men, have naturally attracted the -attention of Europeans more than the unobtrusive labours of the -Muhammadan preacher and schoolmaster. But the history of such movements -possesses this importance, that—as has often happened in the case of -Christian missions also—conquest has opened out new fields for -missionary activity, and forcibly impressed on the minds of the -faithful the existence of large tracts of country whose inhabitants -still remained unconverted. - -The first of these militant propagandist movements on the part of the -members of the Tijāniyyah order owes its inception to al-Ḥājj ʻUmar, -who had been initiated into this order by a leader of the sect whose -acquaintance he made in Mecca. He was born in 1797, near Podor on the -Lower Senegal, and appears to have been a man of considerable -endowments and personal influence, and of a commanding presence. He was -the son of a marabout and received a careful religious education; he -was already famed for his learning and piety when he set out on the -pilgrimage to Mecca in 1827. He did not return to his own country until -1833, when he commenced an active propaganda of the teaching of the -Tijāniyyah order, fiercely attacking his co-religionists for their -ignorance and their lukewarmness, especially the adepts of the -Qādiriyyah order, whose toleration particularly excited his wrath. He -traversed the Central Sudan, winning many adherents and receiving -honour as a new prophet, until about 1841 he reached Futah-Jallon, -where he armed his followers and commenced a series of proselytising -expeditions against those tribes that still remained pagan about the -Upper Niger and the Senegal. It was in one of these expeditions that he -met his death in 1865. His son, Aḥmadu Shaykhu, succeeded in holding -together the various provinces of his father’s kingdom for a few years -only; internal conflicts and the advance of the French broke up the -Tijāniyyah empire, and their territories passed under the rule of -France. [1078] - -Some mention has already been made of the introduction of Islam into -this part of Africa. The seed planted here by ʻAbd Allāh b. Yāsīn and -his companions, was fructified by continual contact with Muhammadan -merchants and teachers, and with the Arabs of the oasis of al-Ḥawḍ and -others. A traveller of the fifteenth century tells how the Arabs strove -to teach the Negro chiefs the law of Muḥammad, pointing out how -shameful a thing it was for them, being chiefs, to live without any of -God’s laws, and to do as the base folk did who lived without any law at -all. From which it would appear that these early missionaries took -advantage of the imposing character of the Muslim religion and -constitution to impress the minds of these uncivilised savages. [1079] - -We have ampler details of a more recent movement of the same kind, -which had been set on foot in the south of Senegambia by a Mandingo, -named Ṣamudu, commonly known by the name Samory, a pagan soldier of -fortune born about 1846, who became a Muhammadan early in the course of -his career and founded an empire, south of Senegambia, in the country -watered by the upper basin of the Niger and its tributaries. An Arabic -account of the career of Samory, written by a native chronicler, gives -us some interesting details of his achievements. It begins as follows: -“This is an account of the Jihād of the Imām Aḥmadu Ṣamudu, a -Mandingo.... God conferred upon him His help continually after he began -the work of visiting the idolatrous pagans, who dwell between the sea -and the country of Wasulu, with a view of inviting them to follow the -religion of God, which is Islam. Know all ye who read this—that the -first effort of the Imām Ṣamudu was a town named Fulindiyah. Following -the Book and the Law and the Traditions, he sent messengers to the king -at that town, Sindidu by name, inviting him to submit to his -government, abandon the worship of idols and worship one God, the -Exalted, the True, whose service is profitable to His people in this -world and in the next; but they refused to submit. Then he imposed a -tribute upon them, as the Qurʼān commands on this subject; but they -persisted in their blindness and deafness. The Imām then collected a -small force of about five hundred men, brave and valiant, for the -Jihād, and he fought against the town, and the Lord helped him against -them and gave him the victory over them, and he pursued them with his -horses until they submitted. Nor will they return to their idolatry, -for now all their children are in schools being taught the Qurʼān, and -a knowledge of religion and civilisation. Praise be to God for this.” -[1080] It is not possible here to trace the course of his conquests, -which were marked by wholesale massacres and devastation. [1081] He -reached the height of his power about 1881, shortly after which he came -in conflict with the French, who took him prisoner in 1898 after a -series of harassing campaigns. He died in 1900. Though the effect of -his conquests was the destruction of large numbers of pagans who were -massacred by his ruthless armies, while others were terrified into a -nominal acceptance of Islam, he does not appear to have put before him -the same distinctly religious aim as al-Ḥājj ʻUmar did. [1082] He left -to the Qādiriyyah marabouts the task of propaganda, and they with their -accustomed traditions of toleration are said to have done much to -mitigate the savagery of his proceedings. [1083] They opened schools in -the conquered towns, established there the organisation of their order, -and both instructed the new converts and sought to win fresh ones. - -With regard to these militant movements of Muhammadan propagandism, it -is important to notice that it is not the military successes and -territorial conquests that have most contributed to the progress of -Islam in these parts; for it has been pointed out that, outside the -limits of those fragments of the empire of al-Ḥājj ʻUmar that have -definitively remained in the hands of his successors, the forced -conversions that he made have quickly been forgotten, and in spite of -the momentary grandeur of his successes and the enthusiasm of his -armies, very few traces remain of this armed propaganda. [1084] The -real importance of these movements in the missionary history of Islam -in Western Africa is the religious enthusiasm they stirred up, which -exhibited itself in a widespread missionary activity of a purely -peaceful character among the heathen populations. These Jihāds, rightly -looked upon, are but incidents in the modern Islamic revival and are by -no means characteristic of the forces and activities that have been -really operative in the promulgation of Islam in Africa: indeed, unless -followed up by distinctly missionary efforts they would have proved -almost wholly ineffectual in the creation of a true Muslim community. -In fact, the devastating wars and cruel violence of conquerors such as -al-Ḥājj ʻUmar and Samory and especially the emissaries of the -Tijāniyyah have caused the faith of Islam to be bitterly hated by the -pagan tribes of the Sudan in the countries watered by the Senegal and -the Niger. Hostility to the Muslim faith has almost assumed with them -the form of a national movement, but still this Muhammadan propaganda -has spread the faith of the Prophet in many parts of Guinea and -Senegambia, to which the Fulbe [1085] and merchants from the Hausa -country in their frequent trading expeditions have brought the -knowledge of their religion, and have succeeded during the last and the -present century in winning large numbers of converts. Especially -noteworthy is the activity of those Qādiriyyah preachers and Muslim -traders who have won fresh converts to their faith since the French -occupation has brought peace to the country; this peaceful penetration -has been facilitated in the French Sudan, as in other parts of Africa -that have recently come under the sway of European powers, by the -consideration shown by French officials to the educated classes, who -are of course all Muhammadans, and by the open contempt with which the -degraded habits and superstitions of the pagan fetish-worshippers are -regarded. [1086] - -But the proselytising work of the order that is now to be described has -never in any way been connected with violence or war and has employed -in the service of religion only the arts of peace and persuasion. In -1837 a religious society was founded by an Algerian jurisconsult, named -Sīdī Muḥammad b. ʻAlī al-Sanūsī, with the object of reforming Islam and -spreading the faith; before his death in 1859, he had succeeded in -establishing, by the sheer force of his genius and without the shedding -of blood, a theocratic state, to which his followers render devoted -allegiance and the limits of which are every day being extended by his -successors. [1087] The members of this sect are bound by rigid rules to -carry out to the full the precepts of the Qurʼān in accordance with the -most strictly monotheistic principles, whereby worship is to be given -to God alone, and prayers to saints and pilgrimages to their tombs are -absolutely interdicted. They must abstain from coffee and tobacco, -avoid all intercourse with Jews or Christians, contribute a certain -portion of their income to the funds of the society, if they do not -give themselves up entirely to its service, and devote all their -energies to the advancement of Islam, resisting at the same time any -concessions to European influences. This sect is spread over the whole -of North Africa, having religious houses scattered about the country -from Egypt to Morocco, and far into the interior, in the oases of the -Sahara and the Sudan. The centre of its organisation was in the oasis -of Jaghabūb [1088] in the Libyan desert between Egypt and Tripoli, -where every year hundreds of missionaries were trained and sent out as -preachers of Islam to all parts of northern Africa. It is to the -religious house in this village that all the branch establishments -(said to be 121 in number) looked for counsel and instruction in all -matters concerning the management and extension of this vast theocracy, -which embraced in a marvellous organisation thousands of persons of -numerous races and nations, otherwise separated from one another by -vast differences of geographical situation and worldly interests. For -the success that has been achieved by the zealous and energetic -emissaries of this association is enormous; convents of the order are -to be found not only all over the north of Africa from Egypt to -Morocco, throughout the Sudan, in Senegambia and Somaliland, but -members of the order are to be found also in Arabia, Mesopotamia and -the islands of the Malay Archipelago. [1089] Though primarily a -movement of reform in the midst of Islam itself, the Sanūsiyyah sect is -also actively proselytising, and several African tribes that were -previously pagan or merely nominally Muslim, have since the advent of -the emissaries of this sect in their midst, become zealous adherents of -the faith of the Prophet. Thus, for example, the Sanūsī missionaries -laboured to convert that portion of the Baele (a tribe inhabiting the -hill country of Ennedi, E. of Borku) which was still heathen, and -communicated their own religious zeal to such other sections of the -tribe as had only a very superficial knowledge of Islam, and were -Muhammadan only in name; [1090] the Tedas of Tu or Tibesti, in the -Sahara, S. of Fezzan, who were likewise Muhammadans only in name when -the Sanūsiyyah came among them, also bear witness to the success of -their efforts. [1091] The missionaries of this sect also carry on an -active propaganda in the Galla country and fresh workers are sent -thither every year from Harar, where the Sanūsiyyah are very strong and -include among their numbers all the chiefs in the court of the Amīr -almost without exception. [1092] In the furtherance of their -proselytising efforts these missionaries open schools, form settlements -in the oases of the desert, and—noticeably in the case of the -Wadai—they have gained large accessions to their numbers by the -purchase of slaves, who have been educated at Jaghabūb and when deemed -sufficiently well instructed in the tenets of the sect, enfranchised -and then sent back to their native country to convert their brethren. -[1093] It would appear, however, that the influence of this order is -now on the decline. [1094] - -Slight as these records are of the missionary labours of the Muslims -among the pagan tribes of the Sudan, they are of importance in view of -the general dearth of information regarding the spread of Islam in this -part of Africa. But while documentary evidence is wanting, the -Muhammadan communities dwelling in the midst of fetish-worshippers and -idolaters, as representatives of a higher faith and civilisation, are a -living testimony to the proselytising labours of the Muhammadan -missionaries, and (especially on the south-western borderland of -Islamic influence) present a striking contrast to the pagan tribes -demoralised by the European gin traffic. This contrast has been well -indicated by a modern traveller, [1095] in speaking of the degraded -condition of the tribes of the Lower Niger: “In steaming up the river -(i.e. the Niger), I saw little in the first 200 miles to alter my -views, for there luxuriated in congenial union fetishism, cannibalism -and the gin trade. But as I left behind me the low-lying coast region, -and found myself near the southern boundary of what is called the -Central Sudan, I observed an ever-increasing improvement in the -appearance of the character of the native; cannibalism disappeared, -fetishism followed in its wake, the gin trade largely disappeared, -while on the other hand, clothes became more voluminous and decent, -cleanliness the rule, while their outward more dignified bearing still -further betokened a moral regeneration. Everything indicated a -leavening of some higher element, an element that was clearly taking a -deep hold on the negro nature and making him a new man. That element -you will perhaps be surprised to learn is Mahommedanism. On passing -Lokoja at the confluence of the Benué with the Niger, I left behind me -the missionary outposts of Islam, and entering the Central Sudan, I -found myself in a comparatively well-governed empire, teeming with a -busy populace of keen traders, expert manufacturers of cloth, brass -work and leather; a people, in fact, who have made enormous advances -towards civilisation.” - -In order to form a just estimate of the missionary activity of Islam in -Nigritia, it must be borne in mind that, while on the coast and along -the southern boundary of the sphere of Islamic influence, the -Muhammadan missionary is the pioneer of his religion, there is still -left behind him a vast field for Muslim propaganda in the inland -countries that stretch away to the north and the east, though it is -long since Islam took firm root in this soil. Some sections of the -Fūnj, the predominant Negro race of Sennaar, are partly Muhammadan and -partly heathen, and Muhammadan merchants from Nubia are attempting the -conversion of the latter. [1096] - -The pagan tribe of the Jukun, [1097] whose once powerful kingdom -disappeared before the victorious development of the Fulbe, has -withstood the advancing influence of Muhammadanism, though the foreign -minister of their king has always been a Muslim and colonies of Hausas -and other Muhammadans have settled among them; but these Muslim -settlers do not succeed in making any converts from among the Jukun, -whose traditions of their past greatness make them cling to the -national faith whose spiritual headship is vested in their king. [1098] - -It would be easy also to enumerate many sections of the population of -the Sudan and Senegambia, that still retain their heathen habits and -beliefs, or cover these only with a slight veneer of Muhammadan -observance even though they have been (in most cases) surrounded for -centuries by the followers of the Prophet. The Konnohs, an offshoot of -the great tribe of the Mandingos, are still largely pagan, and it is -only in recent years that Islam has been making progress among them. -[1099] Consequently, the remarkable zeal for missionary work that has -displayed itself among the Muhammadans of these parts during the -present century, has not far to go in order to find abundant scope for -its activity. Hence the importance, in the missionary history of Islam -in this continent, of the movements of reform in the Muslim religion -itself and the revivals of religious life, to which attention has been -drawn above. - -The West Coast is another field for Muhammadan missionary enterprise -where Islam finds itself confronted with a vast population still -unconverted, in spite of the progress it has made on the Guinea Coast, -in Sierra Leone and Liberia, in which last there are more Muhammadans -than heathen. One of the earliest notices of Muslim missionary activity -in the neighbourhood of Sierra Leone is to be found in a petition for -the dissolution of the Sierra Leone Company, ordered to be printed by -the House of Commons, on the 25th May, 1802. “Not more than seventy -years ago, a small number of Mahomedans established themselves in a -country about forty miles to the northward of Sierra Leone, called from -them the Mandingo Country. As is the practice of the professors of that -religion they formed schools, in which the Arabic language and the -doctrines of Mahomet were taught, and the customs of Mahomedans, -particularly that of not selling any of their own religion as slaves, -were adopted. Laws founded on the Koran were introduced. Those -practices which chiefly contribute to depopulate the coast were -eradicated, and in spite of many intestine convulsions, a great -comparative degree of civilisation, union and security were introduced. -Population, in consequence, rapidly increased and the whole power of -that part of the country in which they are settled has gradually fallen -into their hands. Those who have been taught in their schools are -succeeding to wealth and power in the neighbouring countries, and carry -with them a considerable portion of their religion and laws. Other -chiefs are adopting the name assumed by these Mahomedans, on account of -the respect which attends it; and the religion of Islam seems likely to -diffuse itself peaceably over the whole district in which the colony is -situated, carrying with it those advantages which seem ever to have -attended its victory over Negro superstition.” [1100] In the Mendi -country, about one hundred miles south of Sierra Leone, Islam appears -to have found an entrance only in the present century, but to be now -making steady progress. “The propagandism is not conducted by any -special order of priests set apart for the purpose, but every Musalman -is an active missionary. Some half a dozen of them, more or less, -meeting in a town, where they intend to reside for any length of time, -soon run up a mosque and begin work. They first approach the chief of -the town and obtain his consent to their intended act, and perhaps his -promise to become an adherent. They teach him their prayers in Arabic, -or as much as he can, or cares to, commit to memory. They put him -through the forms and ceremonies used in praying, forbid him the use of -alcoholic beverages—a restriction as often observed as not—and lo! the -man is a convert.” [1101] On the Guinea Coast, Muslim influences are -spread chiefly by Hausa traders who are to be found in all the -commercial towns on this coast; whenever they form a settlement, they -at once build a mosque and by their devout behaviour, and their -superior culture, they impress the heathen inhabitants; whole tribes of -fetish-worshippers pass over to Islam as the result of their imitation -of what they recognise to be a higher civilisation than their own, -without any particular efforts being necessary for persuading them. -[1102] - -In Ashanti there was a nucleus of a Muhammadan population to be found -as early as 1750 and the missionaries of Islam have laboured there ever -since with slow but sure success, [1103] as they find a ready welcome -in the country and have gained for themselves considerable influence at -the court; by means of their schools they get a hold on the minds of -the younger generation, and there are said to be significant signs that -Islam will become the predominant religion in Ashanti, as already many -of the chiefs have adopted it. [1104] In Dahomey and the Gold Coast, -Islam is daily making fresh progress, and even when the heathen -chieftains do not themselves embrace it, they very frequently allow -themselves to come under the influence of its missionaries, who know -how to take advantage of this ascendancy in their labours among the -common people. [1105] Dahomey and Ashanti are the most important -kingdoms in this part of the continent that are still subject to pagan -rulers, and their conversion is said to be a question of a short time -only. [1106] In Lagos there are well-nigh 10,000 Muslims, and all the -trading stations of the West Coast include in their populations numbers -of Musalmans belonging to the superior Negro tribes, such as the Fulbe, -the Mandingos and the Hausa. When these men come down to the cities of -the coast, as they do in considerable numbers, either as traders or to -serve as troops in the armies of the European powers, they cannot fail -to impress by their bold and independent bearing the Negro of the -coast-land; he sees that the believers in the Qurʼān are everywhere -respected by European governors, officials and merchants; they are not -so far removed from him in race, appearance, dress or manners as to -make admission into their brotherhood impossible to him, and to him too -is offered a share in their privileges on condition of conversion to -their faith. [1107] As soon as the pagan Negro, however obscure or -degraded, shows himself willing to accept the teachings of the Prophet, -he is at once admitted as an equal into their society, and admission -into the brotherhood of Islam is not a privilege grudgingly granted, -but one freely offered by zealous and eager proselytisers. For, from -the mouth of the Senegal to Lagos, over two thousand miles, there is -said to be hardly any town of importance on the seaboard in which there -is not at least one mosque, with active propagandists of Islam, often -working side by side with the teachers of Christianity. [1108] - -We must now turn to the history of the spread of Islam on the other -side of the continent of Africa, the inhabitants of which were in -closer proximity to the land where this faith had its birth. The facts -recorded respecting the early settlements of the Arabs on the East -Coast are very meagre; according to an Arabic chronicle which the -Portuguese found in Kiloa [1109] when that town was sacked by Don -Francisco d’Almeïda in 1505, the first settlers were a body of Arabs -who were driven into exile because they followed the heretical -teachings of a certain Zayd, [1110] a descendant of the Prophet, after -whom they were called Emozaydij (probably أمّة زيديّة or people of -Zayd). The Zayd here referred to is probably Zayd b. ʻAlī, a grandson -of Ḥusayn and so great-grandson of ʻAlī, the nephew of Muḥammad: in the -reign of the caliph Hishām he claimed to be the Imām Mahdī and stirred -up a revolt among the Shīʻah faction, but was defeated and put to death -in A.H. 122 (A.D. 740). [1111] - -They seem to have lived in considerable dread of the original pagan -inhabitants of the country, but succeeded gradually in extending their -settlements along the coast, until the arrival of another band of -fugitives who came from the Arabian side of the Persian Gulf, not far -from the island of Baḥrayn. These came in three ships under the -leadership of seven brothers, in order to escape from the persecution -of the king of Lasah, [1112] a city hard by the dwelling-place of their -tribe. The first town they built was Magadaxo, [1113] which afterwards -rose to such power as to assume lordship over all the Arabs of the -coast. But the original settlers, the Emozaydij, belonging as they did -to a different Muhammadan sect, being Shīʻahs, while the new-comers -were Sunnīs, were unwilling to submit to the authority of the rulers of -Magadaxo, and retired into the interior, where they became merged into -the native population, intermarrying with them and adopting their -manners and customs. [1114] - -Magadaxo was founded about the middle of the tenth century and remained -the most powerful city on this coast for more than seventy years, when -the arrival of another expedition from the Persian Gulf led to the -establishment of a rival settlement further south. The leader of this -expedition was named ʻAlī, one of the seven sons of a certain Sultan -Ḥasan of Shiraz: because his mother was an Abyssinian, he was looked -down upon with contempt by his brothers, whose cruel treatment of him -after the death of their father, determined him to leave his native -land and seek a home elsewhere. Accordingly, with his wife and children -and a small body of followers, he set sail from the island of Ormuz, -and avoiding Magadaxo, whose inhabitants belonged to a different sect, -and having heard that gold was to be found on the Zanzibar coast, he -pushed on to the south and founded the city of Kiloa, where he could -maintain a position of independence and be free from the interference -of his predecessors further north. [1115] - -In this way a number of Arab towns sprang up along the east coast from -the Gulf of Aden to the Tropic of Capricorn, on the fringe of what was -called by the mediæval Arab geographers the country of the Zanj. -Whatever efforts may have been made by the Muhammadan settlers to -convert the Zanj, no record of them seems to have survived. There is a -curious story preserved in an old collection of travels written -probably in the early part of the tenth century, which represents Islam -as having been introduced among one of these tribes by the king of it -himself. An Arab trading vessel was driven out of its course by a -tempest in the year A.D. 922 and carried to the country of the -man-eating Zanj, where the crew expected certain death. On the -contrary, the king of the place received them kindly and entertained -them hospitably for several months, while they disposed of their -merchandise on advantageous terms; but the merchants repaid his -kindness with foul treachery, by seizing him and his attendants when -they came on board to bid them farewell, and then carrying them off as -slaves to Omam. Some years later the same merchants were driven by a -storm to the same port, where they were recognised by the natives who -surrounded them in their canoes; giving themselves up for lost this -time, they repeated for one another the prayers for the dead. They were -taken before the king, whom they discovered to their surprise and -confusion to be the same they had so shamefully treated some years -before. Instead, however, of taking vengeance upon them for their -treacherous conduct, he spared their lives and allowed them to sell -their goods, but rejected with scorn the rich presents they offered. -Before they left, one of the party ventured to ask the king to tell the -story of his escape. He described how he had been taken as a slave to -Baṣrah and thence to Baghdād, where he was converted to Islam and -instructed in the faith; escaping from his master, he joined a caravan -of pilgrims going to Mecca, and after performing the prescribed rites, -reached Cairo and made his way up the Nile in the direction of his own -country, which he reached at length after encountering many dangers and -having been more than once enslaved. Restored once again to his -kingdom, he taught his people the faith of Islam; “and now I rejoice in -that God hath given to me and to my people the knowledge of Islam and -the true faith; to no other in the land of the Zanj hath this grace -been vouchsafed; and it is because you have been the cause of my -conversion, that I pardon you. Tell the Muslims that they may come to -our country, and that we—Muslims like themselves—will treat them as -brothers.” [1116] - -From the same source we learn that even at this early period, this -coast-land was frequented by large numbers of Arab traders, yet in -spite of centuries of intercourse with the followers of Islam, the -original inhabitants of this coast (with the exception of the Somalis) -have been remarkably little influenced by this religion. Even before -the Portuguese conquests of the sixteenth century, what few conversions -had been made, seem to have been wholly confined to the sea-border, and -even after the decline of Portuguese influence in this part of the -world, and the restoration of Arab rule under the Sayyids of Omam, -hardly any efforts were made until the twentieth century to spread the -knowledge of Islam among the tribes of the interior, with the exception -of the Galla and Somali. As a modern traveller has said: “During the -three expeditions which I conducted in East Central Africa I saw -nothing to suggest Mohammedanism as a civilising power. Whatever living -force might be in the religion remained latent. The Arabs, or their -descendants, in these parts were not propagandists. There were no -missionaries to preach Islam, and the natives of Muscat were content -that their slaves should conform, to a certain extent, to the forms of -the religion. They left the East African tribes, who indeed, in their -gross darkness, were evidently content to remain in happy ignorance. -Their inaptitude for civilisation was strikingly shown in the strange -fact that five hundred years of contact with semi-civilised people had -left them without the faintest reflection of the higher traits which -characterised their neighbours—not a single good seed during all these -years had struck root and flourished.” [1117] Given up wholly to the -pursuits of commerce or to slave-hunting, the Arabs in Eastern Africa -exhibited a lukewarmness in promoting the interests of their faith, -which is in striking contrast to the missionary zeal displayed by their -co-religionists in other parts of Africa. - -A notable exception is the propagandist activity of the Arab traders -who were admitted into Uganda in the first half of the nineteenth -century; they probably recognised that the sturdy independence of the -Baganda made slave-raiding among them impossible, so they sought to -gain their confidence by winning them over to their own faith. Many of -the Baganda became Muhammadans during the reign of King Mutesa, but -Stanley’s visit to this monarch in 1875 led to the introduction of -Christian missions in the following year, and the power of the -Muhammadans in the state declined with the rapid increase in the -numbers of the Christian converts and the establishment of a British -Protectorate. [1118] But a number of Muhammadans still hold important -positions in Uganda, and it is stated that there is a possibility of -the Eastern Province becoming Muslim. In the rich tributary country of -Busoga, to the north of Uganda, a large number of those in authority -were said, in 1906, to be Muhammadans. [1119] But with this exception -Islam in East Equatorial Africa was up to the latter part of the -nineteenth century confined to the coast-lands and the immediately -adjoining country. The explanation would appear to be that it was not -to the interests of the slave-dealers to spread Islam among the heathen -tribes from among whom they obtained their unhappy victims; for, once -converted to Islam, the native tribes would enter into the brotherhood -of the faith and could not be raided and carried off as slaves. [1120] - -The suppression of the slave-trade, with the extension of European rule -over East Equatorial Africa, was followed by a remarkable expansion of -Muslim missionary activity; peace and order were established in the -interior, railways and high roads were made, and the peaceful Muslim -trader could now make his way into districts hitherto closed to him. -The administration selected its officials from among the more -cultivated Muhammadan section of the population; thousands of posts -were created by the government of German East Africa and given to -Muhammadan officials, whose influence was used to bring over whole -villages to Islam. [1121] The teachers of the state schools were -likewise Muhammadans, and as early as the last decades of the -nineteenth century Swahili schoolmasters were observed to be carrying -on a lively and successful mission work among the people of Bondëi and -the Wadigo (who dwell a little inland from the coast) in German East -Africa. [1122] But it was in the beginning of the twentieth century, -especially after the suppression of the insurrection of 1905 in German -East Africa, that the activity of this new missionary movement became -strikingly noticeable in the interior. [1123] This movement of -expansion has especially followed the railroads and the great trade -routes, and has spread right across German East Africa to its western -boundary on Lake Tanganyika, northward from Usambara to the Kilimanjaro -district, and southward to Lake Nyasa. [1124] The workers in this -propaganda are merchants, especially Swahilis from the coast, soldiers -and government officials. [1125] The acceptance of Islam is looked upon -as a sign of an elevation to a higher civilisation and social status, -and the ridicule with which the pagans are regarded by the Muhammadans -is said often to be a determining factor in their conversion. [1126] An -instance of the operation of this feeling may be taken from West -Usambara, which was said in 1891 to be still closed to Islam; the -feeling of both chiefs and people was hostile to the Muhammadans, who -were hated and feared as slave-dealers; but when the days of the -slave-trade were over and an ordered administration was established, -the first native officials appointed were almost entirely Muhammadans; -they impressed upon the chiefs and other notables who came in touch -with them that it was the correct thing for those who moved in official -circles to be Muhammadans, and thereby achieved the conversion of some -of the greater chiefs, who afterwards exercised a similar influence on -chiefs of an inferior degree. [1127] There seems to be little evidence -of the activity of professional missionaries or of any of the religious -orders, but there are not wanting evidences of systematic efforts, such -as those of a Muslim teacher, who is reported to have regularly visited -a district in the Kilimanjaro country every week for five months, -preaching the faith of Islam; his ministrations were welcomed by the -people, whom he entertained with feasts of rice, etc. [1128] In this -zealous propaganda it is noticeable that the preachers of Islam do not -confine their attention to pagans only, but seek also to win converts -from among the native Christians. [1129] - -Islam made its way into Nyasaland also from the East Coast, having been -introduced by the slave-raiding Arabs and their allies the Yaos, whose -ancestors came from near the East Coast where they had long since -accepted Islam. It is said that an Arab is now seldom seen in -Nyasaland, but the Yaos constitute one of the most powerful native -tribes in Nyasaland, and look upon Islam as their national faith. -Though there appears to be no organised propaganda, Islam has spread -very rapidly during the first decade of the twentieth century, and that -among some of the most intelligent tribes in the country. [1130] - -Islam has achieved a similar success among the Galla and the Somali. -Mention has already been made of the Galla settlements in Abyssinia; -these immigrants, who are divided into seven principal clans, with the -generic name of Wollo-Galla, were probably all heathen at the time of -their incursion into the country, [1131] and a large part of them -remain so to the present day. After settling in Abyssinia they soon -became naturalised there, and in many instances adopted the language, -manners and customs of the original inhabitants of the country. [1132] - -The story of their conversion is obscure: while some of them are said -to have been forcibly baptised into the Christian faith, the absence of -any political power in the hands of the Muhammadans precludes the -possibility of any converts to Islam having been made in a similar -fashion. In the eighteenth century, those in the south were said to be -mostly Muhammadans, those to the east and west chiefly pagans. [1133] -More recent information points to a further increase in the number of -the followers of the Prophet, and in 1867 Munzinger prophesied that in -a short time all the Galla tribes would be Muhammadan, [1134] and as -they were said to be “very fanatical,” we may presume that they were by -no means half-hearted or lukewarm in their adherence to this religion. -[1135] - -The Galla freedman whom Doughty met at Khaybar certainly exhibited a -remarkable degree of zeal for his own faith. He had been carried off -from his home when a child and sold as a slave in Jiddah; when Doughty -asked him whether no anger was left in his heart against those who had -stolen him and sold his life to servitude in the ends of the earth, -“Yet one thing,” he answered, “has recompensed me,—that I remained not -in ignorance with the heathen!—Oh, the wonderful providence of Ullah! -whereby I am come to this country of the Apostle, and to the knowledge -of the religion!” [1136] “Oh! what sweetness is there in believing! -Trust me, dear comrade, it is a thing above that which any heart may -speak; and would God thou wert come to this (heavenly) knowledge; but -the Lord will surely have a care of thee, that thou shouldst not perish -without the religion. Ay, how good a thing it were to see thee a -Moslem, and become one with us; but I know that the time is in God’s -hand: the Lord’s will be done.” [1137] - -Among the Galla tribes of the true Galla country, the population is -partly Muhammadan (some tribes having been converted about 1500) [1138] -and partly heathen, with the exception of those tribes immediately -bordering on Abyssinia who in the latter part of the nineteenth century -were forced by the king of that country to accept Christianity. [1139] -Among the mountains, the Muhammadans are in a minority, but on the -plains the missionaries of Islam have met with striking success, and -their teaching found a rapidly increasing acceptance during the last -century. Antonio Cecchi, who visited the petty kingdom of Limmu in -1878, gives an account of the conversion of Abba Baghibò, [1140] the -father of the then reigning chieftain, by Muhammadans who for some -years had been pushing their proselytising efforts in this country in -the guise of traders. His example was followed by the chiefs of the -neighbouring Galla kingdoms and by the officers of their courts; part -of the common people also were won over to the new faith, and it -continued to make progress among them, but the greater part cling -firmly to their ancient cult. [1141] These traders received a ready -welcome at the courts of the Galla chiefs, inasmuch as they found them -a market for the commercial products of the country and imported -objects of foreign manufacture in exchange. As they made their journeys -to the coast once a year only, or even once in two years, and lived all -the rest of the time in the Galla country, they had plenty of -opportunities, which they knew well how to avail themselves of, for the -work of propagating Islam, and wherever they set their foot they were -sure in a short space of time to gain a large number of proselytes. -[1142] Islam here came in conflict with Christian missionaries from -Europe, whose efforts, though winning for Christianity a few converts, -have been crowned with very little success, [1143]—even the converts of -Cardinal Massaja (after he was expelled from these parts) either -embraced Islam or ended by believing neither in Christ nor in Allāh, -[1144]—whereas the Muslim missionaries achieved a continuous success, -and pushed their way far to the south, and crossed the Wābi river. -[1145] The majority of the Galla tribes dwelling in the west of the -Galla country were still heathen towards the end of the nineteenth -century, but among the most westerly of them, viz. the Lega, [1146] the -old nature worship appeared to be on the decline and the growing -influence of the Muslim missionaries made it probable that within a few -years the Lega would all have entered into the pale of Islam. [1147] - -The North-East Africa of the present day presents indeed the spectacle -of a remarkably energetic and zealous missionary activity on the part -of the Muhammadans. Several hundreds of missionaries come from Arabia -every year, and they have been even more successful in their labours -among the Somali than among the Galla. [1148] The close proximity of -the Somali country to Arabia must have caused it very early to have -been the scene of Muhammadan missionary labours, but of these -unfortunately little record seems to have survived. The people of -Zaylaʻ were said by Ibn Ḥawqal [1149] in the second half of the ninth -century to be Christians, but in the first half of the fourteenth -century Abu’l-Fidā speaks of them as being Musalmans. [1150] The new -faith was probably brought across the sea by Arab merchants or -refugees. The Somalis of the north have a tradition of a certain Arab -of noble birth who, compelled to flee his own country, crossed the sea -to Adel, where he preached the faith of Islam among their forefathers. -[1151] In the fifteenth century a band of forty-four Arabs came as -missionaries from Ḥaḍramawt, landing at Berberah on the Red Sea, and -thence dispersed over the Somali country to preach Islam. One of them, -Shaykh Ibrāhīm Abū Zarbay, made his way to the city of Harar about A.D. -1430, and gained many converts there, and his tomb is still honoured in -that city. A hill near Berberah is still called the Mount of Saints in -memory of these missionaries, who are said to have sat there in solemn -conclave before scattering far and wide to the work of conversion. -[1152] Islam gradually became predominant throughout the whole of -North-East Africa, but the growing power of the Emperor Menelik and his -occupation of Harar in 1886 resulted in a certain number of conversions -to Christianity. [1153] - -In order to complete this survey of Islam in Africa, it remains only to -draw attention to the fact that this religion has also made its -entrance into the extreme south of this continent, viz. in Cape Colony. -These Muhammadans of the Cape are descendants of Malays, who were -brought here by the Dutch [1154] either in the seventeenth or -eighteenth century; [1155] they speak a corrupt form of the Boer -dialect, with a considerable admixture of Arabic, and some English and -Malay words. A curious little book published in this dialect and -written in Arabic characters was published in Constantinople in 1877 by -the Turkish minister of education, to serve as a handbook of the -principles of the Muslim faith. [1156] The thoroughly Dutch names that -some of them bear, and the type of face observable in many of them, -point to the probability that they have at some time received into -their community some persons of Dutch birth, or at least that they have -in their veins a considerable admixture of Dutch blood. They have also -gained some converts from among the Hottentots. Very little notice has -been taken of them by European travellers, [1157] or even by their -co-religionists until recently. In 1819 Colebrooke had drawn attention -to the growth of Islam in some interesting notes he wrote on the Cape -Colony: “Mohammedanism is said to be gaining ground among the slaves -and free people of colour at the Cape; that is to say, more converts -among negroes and blacks of every description are made from Paganism to -the Musleman, than to the Christian religion, notwithstanding the -zealous exertions of pious missionaries. One cause of this perversion -is asserted to be a marked disinclination of slave owners to allow -their slaves to be baptized; arising from some erroneous notions or -over-charged apprehensions of the rights which a baptized slave -acquires. Slaves are certainly impressed with the idea that such a -disinclination subsists, and it is not an unfrequent answer of a slave, -when asked his motives for turning Musleman, that ‘some religion he -must have, and he is not allowed to turn Christian.’ Prejudices in this -respect are wearing away; and less discouragement is now given to the -conversion of slaves than heretofore. Masters, it is affirmed, begin to -find that their slaves serve not the worse for instruction received in -religious duties. Missionaries who devote themselves especially to the -religious instruction of slaves (and there is one in each of the -principal towns) have increasing congregations, and hope that their -labours are not unfruitful. But the Musleman priest, with less -exertion, has a greater flock.” [1158] During the last fifty years the -Muhammadans in Cape Colony have been visited by some zealous -co-religionists from other countries, and more attention is now paid by -them to education, and a deeper religious life has been stirred up -among them, and they are said to carry on a zealous propaganda, -especially among the coloured people at the Cape and to achieve a -certain success. [1159] This proselytising movement is especially -strong in the western part of Cape Colony. It is said that there is a -movement on foot for the founding of a college at Claremont, in the -vicinity of Cape Town, which shall become a centre for the propagation -of Islam. One of the methods at present employed is the adoption of -neglected or abandoned children, who are brought up in the Muslim -faith. [1160] Every year some of them make the pilgrimage to Mecca, -where a special Shaykh has been appointed to look after them. [1161] -The Indian coolies that come to work in the diamond fields of South -Africa are also said to be propagandists of Islam. [1162] - -On account of its isolated position, 220 to 540 miles from the -mainland, the island of Madagascar calls for separate mention. The only -tribe that has adopted Islam is that of the Antaimorona, occupying a -part of the south-east coast; they undoubtedly owed their conversion to -missionaries from Arabia, but the date at which this change of faith -took place is entirely unknown; tradition would carry it back to the -very days of Muḥammad himself, but it is not until the sixteenth -century that we get, in the works of Italian and Portuguese -geographers, authentic mention of Muhammadans on the island. [1163] - -From the historical sketch given above it may be seen that peaceful -methods have largely characterised the Muhammadan missionary movement -in Africa, and though Islam has often taken the sword as an instrument -to further its spiritual conquests, such an appeal to violence and -bloodshed has in most cases been preceded by the peaceful efforts of -the missionary, and the preacher has followed the conqueror to complete -the imperfect work of conversion. It is true that the success of Islam -has been very largely facilitated in many parts of Africa by the -worldly successes of Muhammadan adventurers, and the erection of -Muhammadan states on the ruins of pagan kingdoms, and fire and -bloodshed have often marked the course of a Jihād, projected for the -extermination of the infidel. The words of the young Arab from Bornu -whom Captain Burton [1164] met in the palace of the King of Abeokuta -doubtless express the aspirations of many an African Muhammadan: “Give -those guns and powder to us, and we will soon Islamise these dogs”: and -they find an echo in the message that Mungo Park [1165] gives us as -having been sent by the Muslim King of Futah Toro to his pagan -neighbour: “With this knife Abdulkader will condescend to shave the -head of Damel, if Damel will embrace the Mahommedan faith; and with -this other knife Abdulkader will cut the throat of Damel, if Damel -refuses to embrace it; take your choice.” - -But much as Islam may have owed to the martial prowess of such fanatics -as these, there is the overwhelming testimony of travellers and others -to the peaceful missionary preaching, and quiet and persistent labours -of the Muslim propagandist, which have done more for the rapid spread -of Islam in modern Africa than any violent measures: by the latter its -opponents may indeed have been exterminated, but by the former chiefly, -have its converts been made, and the work of conversion may still be -observed in progress in many regions of the coast and the interior. -[1166] Wherever Islam has made its way, there is the Muhammadan -missionary to be found bearing witness to its doctrines,—the trader, be -he Arab, Pul or Mandingo, who combines proselytism with the sale of his -merchandise, and whose very profession brings him into close and -immediate contact with those he would convert, and disarms any possible -suspicion of sinister motives; such a man when he enters a pagan -village soon attracts attention by his frequent ablutions and regularly -recurring times of prayer and prostration, in which he appears to be -conversing with some invisible being, and by his very assumption of -intellectual and moral superiority, commands the respect and confidence -of the heathen people, to whom at the same time he shows himself ready -and willing to communicate his high privileges and knowledge;—the ḥājī -or pilgrim who has returned from Mecca full of enthusiasm for the -spread of the faith, to which he devotes his whole energies, wandering -about from place to place, supported by the alms of the faithful who -bear witness to the truth in the midst of their pagan neighbours;—the -student who, in consequence of his knowledge of Islamic theology and -law, receives honour as a man of learning: sometimes, too, he practises -medicine, or at least he is in great requisition as a writer of charms, -texts from the Qurʼān, which are sewn up in pieces of leather or cloth -and tied on the arms, or round the neck, and which he can turn to -account as a means of adding to the number of his converts: for -instance, when childless women or those who have lost their children in -infancy, apply for these charms, as a condition of success the -obligation is always imposed upon them of bringing up their future -children as Muhammadans. [1167] These religious teachers, or marabouts, -or alūfas as they are variously termed, are held in the highest -estimation. In some tribes of Western Africa every village contains a -lodge for their reception, and they are treated with the utmost -deference and respect: in Darfur they hold the highest rank after those -who fill the offices of government: among the Mandingos they rank still -higher, and receive honour next to the king, the subordinate chiefs -being regarded as their inferiors in point of dignity: in those states -in which the Qurʼān is made the rule of government in all civil -matters, their services are in great demand, in order to interpret its -meaning. So sacred are the persons of these teachers esteemed, that -they pass without molestation through the countries of chiefs, not only -hostile to each other, but engaged in actual warfare. Such deference is -not only paid to them in Muhammadan countries, but also in the pagan -villages in which they establish their schools, where the people -respect them as the instructors of their children, and look upon them -as the medium between themselves and Heaven, either for securing a -supply of their necessities, or for warding off or removing calamities. -[1168] Many of these teachers have studied in the mosques of Qayrwān, -Fas, Tripoli [1169] and other centres of Muslim learning; but -especially in the mosque of al-Azhar in Cairo. Students flock to it -from all parts of the Muslim world, and among them is often to be found -a contingent from Negro Africa,—students from Darfur, Wadai and Bornu, -and some who even make their way on foot from the far distant West -Coast; when they have finished their courses of study in Muslim -theology and jurisprudence, there are many of them who become -missionaries among the heathen population of their native land. Schools -are established by these missionaries in the towns they visit, which -are frequented by the pagan as well as the Muslim children. They are -taught to read the Qurʼān, and instructed in the doctrines and -ceremonies of Islam. Having thus gained a footing, the Muhammadan -missionary, by his superior knowledge and attainments, is not slow to -obtain great influence over the people among whom he has come to live. -In this he is aided by the fact that his habits and manner of life are -similar in many respects to their own, nor is he looked upon with -suspicion, inasmuch as the trader has already prepared the way for him; -and by intermarriage with the natives, being thus received into their -social system, his influence becomes firmly rooted and permanent, and -so in the most natural manner he gradually causes the knowledge of -Islam to spread among them. - -His propagandist efforts are further facilitated by the fact that the -deism which forms the background of the religious consciousness of many -fetish-worshippers may pass by an easy transition into the theism of -Islam, together with some other aspects of their theology, while their -general outlook upon life and several of their religious institutions -are capable of taking on a Muslim colouring and of being transferred to -the new system of faith without undergoing much modification. [1170] - -The arrival of the Muhammadan in a pagan country is also the beginning -of the opening up of a more extensive trade, and of communication with -great Muhammadan trading centres such as Jenne, Segu or Kano, and a -share in the advantages of this material civilisation is offered, -together with the religion of the Prophet. Thus “among the uncivilised -negro tribes the missionary may be always sure of a ready audience: he -can not only give them many truths regarding God and man which make -their way to the heart and elevate the intellect, but he can at once -communicate the Shibboleth of admission to a social and political -communion, which is a passport for protection and assistance from the -Atlantic to the Wall of China. Wherever a Moslem house can be found -there the negro convert who can repeat the dozen syllables of his -creed, is sure of shelter, sustenance and advice, and in his own -country he finds himself at once a member of an influential, if not of -a dominant caste. This seems the real secret of the success of the -Moslem missionaries in West Africa. It is great and rapid as regards -numbers, for the simple reason that the Moslem missionary, from the -very first profession of the convert’s belief, acts practically on -those principles regarding the equality and brotherhood of all -believers before God, which Islam shares with Christianity; and he does -this, as a general rule, more speedily and decidedly than the Christian -missionary, who generally feels bound to require good evidence of a -converted heart before he gives the right hand of Christian fellowship, -and who has always to contend with race prejudices not likely to die -out in a single generation where the white Christian has for -generations been known as master, and the black heathen as slave.” -[1171] - -It is important, too, to note that neither his colour nor his race in -any way prejudice the Negro in the eyes of his new co-religionists. The -progress of Islam in Negritia has no doubt been materially advanced by -this absence of any feeling of repulsion towards the Negro—indeed Islam -seems never to have treated the Negro as an inferior, as has been -unhappily too often the case in Christendom. [1172] - -This consideration goes partly to explain the success of Muslim as -contrasted with Christian missions among the Negro peoples. It has -frequently been pointed out that the Negro convert to Christianity is -apt to feel that his European co-religionists belong to a stratum of -civilisation alien to his own habits of life, whereas he feels himself -to be more at home in a Muslim society. This has been well stated by a -modern observer, in the following passage:—“Islam, despite its -shortcomings, does not, from the Nigerian point of view, demand race -suicide of the Nigerian as an accompaniment of conversion. It does not -stipulate revolutionary changes in social life, impossible at the -present stage of Nigerian development; nor does it undermine family or -communal authority. Between the converter and converted there is no -abyss. Both are equal, not in theory, but in practice, before God. Both -are African; sons of the soil. The doctrine of the brotherhood of man -is carried out in practice. Conversion does not mean for the converted -a break with his interests, his family, his social life, his respect -for the authority of his natural rulers.... No one can fail to be -impressed with the carriage, the dignity of the Nigerian—indeed of the -West African—Mohammedan; the whole bearing of the man suggests a -consciousness of citizenship, a pride of race which seems to say: ‘We -are different, thou and I, but we are men.’ The spread of Islam in -Southern Nigeria which we are witnessing to-day is mainly social in its -action. It brings to those with whom it comes in contact a higher -status, a loftier conception of man’s place in the universe around him, -release from the thraldom of a thousand superstitious fears.” [1173] - -According to Muhammadan tradition Moses was a black man, as may be seen -from the following passages in the Qurʼān. “Now draw thy hand close to -thy side: it shall come forth white, but unhurt:—another sign!” (xx. -23). “Then drew he forth his hand, and lo! it was white to the -beholders. The nobles of Pharaoh’s people said: ‘Verily this is an -expert enchanter’” (vii. 105–6). The following story also, handed down -to us from the golden period of the ʻAbbāsid dynasty, is interesting as -evidence of Muhammadan feeling with regard to the Negro. Ibrāhīm, a -brother of Hārūn al-Rashīd and the son of a negress, had proclaimed -himself Caliph at Baghdād, but was defeated and forgiven by al-Maʼmūn, -who was then reigning (A.D. 819). He thus describes his interview with -the Caliph:—“Al-Maʼmūn said to me on my going to see him after having -obtained pardon: ‘Is it thou who art the Negro khalīfah?’ to which I -replied:—‘Commander of the faithful! I am he whom thou hast deigned to -pardon; and it has been said by the slave of Banuʼl-Ḥasḥās:—“When men -extol their worth, the slave of the family of Ḥasḥās can supply, by his -verses, the defect of birth and fortune.” Though I be a slave, my soul, -through its noble nature, is free; though my body be dark, my mind is -fair.’ To this al-Maʼmūn replied: ‘Uncle! a jest of mine has put you in -a serious mood.’ He then repeated these verses: ‘Blackness of skin -cannot degrade an ingenious mind, or lessen the worth of the scholar -and the wit. Let darkness claim the colour of your body: I claim as -mine your fair and candid soul.’” [1174] - -Thus, the converted Negro at once takes an equal place in the -brotherhood of believers, neither his colour nor his race nor any -associations of the past standing in the way. It is doubtless the ready -admission they receive, that makes the pagan Negroes willing to enter -into a religious society whose higher civilisation demands that they -should give up many of their old barbarous habits and customs; at the -same time the very fact that the acceptance of Islam does imply an -advance in civilisation and is a very distinct step in the -intellectual, moral and material progress of a Negro tribe, helps very -largely to explain the success of this faith. The forces arrayed on its -side are so powerful and ascendant, that the barbarism, ignorance and -superstition which it seeks to sweep away have little chance of making -a lengthened resistance. What the civilisation of Muslim Africa implies -to the Negro convert, is admirably expressed in the following words: -“The worst evils which, there is reason to believe, prevailed at one -time over the whole of Africa, and which are still to be found in many -parts of it, and those, too, not far from the Gold Coast and from our -own settlements—cannibalism and human sacrifice and the burial of -living infants—disappear at once and for ever. Natives who have -hitherto lived in a state of nakedness, or nearly so, begin to dress, -and that neatly; natives who have never washed before begin to wash, -and that frequently; for ablutions are commanded in the Sacred Law, and -it is an ordinance which does not involve too severe a strain on their -natural instincts. The tribal organisation tends to give place to -something which has a wider basis. In other words, tribes coalesce into -nations, and, with the increase of energy and intelligence, nations -into empires. Many such instances could be adduced from the history of -the Soudan and the adjoining countries during the last hundred years. -If the warlike spirit is thus stimulated, the centres from which war -springs are fewer in number and further apart. War is better organised, -and is under some form of restraint; quarrels are not picked for -nothing; there is less indiscriminate plundering and greater security -for property and life. Elementary schools, [1175] like those described -by Mungo Park a century ago, spring up, and even if they only teach -their scholars to recite the Koran, they are worth something in -themselves, and may be a step to much more. The well-built and -neatly-kept mosque, with its call to prayer repeated five times a day, -its Mecca-pointing niche, its Imām and its weekly service, becomes the -centre of the village, instead of the ghastly fetish or Juju house. The -worship of one God, omnipotent, omnipresent, omniscient, and -compassionate, is an immeasurable advance upon anything which the -native has been taught to worship before. The Arabic language, in which -the Mussulman scriptures are always written, is a language of -extraordinary copiousness and beauty; once learned it becomes a lingua -franca to the tribes of half the continent, and serves as an -introduction to literature, or rather, it is a literature in itself. It -substitutes moreover, a written code of law for the arbitrary caprice -of a chieftain—a change which is, in itself, an immense advance in -civilisation. Manufactures and commerce spring up, not the dumb trading -or the elementary bartering of raw products which we know from -Herodotus to have existed from the earliest times in Africa, nor the -cowrie shells, or gunpowder, or tobacco, or rum, which still serve as a -chief medium of exchange all along the coast, but manufactures -involving considerable skill, and a commerce which is elaborately -organised; and under their influence, and that of the more settled -government which Islam brings in its train, there have arisen those -great cities of Negroland whose very existence, when first they were -described by European travellers, could not but be half discredited. I -am far from saying that the religion is the sole cause of all this -comparative prosperity. I only say it is consistent with it, and it -encourages it. Climatic conditions and various other influences -co-operate towards the result; but what has Pagan Africa, even where -the conditions are very similar, to compare with it? As regards the -individual, it is admitted on all hands that Islam gives to its new -Negro converts an energy, a dignity, a self-reliance, and a -self-respect which is all too rarely found in their Pagan or their -Christian fellow-countrymen.” [1176] - -The words above quoted were written before the partition of the greater -part of Africa among the governments of Christian Europe—England, -France and Germany—but the imposing character of Muslim civilisation -has not ceased to impress the Negro mind, or to operate as one of the -influences favourable to the conversion of the African -fetish-worshippers. Brought suddenly into contact with European -culture, these have received an impulse to advance in the path of -civilisation, but being unable to bridge over the gulf that separates -them from their foreign rulers, they find in Islam a culture -corresponding to their needs and capable of understanding their -requirements and aspirations. [1177] So far, therefore, from the -extension of European domination tending to hamper the activities of -Muhammadan propagandists, it has to a very remarkable degree -contributed towards the progress of Islam. The bringing of peace to -countries formerly harassed by wars of extermination or the raids of -slave-hunters, the establishment of ordered methods of government and -administration, and the increased facilities of communication by the -making of roads and the building of railways, have given a great -stimulus to trade and have enabled that active propagandist, the Muslim -trader, to extend his influence in districts previously untrodden, and -traverse familiar ground with greater security. Further, the -suppression of the slave-trade has removed one of the great obstacles -to the spread of Islam in pagan Africa, because it was to the interest -of the Arab and other Muhammadan slave-dealers not to narrow the field -of their operations by admitting their possible victims into the -brotherhood of Islam. [1178] Converts are now won from pagan tribes -which in the days of the slave-trade were untouched by missionary -effort. To this result the European governments have contributed by -employing Muhammadans to fill the subordinate posts in the civil -administration (since among the Muhammadans alone were educated persons -to be found) and distributing them throughout pagan districts, by -employing Muhammadan teachers in the Government schools, and by -recruiting their armies from among Muhammadan tribes; they have thus -added to the prestige of Islam in the eyes of the pagan Africans—a -circumstance that the Muslims have not been slow to make use of, to the -advantage of their own faith. [1179] - -So little truth is there in the statement that Islam makes progress -only by force of arms, [1180] that on the contrary the partition of -Africa among the European powers, who have wrested the sword from the -hands of the Muslim chiefs now under their control, has initiated a -propaganda which seems likely to succeed where centuries of Muhammadan -domination have failed. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER XII. - -THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN THE MALAY ARCHIPELAGO. - - -The history of the Malay Archipelago during the last 600 years -furnishes us with one of the most interesting chapters in the story of -the spread of Islam by missionary efforts. During the whole of this -period we find evidences of a continuous activity on the part of the -Muhammadan missionaries, in one or other at least of the East India -islands. In every instance, in the beginning, their work had to be -carried on without any patronage or assistance from the rulers of the -country, but solely by the force of persuasion, and in many cases in -the face of severe opposition, especially on the part of the Spaniards. -But in spite of all difficulties, and with varying success, they have -prosecuted their efforts with untiring energy, perfecting their work -(more especially in the present day) wherever it has been partial or -insufficient. - -It is impossible to fix the precise date of the first introduction of -Islam into the Malay Archipelago. It may have been carried thither by -the Arab traders in the early centuries of the Hijrah, long before we -have any historical notices of such influences being at work. This -supposition is rendered the more probable by the knowledge we have of -the extensive commerce with the East carried on by the Arabs from very -early times. In the second century B.C. the trade with Ceylon was -wholly in their hands. At the beginning of the seventh century of the -Christian era, the trade with China, through Ceylon, received a great -impulse, so that in the middle of the eighth century Arab traders were -to be found in great numbers in Canton; while from the tenth to the -fifteenth century, until the arrival of the Portuguese, they were -undisputed masters of the trade with the East. [1181] We may therefore -conjecture with tolerable certainty that they must have established -their commercial settlements on some of the islands of the Malay -Archipelago, as they did elsewhere, at a very early period: though no -mention is made of these islands in the works of the Arab geographers -earlier than the ninth century, [1182] yet in the Chinese annals, under -the date A.D. 674, an account is given of an Arab chief, who from later -notices is conjectured to have been the head of an Arab settlement on -the west coast of Sumatra. [1183] - -Missionaries must also, however, have come to the Malay Archipelago -from the south of India, judging from certain peculiarities of -Muhammadan theology adopted by the islanders. Most of the Musalmans of -the Archipelago belong to the Shāfiʻiyyah sect, which is at the present -day predominant on the Coromandel and Malabar coasts, as was the case -also about the middle of the fourteenth century when Ibn Baṭūṭah -visited these parts. [1184] So when we consider that the Muhammadans of -the neighbouring countries belong to the Ḥanafiyyah sect, we can only -explain the prevalence of Shāfiʻiyyah teachings by assuming them to -have been brought thither from the Malabar coast, the ports of which -were frequented by merchants from Java, as well as from China, Yaman -and Persia. [1185] From India, too, or from Persia, must have come the -Shīʻism, of which traces are still found in Java and Sumatra. From Ibn -Baṭūṭah we learn that the Muhammadan Sultan of Samudra had entered into -friendly relations with the court of Dehli, and among the learned -doctors of the law whom this devout prince especially favoured, there -were two of Persian origin, the one coming from Shiraz and the other -from Ispahan. [1186] But long before this time merchants from the -Deccan, through whose hands passed the trade between the Musalman -states of India and the Malay Archipelago, had established themselves -in large numbers in the trading ports of these islands, where they -sowed the seed of the new religion. [1187] - -It is to the proselytising efforts of these Arab and Indian merchants -that the native Muhammadan population, which we find already in the -earliest historical notices of Islam in these parts, owes its -existence. Settling in the centres of commerce, they intermarried with -the people of the land, and these heathen wives and the slaves of their -households thus formed the nucleus of a Muslim community which its -members made every effort in their power to increase. The following -description of the methods adopted by these merchant missionaries in -the Philippine Islands, gives a picture of what was no doubt the -practice of many preceding generations of Muhammadan traders:—“The -better to introduce their religion into the country, the Muhammadans -adopted the language and many of the customs of the natives, married -their women, purchased slaves in order to increase their personal -importance, and succeeded finally in incorporating themselves among the -chiefs who held the foremost rank in the state. Since they worked -together with greater ability and harmony than the natives, they -gradually increased their power more and more, as having numbers of -slaves in their possession, they formed a kind of confederacy among -themselves and established a sort of monarchy, which they made -hereditary in one family. Though such a confederacy gave them great -power, yet they felt the necessity of keeping on friendly terms with -the old aristocracy, and of ensuring their freedom to those classes -whose support they could not afford to dispense with.” [1188] It must -have been in some such way as this that the different Muhammadan -settlements in the Malay Archipelago laid a firm political and social -basis for their proselytising efforts. They did not come as conquerors, -like the Spanish in the sixteenth century, or use the sword as an -instrument of conversion; nor did they arrogate to themselves the -privileges of a superior and dominant race so as to degrade and oppress -the original inhabitants, but coming simply in the guise of traders -they employed all their superior intelligence and civilisation in the -service of their religion, rather than as a means towards their -personal aggrandisement and the amassing of wealth. [1189] With this -general statement of the subsidiary means adopted by them, let us -follow in detail their proselytising efforts through the various -islands in turn. - -Tradition represents Islam as having been introduced into Sumatra from -Arabia. But there is no sound historical basis for such a belief, and -all the evidence seems to point to India as the source from which the -people of Sumatra derived their knowledge of the new faith. Active -commercial relations had existed for centuries between India and the -Malay Archipelago, and the first missionaries to Sumatra were probably -Indian traders. [1190] There is, however, no historical record of their -labours, and the Malay chronicles ascribe the honour of being the first -missionary to Atjeh, in the north-west of Sumatra, to an Arab named -ʻAbd Allāh ʻĀrif, who is said to have visited the island about the -middle of the twelfth century; one of his disciples, Burhān al-Dīn, is -said to have carried the knowledge of the faith down the west coast as -far as Priaman. [1191] Untrustworthy as this record is, it may yet -possibly indicate the existence of some proselytising activity about -this period; for the Malay chronicle of Atjeh gives 1205 as the date of -the accession of Jūhan Shāh, the traditionary founder of the Muhammadan -dynasty. He is said to have been a stranger from the West, [1192] and -to have come to these shores to preach the faith of the Prophet; he -made many proselytes, married a wife from among the people of the -country, and was hailed by them as their king, under the half-Sanskrit, -half-Arabic title of Srī Padūka Sulṭān. For some time the new faith -would in all probability have been confined to the ports at which -Muhammadan merchants touched, and its progress inland would be slower, -as here it would come up against the strong Hindu influences that had -their centre in the kingdom of Menangkabau. - -Marco Polo, who spent five months on the north coast of Sumatra in -1292, speaks of all the inhabitants being idolaters, except in the -petty kingdom of Parlāk on the north-east corner of the island, where, -too, only the townspeople were Muhammadans, for “this kingdom, you must -know, is so much frequented by the Saracen merchants that they have -converted the natives to the Law of Mahommet,” but the hill-people were -all idolaters and cannibals. [1193] Further, one of the Malay -chronicles says that it was Sultan ʻAlī Mughāyat Shāh, who reigned over -Atjeh from 1507 to 1522, who first set the example of embracing Islam, -in which he was followed by his subjects. [1194] But it is not -improbable that the honour of being the first Muslim ruler of the state -has been here attributed as an added glory to the monarch who founded -the greatness of Atjeh and began to extend its sway over the -neighbouring country, and that he rather effected a revival of, or -imparted a fresh impulse to, the religious life of his subjects than -gave to them their first knowledge of the faith of the Prophet. For -Islam had certainly set firm foot in Sumatra long before his time. -According to the traditionary account of the city of Samudra, the -Sharīf of Mecca sent a mission to convert the people of Sumatra. The -leader of the party was a certain Shaykh Ismāʻīl: the first place on -the island at which they touched, after leaving Malabar, was Pasuri -(probably situated a little way down the west coast), the people of -which were persuaded by their preaching to embrace Islam. They then -proceeded northward to Lambri and then coasted round to the other side -of the island and sailed as far down the east coast as Aru, nearly -opposite Malacca, and in both of these places their efforts were -crowned with a like success. At Aru they made inquiries for Samudra, a -city on the north coast of the island, which seems to have been the -special object of their mission, and found that they had passed it. -Accordingly they retraced their course to Parlāk, where Marco Polo had -found a Muhammadan community a few years before, and having gained -fresh converts here also, they went on to Samudra. This city and the -kingdom of the same name had lately been founded by a certain Mara -Silu, who was persuaded by Shaykh Ismāʻīl to embrace Islam, and took -the name of al-Malik al-Ṣāliḥ. He married the daughter of the king of -Parlāk, by whom he had two sons, and in order to have a principality to -leave to each, he founded the Muhammadan city and kingdom of Pasei, -also on the north coast. [1195] - -The king, al-Malik al-Z̤āhir, whom Ibn Baṭūṭah found reigning in Samudra -when he visited the island in 1345, was probably the elder of these two -sons. This prince displayed all the state of Muhammadan royalty, and -his dominions extended for many days’ journey along the coast; he was a -zealous and orthodox Muslim, fond of holding discussions with -jurisconsults and theologians, and his court was frequented by poets -and men of learning. Ibn Baṭūṭah gives us the names of two -jurisconsults who had come thither from Persia and also of a noble who -had gone on an embassy to Dehli on behalf of the king—which shows that -Sumatra was already in touch with several parts of the Muhammadan -world. Al-Malik al-Z̤āhir was also a great general, and made war on the -heathen of the surrounding country until they submitted to his rule and -paid tribute. [1196] - -Islam had undoubtedly by this time made great progress in Sumatra, and -after having established itself along the coast, began to make its way -inland. The mission of Shaykh Ismāʻīl and his party had borne fruit -abundantly, for a Chinese traveller who visited the island in 1413, -speaks of Lambri as having a population of 1000 families, all of whom -were Muslims “and very good people,” while the king and people of the -kingdom of Aru were all of the same faith. [1197] It was either about -the close of the same century or in the fifteenth century, that the -religion of the Prophet found adherents in the great kingdom of -Menangkabau, whose territory at one time extended from one shore to -another, and over a great part of the island, north and south of the -equator. [1198] Though its power had by this time much declined, still -as an ancient stronghold of Hinduism it presented great obstacles in -the way of the progress of the new religion. Despite this fact, Islam -eventually took firmer root among the subjects of this kingdom than -among the majority of the inhabitants of the interior of the island. -[1199] It is very remarkable that this, the most central people of the -island, should have been more thoroughly converted than the inhabitants -of so many other districts that were more accessible to foreign -influences. To the present day the inhabitants of the Batak country are -still, for the most part, heathen; but Islam has gained a footing among -them, e.g. some living on the borders of Atjeh have been converted, by -their Muhammadan neighbours, [1200] others dwelling in the mountains of -the Rau country on the equator have likewise become Musalmans; [1201] -on the east coast also conversions of Bataks, who come much in contact -with Malays, are not uncommon. [1202] - -The fanatical Padris (p. 372) made strenuous efforts, in vain, to force -Islam upon the Bataks at the point of the sword, laying waste their -country and putting many to death; but these violent methods did not -win converts. When, however, the Dutch Government suppressed the Padri -rising and annexed the southern part of the Batak country, Islam began -to spread by peaceful means, chiefly through the zealous efforts of the -native subordinate officials of the new régime, who were all Muhammadan -Malays, [1203] but also through the influence of the traders who -wandered through the country, whose proselytising activity was followed -up by the ḥājīs and other recognised teachers of the faith. It is a -remarkable fact that the Bataks, who for centuries had offered a -pertinacious resistance to the entrance of Islam into their midst, -though they were hemmed in between two fanatical Muhammadan -populations, the Achinese on the north and the Malays on the south, -have in recent years responded with enthusiasm to the peaceful efforts -made for their conversion. An explanation would appear to be found in -the breaking down of their exclusive national characteristics through -the Dutch occupation and the conquest opening up their country to -foreign influences, which implied the commencement of a new era in -their cultural development, as well as in the skilful procedure of the -exponents of the new faith, who knew how to accommodate their teachings -to the existing beliefs of the Bataks and their deep-rooted -superstitions. [1204] A considerable impulse seems to have been given -to Muslim propaganda by the establishment of Christian missions among -the Bataks in 1897, and they appear even to have paved the way for its -success. Two Batak villages, the entire population of which had been -baptised, are said to have gone over in a body to Islam shortly -afterwards. [1205] - -In Central Sumatra there is still a large heathen population, though -the majority of the inhabitants are Muslims; but these latter are very -ignorant of their religion, with the exception of a few ḥājīs and -religious teachers: even among the people of Korintji, who are for the -most part zealous adherents of the faith, there are certain sections of -the population who still worship the gods of their pagan ancestors. -[1206] Efforts are, however, being made towards a religious revival, -and the Muslim missionaries are making fresh conquests from among the -heathen, especially along the west coast. [1207] In the district of -Sipirok a religious teacher attached to the mosque in the town of the -same name, in a quarter of a century, converted the whole population of -this district to Islam, with the exception of the Christians who were -to be found there, mostly descendants of former slaves, [1208] and a -later missionary movement in the first decade of the twentieth century -succeeded in winning over to Islam many of the Christians of this -district, even some living in the centre of the sphere of influence of -the Christian mission. [1209] - -Islam is traditionally represented to have been introduced into -Palembang about 1440 by Raden Raḥmat, of whose propagandist activity an -account will be given below (p. 381). But Hindu influences appear to -have been firmly rooted here, and the progress of the new faith was -slow. Even up to the nineteenth century the Muslims of Palembang were -said to know little of their religion except the external observances -of it, with the exception of the inhabitants of the capital who come -into daily contact with Arabs; [1210] but in the first decade of the -twentieth century there would appear to have been a revival of the -religious life and a growing propaganda, as the Colonial Reports of the -Dutch Government draw attention to the continual spread of Islam among -the heathen population of various districts of Palembang. [1211] - -It was from Java that Islam was first brought into the Lampong -districts which form the southern extremity of Sumatra, by a chieftain -of these districts, named Minak Kamala Bumi. About the end of the -fifteenth century he crossed over the Strait of Sunda to the kingdom of -Bantam on the west coast of Java, which had accepted the teachings of -the Muslim missionaries a few years before the date of his visit; here -he, too, embraced Islam, and after making the pilgrimage to Mecca, -spread the knowledge of his newly adopted faith among his -fellow-countrymen. [1212] This religion has made considerable progress -among the Lampongs, and most of the villages have mosques in them, but -the old superstitions still linger on in parts of the interior. [1213] - -In the early part of the nineteenth century a religious revival was set -on foot in Sumatra, which was not without its influence in promoting -the further propagation of Islam. In 1803 three Sumatran ḥājīs returned -from Mecca to their native country: during their stay in the holy city -they had been profoundly influenced by the Wahhābī movement for the -reformation of Islam, and were now eager to introduce the same reforms -among their fellow-countrymen and to stir up in them a purer and more -zealous religious life. Accordingly they began to preach the strict -monotheism of the Wahhābī sect, forbade prayers to saints, drinking and -gambling and all other practices contrary to the law of the Qurʼān. -They made a number of proselytes both from among their co-religionists -and the heathen population. They later declared a Jihād against the -Bataks, and in the hands of unscrupulous and ambitious men the movement -lost its original character and degenerated into a savage and bloody -war of conquest. In 1821 these so-called Padris came into conflict with -the Dutch Government and it was not until 1838 that their last -stronghold was taken and their power broken. [1214] - -All the civilised Malays of the Malay Peninsula trace their origin to -migrations from Sumatra, especially from Menangkabau, the famous -kingdom mentioned above, which is said at one time to have been the -most powerful on the island; some of the chiefs of the interior states -of the southern part of the Malay Peninsula still receive their -investiture from this place. At what period these colonies from the -heart of Sumatra settled in the interior of the Peninsula, is matter of -conjecture, but Singapore and the southern extremity of the Peninsula -seem to have received a colony in the middle of the twelfth century, by -the descendants of which Malacca was founded about a century later. -[1215] From its advantageous situation, in the highway of eastern -commerce it soon became a large and flourishing city, and there is -little doubt but that Islam was introduced by the Muhammadan merchants -who settled here. [1216] The Malay chronicle of Malacca assigns the -conversion of this kingdom to the reign of a certain Sulṭān Muḥammad -Shāh who came to the throne in 1276. He is said to have been reigning -some years before a ship commanded by Sīdī ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz came to -Malacca from Jiddah, and the king was persuaded by the new-comers to -change his faith and to give up his Malay name for one containing the -name of the Prophet. [1217] But the general character of this document -makes its trustworthiness exceedingly doubtful, [1218] in spite of the -likelihood that the date of so important an event would have been -exactly noted (as was done in many parts of the Archipelago) by a -people who, proud of the event, would look upon it as opening a new -epoch in their history. A Portuguese historian gives a much later date, -namely 1384, in which year, he says, a Qāḍī came from Arabia and having -converted the king, gave him the name of Muḥammad after the Prophet, -adding Shāh to it. [1219] - -In the annals of Queda, one of the northernmost of the states of the -Malay Peninsula, we have a curious account of the introduction of Islam -into this kingdom, about A.D. 1501, [1220] which (divested of certain -miraculous incidents) is as follows: A learned Arab, by name Shaykh -ʻAbd Allāh, having come to Queda, visited the Raja and inquired what -was the religion of the country. “My religion,” replied the Raja, “and -that of all my subjects is that which has been handed down to us by the -people of old. We all worship idols.” “Then has your highness never -heard of Islam, and of the Qurʼān which descended from God to Muḥammad, -and has superseded all other religions, leaving them in the possession -of the devil?” “I pray you then, if this be true,” said the Raja, “to -instruct and enlighten us in this new faith.” In a transport of holy -fervour at this request, Shaykh ʻAbd Allāh embraced the Raja and then -instructed him in the creed. Persuaded by his teaching, the Raja sent -for all his jars of spirits (to which he was much addicted), and with -his own hands emptied them on the ground. After this he had all the -idols of the palace brought out; the idols of gold, and silver, and -clay, and wood were all heaped up in his presence, and were all broken -and cut to pieces by Shaykh ʻAbd Allāh with his sword and with an axe, -and the fragments consumed in the fire. The Shaykh asked the Raja to -assemble all his women of the fort and palace. When they had all come -into the presence of the Raja and the Shaykh, they were initiated into -the doctrines of Islam. The Shaykh was mild and courteous in his -demeanour, persuasive and soft in his language, so that he gained the -hearts of the inmates of the palace. The Raja soon after sent for his -four aged ministers, who, on entering the hall, were surprised at -seeing a Shaykh seated near the Raja. The Raja explained to them the -object of the Shaykh’s coming; whereupon the four chiefs expressed -their readiness to follow the example of his highness, saying, “We hope -that Shaykh ʻAbd Allāh will instruct us also.” The latter hearing these -words, embraced the four ministers and said that he hoped that, to -prove their sincerity, they would send for all the people to come to -the audience hall, bringing with them all the idols that they were wont -to worship and the idols that had been handed down by the men of former -days. The request was complied with and all the idols kept by the -people were at that very time brought down and there destroyed and -burnt to dust; no one was sorry at this demolition of their false gods, -all were glad to enter the pale of Islam. Shaykh ʻAbd Allāh after this -said to the four ministers, “What is the name of your prince?” They -replied, “His name is Pra Ong Mahāwāngsā.” “Let us change it for one in -the language of Islam,” said the Shaykh. After some consultation, the -name of the Raja was changed at his request to Sultan Muzlaf al-Shāh, -because, the Shaykh averred, it is a celebrated name and is found in -the Qurʼān. [1221] - -The Raja now built mosques wherever the population was considerable, -and directed that to each there should be attached forty-four of the -inhabitants at least as a settled congregation, for a smaller number -would have been few for the duties of religion. So mosques were erected -and great drums were attached to them to be beaten to call the people -to prayer on Fridays. Shaykh ʻAbd Allāh continued for some time to -instruct the people in the religion of Islam; they flocked to him from -all the coasts and districts of Queda and its vicinity, and were -initiated by him into its forms and ceremonies. - -The news of the conversion of the inhabitants of Queda by Shaykh ʻAbd -Allāh reached Atjeh, and the Sultan of that country and a certain -Shaykh Nūr al-Dīn, an Arab missionary, who had come from Mecca, sent -some books and a letter, which ran as follows:—“This letter is from the -Sultan of Atjeh and Nūr al-Dīn to our brother the Sultan of Queda and -Shaykh ʻAbd Allāh of Yaman, now in Queda. We have sent two religious -books, in order that the faith of Islam may be firmly established and -the people fully instructed in their duties and in the rites of the -faith.” A letter was sent in reply by the Raja and Shaykh ʻAbd Allāh, -thanking the donors. So Shaykh ʻAbd Allāh redoubled his efforts, and -erected additional small mosques in all the different villages for -general convenience, and instructed the people in all the rules and -observances of the faith. The Raja and his wife were constantly with -the Shaykh, learning to read the Qurʼān. The royal pair searched also -for some maiden of the lineage of the Rajas of the country, to be the -Shaykh’s wife. But no one could be found who was willing to give his -daughter thus in marriage because the holy man was about to return to -Baghdād, and only waited until he had sufficiently instructed some -person to supply his place. Now at this time the Sultan had three sons, -Raja Muʻaz̤z̤am Shāh, Raja Muḥammad Shāh, and Raja Sulaymān Shāh. These -names had been borrowed from the Qurʼān by Shaykh ʻAbd Allāh and -bestowed upon the princes, whom he exhorted to be patient and slow to -anger in their intercourse with their slaves and the lower orders, and -to regard with pity all the servants of God, and the poor and needy. -[1222] - -It must not be supposed that the labours of Shaykh ʻAbd Allāh were -crowned with complete success, for we learn from the annals of Atjeh -that a Sultan of this country who conquered Queda in 1649, set himself -to “more firmly establish the faith and destroy the houses of the Liar” -or temples of idols. [1223] Thus a century and a half elapsed before -idolatry was completely rooted out. - -We possess no other details of the history of the conversion of the -Malays of the Peninsula, but in many places the graves of the Arab -missionaries who first preached the faith to them are honoured by these -people. [1224] Their long intercourse with the Arabs and the Muslims of -the east coast of India has made them very rigid observers of their -religious duties, and they have the reputation of being the most -exemplary Muhammadans of the Archipelago; at the same time their -constant contact with the Hindus, Buddhists, Christians and pagans of -their own country has made them liberal and tolerant. They are very -strict in the keeping of the fast of Ramaḍān and in performing the -pilgrimage to Mecca. The religious interests of the people are always -considered at the same time as their temporal welfare; and when a -village is found to contain more than forty houses and is considered to -be of a size that necessitates its organisation and the appointment of -the regular village officers, a public preacher is always included -among the number and a mosque is formally built and instituted. [1225] - -In the north, where the Malay states border on Siam, Islam has -exercised considerable influence on the Siamese Buddhists; those who -have here been converted are called Samsams and speak a language that -is a mixed jargon of the languages of the two people. [1226] Converts -are also made from among the wild tribes of the Peninsula. [1227] - -The history of the spread of Islam in Indo-China is obscure; Arab and -Persian merchants probably introduced their religion into the sea-port -towns from the tenth century onwards, but its most important expansion -was due to the immigrations of Malays which began at the close of the -fourteenth century. [1228] - -We must now go back several centuries in order to follow out the -history of the conversion of Java. The preaching and promulgation of -the doctrines of Islam in this island were undoubtedly for a long time -entirely the result of the labours of individual merchants or of the -leaders of small colonies, for in Java there was no central Muhammadan -power to throw in its influence on the side of the new religion or -enforce the acceptance of it by warlike means. On the contrary, the -Muslim missionaries came in contact with a Hindu civilisation, that had -thrust its roots deep into the life of the country and had raised the -Javanese to a high level of culture and progress—expressing itself -moreover in institutions and laws radically different to those of -Arabia. Even up to the present day, the Muhammadan law has failed to -establish itself absolutely, even where the authority of Islam is -generally predominant, and there is still a constant struggle between -the adherents of the old Malayan usages and the Ḥājīs, who having made -the pilgrimage to Mecca, return enthusiastic for a strict observance of -Muslim Law. Consequently the work of conversion must have proceeded -very slowly, and we can say with tolerable certainty that while part of -the history of this proselytising movement may be disentangled from -legends and traditions, much of it must remain wholly unknown to us. In -the Malay Chronicle, which purports to give us an account of the first -preachers of the faith, what was undoubtedly the work of many -generations and must have been carried on through many centuries, is -compressed within the compass of a few years; and, as frequently -happens in popular histories, a few well-known names gain the fame and -credit that belongs of right to the patient labours of their unknown -predecessors. [1229] Further, the quiet, unobtrusive labours of many of -these missionaries would not be likely to attract the notice of the -chronicler, whose attention would naturally be fixed rather on the -doings of kings and princes, and of those who came in close -relationship to them. But failing such larger knowledge, we must fain -be content with the facts that have been handed down to us. - -In the following pages, therefore, it is proposed to give a brief -sketch of the establishment of the Muhammadan religion in this island, -as presented in the native chronicle, which, though full of -contradictions and fables, has undoubtedly a historical foundation, as -is attested by the inscriptions on the tombs of the chief personages -mentioned and the remains of ancient cities, etc. The following account -therefore may, in the want of any other authorities, be accepted as -substantially correct, with the caution above mentioned against -ascribing too much efficacy to the proselytising efforts of -individuals. - -The first attempt to introduce Islam into Java was made by a native of -the island about the close of the twelfth century. The first king of -Pajajaran, a state in the western part of the island, left two sons; of -these, the elder chose to follow the profession of a merchant and -undertook a trading expedition to India, leaving the kingdom to his -younger brother, who succeeded to the throne in the year 1190 with the -title of Prabu Munding Sari. In the course of his wanderings, the elder -brother fell in with some Arab merchants, and was by them converted to -Islam, taking the name of Ḥājī Purwa. - -On his return to his native country, he tried with the help of an Arab -missionary to convert his brother and the royal family to his new -faith; but, his efforts proving unsuccessful, he fled into the jungle -for fear of the king and his unbelieving subjects, and we hear no more -of him. [1230] - -In the latter half of the fourteenth century, a missionary movement, -which was attended with greater success, was instituted by a certain -Mawlānā Malik Ibrāhīm, who landed on the east coast of Java with some -of his co-religionists, and established himself near the town of -Gresik, opposite the island of Madura. He is said to have traced his -descent to Zayn al-ʻĀbidīn, a great-grandson of the Prophet, and to -have been cousin of the Raja of Chermen. [1231] Here he occupied -himself successfully in the work of conversion, and speedily gathered a -small band of believers around him. Later on, he was joined by his -cousin, the Raja of Chermen, who came in the hope of converting the -Raja of the Hindu Kingdom of Majapahit, and of forming an alliance with -him by offering his daughter in marriage. On his arrival he sent his -son, Ṣādiq Muḥammad, to Majapahit to arrange an interview, while he -busied himself in the building of a mosque and the conversion of the -inhabitants. A meeting of the two princes took place accordingly, but -before the favourable impression then produced could be followed up, a -sickness broke out among the people of the Raja of Chermen, which -carried off his daughter, three of his nephews who had accompanied him, -and a great part of his retinue; whereupon he himself returned to his -own kingdom. These misfortunes prejudiced the mind of the Raja of -Majapahit against the new faith, which he said should have better -protected its votaries: and the mission accordingly failed. Mawlānā -Ibrāhīm, however, remained behind, in charge of the tombs [1232] of his -kinsfolk and co-religionists, and himself died twenty-one years later, -in 1419, and was buried at Gresik, where his tomb is still venerated as -that of the first apostle of Islam to Java. - -A Chinese Musalman, who accompanied the envoy of the Emperor of China -to Java in the capacity of interpreter, six years before the death of -Mawlānā Ibrāhīm, i.e. in 1413, mentions the presence of his -co-religionists in this island in his “General Account of the Shores of -the Ocean,” where he says, “In this country there are three kinds of -people. First the Muhammadans, who have come from the west, and have -established themselves here; their dress and food is clean and proper; -second, the Chinese who have run away and settled here; what they eat -and use is also very fine, and many of them have adopted the Muhammadan -religion and observe its precepts. The third kind are the natives, who -are very ugly and uncouth, they go about with uncombed heads and naked -feet, and believe devoutly in devils, theirs being one of the countries -called devil-countries in Buddhist books.” [1233] - -We now approach the period in which the rule of the Muhammadans became -predominant in the island, after their religion had been introduced -into it for nearly a century; and here it will be necessary to enter a -little more closely into the details of the history in order to show -that this was not the result of any fanatical movement stirred up by -the Arabs, but rather of a revolution carried out by the natives of the -country themselves, [1234] who (though they naturally gained strength -from the bond of a common faith) were stirred up to unite in order to -wrest the supreme power from the hands of their heathen -fellow-countrymen, not by the preaching of a religious war, but through -the exhortations of an ambitious aspirant to the throne who had a wrong -to avenge. [1235] - -The political condition of the island may be described as follows:—The -central and eastern provinces of the island, which were the most -wealthy and populous and the furthest advanced in civilisation, were -under the sway of the Hindu kingdom of Majapahit. Further west were -Cheribon and several other petty, independent princedoms; while the -rest of the island, including all the districts at its western -extremity, was subject to the King of Pajajaran. - -The King of Majapahit had married a daughter of the prince of Champa, a -small state in Cambodia, east of the Gulf of Siam. [1236] She being -jealous of a favourite concubine of the King, he sent this concubine -away to his son Arya Damar, governor of Palembang in Sumatra, where she -gave birth to a son, Raden Patah, who was brought up as one of the -governor’s own children. This child (as we shall see) was destined in -after years to work a terrible vengeance for the cruel treatment of his -mother. Another daughter of the prince of Champa had married an Arab -who had come to Champa to preach the faith of Islam. [1237] From this -union was born Raden Raḥmat, who was carefully brought up by his father -in the Muhammadan religion and is still venerated by the Javanese as -the chief apostle of Islam to their country. [1238] - -When he reached the age of twenty, his parents sent him with letters -and presents to his uncle, the King of Majapahit. On his way, he stayed -for two months at Palembang, as the guest of Arya Damar, whom he almost -persuaded to become a Musalman, only he dared not openly profess Islam -for fear of the people who were strongly attached to their ancient -superstitions. Continuing his journey Raden Raḥmat came to Gresik, -where an Arab missionary, Shaykh Mawlānā Jumāda ’l-Kubrạ̄, hailed him as -the promised Apostle of Islam to East Java, and foretold that the fall -of paganism was at hand, and that his labours would be crowned by the -conversion of many to the faith. At Majapahit he was very kindly -received by the King and the princess of Champa. Although the King was -unwilling himself to become a convert to Islam, yet he conceived such -an attachment and respect for Raden Raḥmat, that he made him governor -over 3000 families at Ampel, on the east coast, a little south of -Gresik, allowed him the free exercise of his religion and gave him -permission to make converts. Here after some time he gained over most -of those placed under him, to Islam. - -Ampel was now the chief seat of Islam in Java, and the fame of the -ruler who was so zealously working for the propagation of his religion, -spread far and wide. Hereupon a certain Mawlānā Isḥāq came to Ampel to -assist him in the work of conversion, and was assigned the task of -spreading the faith in the kingdom of Balambangan, in the extreme -eastern extremity of the island. Here he cured the daughter of the -King, who was grievously sick, and the grateful father gave her to him -in marriage. She ardently embraced the faith of Islam and her father -allowed himself to receive instruction in the same, but when the -Mawlānā urged him to openly profess it, as he had promised to do, if -his daughter were cured, he drove him from his kingdom, and gave orders -that the child that was soon to be born of his daughter, should be -killed. But the mother secretly sent the infant away to Gresik to a -rich Muhammadan widow [1239] who brought him up with all a mother’s -care and educated him until he was twelve years old, when she entrusted -him to Raden Raḥmat. He, after learning the history of the child, gave -him the name of Raden Paku, and in course of time gave him also his -daughter in marriage. Raden Paku afterwards built a mosque at Giri, to -the south-west of Gresik, where he converted thousands to the faith; -his influence became so great, that after the death of Raden Raḥmat, -the King of Majapahit made him governor of Ampel and Gresik. [1240] -Meanwhile several missions were instituted from Gresik. Two sons of -Raden Raḥmat established themselves at different parts of the -north-east coast and made themselves famous by their religious zeal and -the conversion of many of the inhabitants of those parts. Raden Raḥmat -also sent a missionary, by name Shaykh Khalīfah Ḥusayn, across to the -neighbouring island of Madura, where he built a mosque and won over -many to the faith. - -We must now return to Arya Damar, the governor of Palembang. (See p. -380.) He appears to have brought up his children in the religion which -he himself feared openly to profess, and he now sent Raden Patah, when -he had reached the age of twenty, together with his foster-brother, -Raden Ḥusayn, who was two years younger, to Java, where they landed at -Gresik. Raden Patah, aware of his extraction and enraged at the cruel -treatment his mother had received, refused to accompany his -foster-brother to Majapahit, but stayed with Raden Raḥmat at Ampel -while Raden Ḥusayn went on to the capital, where he was well received -and placed in charge of a district and afterwards made general of the -army. - -Meanwhile Raden Patah married a granddaughter of Raden Raḥmat, and -formed an establishment in a place of great natural strength called -Bintara, in the centre of a marshy country, to the west of Gresik. As -soon as the King of Majapahit heard of this new settlement, he sent -Raden Ḥusayn to persuade his brother to come to the capital and pay -homage. This Raden Ḥusayn prevailed upon him to do, and he went to the -court, where his likeness to the king was at once recognised, and where -he was kindly received and formally appointed governor of Bintara. -Still burning for revenge and bent on the destruction of his father’s -kingdom, he returned to Ampel, where he revealed his plans to Raden -Raḥmat. The latter endeavoured to moderate his anger, reminding him -that he had never received anything but kindness at the hands of the -king of Majapahit, his father, and that while the prince was so just -and so beloved, his religion forbade him to make war upon or in any way -to injure him. However, unpersuaded by these exhortations (as the -sequel shows), Raden Patah returned to Bintara, which was now daily -increasing in importance and population, while great numbers of people -in the surrounding country were being converted to Islam. He had formed -a plan of building a great mosque, but shortly after the work had been -commenced, news arrived of the severe illness of Raden Raḥmat. He -hastened to Ampel, where he found the chief missionaries of Islam -gathered round the bed of him they looked upon as their leader. Among -them were the two sons of Raden Raḥmat mentioned above (p. 382), Raden -Paku of Giri, and five others. A few days afterwards Raden Raḥmat -breathed his last, and the only remaining obstacle to Raden Patah’s -revengeful schemes was thus removed. The eight chiefs accompanied him -back to Bintara, where they assisted in the completion of the mosque, -[1241] and bound themselves by a solemn oath to assist him in his -attempt against Majapahit. All the Muhammadan princes joined this -confederacy, with the exception of Raden Ḥusayn, who with all his -followers remained true to his master, and refused to throw in his lot -with his rebellious co-religionists. - -A lengthy campaign followed, into the details of which we need not -enter, but in 1478, [1242] after a desperate battle which lasted seven -days, Majapahit fell and the Hindu supremacy in eastern Java was -replaced by a Muhammadan power. A short time after, Raden Ḥusayn was -besieged with his followers in a fortified place, compelled to -surrender and brought to Ampel, where he was kindly received by his -brother. A large number of those who remained faithful to the old Hindu -religion fled in 1481 to the island of Bali, where the worship of Siva -is still the prevailing religion. [1243] Others seem to have formed -small kingdoms, under the leadership of princes of the house of -Majapahit, which remained heathen for some time after the fall of the -great Hindu capital. - -Even under Muslim chiefs the population of central Java long remained -heathen, and the progress of Islam southward from the early centres of -missionary effort on the north coast was the work of centuries; even to -the present day the influence of their old Hindu faith is strikingly -manifest in the religious notions of the Muslim population of central -Java. One remarkable evidence of the deep roots that Hinduism had -struck in this part of the island is the fact that it was not until -1768 that the authority of the Hindu law-books, particularly the code -of Manu, gave way before a code of laws more in accordance with the -spirit of Muslim legislation. [1244] - -Islam was introduced into the eastern parts of the island some years -later, probably in the beginning of the following century, through the -missionary activity of Shaykh Nūr al-Dīn Ibrāhīm of Cheribon. He won -for himself a great reputation by curing a woman afflicted with -leprosy, with the result that thousands came to him to be instructed in -the tenets of the new faith. At first the neighbouring chiefs tried to -set themselves against the movement, but finding that their opposition -was of no avail, they suffered themselves to be carried along with the -tide and many of them became converts to Islam. [1245] Shaykh Nūr -al-Dīn Ibrāhīm of Cheribon sent his son, Mawlānā Ḥasan al-Dīn, to -preach the faith of Islam in Bantam, the most westerly province of the -island, and a dependency of the heathen kingdom of Pajajaran. Here his -efforts were attended with considerable success, among the converts -being a body of ascetics, 800 in number. It is especially mentioned in -the annals of this part of the country that the young prince won over -those whom he converted to Islam, solely by the gentle means of -persuasion, and not by the sword. [1246] He afterwards went with his -father on a pilgrimage to Mecca, and on his return extended his power -over the neighbouring coast of Sumatra, without ever having to draw the -sword, and winning converts to the faith by peaceful methods alone. -[1247] - -But the progress of Islam in the west of Java seems to have been much -slower than in the east; a long struggle ensued between the worshippers -of Siva and the followers of the Prophet, and it was probably not until -the middle of the sixteenth century that the Hindu kingdom of -Pajajaran, which at one period of the history of Java seems to have -exercised suzerainty over the princedoms in the western part of the -island, came to an end, [1248] while other smaller heathen communities -survived to a much later period, [1249]—some even to the present day. -The history of one of these—the so-called Baduwis—is of especial -interest; they are the descendants of the adherents of the old -religion, who after the fall of Pajajaran fled into the woods and the -recesses of the mountains, where they might uninterruptedly carry out -the observances of their ancestral faith. In later times, when they -submitted to the rule of the Musalman Sultan of Bantam, they were -allowed to continue in the exercise of their religion, on condition -that no increase should be allowed in the numbers of those who -professed this idolatrous faith; [1250] and strange to say, they still -observe this custom, although the Dutch rule has been so long -established in Java and sets them free from the necessity of obedience -to this ancient agreement. They strictly limit their number to forty -households, and when the community increases beyond this limit, one -family or more has to leave this inner circle and settle among the -Muhammadan population in one of the surrounding villages. [1251] - -But, though the work of conversion in the west of Java proceeded more -slowly than in the other parts of the island, yet, owing largely to the -fact that Hinduism had not taken such deep root among the people here -as in the centre of the island, the victory of Islam over the heathen -worship which it supplanted was more complete than in the districts -which came more immediately under the rule of the Rajas of Majapahit. -The Muhammadan law is here a living force and the civilisation brought -into the country from Arabia has interwoven itself with the government -and the life of the people; and it has been remarked that at the -present day the Muhammadans of the west of Java, who study their -religion at all or have performed the pilgrimage to Mecca, form as a -rule the most intelligent and prosperous part of the population. [1252] - -We have already seen that large sections of the Javanese remained -heathen for centuries after the establishment of Muhammadan kingdoms in -the island; at the present day the whole population of Java, with some -trifling exceptions, is Muhammadan, and though many superstitions and -customs have survived among them from the days of their pagan -ancestors, still the tendency is continually in the direction of the -guidance of thought and conduct in accordance with the teaching of -Islam. This long work of conversion has proceeded peacefully and -gradually, and the growth of Muslim states in this island belongs -rather to its political than to its religious history, since the -progress of the religion has been achieved by the work rather of -missionaries than of princes. - -While the Musalmans of Java were plotting against the Hindu Government -and taking the rule of the country into their own hands by force, a -revolution of a wholly peaceful character was being carried on in other -parts of the Archipelago through the preaching of the Muslim -missionaries who were slowly but surely achieving success in their -proselytising efforts. Let us first turn our attention to the history -of this propagandist movement in the Molucca islands. - -The trade in cloves must have brought the Moluccas into contact with -the islanders of the western half of the Archipelago from very early -times, and the converted Javanese and other Malays who came into these -islands to trade, spread their faith among the inhabitants of the -coast. [1253] The companions of Magellan brought back a curious story -of the way in which these men introduced their religious doctrines -among the Muluccans. “The kings of these islands [1254] a few years -before the arrival of the Spaniards began to believe in the immortality -of the soul, induced by no other argument but that they had seen a very -beautiful little bird, that never settled on the earth nor on anything -that was of the earth, and the Mahometans, who traded as merchants in -those islands, told them that this little bird was born in paradise, -and that paradise is the place where rest the souls of those that are -dead. And for this reason these seignors joined the sect of Mahomet, -because it promises many marvellous things of this place of the souls.” -[1255] - -Islam seems first to have begun to make progress here in the fifteenth -century. A heathen king of Tidor yielded to the persuasions of an Arab, -named Shaykh Manṣūr, and embraced Islam together with many of his -subjects. The heathen name of the king, Tjireli Lijatu, was changed to -that of Jamāl al-Dīn, while his eldest son was called Manṣūr after -their Arab teacher. [1256] It was the latter prince who entertained the -Spanish expedition that reached Tidor in 1521, shortly after the -ill-fated death of Magellan. Pigafetta, the historian of this -expedition, calls him Raia Sultan Mauzor, and says that he was more -than fifty-five years old, and that not fifty years had passed since -the Muhammadans came to live in these islands. [1257] - -Islam seems to have gained a footing on the neighbouring island of -Ternate a little earlier. The Portuguese, who came to this island the -same year as the Spaniards reached Tidor, were informed by the -inhabitants that it had been introduced a little more than eighty -years. [1258] - -According to the Portuguese account [1259] also the Sultan of Ternate -was the first of the Muluccan chieftains who became a Muslim. The -legend of the introduction of Islam into this island tells how a -merchant, named Datu Mullā Ḥusayn, excited the curiosity of the people -by reading the Qurʼān aloud in their presence; they tried to imitate -the characters written in the book, but could not read them, so they -asked the merchant how it was that he could read them, while they could -not; he replied that they must first believe in God and His Apostle; -whereupon they expressed their willingness to accept his teaching, and -became converted to the faith. [1260] The Sultan of Ternate, who -occupied the foremost place among the independent rulers in these -islands, is said to have made a journey to Gresik, in Java, in order to -embrace the Muhammadan faith there, in 1495. [1261] He was assisted in -his propagandist efforts by a certain Pati Putah, who had made the -journey from Hitu in Amboina to Java in order to learn the doctrines of -the new faith, and on his return spread the knowledge of Islam among -the people of Amboina. [1262] Islam, however, seems at first to have -made but slow progress, and to have met with considerable opposition -from those islanders who clung zealously to their old superstitions and -mythology, so that the old idolatry continued for some time crudely -mixed up with the teachings of the Qurʼān, and keeping the minds of the -people in a perpetual state of incertitude. [1263] The Portuguese -conquest also made the progress of Islam slower than it would otherwise -have been. They drove out the Qāḍī, whom they found instructing the -people in the doctrines of Muḥammad, and spread Christianity among the -heathen population with some considerable, though short-lived success. -[1264] For when the Muluccans took advantage of the attention of the -Portuguese being occupied with their own domestic troubles, in the -latter half of the sixteenth century, to try to shake off their power, -they instituted a fierce persecution against the Christians, many of -whom suffered martyrdom, and others recanted, so that Christianity lost -all the ground it had gained, [1265] and from this time onwards, the -opposition to the political domination of the Christians secured a -readier welcome for the Muslim teachers who came in increasing numbers -from the west. [1266] The Dutch completed the destruction of -Christianity in the Moluccas by driving out the Spanish and Portuguese -from these islands in the seventeenth century, whereupon the Jesuit -fathers carried off the few remaining Christians of Ternate with them -to the Philippines. [1267] - -From these islands Islam spread into the rest of the Moluccas; though -for some time the conversions were confined to the inhabitants of the -coast. [1268] Most of the converts came from among the Malays, who -compose the whole population of the smaller islands, but inhabit the -coast-lands only of the larger ones, the interior being inhabited by -Alfurs. But converts in later times were drawn from among the latter -also. [1269] Even so early as 1521, there was a Muhammadan king of -Gilolo, a kingdom on the western side of the northern limb of the -island of Halemahera. [1270] In modern times the existence of certain -regulations, devised for the benefit of the state-religion, has -facilitated to some extent the progress of the Muhammadan religion -among the Alfurs of the mainland, e.g. if any one of them is discovered -to have had illicit intercourse with a Muhammadan girl, he must marry -her and become a Muslim; any of the Alfur women who marry Muhammadans -must embrace the faith of their husbands; offences against the law may -be atoned for by conversion to Islam; and in filling up any vacancy -that may happen to occur among the chiefs, less regard is paid to the -lawful claims of a candidate than to his readiness to become a -Musalman. [1271] - -Similarly, Islam in Borneo is mostly confined to the coast, although it -had gained a footing in the island as early as the beginning of the -sixteenth century. About this time, it was adopted by the people of -Banjarmasin, a kingdom on the southern side, which had been tributary -to the Hindu kingdom of Majapahit, until its overthrow in 1478; [1272] -they owed their conversion to one of the Muhammadan states that rose on -the ruins of the latter. [1273] The story is that the people of -Banjarmasin asked for assistance towards the suppression of a revolt, -and that it was given on condition that they adopted the new religion; -whereupon a number of Muhammadans came over from Java, suppressed the -revolt and effected the work of conversion. [1274] On the north-west -coast, the Spaniards found a Muhammadan king at Brunai, when they -reached this place in 1521. [1275] A little later, 1550, it was -introduced into the kingdom of Sukadana, [1276] in the western part of -the island, by Arabs coming from Palembang in Sumatra. [1277] The -reigning king refused to abandon the faith of his fathers, but during -the forty years that elapsed before his death (in 1590), the new -religion appears to have made considerable progress. His successor -became a Musalman and married the daughter of a prince of a -neighbouring island, in which apparently Islam had been long -established; [1278] during his reign, a traveller, [1279] who visited -the island in 1600, speaks of Muhammadanism as being a common religion -along the coast. The inhabitants of the interior, however, he tells us, -were all idolaters—as indeed they remain for the most part to the -present day. The progress of Islam in the kingdom of Sukadana seems now -to have drawn the attention of the centre of the Muhammadan world to -this distant spot, and in the reign of the next prince, a certain -Shaykh Shams al-Dīn came from Mecca bringing with him a present of a -copy of the Qurʼān and a large hyacinth ring, together with a letter in -which this defender of the faith received the honourable title of -Sultan Muḥammad Ṣafī al-Dīn. [1280] - -In the latter part of the eighteenth century one of the inland tribes, -called the Idaans, dwelling in the interior of north Borneo, is said to -have looked upon the Muhammadans of the coast with very great respect, -as having a religion which they themselves had not yet got. [1281] -Dalrymple, who obtained his information on the Idaans of Borneo during -his visit to Sulu from 1761 to 1764, tells us that they “entertain a -just regret of their own ignorance, and a mean idea of themselves on -that account; for, when they come into the houses, or vessels, of the -Mahometans, they pay them the utmost veneration, as superior -intelligences, who know their Creator; they will not sit down where the -Mahometans sleep, nor will they put their fingers into the same chunam, -or betel box, but receive a portion with the utmost humility, and in -every instance denote, with the most abject attitudes and gesture, the -veneration they entertain for a God unknown, in the respect they pay to -those who have a knowledge of Him.” [1282] These people appear since -that time to have embraced the Muhammadan faith, [1283] one of the -numerous instances of the powerful impression that Islam produces upon -tribes that are low down in the scale of civilisation. From time to -time other accessions have been gained in the persons of the numerous -colonists, Arabs, Bugis and Malays, as well as Chinese (who have had -settlements here since the seventh century), [1284] and of the slaves -introduced into the island from different countries; so that at the -present day the Muhammadans of Borneo are a very mixed race. [1285] -Many of these foreigners were still heathen when they first came to -Borneo, and of a higher civilisation than the Dyaks whom they conquered -or drove into the interior, where they mostly still remain heathen, -except in the western part of the island, in which from time to time -small tribes of Dyaks embrace Islam. [1286] When the pagan Dyaks change -their faith, it is more commonly the case that they yield to the -persuasions of the Muhammadan rather than to those of the Christian -missionary, or, having first embraced Christianity they then pass over -to Islam, and the Muhammadans are making zealous efforts to win -converts both from among the heathen and the Christian Dyaks. [1287] - -In the island of Celebes we find a similar slow growth of the -Muhammadan religion, taking its rise among the people of the coast and -slowly making its way into the interior. Only the more civilised -portion of the inhabitants has, however, adopted Islam; this is mainly -divided into two tribes, the Macassars and the Bugis, who inhabit the -south-west peninsula, the latter, however, also forming a large -proportion of the coast population on the other peninsulas. The -interior of the island, except in the south-west peninsula where nearly -all the inhabitants are Muhammadan, is still heathen and is populated -chiefly by the Alfurs, a race low in the scale of civilisation, who -also form the majority of the inhabitants of the north, the east and -the south-east peninsulas; at the extremity of the first of these -peninsulas, in Minahassa, they have in large numbers been converted to -Christianity; the Muhammadans did not make their way hither until after -the Portuguese had gained a firm footing in this part of the island, -and the Alfurs whom they converted to Roman Catholicism were turned -into Protestants by the Dutch, whose missionaries have laboured in -Minahassa with very considerable success. But Islam is slowly making -its way among the heathen tribes of Alfurs in different parts of the -island, both in the districts directly administered by the Dutch -Government, and those under the rule of native chiefs. [1288] - -When the Portuguese first visited the island about 1540, they found -only a few Muhammadan strangers in Gowa, the capital of the Macassar -kingdom, the natives being still unconverted, and it was not until the -beginning of the seventeenth century that Islam began to be generally -adopted among them. The history of the movement is especially -interesting, as we have here one of the few cases in which Christianity -and Islam have been competing for the allegiance of heathen people. One -of the incidents in this contest is thus admirably told by an old -compiler: “The discovery of so considerable a country was looked upon -by the Portuguese as a Matter of Great Consequence, and Measures were -taken to secure the Affections of those whom it was not found easy to -conquer; but, on the other hand, capable of being obliged, or rendered -useful, as their allies, by good usage. The People were much braver, -and withal had much better Sense than most of the Indians; and -therefore, after a little Conversation with the Europeans, they began, -in general, to discern that there was no Sense or Meaning in their own -Religion; and the few of them who had been made Christians by the care -of Don Antonio Galvano (Governor of the Moluccas), were not so -thoroughly instructed themselves as to be able to teach them a new -Faith. The whole People, in general, however, disclaimed their old -Superstitions, and became Deists at once; but, not satisfied with this, -they determined to send, at the same time, to Malacca and to Achin, -[1289] to desire from the one, Christian Priests; and from the other, -Doctors of the Mohammedan Law; resolving to embrace the Religion of -those Teachers who came first among them. The Portugeze have hitherto -been esteemed zealous enough for their Religion; but it seems that Don -Ruis Perera, who was then Governor of Malacca, was a little deficient -in his Concern for the Faith, since he made a great and very -unnecessary delay in sending the Priests that were desired. On the -other hand, the Queen of Achin being a furious Mohammedan no sooner -received an Account of this Disposition in the people of the Island of -Celebes than she immediately dispatched a vessel full of Doctors of the -Law, who in a short time, established their Religion effectually among -the Inhabitants. Some time after came the Christian Priests, and -inveighed bitterly against the Law of Mohammed but to no Purpose; the -People of Celebes had made their Choice, and there was no Possibility -of bringing them to alter it. One of the Kings of the Island, indeed, -who had before embraced Christianity, persisted in the Faith, and most -of his Subjects were converted to it; but still, the Bulk of the People -of Celebes continued Mohammedans, and are so to this Day, and the -greatest Zealots for their Religion of any in the Indies.” [1290] - -This event is said to have occurred in the year 1603. [1291] The -frequent references to it in contemporary literature make it impossible -to doubt the genuineness of the story. [1292] In the little -principality of Tallo, to the north of Gowa, with which it has always -been confederated, is still to be seen the tomb of one of the most -famous missionaries to the Macassars, by name Khaṭīb Tungal. The prince -of this state, after his conversion proved himself a most zealous -champion of the new faith, and it was through his influence that it was -generally adopted by all the tribes speaking the Macassar language. The -sequel of the movement is not of so peaceful a character. The Macassars -were carried away by their zeal for their newly adopted faith, to make -an attempt to force it on their neighbours the Bugis. The king of Gowa -made an offer to the king of Boni to consider him in all respects as an -equal if he would worship the one true God. The latter consulted his -people on the matter, who said, “We have not yet fought, we have not -yet been conquered.” They tried the issue of a battle and were -defeated. The king accordingly became a Muhammadan and began on his own -account to attempt by force to impose his own belief on his subjects -and on the smaller states, his neighbours. Strange to say, the people -applied for help to the king of Macassar, who sent ambassadors to -demand from the king of Boni an answer to the following -questions,—Whether the king, in his persecution, was instigated by a -particular revelation from the Prophet?—or whether he paid obedience to -some ancient custom?—or followed his own personal pleasure? If for the -first reason, the king of Gowa requested information; if for the -second, he would lend his cordial co-operation; if for the third, the -king of Boni must desist, for those whom he presumed to oppress were -the friends of Gowa. The king of Boni made no reply and the Macassars -having marched a great army into the country defeated him in three -successive battles, forced him to fly the country, and reduced Boni -into a province. After thirty years of subjection, the people of Boni, -with the assistance of the Dutch, revolted against the Macassars, and -assumed the headship of the tribes of Celebes, in the place of their -former masters. [1293] The propagation of Islam certainly seems to have -been gradual and slow among the Bugis, [1294] but when they had once -adopted the new religion, it seems to have stirred them up to action, -as it did the Arabs (though this newly-awakened energy in either case -turned in rather different directions),—and to have made them what they -are now, at once the bravest men and the most enterprising merchants -and navigators of the Archipelago. [1295] In their trading vessels they -make their way to all parts of the Archipelago, from the coast of New -Guinea to Singapore, and their numerous settlements, in the -establishment of which the Bugis have particularly distinguished -themselves, have introduced Islam into many a heathen island: e.g. one -of their colonies is to be found in a state that extends over a -considerable part of the south coast of Flores, where, intermingling -with the native population, which formerly consisted partly of Roman -Catholics, they have succeeded in converting all the inhabitants of -this state to Islam. [1296] - -In their native island of Celebes also the Bugis have combined -proselytising efforts with their commercial enterprises, and in the -little kingdom of Bolaäng-Mongondou in the northern peninsula [1297] -they have succeeded, in the course of the present century, in winning -over to Islam a Christian population whose conversion dates from the -end of the seventeenth century. The first Christian king of -Bolaäng-Mongondou was Jacobus Manopo (1689–1709), in whose reign -Christianity spread rapidly, through the influence of the Dutch East -India Company and the preaching of the Dutch clergy. [1298] His -successors were all Christian until 1844, when the reigning Raja, -Jacobus Manuel Manopo, embraced Islam. His conversion was the crown of -a series of proselytising efforts that had been in progress since the -beginning of the century, for it was about this time that the zealous -efforts of some Muhammadan traders—Bugis and others—won over some -converts to Islam in one of the coast towns of the southern kingdom, -Mongondou; from this same town two trader missionaries, Ḥakīm Bagus and -Imām Tuwéko by name, set out to spread their faith throughout the rest -of this kingdom. They made a beginning with the conversion of some -slaves and native women whom they married, and these little by little -persuaded their friends and relatives to embrace the new faith. From -Mongondou Islam spread into the northern kingdom Bolaäng; here, in -1830, the whole population was either Christian or heathen, with the -exception of two or three Muhammadan settlers; but the zealous -preachers of Islam, the Bugis, and the Arabs who assisted them in their -missionary labours, soon achieved a wide-spread success. The -Christians, whose knowledge of the doctrines of their religion was very -slight and whose faith was weak, were ill prepared with the weapons of -controversy to meet the attacks of the rival creed; despised by the -Dutch Government, neglected and well-nigh abandoned by the authorities -of the Church, they began to look on these foreigners, some of whom -married and settled among them, as their friends. As the work of -conversion progressed, the visits of these Bugis and Arabs,—at first -rare,—became more frequent, and their influence in the country very -greatly increased, so much so that about 1832 an Arab married a -daughter of the king, Cornelius Manopo, who was himself a Christian; -many of the chiefs, and some of the most powerful among them, about the -same time, abandoned Christianity and embraced Islam. In this way Islam -had gained a firm footing in his kingdom before Raja Jacobus Manuel -Manopo became a Muslim in 1844; this prince had made repeated -applications to the Dutch authorities at Manado to appoint a successor -to the Christian schoolmaster, Jacobus Bastiaan,—whose death had been a -great loss to the Christian community—but to no purpose, and learning -from the resident at Manado that the Dutch Government was quite -indifferent as to whether the people of his state were Christians or -Muhammadans, so long as they were loyal, openly declared himself a -Musalman and tried every means to bring his subjects over to the same -faith. An Arab missionary took advantage of the occurrence of a -terrible earthquake in the following year, to prophecy the destruction -of Bolaäng-Mongondou, unless the people speedily became converted to -Islam. Many in their terror hastened to follow this advice, and the -Raja and his nobles lent their support to the missionaries and Arab -merchants, whose methods of dealing with the dilatory were not always -of the gentlest. Nearly half the population, however, still remains -heathen, but the progress of Islam among them, though slow, is -continuous and sure. [1299] - -The neighbouring island of Sambawa likewise probably received its -knowledge of this faith from Celebes, through the preaching of -missionaries from Macassar between 1540 and 1550. All the more -civilised inhabitants are true believers and are said to be stricter in -the performance of their religious duties than any of the neighbouring -Muhammadan peoples. This is largely due to a revivalist movement set on -foot by a certain Ḥājī ʻAli after the disastrous eruption of Mount -Tambora in 1815, the fearful suffering that ensued thereon being made -use of to stir up the people to a more strict observance of the -precepts of their religion and the leading of a more devout life. -[1300] At the present time Islam still continues to win over fresh -converts in this island. [1301] - -The Sasaks of the neighbouring island of Lombok also owed their -conversion to the preaching of the Bugis, who form a large colony here, -having either crossed over the strait from Sambawa or come directly -from Celebes: at any rate the conversion appears to have taken place in -a peaceable manner. [1302] The population of Lombok falls into two -distinct divisions, the Sasaks and the Balinese; the first of these, -consisting of the Muhammadan Sasaks, the original inhabitants of the -island, far outnumbers the second, but about the middle of the -eighteenth century they came under the rule of the Balinese and soon -found their island overrun by swarms of the Hindu neighbours. [1303] -The rule of the Balinese was very oppressive, and they made -efforts—though with little success—to bring their Muslim subjects over -to Hinduism; the Sasaks tried in vain to shake off the yoke of their -oppressors, and more than once appealed to the Dutch Government, before -the expedition of 1894 brought peace to the island and established an -orderly administration under Dutch rule. The new government brought -with it a large number of native Muhammadan officials, who throw in -their influence on the side of their own faith, and it is thus expected -that one of the results of the Dutch conquest of Lombok will be to give -a great impetus to Islam in this island. [1304] - -In the Philippine Islands we find a struggle between Christianity and -Islam for the allegiance of the inhabitants, somewhat similar in -character to that in Celebes, but more stern and enduring, entangling -the Spaniards and the Muslims in a fierce and bloody conflict, even up -to the nineteenth century. It is uncertain when Islam first reached -these islands. [1305] The traditionary annals of Mindanao represent -Islam as having been introduced from Johore, in the Malay Peninsula, by -a certain Sharīf Kabungsuwan, who settled with a number of followers in -the island and married there. He is said to have refused to land until -the men who came to meet him on his arrival promised to embrace Islam, -and these early records give the impression that the landing of -Kabungsuwan and the conversion of the people of Mindanao at first -proceeded quite peacefully; but after he had established his power, he -began to conquer the neighbouring chiefs and tribes, and they accepted -his religion in submitting to his authority. [1306] The Spaniards who -discovered them in 1521, found the population of the northern islands -to be rude and simple pagans, while Mindanao and the Sulu Islands were -occupied by more civilised Muhammadan tribes. [1307] The latter up to -the close of the nineteenth century successfully resisted for the most -part all the efforts of the Christians towards conquest and conversion, -so that the Spanish missionaries despaired of ever effecting their -conversion. [1308] The success of Islam as compared with Christianity -has been due in a great measure to the different form under which these -two faiths were presented to the natives. The adoption of the latter -implied the loss of all political freedom and national independence, -and hence came to be regarded as a badge of slavery. The methods -adopted by the Spaniards for the propagation of their religion were -calculated to make it unpopular from the beginning; their violence and -intolerance were in strong contrast to the conciliatory behaviour of -the Muhammadan missionaries, who learned the language of the people, -adopted their customs, intermarried with them, and melting into the -mass of the people, neither arrogated to themselves the exclusive -rights of a privileged race nor condemned the natives to the level of a -degraded caste. The Spaniards, on the other hand, were ignorant of the -language, habits and manners of the natives; their intemperance and -above all their avarice and rapacity brought their religion into odium; -while its propagation was intended to serve as an instrument of their -political advancement. [1309] It is not difficult therefore to -understand the opposition offered by the natives to the introduction of -Christianity, which indeed only became the religion of the people in -those parts in which the inhabitants were weak enough, or the island -small enough, to enable the Spaniards to effect a total subjugation; -the native Christians after their conversion had to be forced to -perform their religious duties through fear of punishment, and were -treated exactly like school-children. [1310] Up to the time of the -American occupation of the Philippine Islands the independent -Muhammadan kingdom of Mindanao was a refuge for those who wished to -escape from the hated Christian government; [1311] the island of Sulu, -also, though nominally a Spanish possession since 1878, formed another -centre of Muhammadan opposition to Christianity, Spanish-knowing -renegades even being found here. [1312] - -We have no certain historical evidence as to how long the inhabitants -of the Sulu Islands had been Muhammadan, before the arrival of the -Spaniards. The annals of Sulu give the name of Sharīf Karīm al-Makhdūm -as the first missionary of Islam in these islands. He is said to have -been an Arab who went to Malacca about the middle of the fourteenth -century and converted Sulṭān Muḥammad Shāh and the people of Malacca to -Islam. Continuing his journey eastward, he reached Sulu about the year -1380 and settled in Bwansa, [1313] the old capital of Sulu, where the -people built a mosque for him and many of the chiefs accepted his -teachings. He is said to have visited almost every island of the -Archipelago and to have made converts in many places; his grave is said -to be on the island of Sibutu. [1314] The next missionary is said to -have been Abū Bakr, who is also stated to have been an Arab, and to -have commenced his missionary labours in Malacca and to have made his -way to Palembang and Brunei, and reached Sulu about 1450; he built -mosques and carried on a successful propaganda. The Muslim king of -Bwansa, Raja Baginda, gave him his daughter in marriage, and appointed -him his heir, and Abū Bakr is credited with having organised the -government and legislation of Sulu on orthodox Muslim lines as far as -local custom would allow. [1315] Though so long converted, the people -of Sulu are far from being rigid Muhammadans, indeed, the influence of -the numerous Christian slaves that they carried off from the -Philippines in their predatory excursions used to be so great that it -was even asserted [1316] that “they would long ere this have become -professed Christians but from the prescience that such a change, by -investing a predominating influence in the priesthood, would inevitably -undermine their own authority, and pave the way to the transfer of -their dominions to the Spanish yoke, an occurrence which fatal -experience has too forcibly instructed all the surrounding nations that -unwarily embrace the Christian persuasion.” Further, the aggressive -behaviour of the Spanish priests who established a mission in Sulu -created in the mind of the people a violent antipathy to the foreign -religion. [1317] - -Since the American occupation of the Philippines, the influence of -Islam has been considerably restricted, and is now confined to the -island of Palawan, the south coast of Mindanao and the archipelago of -Sulu. [1318] But it is said to be seeking to extend its propaganda -among the northern islands, and to have made a beginning of missionary -activity even in Manila. Certain conditions are said to favour its -success, especially the fact that the Filipinos are prejudiced against -Christianity on account of the abuses that led them to take up arms -against the Spanish friars. [1319] - -As has been already mentioned, Islam has been most favourably received -by the more civilised races of the Malay Archipelago, and has taken but -little root among the lower races. Such are the Papuans of New Guinea, -and the islands to the north-west of it, viz. Waigyu, Misool, Waigama -and Salawatti. These islands, together with the peninsula of Onin, on -the north-west of New Guinea, were in the sixteenth century subject to -the Sultan of Batjan, [1320] one of the kings of the Moluccas. Through -the influence of the Muhammadan rulers of Batjan, the Papuan chiefs of -these islands adopted Islam, [1321] and though the mass of the people -in the interior have remained heathen up to the present day, the -inhabitants of the coast are Muhammadans largely no doubt owing to the -influence of settlers from the Moluccas. [1322] In New Guinea itself, -very few of the Papuans seem to have become Muhammadans. Islam was -introduced into the west coast (probably in the peninsula of Onin) by -Muhammadan merchants, who propagated their religion among the -inhabitants, as early as 1606. [1323] But it appears to have made very -little progress during the centuries that have elapsed since then, -[1324] and the Papuans have shown as much reluctance to become -Muhammadans as to accept the teachings of the Christian missionaries, -who have laboured among them without much success since 1855. The -Muhammadans of the neighbouring islands have been accused of holding -the Papuans in too great contempt to make efforts to spread Islam among -them. [1325] The name of one missionary, however, is found, a certain -Imām Dikir (? Dhikr), who came from one of the islands on the -south-east of Ceram about 1856 and introduced Islam into the little -island of Adi, south of the peninsula of Onin; after fulfilling his -mission he returned to his own home, resisting the importunities of the -inhabitants to settle among them. [1326] Muhammadan traders from Ceram -and Goram are reported to have made a number of converts from among the -heathen during the first decade of the twentieth century. [1327] -Similar efforts are being made to convert the Papuans of the -neighbouring Kei Islands. In the middle of the nineteenth century there -were said to be hardly any Muhammadans on these islands, with the -exception of the descendants of immigrants from the Banda Islands; some -time before, missionaries from Ceram had succeeded in making some -converts, but the precepts of the Qurʼān were very little observed, -both forbidden meats and intoxicating liquors being indulged in. The -women, however, were said to be stricter in their adherence to their -faith than the men, so that when their husbands wished to indulge in -swine’s flesh, they had to do so in secret, their wives not allowing it -to be brought into the house. [1328] But in 1887 it was noted that -there had been a revival of religious life among the Kei islanders, and -the number of Muhammadans was daily increasing. Arab merchants from -Madura, Java, and Bali proved themselves zealous propagandists of Islam -and left no means untried to win converts, sometimes enforcing their -arguments by threats and violence, and at other times by bribes: as a -rule new converts were said to get 200 florins’ worth of presents, -while chiefs received as much as a thousand florins. [1329] At the -close of the nineteenth century about 8000 of the Kei islanders were -said to be Muhammadan out of a total population of 23,000. [1330] - -The above sketch of the spread of Islam from west to east through the -Malay Archipelago comprises but a small part of the history of the -missionary work of Islam in these islands. Many of the facts of this -history are wholly unrecorded, and what can be gleaned from native -chronicles and the works of European travellers, officials and -missionaries is necessarily fragmentary and incomplete. But there is -evidence enough to show the existence of peaceful missionary efforts to -spread the faith of Islam during the last six hundred years: sometimes -indeed the sword has been drawn in support of the cause of religion, -but preaching and persuasion rather than force and violence have been -the main characteristics of this missionary movement. The marvellous -success that has been achieved has been largely the work of traders, -who won their way to the hearts of the natives, by learning their -language, adopting their manners and customs, and began quietly and -gradually to spread the knowledge of their religion by first converting -the native women they married and the persons associated with them in -their business relations. Instead of holding themselves apart in proud -isolation, they gradually melted into the mass of the population, -employing all their superiority of intelligence and civilisation for -the work of conversion and making such skilful compromises in the -doctrines and practices of their faith as were needed to recommend it -to the people they wished to attract. [1331] In fact, as Buckle said of -them, “The Mahometan missionaries are very judicious.” [1332] - -Beside the traders, there have been numbers of what may be called -professional missionaries—theologians, preachers, jurisconsults and -pilgrims. The latter have, in recent years, been especially active in -the work of proselytising, in stirring up a more vigorous and -consistent religious life among their fellow-countrymen, and in purging -away the lingering remains of heathen habits and beliefs. The number of -those who make the pilgrimage to Mecca from all parts of the -Archipelago is constantly on the increase, and there is in consequence -a proportionate growth of Muhammadan influence and Muhammadan thought. -Up to the middle of the nineteenth century the Dutch Government tried -to put obstacles in the way of the pilgrims and passed an order that no -one should be allowed to make the pilgrimage to the holy city without a -passport, for which he had to pay 110 florins; and any one who evaded -this order was on his return compelled to pay a fine of double that -amount. [1333] Accordingly it is not surprising to find that in 1852 -the number of pilgrims was so low as seventy, but in the same year this -order was rescinded, and since then, there has been a steady increase. - -The average number of pilgrims during the last decade of the nineteenth -century was 7000—during the first decade of the twentieth, 7300; [1334] -but the numbers vary considerably from year to year, the largest -recorded number from the Dutch Indies being 14,234 in 1910. [1335] - -Such an increase is no doubt largely due to the increased facilities of -communication between Mecca and the Malay Archipelago, but, as a -Christian missionary has observed, this by no means “diminishes the -importance of the fact, especially as the Hadjis, whose numbers have -grown so rapidly, have by no means lost in quality what they gained in -quantity; on the contrary, there are now amongst them many more -thoroughly acquainted with the doctrines of Islam, and wholly imbued -with Moslem fanaticism and hatred against the unbelievers, than there -formerly were.” [1336] The reports of the Dutch Government and of -Christian missionaries bear unanimous testimony to the influence and -the proselytising zeal of these pilgrims who return to their homes as -at once reformers and missionaries. [1337] Beside the pilgrims who -content themselves with merely visiting the sacred places and -performing the due ceremonies, and those who make a longer stay in -order to complete their theological studies, there is a large colony of -Malays in Mecca at the present time, who have taken up their residence -permanently in the sacred city. These are in constant communication -with their fellow-countrymen in their native land, and their efforts -have been largely effectual in purging Muhammadanism in the Malay -Archipelago from the contamination of heathen customs and modes of -thought that have survived from an earlier period. A large number of -religious books is also printed in Mecca in the various languages -spoken by the Malay Muhammadans and carried to all parts of the -Archipelago. Indeed Mecca has been well said to have more influence on -the religious life of these islands than on Turkey, India or Bukhārā. -[1338] - -As might be anticipated from a consideration of these facts, there has -been of recent years a very great awakening of missionary activity in -the Malay Archipelago, and the returned pilgrims, whether as merchants -or religious teachers, become preachers of Islam wherever they come in -contact with a heathen population. The religious orders moreover have -extended their organisation to the Malay Archipelago, [1339] even the -youngest of them—the Sanūsiyyah—finding adherents in the most distant -islands, [1340] one of the signs of its influence being the adoption of -the name Sanūsī by many Malays, when in Mecca they change their native -for Arabic names. [1341] - -The Dutch Government has been accused by Christian missionaries of -favouring the spread of Islam; however this may have been, it is -certain that the work of the Muslim missionaries is facilitated by the -fact that Malay, which is spoken by hardly any but Muhammadans, has -been adopted as the official language of the Dutch Government, except -in Java; and as the Dutch civil servants are everywhere attended by a -crowd of Muhammadan subordinate officials, political agents, clerks, -interpreters and traders, they carry Islam with them into every place -they visit. All persons that have to do business with the Government -are obliged to learn the Malay language, and they seldom learn it -without at the same time becoming Musalmans. In this way the most -influential people embrace Islam, and the rest soon follow their -example. [1342] Thus Islam is at the present time rapidly driving out -heathenism from the Malay Archipelago. - - - - - - - - -CHAPTER XIII. - -CONCLUSION. - - -To the modern Christian world, missionary work implies missionary -societies, paid agents, subscriptions, reports and journals; and -missionary enterprise without a regularly constituted and continuous -organisation seems a misnomer. The ecclesiastical constitution of the -Christian Church has, from the very beginning of its history, made -provision for the propagation of Christian teaching among unbelievers; -its missionaries have been in most cases, regularly ordained priests or -monks; the monastic orders (from the Benedictines downwards) and the -missionary societies of more modern times have devoted themselves with -special and concentrated attention to the furthering of a department of -Christian work that, from the first, has been recognised to be one of -the prime duties of the Church. But in Islam the absence of any kind of -priesthood or any ecclesiastical organisation whatever has caused the -missionary energy of the Muslims to exhibit itself in forms very -different to those that appear in the history of Christian missions: -there are no missionary societies, [1343] no specially trained agents, -very little continuity of effort. The only exception appears to be -found in the religious orders of Islam, whose organisation resembles to -some extent that of the monastic orders of Christendom. But even here -the absence of the priestly ideal, of any theory of the separateness of -the religious teacher from the common body of believers or of the -necessity of a special consecration and authorisation for the -performance of religious functions, makes the fundamental difference in -the two systems stand out as clearly as elsewhere. - -Whatever disadvantages may be entailed by this want of a priestly -class, specially set apart for the work of propagating the faith, are -compensated for by the consequent feeling of responsibility resting on -the individual believer. There being no intermediary between the Muslim -and his God, the responsibility of his personal salvation rests upon -himself alone: consequently he becomes as a rule much more strict and -careful in the performance of his religious duties, he takes more -trouble to learn the doctrines and observances of his faith, and thus -becoming deeply impressed with the importance of them to himself, is -more likely to become an exponent of the missionary character of his -creed in the presence of the unbeliever. The would-be proselytiser has -not to refer his convert to some authorised religious teacher of his -creed who may formally receive the neophyte into the body of the -Church, nor need he dread ecclesiastical censure for committing the sin -of Korah. Accordingly, however great an exaggeration it may be to say, -as has been said so often, [1344] that every Muhammadan is a -missionary, still it is true that every Muhammadan may be one, and few -truly devout Muslims, living in daily contact with unbelievers, neglect -the precept of their Prophet: “Summon them to the way of thy Lord with -wisdom and with kindly warning.” [1345] Thus it is that, side by side -with the professional propagandists,—the religious teachers who have -devoted all their time and energies to missionary work,—the annals of -the propagation of the Muslim faith contain the record of men and women -of all ranks of society, from the sovereign [1346] to the peasant, and -of all trades and professions, who have laboured for the spread of -their faith,—the Muslim trader, unlike his Christian brother, showing -himself especially active in such work. In a list of Indian -missionaries published in the journal of a religious and philanthropic -society of Lahore [1347] we find the names of schoolmasters, Government -clerks in the Canal and Opium Departments, traders (including a dealer -in camel-carts), an editor of a newspaper, a book-binder and a workman -in a printing establishment. These men devote the hours of leisure left -them after the completion of the day’s labour, to the preaching of -their religion in the streets and bazaars of Indian cities, seeking to -win converts both from among Christians and Hindus, whose religious -beliefs they controvert and attack. - -It is interesting to note that the propagation of Islam has not been -the work of men only, but that Muslim women have also taken their part -in this pious task. Several of the Mongol princes owed their conversion -to the influence of a Muslim wife, and the same was probably the case -with many of the pagan Turks when they had carried their raids into -Muhammadan countries. The Sanūsiyyah missionaries who came to work -among the Tūbū, to the north of Lake Chad, opened schools for girls, -and took advantage of the powerful influence exercised by the women -among these tribes (as among their neighbours, the Berbers), in their -efforts to win them over to Islam. [1348] In German East Africa, the -pagan natives who leave their homes for six months or more, to work on -the railways or plantations, are converted by the Muhammadan women with -whom they contract temporary alliances; these women refuse to have -anything to do with an uncircumcised kāfir, and to escape the disgrace -attaching to such an appellation, their husbands become circumcised and -thus receive an entry into Muslim society. [1349] The progress of Islam -in Abyssinia during the first half of the last century has been said to -be in large measure due to the efforts of Muhammadan women, especially -the wives of Christian princes, who had to pretend a conversion to -Christianity on the occasion of their marriage, but brought up their -children in the tenets of Islam and worked in every possible way for -the advancement of that faith. [1350] On the western frontier of -Abyssinia, there is a pagan tribe called the Boruns; some of these men -who had enlisted in a negro regiment, under the Anglo-Egyptian -government of the Sudan, were converted to Islam by the wives of the -black soldiers while the battalion was returning to Khartum. [1351] The -Tatar women of Kazan are said to be especially zealous as propagandists -of Islam. [1352] The professed devotee, because she happens to be a -woman, is not thereby debarred from taking her place with the male -saint in the company of the preachers of the faith. The legend of the -holy women, descended from ʻAlī, who are said to have flown through the -air from Karbalāʼ to Lahore, and there by the influence of their devout -lives of prayer and fasting to have won the first converts from -Hinduism to Islam, [1353] could hardly have originated if the influence -of such holy women were a thing quite unknown. One of the most -venerated tombs in Cairo is that of Nafīsah, the great-granddaughter of -Ḥasan (the martyred son of ʻAlī), whose theological learning excited -the admiration even of her great contemporary, Imām al-Shāfiʻī, and -whose piety and austerities raised her to the dignity of a saint: it is -related of her that when she settled in Egypt, she happened to have as -her neighbours a family of dhimmīs whose daughter was so grievously -afflicted that she could not move her limbs but had to lie on her back -all day. The parents of the poor girl had to go one day to the market -and asked their pious Muslim neighbour to look after their daughter -during their absence. Nafīsah, filled with love and pity, undertook -this work of mercy; and when the parents of the sick girl were gone, -she lifted up her soul in prayer to God on behalf of the helpless -invalid. Scarcely was her prayer ended than the sick girl regained the -use of her limbs and was able to go to meet her parents on their -return. Filled with gratitude, the whole family became converts to the -religion of their benefactor. [1354] - -Even the Muslim prisoner will on occasion embrace the opportunity of -preaching his faith to his captors or to his fellow-prisoners. The -first introduction of Islam into Eastern Europe was the work of a -Muslim jurisconsult who was taken prisoner, probably in one of the wars -between the Byzantine empire and its Muhammadan neighbours, and was -brought to the country of the Pechenegs [1355] in the beginning of the -eleventh century. He set before many of them the teachings of Islam and -they embraced the faith with sincerity, so that it began to be spread -among this people. But the other Pechenegs who had not accepted the -Muslim religion, took umbrage at the conduct of their fellow-countrymen -and finally came to blows with them. The Muslims, who numbered about -twelve thousand, successfully withstood the attack of the unbelievers, -though they were more than double their number, and the remnant of the -defeated party embraced the religion of the victors. Before the close -of the eleventh century the whole nation had become Muhammadan and had -among them men learned in Muslim theology and jurisprudence. [1356] In -the reign of the Emperor Jahāngīr (1605–1628) there was a certain Sunnī -theologian, named Shaykh Aḥmad Mujaddid, who especially distinguished -himself by the energy with which he controverted the doctrines of the -Shīʻahs: the latter, being at this time in favour at court, succeeded -in having him imprisoned on some frivolous charge; during the two years -that he was kept in prison he converted to Islam several hundred -idolaters who were his companions in the same prison. [1357] In more -recent times, an Indian mawlavī, who had been sentenced to -transportation for life to the Andaman Islands by the British -Government, because he had taken an active part in the Wahhābī -conspiracy of 1864, converted many of the convicts before his death. In -Central Africa, an Arab chief condemned to death by the Belgians, spent -his last hours in trying to convert to Islam the Christian missionary -who had been sent to bring him the consolations of religion. [1358] - -Such being the missionary zeal of the Muslims, that they are ready to -speak in season and out of season,—as Doughty, with fine insight, says, -“Their talk is continually (without hypocrisy) of religion, which is of -genial devout remembrance to them,” [1359]—let us now consider some of -the causes that have contributed to their success. - -Foremost among these is the simplicity [1360] of the Muslim creed, -There is no god but God; Muḥammad is the Apostle of God. Assent to -these two simple doctrines is all that is demanded of the convert, and -the whole history of Muslim dogmatics fails to present any attempt on -the part of ecclesiastical assemblies to force on the mass of believers -any symbol couched in more elaborate and complex terms. This simple -creed demands no great trial of faith, arouses as a rule no particular -intellectual difficulties and is within the compass of the meanest -intelligence. Unencumbered with theological subtleties, it may be -expounded by any, even the most unversed in theological expression. The -first half of it enunciates a doctrine that is almost universally -accepted by men as a necessary postulate, while the second half is -based on a theory of man’s relationship to God that is almost equally -wide-spread, viz. that at intervals in the world’s history God grants -some revelation of Himself to men through the mouthpiece of inspired -prophets. This, the rationalistic character of the Muslim creed, and -the advantage it reaps therefrom in its missionary efforts, have -nowhere been more admirably brought out than in the following sentences -of Professor Montet:— - -“Islam is a religion that is essentially rationalistic in the widest -sense of this term considered etymologically and historically. The -definition of rationalism as a system that bases religious beliefs on -principles furnished by the reason, applies to it exactly. It is true -that Muḥammad, who was an enthusiast and possessed, too, the ardour of -faith and the fire of conviction, that precious quality he transmitted -to so many of his disciples,—brought forward his reform as a -revelation: but this kind of revelation is only one form of exposition -and his religion has all the marks of a collection of doctrines founded -on the data of reason. To believers, the Muhammadan creed is summed up -in belief in the unity of God and in the mission of His Prophet, and to -ourselves who coldly analyse his doctrines, to belief in God and a -future life; these two dogmas, the minimum of religious belief, -statements that to the religious man rest on the firm basis of reason, -sum up the whole doctrinal teaching of the Qurʼān. The simplicity and -the clearness of this teaching are certainly among the most obvious -forces at work in the religion and the missionary activity of Islam. It -cannot be denied that many doctrines and systems of theology and also -many superstitions, from the worship of saints to the use of rosaries -and amulets, have become grafted on to the main trunk of the Muslim -creed. But in spite of the rich development, in every sense of the -term, of the teachings of the Prophet, the Qurʼān has invariably kept -its place as the fundamental starting-point, and the dogma of the unity -of God has always been proclaimed therein with a grandeur, a majesty, -an invariable purity and with a note of sure conviction, which it is -hard to find surpassed outside the pale of Islam. This fidelity to the -fundamental dogma of the religion, the elemental simplicity of the -formula in which it is enunciated, the proof that it gains from the -fervid conviction of the missionaries who propagate it, are so many -causes to explain the success of Muhammadan missionary efforts. A creed -so precise, so stripped of all theological complexities and -consequently so accessible to the ordinary understanding, might be -expected to possess and does indeed possess a marvellous power of -winning its way into the consciences of men.” [1361] - -Bishop Lefroy considers that the “secret of the extraordinary power for -conquest and advance which Islam has in its best ages evinced” is to be -found in its recognition of the Existence of God rather than the Unity -of God. “Not so much that God is one as that God IS—that His existence -is the ultimate fact of the universe—that His will is supreme—His -sovereignty absolute—His power limitless ... the conviction that, -amidst all the chaos and confusion and disorders of the world which so -fearfully obscure it, there is nevertheless, an ultimate Will, -resistless, supreme, and that man is called to be a minister of that -Will, to promulgate it, to compel—if necessary by very simple and -elementary means indeed—obedience to that Will—this it was which welded -the Mohammedan hosts into so invincible an engine of conquest, which -inspired them with a spirit of military subordination and discipline, -as well as with a contempt of death, such as has probably never been -surpassed in any system—this it is which, so far as it is still in any -true sense operative amongst Mohammadans, gives at once that backbone -of character, that firmness of determination and strength of will, and -also that uncomplaining patience and submission in the presence of the -bitterest misfortune, which characterise and adorn the best adherents -of the creed.” [1362] - -When the convert has accepted and learned this simple creed, he has -then to be instructed in the five practical duties of his religion: (1) -recital of the creed, (2) observance of the five appointed times of -prayer, (3) payment of the legal alms, (4) fasting during the month of -Ramaḍān, and (5) the pilgrimage to Mecca. - -The observance of this last duty has often been objected to as a -strange survival of idolatry in the midst of the monotheism of the -Prophet’s teaching, but it must be borne in mind that to him it -connected itself with Abraham, whose religion it was his mission to -restore. [1363] But above all—and herein is its supreme importance in -the missionary history of Islam—it ordains a yearly gathering of -believers, of all nations and languages, brought together from all -parts of the world, to pray in that sacred place towards which their -faces are set in every hour of private worship in their distant homes. -No fetch of religious genius could have conceived a better expedient -for impressing on the minds of the faithful a sense of their common -life and of their brotherhood in the bonds of faith. Here, in a supreme -act of common worship, the Negro of the west coast of Africa meets the -Chinaman from the distant east; the courtly and polished Ottoman -recognises his brother Muslim in the wild islander from the farthest -end of the Malayan Sea. At the same time throughout the whole -Muhammadan world the hearts of believers are lifted up in sympathy with -their more fortunate brethren gathered together in the sacred city, as -in their own homes they celebrate the festival of ʻĪd al-Aḍḥạ̄ or (as it -is called in Turkey and Egypt) the feast of Bayrām. Their visit to the -sacred city has been to many Muslims the experience that has stirred -them up to “strive in the path of God,” and in the preceding pages -constant reference has been made to the active part taken by the ḥājīs -in missionary work. - -Besides the institution of the pilgrimage, the payment of the legal -alms is another duty that continually reminds the Muslim that “the -faithful are brothers” [1364]—a religious theory that is very -strikingly realised in Muhammadan society and seldom fails to express -itself in acts of kindness towards the new convert. Whatever be his -race, colour or antecedents he is received into the brotherhood of -believers and takes his place as an equal among equals. - -It is not, however, true, as some European writers have maintained, -that if an unbeliever is the slave of a Muslim his conversion to Islam -procures for him his manumission, for, according to Muhammadan law, the -conversion of a slave does not affect the prior state of bondage; -[1365] and the condition of the Muslim slave has varied much according -to the character of his master. But freedom is in many instances the -reward of conversion, and devout minds have even recognised in -enslavement God’s guidance to the true faith, as the negroes from the -Upper Nile countries, whom Doughty met in Arabia. “In those Africans -there is no resentment that they have been made slaves ... even though -cruel men-stealers rent them from their parentage. The patrons who paid -their price have adopted them into their households, the males are -circumcised and—that which enfranchises their souls, even in the long -passion of home-sickness—God has visited them in their mishap; they can -say ‘it was His grace,’ since they be thereby entered into the saving -religion. This, therefore, they think is the better country, where they -are the Lord’s free men, a land of more civil life, the soil of the two -Sanctuaries, the land of Mohammed:—for such they do give God thanks -that their bodies were sometime sold into slavery!” [1366] - -Very effective also, both in winning and retaining, is the ordinance of -the daily prayers five times a day. Montesquieu [1367] has well said, -“Une religion chargée de beaucoup de pratiques attache plus à elle -qu’une autre qui l’est moins; on tient beaucoup aux choses dont on est -continuellement occupé.” The religion of the Muslim is continually -present with him and in the daily prayer manifests itself in a solemn -and impressive ritual, which cannot leave either the worshipper or the -spectator unaffected. Saʻīd b. Ḥasan, an Alexandrian Jew, who embraced -Islam in the year 1298, speaks of the sight of the Friday prayer in a -mosque as a determining factor in his own conversion. During a severe -illness he had had a vision in which a voice bade him declare himself a -Muslim. “And when I entered the mosque” (he goes on) “and saw the -Muslims standing in rows like angels, I heard a voice speaking within -me, ‘This is the community whose coming was announced by the prophets -(on whom be blessings and peace!)’; and when the preacher came forth -clad in his black robe, a deep feeling of awe fell upon me ... and when -he closed his sermon with the words, ‘Verily God enjoineth justice and -kindness and the giving of gifts to kinsfolk, and He forbiddeth -wickedness and wrong and oppression. He warneth you; haply ye will be -mindful.’ [1368] And when the prayer began, I was mightily uplifted, -for the rows of the Muslims appeared to me like rows of angels, to -whose prostrations and genuflections God Almighty was revealing -Himself, and I heard a voice within me saying, ‘If God spake twice unto -the people of Israel throughout the ages, verily He speaketh unto this -community in every time of prayer,’ and I was convinced in my mind that -I had been created to be a Muslim.” [1369] - -If Renan could say, “Je ne suis jamais entré dans une mosquée sans une -vive émotion, le dirai-je? sans un certain regret de n’être pas -musulman,” [1370] it can be readily understood how the sight of the -Muslim trader at prayer, his frequent prostrations, his absorbed and -silent worship of the Unseen, would impress the heathen African, endued -with that strong sense of the mysterious such as generally accompanies -a low stage of civilisation. Curiosity would naturally prompt inquiry, -and the knowledge of Islam thus imparted might sometimes win over a -convert who might have turned aside had it been offered unsought, as a -free gift. Of the fast during the month of Ramaḍān, it need only be -said that it is a piece of standing evidence against the theory that -Islam is a religious system that attracts by pandering to the -self-indulgence of men. As Carlyle has said, “His religion is not an -easy one: with rigorous fasts, lavations, strict complex formulas, -prayers five times a day, and abstinence from wine, it did not succeed -by being an easy religion.” - -Bound up with these and other ritual observances, but not encumbered or -obscured by them, the articles of the Muslim creed are incessantly -finding outward manifestation in the life of the believer, and thus, -becoming inextricably interwoven with the routine of his daily life, -make the individual Musalman an exponent and teacher of his creed far -more than is the case with the adherents of most other religions. -[1371] Couched in such short and simple language, his creed makes but -little demand upon the intellect, and the definiteness, positiveness, -and minuteness of the ritual leave the believer in no doubt as to what -he has to do, and these duties performed, he has the satisfaction of -feeling that he has fulfilled all the precepts of the Law. In this -union of rationalism and ritualism, we may find, to a great extent, the -secret of the power that Islam has exercised over the minds of men. “If -you would win the great masses give them the truth in rounded form, -neat and clear, in visible and tangible guise.” [1372] - -Many other circumstances might be adduced that have contributed towards -the missionary success of Islam—circumstances peculiar to particular -times and countries. Among these may be mentioned the advantage that -Muhammadan missionary work derives from the fact of its being so -largely in the hands of traders, especially in Africa and other -uncivilised countries where the people are naturally suspicious of the -foreigner. For, in the case of the trader, his well-known and harmless -avocation secures to him an immunity from any such feelings of -suspicion, while his knowledge of men and manners, his commercial -savoir-faire, gain for him a ready reception, and remove that feeling -of constraint which might naturally arise in the presence of the -stranger. He labours under no such disadvantages as hamper the -professed missionary, who is liable to be suspected of some sinister -motive, not only by people whose range of experience and mental horizon -are limited and to whom the idea of any man enduring the perils of a -long journey and laying aside every mundane occupation for the sole -purpose of gaining proselytes, is inexplicable, but also by more -civilised men of the world who are very prone to doubt the sincerity of -the paid missionary agent. - -The circumstances are very different when Islam has not to appear as a -suppliant in a foreign country, but stands forth proudly as the -religion of the ruling race. In the preceding pages it has been shown -that the theory of the Muslim faith enjoins toleration and freedom of -religious life for all those followers of other faiths who pay tribute -in return for protection, and though the pages of Muhammadan history -are stained with the blood of many cruel persecutions, still, on the -whole, unbelievers have enjoyed under Muhammadan rule a measure of -toleration, the like of which is not to be found in Europe until quite -modern times. Forcible conversion was forbidden, in accordance with the -precepts of the Qurʼān:—“Let there be no compulsion in religion” (ii. -257). “Wilt thou compel men to become believers? No soul can believe -but by the permission of God” (x. 99, 100). The very existence of so -many Christian sects and communities in countries that have been for -centuries under Muhammadan rule is an abiding testimony to the -toleration they have enjoyed, and shows that the persecutions they have -from time to time been called upon to endure at the hands of bigots and -fanatics, have been excited by some special and local circumstances -rather than inspired by a settled principle of intolerance. [1373] - -At such times of persecution, the pressure of circumstances has driven -many unbelievers to become—outwardly at least—Muhammadans, and many -instances might be given of individuals who, on particular occasions, -have been harassed into submission to the religion of the Qurʼān. But -such oppression is wholly without the sanction of Muhammadan law, -either religious or civil. The passages in the Qurʼān that forbid -forced conversion and enjoin preaching as the sole legitimate method of -spreading the faith have already been quoted above (Introduction, pp. -5–6), and the same doctrine is upheld by the decisions of the -Muhammadan doctors. When Moses Maimonides, who under the fanatical rule -of the Almohads had feigned conversion to Islam, fled to Egypt and -there openly declared himself to be a Jew, a Muslim jurisconsult from -Spain denounced him for his apostasy and demanded that the extreme -penalty of the law should be inflicted on him for this offence; but the -case was quashed by al-Qāḍī al-Fāḍil, ʻAbd al-Raḥīm b. ʻAlī, [1374] one -of the most famous of Muslim judges, and the prime minister of the -great Saladin, who authoritatively declared that a man who had been -converted to Islam by force could not be rightly considered to be a -Muslim. [1375] In the same spirit, when Ghāzān (1295–1304) discovered -that the Buddhist monks who had become Muhammadans at the beginning of -his reign (when their temples had been destroyed) only made a pretence -of being converted, he granted permission to all those who so wished to -return to Tibet, where among their Buddhist fellow-countrymen they -would be free once more to follow their own faith. [1376] Tavernier -tells us a similar story of some Jews of Ispahan who were so grievously -persecuted by the governor “that either by force or cunning he caused -them to turn Mahometans; but the king (Shāh ʻAbbās II) (1642–1667), -understanding that only power and fear had constrained them to turn, -suffer’d them to resume their own religion and to live in quiet.” -[1377] A story of a much earlier traveller [1378] in Persia, in 1478, -shows how even in those turbulent times a Muhammadan governor set -himself to severely crush an outburst of fanaticism of the same -character. A rich Armenian merchant of the city of Tabrīz was sitting -in his shop one day when a Ḥājī, [1379] with a reputation for sanctity, -coming up to him importuned him to become a Musalman and abandon his -Christian faith; when the merchant expressed his intention of remaining -steadfast in his religion and offered the fellow alms with the hope of -getting rid of him, he replied that what he wanted was not his alms but -his conversion; and at length, enraged at the persistent refusal of the -merchant, suddenly snatched a sword out of the hand of a bystander and -struck the merchant a mortal blow on the head and then ran away. When -the Governor of the city heard the news, he was very angry and ordered -the murderer to be pursued and captured; the culprit having been -brought into his presence, the governor stabbed him to death with his -own hand and ordered his body to be cast forth to be devoured by dogs, -saying: “What! is this the way in which the religion of Muḥammad -spreads?” At nightfall, the common people took up the body and buried -it, whereupon the Governor, enraged at this contempt of his order, gave -up the place for three or four hours to be sacked by his soldiers and -afterwards imposed a fine as a further penalty; also he called the son -of the merchant to him and comforted him and caressed him with good and -kindly words. Even the mad al-Ḥākim (996–1020), whose persecutions -caused many Jews and Christians to abandon their own faith and become -Musalmans, afterwards allowed these unwilling converts to return again -to their own religion and rebuild their ruined places of worship. -[1380] Neglected as the Eastern Christians have been by their Christian -brethren in the West, unarmed for the most part and utterly -defenceless, it would have been easy for any of the powerful rulers of -Islam to have utterly rooted out their Christian subjects or banished -them from their dominions, as the Spaniards did the Moors, or the -English the Jews for nearly four centuries. It would have been -perfectly possible for Salīm I (in 1514) or Ibrāhīm (in 1646) to have -put into execution the barbarous notion they conceived of exterminating -their Christian subjects, just as the former had massacred 40,000 -Shīʻahs with the aim of establishing uniformity of religious belief -among his Muhammadan subjects. The muftis who turned the minds of their -masters from such a cruel purpose, did so as the exponents of Muslim -law and Muslim tolerance. [1381] - -Still, though the principle that found so much favour in Germany in the -seventeenth century [1382]—Cuius regio eius religio,—was never adopted -by any Muhammadan potentate, it is obvious that the fact of Islam being -the state religion could not fail to have had some influence in -increasing the number of its adherents. Persons on whom their religious -faith sat lightly would be readily influenced by considerations of -worldly advantage, and ambition and self-interest would take the place -of more laudable motives for conversion. St. Augustine made a similar -complaint in the fifth century, that many entered the Christian Church -merely because they hoped to gain some temporal advantage thereby: -“Quam multi non quaerunt Iesum, nisi ut illis faciat bene secundum -tempus! Alius negotium habet, quaerit intercessionem clericorum; alius -premitur a potentiore, fugit ad ecclesiam; alius pro se vult -interveniri apud eum apud quem parum valet: ille sic, ille sic; -impletur quotidie talibus ecclesia.” [1383] - -Moreover, to the barbarous and uncivilised tribes that saw the glory -and majesty of the empire of the Arabs in the heyday of its power, -Islam must have appeared as imposing and have exercised as powerful a -fascination as the Christian faith when presented to the Barbarians of -Northern Europe, when “They found Christianity in the -Empire—Christianity refined and complex, imperious and -pompous—Christianity enthroned by the side of kings, and sometimes -paramount above them.” [1384] - -Added to this must often have been the slow, persistent influence of -daily contact with Muslim life and thought, such as led even a -Nestorian writer of the twelfth century to add words of blessing to the -mention of the name of the Prophet and the early caliphs, [1385] and to -pray for the mercy of God on the caliph ʻUmar b. ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz. [1386] -In modern times Christian missionaries complain that the system of -public instruction in Egypt under the British occupation, according to -which “Christian boys are often compelled to sit and listen to the -Koran and Dîn (religious teaching) being taught to their Moslem -companions when there is no room where they can be separated,” [1387] -tends to give the Muhammadans a preponderating influence over their -Christian fellow-students. One of the most active of the followers of -the late Muftī Muḥammad ʻAbduh was originally a Coptic medical student, -who had been won over to Islam through the influence of the religious -instruction he had heard given in school hours. [1388] - -But the recital of such motives as little accounts for all cases of -conversion in the one religion as in the other, and they should not -make us lose sight of other factors in the missionary life of Islam, -whose influence has been of a more distinctly religious character. -Foremost among these is the influence of the devout lives of the -followers of Islam. Strange as it may appear to a generation accustomed -to look upon Islam as a cloak for all kinds of vice, it is nevertheless -true that in earlier times many Christians who have come into contact -with a living Muslim society have been profoundly impressed by the -virtues exhibited therein; if these could so strike the traveller and -the stranger, they would no doubt have some influence of attraction on -the unbeliever who came in daily contact with them. Ricoldus de Monte -Crucis, a Dominican missionary who visited the East at the close of the -thirteenth century, thus breaks out in praise of the Muslims among whom -he had laboured: “Obstupuimus, quomodo in lege tante perfidie poterant -opera tante perfectionis inveniri. Referemus igitur hic breviter opera -perfectionis Sarracenorum.... Quis enim non obstupescat, si diligenter -consideret, quanta in ipsis Sarracenis sollicitudo ad studium, devocio -in oratione, misericordia ad pauperes, reverencia ad nomen Dei et -prophetas et loca sancta, gravitas in moribus, affabilitas ad -extraneos, concordia et amor ad suos?” [1389] William Petit of Newburgh -in similar manner, towards the end of the twelfth century, praised the -sobriety of the Saracens as the outcome of the teaching of their -Prophet and as inspiring them with a sense of moral superiority over -the Christians: “Gulosos vero atque ebriosos, orbi terrarum graves -abominatus, sobrietatem docuit, ciborum delicias sugillavit, vini usum, -praeterquam paucis certisque diebus solemnibus, interdixit [Macometus]. -Inde est, quod cum Sarraceni in fluxu libidinum de sui, ut dictum est, -seductoris indulgentia probentur esse spurcissimi; nostris, proh dolor! -in frugalitate superiores esse videntur, nobisque, proh pudor! -comessationum et ebrietatum sordes improperant. Denique malleus -Christiani nominis Saladinus ante annos aliquot, cum nostrorum mores -explorans, audisset quod pluribus in prandio ferculis uterentur, -dixisse fertur, ‘tales Terra Sancta indignos esse.’ Unde constat, quod -luxus nostrorum conspectus Agarenos, de frugalitate gloriantes, contra -nos incitet animetque tanquam dicentes; ‘Deus dereliquit crapulatos -istos, persequamur et comprehendamus, quia non est qui eripiat.’” -[1390] - -The literature of the Crusades is rich in such appreciations of Muslim -virtues, while the Ottoman Turks in the early days of their rule in -Europe received many a tribute of praise from Christian lips, as has -already been shown in a former chapter. - -At the present day there are two chief factors (beyond such of the -above-mentioned as still hold good) that make for missionary activity -in the Muslim world. The first of these is the revival of religious -life which dates from the Wahhābī reformation at the end of the -eighteenth century; though this new departure has long lost all -political significance outside the confines of Najd, as a religious -revival its influence is felt throughout Africa, India and the Malay -Archipelago even to the present day, and has given birth to numerous -movements which take rank among the most powerful influences in the -Islamic world. In the preceding pages it has already been shown how -closely connected many of the modern Muslim missions are with this -wide-spread revival: the fervid zeal it has stirred up, the new life it -has infused into existing religious institutions, the impetus it has -given to theological study and to the organisation of devotional -exercises, have all served to awake and keep alive the innate -proselytising spirit of Islam. - -Side by side with this reform movement, is another of an entirely -different character—for, to mention one point of difference only, while -the former is strongly opposed to European civilisation, the latter is -rather in sympathy with modern thought and offers a presentment of -Islam in accordance therewith,—viz. the Pan-Islamic movement, which -seeks to bind all the nations of the Muslim world in a common bond of -sympathy. Though in no way so significant as the other, still this -trend of thought gives a powerful stimulus to missionary labours; the -effort to realise in actual life the Muslim ideal of the brotherhood of -all believers reacts on collateral ideals of the faith, and the sense -of a vast unity and of a common life running through the nations -inspirits the hearts of the faithful and makes them bold to speak in -the presence of the unbelievers. - -What further influence these two movements will have on the missionary -life of Islam, the future only can show. But their very activity at the -present day is a proof that Islam is not dead. The spiritual energy of -Islam is not, as has been so often maintained, commensurate with its -political power. [1391] On the contrary, the loss of political power -and worldly prosperity has served to bring to the front the finer -spiritual qualities which are the truest incentives to missionary work. -Islam has learned the uses of adversity, and so far from a decline in -worldly prosperity being a presage of the decay of this faith, it is -significant that those very Muslim countries that have been longest -under Christian rule show themselves most active in the work of -proselytising. The Indian and Malay Muhammadans display a zeal and -enthusiasm for the spread of the faith, which one looks for in vain in -Turkey or Morocco. - - - - - - - - -APPENDIX I. - -LETTER OF AL-HĀSHIMĪ INVITING AL-KINDĪ TO EMBRACE ISLAM. - - -The following is the text of al-Hāshimī’s letter inviting al-Kindī to -embrace Islam:—“In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate. I -have begun this letter with the salutation of peace and blessing after -the fashion of my lord and the lord of the prophets, Muḥammad, the -Apostle of God (may the peace and mercy of God be upon him!). For those -trustworthy, righteous and truthful persons who have handed down to us -the traditions of our Prophet (peace be upon him!) have related this -tradition concerning him that such was his habit and that whenever he -began to converse with men he would commence with the salutation of -peace and blessing and made no distinction of dhimmīs and illiterate, -between Muslims and polytheists, saying ‘I am sent to be kind and -considerate to all men and not to deal roughly or harshly with them,’ -and quoting the words of God, ‘Verily God is kind and merciful to -believers.’ Likewise I have observed that those of our Khalīfahs that I -have met, followed the footsteps of their Prophet in courtesy, -nobility, graciousness and beneficence, and made no distinctions in -this matter and preferred none before another. So I have followed this -excellent way and have begun my letter with the salutation of peace and -blessing, that I be blamed of none who sees my letter. - -“I have been guided therein by my affection towards you because my lord -and prophet, Muḥammad (may the peace and mercy of God be upon him!) -used to say that love of kinsmen is true piety and religion. So I have -written this to you in obedience to the Apostle of God (may the peace -and mercy of God be upon him!), feeling bound to show gratitude for the -services you have done us, and because of the love and affection and -inclination that you show towards us, and because of the favour of my -lord and cousin the Commander of the Faithful (may God assist him!) -towards you and his trust in you and his praise of you. So in all -sincerity desiring for you what I desire for myself, my family and my -parents, I will set forth the religion that we hold, and that God has -approved of for us and for all creatures and for which He has promised -a good reward in the end and safety from punishment when unto Him we -shall return.... So I have sought to gain for you what I would gain for -myself; and seeing your high moral life, vast learning, nobility of -character, your virtuous behaviour, lofty qualities and your extensive -influence over your co-religionists, I have had compassion on you lest -you should continue in your present faith. Therefore I have determined -to set before you what the favour of God has revealed to us and to -expound unto you our faith with good and gentle speech, following the -commandment of God, ‘Dispute not with the people of the book except in -the best way.’ (xxix. 45.) So I will discuss with you only in words -well-chosen, good and mild; perchance you may be aroused and return to -the true path and incline unto the words of the Most High God which He -has sent down to the last of the Prophets and lord of the children of -Adam, our Prophet Muḥammad (the peace and blessing of God be upon -him!). I have not despaired of success, but had hope of it for you from -God who showeth the right path to whomsoever He willeth, and I have -prayed that He may make me an instrument to this end. God in His -perfect book says ‘Verily the religion before God is Islam’ (iii. 17), -and again, confirming His first saying, ‘And whoso desireth any other -religion than Islam, it shall by no means therefore be accepted from -him, and in the next world he shall be among the lost’ (iii. 79), and -again He confirms it decisively, when He says, ‘O believers, fear God -as He deserveth to be feared; and die not without having become -Muslims.’ (iii. 97.) - -“And you know—(May God deliver you from the ignorance of unbelief and -open your heart to the light of faith!)—that I am one over whom many -years have passed and I have sounded the depths of other faiths and -weighed them and studied many of their books especially your books.” -[Here he enumerates the chief books of the Old and New Testaments, and -explains how he has studied the various Christian sects.] “I have met -with many monks, famous for their austerities and vast knowledge, have -visited many churches and monasteries, and have attended their -prayers.... I have observed their extraordinary diligence, their -kneeling and prostrations and touching the ground with their cheeks and -beating it with their foreheads and humble bearing throughout their -prayers, especially on Sunday and Friday nights, and on their festivals -when they keep watch all night standing on their feet praising and -glorifying God and confessing Him, and when they spend the whole day -standing in prayer, continually repeating the name of the Father, Son, -and Holy Ghost, and in the days of their retreats which they call Holy -Week when they stand barefooted in sackcloth and ashes, with much -weeping and shedding of tears continually, and wailing with strange -cries. I have seen also their sacrifices, with what cleanliness they -keep the bread for it, and the long prayers they recite with great -humility when they elevate it over the altar in the well-known church -at Jerusalem with those cups full of wine, and I have observed also the -meditations of the monks in their cells during their six fasts,—i.e. -the four greater and the two less, etc. On all such occasions I have -been present and observant of the people. Also I have visited their -Metropolitans and Bishops, renowned for their learning and their -devotion to the Christian faith and extreme austerity in the world, and -have discussed with them impartially, seeking for the truth, laying -aside all contentiousness, ostentation of learning and imperiousness in -altercation and bitterness and pride of race. I have given them -opportunity to maintain their arguments and speak out their minds -without interruption or browbeating, as is done by the vulgar and -illiterate and foolish persons among our co-religionists who have no -principle to work up to or reasons on which to rest, or religious -feeling or good manners to restrain them from rudeness; their speech is -but browbeating and proud altercation and they have no knowledge or -arguments except taking advantage of the rule of the government. -Whenever I have held discussions with them and asked them to speak -freely as their reason, their creed and their conclusion prompted, they -have spoken openly and without deception of any kind, and their inward -feelings have been laid bare to me as plainly as their outward -appearance. So I have written at such length to you (may God show you -the better way!) after long consideration and profound inquiry and -investigation, so that none may suspect that I am ignorant of the -things whereof I write and that all into whose hands this letter may -come, may know that I have an accurate knowledge of the Christian -faith. - -“So, now (may God shower His blessings upon you!) with this knowledge -of your religion and so long-standing an affection (for you), I invite -you to accept the religion that God has chosen for me and I for myself, -assuring you entrance into Paradise and deliverance from Hell. And it -is this,—You shall worship the one God, the only God, the Eternal, He -begetteth not, neither is He begotten, who hath no consort and no son, -and there is none like unto Him. This is the attribute wherewith God -has denominated Himself, for none of His creatures could know Him -better than He Himself. I have invited you to the worship of this the -One God, whose attribute is such, and in this my letter I have added -nothing to that wherewith He has denominated Himself (high and exalted -be His name above what they associate with Him!). This is the religion -of your father and our father, Abraham (may the blessings of God rest -upon him!), for he was a Ḥanīf and Muslim. - -“Then I invite you (may God have you in His keeping!) to bear witness -and acknowledge the prophetic mission of my lord and the lord of the -sons of Adam, and the chosen one of the God of all worlds and the seal -of the prophets, Muḥammad ... sent by God with glad tidings and -warnings to all mankind. ‘He it is who hath sent His Apostle with the -guidance and a religion of the truth, that He may make it victorious -over every other religion, albeit they who assign partners to God be -averse from it.’ (ix. 33.) So he invited all men from the East and from -the West, from land and sea, from mountain and from plain, with -compassion and pity and good words, with kindly manners and gentleness. -Then all these people accepted his invitation, bearing witness that he -is the apostle of God, the Creator of the worlds, to those who are -willing to give heed to admonition. All gave willing assent when they -beheld the truth and faithfulness of his words, and sincerity of his -purpose, and the clear argument and plain proof that he brought, namely -the book that was sent down to him from God, the like of which cannot -be produced by men or Jinns. ‘Say: Assuredly if mankind and the Jinns -should conspire to produce the like of this Qurʼān, they could not -produce its like, though the one should help the other.’ (xvii. 91.) -And this is sufficient proof of his mission. So he invited men to the -worship of the One God, the only God, the Self-sufficing, and they -entered into his religion and accepted his authority without being -forced and without unwillingness, but rather humbly acknowledging him -and soliciting the light of his guidance, and in his name becoming -victorious over those who denied his divine mission and rejected his -message and scornfully entreated him. So God set them up in the cities -and subjected to them the necks of the nations of men, except those who -hearkened to them and accepted their religion and bore witness to their -faith, whereby their blood, their property and their honour were safe -and they were exempt from humbly paying jizyah.” [He then enumerates -the various ordinances of Islam, such as the five daily prayers, the -fast of Ramaḍān, Jihād; expounds the doctrine of the resurrection of -the dead and the last judgment, and recounts the joys of Paradise and -the pains of Hell.] “So I have admonished you: if you believe in this -faith and accept whatever is read to you from the revealed Word of God, -then you will profit from my admonition and my writing to you. But if -you refuse and continue in your unbelief and error and contend against -the truth, I shall have my reward, having fulfilled the commandment. -And the truth will judge you.” [He then enumerates various religious -duties and privileges of the Muslim, and concludes.] “So now in this my -letter I have read to you the words of the great and high God, which -are the words of the Truth, whose promises cannot fail and in whose -words there is no deceit. Then give up your unbelief and error, of -which God disapproves and which calls for punishment, and speak no more -of Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, these words that you yourself admit to -be so confusing: and give up the worship of the cross which brings loss -and no profit, for I wish you to turn away from it, since your learning -and nobility of soul are degraded thereby. For the great and high God -says: ‘Verily, God will not forgive the union of other gods with -Himself; but other than this will He forgive to whom He pleaseth. And -whoso uniteth gods with God, hath devised a great wickedness.’ (iv. -51.) And again: ‘Surely now are they infidels who say, “God is the -Messiah, Son of Mary;” for the Messiah said, “O children of Israel! -worship God, my Lord and your Lord.” Verily, those who join other gods -with God, God doth exclude from Paradise, and their abode the Fire; and -for the wicked no helpers! They surely are infidels who say, “God is a -third of three:” for there is no god but one God; and if they refrain -not from what they say, a grievous chastisement shall assuredly befall -such of them as believe not. Will they not, therefore, turn unto God, -and ask pardon of Him? since God is Forgiving, Merciful! The Messiah, -Son of Mary, is but an Apostle; other Apostles have flourished before -him; and his mother was a just person; they both ate food.’ (v. 76–9.) -Then leave this path of error and this long and stubborn clinging to -your religion and those burdensome and wearisome fasts which are a -constant trouble to you and are of no use or profit and produce nothing -but weariness of body and torment of soul. Embrace this faith and take -this, the right and easy path, the true faith, the ample law and the -way that God has chosen for His favoured ones and to which He has -invited the people of all religions, that He may show His kindness and -favour to them by guiding them into the true path by means of His -guidance, and fill up the measure of His goodness unto men. - -“So I have advised you and paid the debt of friendship and sincere -love, for I have desired to take you to myself, that you and I may be -of the same opinion and the same faith, for I have found my Lord saying -in his perfect Book: ‘Verily the unbelievers among the people of the -Book and among the polytheists, shall go into the fire of Hell to abide -therein for ever. Of all creatures they are the worst. But they verily -who believe and do the things that are right—these of all creatures are -the best. Their recompense with their Lord shall be gardens of Eden, -’neath which the rivers flow, in which they shall abide for evermore. -God is well pleased with them, and they with Him. This, for him who -feareth his Lord.’ (xcviii. 5–8.) ‘Ye are the best folk that hath been -raised up for mankind. Ye enjoin what is just, and ye forbid what is -evil, and ye believe in God: and if the people of the book had -believed, it had surely been better for them. Believers there are among -them, but most of them are disobedient.’ (iii. 106.) So I have had -compassion upon you lest you might be among the people of Hell who are -the worst of all creatures, and I have hoped that by the grace of God -you may become one of the true believers with whom God is well pleased -and they with Him, and they are the best of all creatures, and I have -hoped that you will join yourself to that religion which is the best of -the religions raised up for men. But if you refuse and persist in your -obstinacy, contentiousness and ignorance, your infidelity and error, -and if you reject my words and refuse the sincere advice I have offered -you (without looking for any thanks or reward)—then write whatever you -wish to say about your religion, all that you hold to be true and -established by strong proof, without any fear or apprehension, without -curtailment of your proofs or concealment of your beliefs; for I -purpose only to listen patiently to your arguments and to yield to and -acknowledge all that is convincing therein, submitting willingly -without refusing or rejecting or fear, in order that I may compare your -account and mine. You are free to set forth your case; bring forward no -plea that fear prevented you from making your arguments complete and -that you had to put a bridle on your tongue, so that you could not -freely express your arguments. So now you are free to bring forward all -your arguments, that you may not accuse me of pride, injustice or -partiality: for that is far from me. - -“Therefore bring forward all the arguments you wish and say whatever -you please and speak your mind freely. Now that you are safe and free -to say whatever you please, appoint some arbitrator who will -impartially judge between us and lean only towards the truth and be -free from the empery of passion: and that arbitrator shall be Reason, -whereby God makes us responsible for our own rewards and punishments. -Herein I have dealt justly with you and have given you full security -and am ready to accept whatever decision Reason may give for me or -against me. For ‘there is no compulsion in religion’ (ii. 257) and I -have only invited you to accept our faith willingly and of your own -accord and have pointed out the hideousness of your present belief. -Peace be with you and the mercy and blessings of God!” - -There can be very little doubt but that this document has come down to -us in an imperfect condition and has suffered mutilation at the hands -of Christian copyists: the almost entire absence of any refutation of -such distinctively Christian doctrines as that of the Blessed Trinity, -and the references to such attacks to be found in al-Kindī’s reply, -certainly indicate the excision of such passages as might have given -offence to Christian readers. [1392] - - - - - - - - -APPENDIX II. - -CONTROVERSIAL LITERATURE BETWEEN MUSLIMS AND -THE FOLLOWERS OF OTHER FAITHS. - - -Although Islam has had no organised system of propaganda, no tract -societies or similar agencies of missionary work, there has been no -lack of reasoned presentments of the faith to unbelievers, particularly -to Christians and Jews. Of these it is not proposed to give a detailed -account here, but it is of importance to draw attention to their -existence if only to remove the wide-spread misconception that mass -conversion is the prevailing characteristic of the spread of Islam and -that individual conviction has formed no part of the propagandist -schemes of the Muslim missionary. The beginnings of Muhammadan -controversy against unbelievers are to be found in the Qurʼān itself, -but from the ninth century of the Christian era begins a long series of -systematic treatises of Muhammadan Apologetics, which has been actively -continued to the present day. The number of such works directed against -the Christian faith has been far more numerous than the Christian -refutations of Islam, and some of the ablest of Muslim thinkers have -employed their pens in their composition, e.g. Abū Yūsuf b. Isḥāq -al-Kindī (A.D. 813–873), al-Masʻūdī (ob. A.D. 958), Ibn Ḥazm (A.D. -994–1064), al-Ghazālī (ob. A.D. 1111), etc. It is interesting also to -note that several renegades have written apologies for their change of -faith and in defence of the Muslim creed, e.g. Ibn Jazlah in the -eleventh century, Yūsuf al-Lubnānī and Shaykh Ziyādah b. Yaḥyạ̄ in the -thirteenth, ʻAbd Allāh b. ʻAbd Allāh in the fifteenth, Darwesh ʻAlī in -the sixteenth, Aḥmad b. ʻAbd Allāh, an Englishman born at Cambridge, in -the seventeenth century, etc. These latter were all Christians before -their conversion, but Jewish renegades also, though fewer in number, -have been among the apologists of Islam. In India, besides many -Muhammadan books written against the Christian religion, there is an -enormous number of controversial works against Hinduism: as to whether -the Muhammadans have been equally active in other heathen countries, I -have no information. - -The reader will find a vast store of information on Muslim -controversial literature in the following writings: Moritz -Steinschneider: Polemische und apologetische Litteratur in arabischer -Sprache, zwischen Muslimen, Christen und Juden. (Leipzig, 1877); Ignaz -Goldziher: Über Muhammedanische Polemik gegen Ahl al-kitâb (Z.D.M.G., -vol. 32, p. 341 ff. 1878); Martin Schreiner: Zur Geschichte der Polemik -zwischen Juden und Muhammedanern (Z.D.M.G., vol. 42, p. 591 ff. 1888); -W. A. Shedd: Islam and the Oriental Churches, pp. 252–3; Carl -Güterbock: Der Islam in Lichte der byzantinischen Polemik. (Berlin, -1912.) - - - - - - - - -APPENDIX III. - -MUSLIM MISSIONARY SOCIETIES. - - -The formation of societies for carrying on a propaganda in an organised -and systematic manner is a recent development in the missionary history -of Islam—as indeed it is comparatively recent in the history of -Christian missions. Such Muslim missionary societies would appear to -have been formed in conscious imitation of similar organisations in the -Christian world, and are not in themselves the most characteristic -expressions of the missionary spirit in Islam. In the Western world -there is very little to note. No attempt seems to have been made to -form such a society before the latter half of the nineteenth century, -and the earliest efforts were attended with little success. When H. M. -Stanley in 1875 urged in the English Press the sending of a Christian -mission to King Mutesa of Uganda, the wide-spread attention paid to his -appeal led to the formation of a missionary society in Constantinople -for the propagation of Islam in that country, but no Muhammadan -missionaries were ever sent to Uganda, and the outbreak of the -Russo-Turkish war in 1878 diverted the attention of the Turks from any -such enterprise. [1393] A similar failure to establish organised -missionary effort was manifested when the Anglo-Egyptian Government of -the Sudan marked out zones of influence for various Christian -missionary societies in districts the natives of which were heathen; -some Muslims of Cairo claimed that a part of the territory should be -allotted to the followers of Islam; whereupon the Government replied -that all they had to do was to send the missionaries and the same -facilities would be afforded to them as to the Christian missionaries; -but the necessary organisation was lacking and the matter was allowed -to drop. [1394] In 1910 Shaykh Rashīd, the editor of al-Manār, founded -a missionary society in Cairo, the object of which is to establish a -college (entitled Dār al-daʻwah waʼl-irshād) for the training of -missionaries and apologists for Islam, who are to be sent primarily -into heathen and Christian lands, but also into those Muhammadan -countries in which attempts are being made to induce the Muhammadans to -abandon their faith. [1395] - -But it is in India that there has been the greatest expansion of such -organisations. One of the best organised of these is probably the -Anjuman Ḥimāyat-i-Islām of Lahore, but propagandist work forms only a -small part of the wide field of its activities and it cannot therefore -be described as a missionary society pure and simple. The original -purpose for which the Anjuman Ḥāmī Islām of Ajmer was founded was to -answer the objections urged against Islam by the members of the Ārya -Samāj, but it included among its objects the preaching of Islam and the -providing of food and clothing to new converts. [1396] The Anjuman -Waʻz̤-i-Islām, as its name denotes, concentrated its efforts on the -preaching of Islam, and, while Mawlavī Baqā Ḥusayn Khān (p. 283) was -its Secretary, published lists of the converts gained—as did also the -Anjuman-i-Islām and the Anjuman Tablīgh-i-Islām (which aimed at the -conversion of the Hindu untouchables) established in Ḥaydarabad -(Deccan), but it does not appear that either of these societies -continues to exist. [1397] Among the societies that have been -established in the twentieth century are the Madrasa Ilāhiyyāt at -Cawnpore, for the training of missionaries and the publication of -tracts in defence of Islam and in refutation of attacks made upon it; -and the Anjuman Ishāʻat wa Taʻlīm-i-Islām at Baṭālah in the Panjāb, -with similar objects. But the largest of these organisations is the -Anjuman Hidāyat al-Islām of Dehlī, to which as many as twenty-four -other societies, [1398] in various parts of India, are affiliated; this -Anjuman sends out missionaries to preach the doctrines of Islam and to -hold controversies with non-Muslims, and publishes controversial -literature, especially in refutation of the attacks made by the members -of the Ārya Samāj. - - - - - - - - -TITLES OF WORKS CITED BY ABBREVIATED REFERENCES. - - -(The Titles, etc., of books quoted once only, are given in full in the -foot-notes.) - - -Aa (P. J. B. 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(Migne, tom. xlii, p. 823.) - -[3] Accordingly the reader will find no account of the recent history -of Armenia or Crete, or indeed of any part of the empire of the Turks -during the present century—a period singularly barren of missionary -enterprise on their part. - -[4] Phrantzes, p. 5. - -[5] The student of the literature of Science or of the Fine Arts finds -the libraries at South Kensington open till 10 o’clock on three -evenings every week, but the one library in this country that aims at -any completeness is available only to such students as are at leisure -during the day-time. - -[6] A note on Mr. Lyall’s article: “Missionary Religions.” Fortnightly -Review, July, 1874. - -[7] Reclus, vol. v. p. 433; Gasztowtt, p. 320 sqq. - -[8] This misinterpretation of the Muslim wars of conquest has arisen -from the assumption that wars waged for the extension of Muslim -domination over the lands of the unbelievers implied that the aim in -view was their conversion. Goldziher has well pointed out this -distinction in his Vorlesungen über den Islam: “Was Muhammed zunächst -in seinem arabischen Umkreise getan, das hinterlässt er als Testament -für die Zukunft seiner Gemeinde: Bekämpfung der Ungläubigen, die -Ausbreitung nicht so sehr des Glaubens als seiner Machtsphäre, die die -Machtsphäre Allahs ist. Es ist dabei den Kämpfern des Islams zunächst -nicht so sehr um Bekehrung als um Unterwerfung der Ungläubigen zu tun.” -(p. 25.) - -[9] See Enhardi Fuldensis Annales, A.D. 777. “Saxones post multas cædes -et varia bella afflicti, tandem christiani effecti, Francorum dicioni -subduntur.” G. H. Pertz: Monumenta Germaniæ Historica, vol. i. p. 349. -(See also pp. 156, 159.) - -[10] “Tum zelo propagandæ fidei succensus, barbara regna iusto -certamine aggressus, devictas subditasque nationes christianæ legi -subiugavit.” (Breviarium Romanum. Iun. 19.) - -[11] Mathurin Veyssière de la Croze: Histoire du Christianisme des -Indes, pp. 529–531. (The Hague, 1724.) - -[12] Revue de l’Histoire des Religions, vol. xi. p. 89. - -[13] Konrad Maurer: Die Bekehrung des norwegischen Stammes zum -Christenthume, vol. i. p. 284. (München, 1855.) - -[14] Jean, Sire de Joinville: Histoire de Saint Louis, ed. N. de -Wailly, p. 30 (§ 53). - -[15] Severus, p. 191 (ll. 21–22). - -[16] Ibn Isḥāq, p. 120. - -[17] Id. p. 155. - -[18] He is famous throughout the Muhammadan world as the first -muʼadhdhin. - -[19] Ibn Isḥāq, p. 219–220. Ṭabarī makes no mention of this mission and -Caetani (i. p. 278) accordingly suggests that it is a later invention. - -[20] Ibn Isḥāq, pp. 225–6. - -[21] Ibn Isḥāq, pp. 286–7. - -[22] Caetani, vol. i. pp. 334–5. - -[23] Ibn Isḥāq, p. 291 sq. - -[24] The appointment of the fast of Ramaḍān (Qurʼān ii. 179–84), is -doubtless another sign of the breaking with the Jews, the fast on the -Day of Atonement being thus abolished. - -[25] “Aber Gottes Botschaft ist nicht auf die Araber beschränkt. Sein -Wille gilt für alle Creatur, es heischt unbedingten Gehorsam von aller -Menschheit, und dass Muhammed als sein Bote denselben Gehorsam zu -heischen berechtigt und verpflichtet sei, scheint von Anfang an ein -integrirender Bestandtheil seines Gedankensystem gewesen zu sein.” -(Sachau, pp. 293–4.) Goldziher (Vorlesungen über den Islam, p. 25 sqq.) -and Nöldeke (WZKM, vol. xxi. pp. 307–8) express a similar opinion. - -[26] On the doubtful authenticity of these letters, see Caetani, vol. -i. p. 725 sqq. - -[27] It seems strange that in the face of these passages, some have -denied that Islam was originally intended by its founder to be a -universal religion. Thus Sir William Muir says, “That the heritage of -Islam is the world, was an afterthought. The idea, spite of much -prophetic tradition, had been conceived but dimly, if at all, by -Mahomet himself. His world was Arabia, and for it the new dispensation -was ordained. From first to last the summons was to Arabs and to none -other.... The seed of a universal creed had indeed been sown; but that -it ever germinated was due to circumstance rather than design.” (The -Caliphate, pp. 43–4.) Caetani is the latest exponent of this view. -(Annali dell’Islām, vol. v. pp. 323–4.) - -[28] Ibn Saʻd, § 10. This story may indeed be apocryphal, but is -significant at least of the early realisation of the missionary -character of Islam. - -[29] A. von Kremer (3), pp. 309, 310. - -[30] This would seem to be acknowledged even by Muir, when speaking of -the massacre of the Banū Qurayẓah (A.H. 6): “The ostensible grounds -upon which Mahomet proceeded were purely political, for as yet he did -not profess to force men to join Islam, or to punish them for not -embracing it.” (Muir (2), vol. iii. p. 282.) - -[31] Ibn Isḥāq, p. 648 sq. - -[32] Muir (2), vol. iv. pp. 107–8. See also Caetani, vol. i. p. 663. -“Assai più che tutte le prediche del Profeta, assai più che tutta la -bontà delle dottrine islamiche, siffatti vantaggi militari -contribuirono al aumentare il numero dei seguaci. La rapidità della -diffusione dell’Islām divenne in special modo sensibile per il contegno -et per lo spirito di tolleranza, di libertà, e di opportunismo, che -diresse il Profeta nei suoi rapporti con i convertiti.” - -[33] Ibn Isḥāq, p. 943–4. (This story rests on somewhat doubtful -authority, cf. Caetani, vol. i. p. 610.) - -[34] Ibn Saʻd, § 118. - -[35] Ibn Isḥāq, pp. 252–4. - -[36] Caetani, vol. ii. t. i. p. 341. - -[37] Ibn Saʻd, § 56. - -[38] Ibn Saʻd, § 85. - -[39] Id. § 86. - -[40] Id. § 91. - -[41] See Sprenger, vol. iii. pp. 360–1. - -[42] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 433. - -[43] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 429. - -[44] This has been nowhere more fully and excellently brought out than -in the scholarly work of Prof. Ignaz Goldziher (Muhammedanische -Studien, vol. i.), from which I have derived the following -considerations. - -[45] Döllinger, pp. 5–6. - -[46] Caetani, Studi di Storia Orientale, I, p. 365 sqq. (Milano, 1911.) - -[47] This interpretation of the Arab conquests as the last of the great -Semitic migrations has been worked out in a masterly manner by Caetani, -vol. ii. pp. 831–61. - -[48] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 455; vol. v. p. 521. (“In Madīnah si formò un -considerevole nucleo religioso, composto d’elementi eterogenei, ma -forse in maggioranza madinesi, i quali presero l’Islām molto sul serio -e cercarono sinceramente di osservare la nuova dottrina, per la -convinzione che, così agendo facevan bene, ed in devoto omaggio alla -volontà del Profeta.”) - -[49] Masʻūdī, tome iv. p. 238. - -[50] Muir’s Caliphate, pp. 121–2. - -[51] Caetani, vol. iii. p. 814 (§ 323). - -[52] Caetani, vol. ii. pp. 260, 299, 351. - -[53] Id. pp. 792–3; vol. iii. p. 253 (§ 8). - -[54] Id. pp. 1112–15. - -[55] Muir, Caliphate, pp. 90–4. - -[56] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 299. Wellhausen, iv. p. 156 (n. 5). - -[57] Ṭabarī, Prima Series, p. 2482. - -[58] For an exhaustive study of the jizyah, with a masterly array and -critical examination of all the available historical materials, see -Caetani, vol. v. p. 319 sqq.; for Egypt during the first century of -Muslim rule, see Bell, p. 167 sqq., and Becker, Beiträge zur Geschichte -Aegyptens unter dem Islam, p. 81 sqq. - -[59] Caetani (vol. iv. p. 227) believes that this story is the -invention of a later epoch, to explain the fiscal anomaly of a -Christian tribe being treated as if it were Muslim. - -[60] The few meagre notices of this tribe in the works of Arabic -historians have been admirably summarised by Lammens: Le Chantre des -Omiades. (J. A., ix. sér., tome iv. pp. 97–9, 438–59.) See also -Caetani, vol. iv. p. 227 sqq. - -[61] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 1180. - -[62] Barhebræus (3), pp. 134–5. - -[63] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 828. - -[64] Ṭabarī, i. p. 2041. - -[65] Masʻūdī, tome iv. p. 256. - -[66] “Gli Arabi nei primi anni non perseguitarono invece alcuno per -ragioni di fede, non si diedero pena alcuna per convertire chicchessia, -sicchè sotto l’Islām, dopo le prime conquiste, i cristiani Semiti -goderno d’una tolleranza religiosa quale non si era mai vista da varie -generazioni.” (Caetani, vol. v. p. 4.) - -[67] Sir Henry Layard: Early Adventures in Persia, Susiana and -Babylonia, vol. i. p. 100. (London, 1887); R. Hartmann: Die Herrschaft -von al-Karak. (Der Islam, vol. ii. p. 137.) - -[68] Burckhardt (2), p. 564. - -[69] W. G. Palgrave: Essays on Eastern Questions, pp. 206–8. (London, -1872.) - -[70] I. A. Dorner: A System of Christian Doctrine, vol. iii. pp. -215–16. (London, 1885.) J. C. Robertson: History of the Christian -Church, vol. ii. p. 226. (London, 1875.) - -[71] That such fears were not wholly groundless may be judged from the -emperor’s intolerant behaviour towards many of the Monophysite party in -his progress through Syria after the defeat of the Persians in 627. -(See Michael the Elder, vol. ii. p. 412, and Caetani, vol. ii. p. -1049.) For the outrages committed by the Byzantine soldiers on their -co-religionists in the reign of Constans II (642–668), see Michael the -Elder, vol. ii. p. 443. - -[72] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. pp. 412–13. Barhebræus, about a -century later, wrote in a similar strain. (Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, -ed. J. B. Abbeloos et Lamy, p. 474.) - -[73] Azdī, p. 97. - -[74] Balādhurī, p. 137. - -[75] Caetani, vol. iii. p. 813; vol. v. p. 394. (“Gli abitanti -accettarono con non celato favore il mutamento di governo, appena -ebbero compreso che gli Arabi avrebbero rispettato i loro diritti -individuali, ed avrebbero lasciata completa libertà di coscienza in -materia religiosa. In Siria, città ed interi distretti si affrettarono -a trattare con gli Arabi anche prima della rotta finale dei Greci. Nel -Sawād si lasciarono passivamente sopraffare accettando il nuovo dominio -senza pattuire condizioni di sorta; è probabile che anche in Siria -questo fosse il caso per molte regioni remote dalle grandi vie di -comunicazioni.”) - -[76] Gottheil has brought together a valuable collection of documentary -evidence as to the condition of the protected peoples under Muslim rule -in his “Dhimmīs and Moslems in Egypt.” - -[77] Balādhurī, pp. 74 (ad fin.), 116, 121 (med.). - -[78] For a discussion of this document, see Caetani, vol. iii. p. 952 -sqq. - -[79] Ṭabarī, i. p. 2405. - -[80] Balādhurī, p. 129. - -[81] Ibn Sʻad, III, i. p. 246. - -[82] Mémoire sur la conquête de la Syrie, p. 143 sq. - -[83] Annali dell’Islām, vol. iii. p. 957. - -[84] Some authorities on Muhammadan law held that this rule did not -extend to villages and hamlets, in which the construction of churches -was not to be prevented. (Hidāyah, vol. ii. p. 219.) - -[85] “The ʻUlamāʼ are divided in opinion on the question of the -teaching of the Qurʼān: the sect of Mālik forbids it: that of Abū -Ḥanīfah allows it; and Shāfiʻī has two opinions on the subject: on the -one hand, he countenances the study of it, as indicating a leaning -towards Islam; and on the other hand, he forbids it, because he fears -that the unbeliever who studies the Qurʼān being still impure may read -it solely with the object of turning it to ridicule, since he is the -enemy of God and the Prophet who wrote the book; now as these two -statements are contradictory, Shāfiʻī has no formally stated opinion on -this matter.” (Belin, p. 508.) - -[86] Such as the forms of greeting, etc., that are only to be used by -Muslims to one another. - -[87] Abū Yūsuf (p. 82) says that Christians were to be allowed to go in -procession once a year with crosses, but not with banners; outside the -city, not inside where the mosques were. - -[88] The nāqūs, lit. an oblong piece of wood, struck with a rod. - -[89] Gottheil, pp. 382–4, where references are given to the various -versions of this document. - -[90] There is evidence to show that the Arab conquerors left unchanged -the fiscal system that they found prevailing in the lands they -conquered from the Byzantines, and that the explanation of jizyah as a -capitation-tax is an invention of later jurists, ignorant of the true -condition of affairs in the early days of Islam. (Caetani, vol. iv. p. -610 (§ 231); vol. v. p. 449.) H. Lammens: Ziād ibn Abīhi. (Rivista -degli Studi Orientali, vol. iv. p. 215.) - -[91] Goldziher, vol. i. pp. 50–7, 427–30. Caetani, vol. v. p. 311 sqq. - -[92] Caetani, vol. v. pp. 424 (§ 752), 432. - -[93] Balādhurī, pp. 124–5. - -[94] A. von Kremer (1), vol. i. pp. 60, 436. - -[95] A dirham is about fivepence. - -[96] Bell, pp. xxv, 173. - -[97] Abū Yūsuf, pp. 69–71. - -[98] Ṭabarī, Prima Series, p. 2055. - -[99] Id. p. 2050. - -[100] Abū Yūsuf, p. 81. - -[101] Balādhurī, p. 159. - -[102] Ṭabarī, Prima Series, p. 2665. - -[103] Marsigli, vol. i. p. 86 (he calls them “Musellim”). - -[104] Finlay, vol. vi. pp. 30, 33. - -[105] Lazăr, p. 56. - -[106] De la Jonquière, p. 14. - -[107] Thomas Smith, p. 324. - -[108] Dorostamus, p. 326. - -[109] De la Jonquière, p. 265. - -[110] Lammens, p. 13. - -[111] Ibn Abī Usaybiʻah, vol. i. p. 164. - -[112] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. p. 475. - -[113] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 71 (l. 16). Abū Nūḥ al-Anbārī wrote a -refutation -of the Qurʼān and other theological works (Wright, p. 191 n. 3). - -[114] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 84. - -[115] Hilāl al-Ṣābī, p. 95. - -[116] Ibn al-Athīr, vol. ix. p. 16. - -[117] Von Kremer (1), vol. i. pp. 167–8. Lammens, p. 11. - -[118] Renaudot, pp. 430, 540. - -[119] Von Kremer (1), vol. ii. pp. 180–1. - -[120] Von Kremer (1), vol. i. p. 183. - -[121] Caetani, vol. iii. pp. 350 sq., 387 sqq. - -[122] Gottheil, pp. 360–1. Goldziher: Zur Literatur des Ichtilâf -al-maḏâhib, ZDMG., vol. 38, pp. 673–4. - -[123] On this theoretical character of much of Muslim legal literature, -see Snouck Hurgronje: Mohammedanisches Recht in Theorie und -Wirklichkeit. - -[124] Gottheil, p. 363. - -[125] Gottheil, pp. 358–9, however, doubts whether there is evidence -for attributing this intolerance to ʻUmar II. - -[126] Journal Asiatique, IVme série, tome xviii. (1851), pp. 433, 450. -Ṭabarī, III, p. 1419. - -[127] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. p. 476. Renaudot, p. 189. - -[128] Eutychius, II, p. 41 init. Severus (p. 139) says “two churches.” - -[129] Von Kremer (1), vol. ii. p. 175. - -[130] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. pp. 490, 491. - -[131] Ibn Khallikān, vol. i. p. 485. - -[132] Elias of Nisibis, p. 128. - -[133] A. J. Butler: The Ancient Coptic Churches of Egypt, vol. i. p. -181. (Oxford, 1884.) - -[134] Yāqūt, vol. ii. p. 662. - -[135] Yāqūt, vol. ii. p. 670. - -[136] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 73. - -[137] Ishok of Romgla, p. 266. - -[138] Eutychius, II, p. 58. - -[139] Von Kremer (1), vol. ii. pp. 175–6. - -[140] Butler: Ancient Coptic Churches of Egypt, vol. i. p. 76. - -[141] Renaudot, p. 399. - -[142] Ishok of Romgla, p. 333. - -[143] Abū Ṣāliḥ, p. 92. - -[144] A Dominican monk from Florence, by name Ricoldus de Monte Crucis, -who visited the East about the close of the thirteenth and the -beginning of the fourteenth century, speaks of the toleration the -Nestorians had enjoyed under Muhammadan rule right up to his time: “Et -ego inveni per antiquas historias et autenticas aput Saracenos, quod -ipsi Nestorini amici fuerunt Machometi et confederati cum eo, et quod -ipse Machometus mandauit suis posteris, quod Nestorinos maxime -conseruarent. Quod usque hodie diligenter obseruant ipsi Sarraceni.” -(Laurent, p. 128.) - -[145] J. Labourt: De Timotheo I, Nestorianorum Patriarcha, p. 37 sqq. -(Paris, 1904.) - -[146] E. von Dobschütz, p. 390–1. - -[147] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. p. 439–40. - -[148] Makīn, p. 12. J. Labourt: Le Christianisme sous la dynastie -sassanide, p. 139 sq. (Paris, 1904.) - -[149] Renaudot, p. 169. - -[150] Von Kremer well remarks: “Wir verdanken dem unermüdlichen -Sammelfleiss der arabischen Chronisten unsere Kenntniss der politischen -und militärischen Geschichte jener Zeiten, welche so genau ist als dies -nur immer auf eine Entfernung von zwölf Jahrhunderten der Fall sein -kann; allein gerade die innere Geschichte jener denkwürdigen Epoche, -die Geschichte des Kampfes einer neuen, rohen Religion gegen die alten -hochgebildeten, zum Theile überbildeten Culte ist kaum in ihren -allgemeinsten Umrissen bekannt.” (Von Kremer (2), pp. 1–2.) - -[151] Thomas of Margā, vol. ii. p. 309 sq. - -[152] Thomas of Margā, vol. ii. pp. 310, 324 sq. - -[153] Cf. in addition to the passages quoted below, MʻClintoch & -Strong’s Cyclopædia, sub art. Mohammedanism, vol. vi. p. 420. James -Freeman Clarke: Ten Great Religions, Part ii. p. 75. (London, 1883.) - -[154] Thus the Emperor Heraclius is represented by the Muhammadan -historian as saying, “Their religion is a new religion which gives them -new zeal.” (Ṭabarī, p. 2103.) - -[155] History of Latin Christianity, vol. ii. pp. 216–17. - -[156] Caetani, vol. ii. pp. 1045–6. - -[157] A paper read before the Church Congress at Wolverhampton, October -7th, 1887. - -[158] For the oppressive fiscal system under the Byzantine empire, see -Gfrörer: Byzantinische Geschichten, vol. ii. pp. 337–9, 389–91, 450. - -[159] “Der Islam war ein Rückstoss gegen den Missbrauch, welchen -Justinian mit der Menschheit, besonders aber mit der christlichen -Religion trieb, deren oberstes geistliches und weltliches Haupt er zu -sein behauptete. Dass der Araber Mahomed, welcher 571 der christlichen -Zeitrechnung, sechs Jahre nach dem Tode Justinians, das Licht der Welt -erblickte, mit seiner Lehre unerhörtes Glück machte, verdankte er -grossentheils dem Abscheu, welchen die im Umkreise des byzantinischen -Reiches angesessenen Völker, wie die benachbarten Nationen, über die -von dem Basileus begangenen Greuel empfanden.” (Gfrörer: Byzantinische -Geschichten, vol. ii. p. 437.) - -[160] Id. vol. ii. pp. 296–306, 337. - -[161] Id. vol. ii. pp. 442–4. - -[162] Id. vol. ii. p. 445. - -[163] Masʻūdī, vol. ii. p. 387. - -[164] Von Kremer (2), p. 8. - -[165] Id. p. 54 and (3), p. 32. Nicholson, p. 231. - -[166] Among the Muʻtazilite philosophers, Muḥammad b. al-Huzayl, the -teacher of al-Maʼmūn, is said to have converted more than three -thousand persons to Islam. (Aḥmad b. Yaḥyạ̄ b. al-Murtaḍạ̄, p. 26, l. 7.) - -[167] Von Kremer (2), pp. 3, 7–8. C. H. Becker: Christliche Polemik und -islamische Dogmenbildung (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, xxvi. 1912). - -[168] Ibn Khallikān, vol. i. p. 45. - -[169] Wüstenfeld, p. 103. - -[170] Michael the Elder, vol. ii. pp. 412–13. Caetani, vol. v. p. 508. -(“Le vittorie sui Greci e sui Persiani non solamente erano il trionfo -della razza araba sulle popolazioni delle provincie conquistate, ma -nella mente orientale che vede in tutto la mano di Dio, costituivano un -trionfo del principio islamico su quello cristiano e mazdeista, ma -sovrattutto sul cristiano.”) - -[171] Goldziher, vol. i. chaps. 3 and 4. - -[172] The last of these was prompted by the discovery of an attempt on -the part of the Christians to burn the city of Cairo. (De Guignes, vol. -iv. pp. 204–5.) Gottheil, p. 359, Journal Asiatique, IVme série, tome -xviii. (1851), pp. 454, 455, 463, 484, 491. - -[173] Assemani, tom. iii. pars. 2, p. c. Renaudot, pp. 432, 603, 607. - -[174] Muir: The Caliphate, p. 475. - -[175] Von Kremer (3), p. 246. - -[176] Muir (1), pp. 508, 516–17. - -[177] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 79 sq. Ṣalībā b. Yuḥannā, p. 71. - -[178] Gottheil, p. 364 sqq. - -[179] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 114 (ll. 14–16). - -[180] This tradition appears in several forms, e.g. “Whoever wrongs one -with whom a compact has been made (i.e. a dhimmī) and lays on him a -burden beyond his strength, I will be his accuser.” (Balādhurī, p. 162, -fin.) (Yaḥyā b. Ādam, p. 54 (fin.), adds the words, “till the day of -judgment.”) “Whoever does violence to a dhimmī who has paid his jizyah -and evidenced his submission—his enemy am I.” (Usd al-Ghāba, quoted by -Goldziher, in the Jewish Encyclopædia, vol. vi. p. 655.) The Christian -historian al-Makīn (p. 11) gives, “Whoever torments the dhimmīs, -torments me.” - -[181] Journal Asiatique, IVme série, tome xix. p. 109. (Paris, 1852.) -See also R. Gottheil: A Fetwa on the appointment of Dhimmīs to office. -(Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, vol. xxvi. p. 203 sqq.) - -[182] Belin, pp. 435–40, 442, 448, 456, 459–61, 479–80. - -[183] Id. p. 435, n. 2. - -[184] Id. p. 478. - -[185] Mārī b. Sulaymān (p. 115, ll. 1–2) offers this explanation of the -defections that followed the persecution towards the close of the tenth -century: واسلم خلق كثير وكان اصل ذلك تجوّز الناس في اديانہم وقبح سيرة -الكہنة في المذبح والبيع ونيوت المقدس - -[186] The Caliph of Egypt, al-Ḥākim (A.D. 996–1020), did in fact order -all the Jews and Christians to leave Egypt and emigrate into the -Byzantine territory, but yielded to their entreaties to revoke his -orders. (Maqrīzī (1), p. 91.) It would have been quite possible, -however, for him to have enforced its execution as it would have been -for the ferocious Salīm I (1512–1520), who with the design of putting -an end to all religious differences in his dominions caused 40,000 -Shīʻahs to be massacred, to have completed this politic scheme by the -extermination of the Christians also. But in allowing himself to be -dissuaded from this design, he most certainly acted in accordance with -the general policy adopted by Muhammadan rulers towards their Christian -subjects. (Finlay, vol. v. pp. 29–30.) - -[187] Silbernagl, p. 268. - -[188] Id. p. 354. - -[189] Id. pp. 307, 360. - -[190] Id. p. 25–6. - -[191] Id. p. 335. - -[192] Id. p. 384. - -[193] See A. von Kremer (1), vol. ii. pp. 490–2. - -[194] The sack of Constantinople by the Crusaders in 1204 may be taken -as a type of the treatment that the Eastern Christians met with at the -hands of the Latins. Barhebræus complains that the monastery of Harran -was sacked and plundered by Count Goscelin, Lord of Emessa, in 1184, -just as though he had been a Saracen or a Turk. (Barhebræus (1), vol. -ii. pp. 506–8.) - -[195] H. H. Milman, vol. ii. p. 218. - -[196] A. von Kremer (1), vol. i. p. 172. - -[197] Assemani, tom. iii. Pars Prima, pp. 130–1. - -[198] Ibn Saʻd, Ṭabaqāt, vol. v. p. 258. - -[199] Id. p. 285. - -[200] Maḥbūb al-Manbijī, p. 358 (ll. 2–3). - -[201] Ibn Saʻd, Ṭabaqāt, vol. v. p. 262. - -[202] August Müller, vol. i. p. 440. - -[203] Migne: Patr. Gr., tom. 96, pp. 1336–48. - -[204] Migne: Patr. Gr., tom. 97, pp. 1528–9, 1548–61. - -[205] Id. p. 1557. - -[206] ʻAmr b. Mattai, p. 65. - -[207] Id. p. 72. - -[208] Risālah ʻAbd Allāh b. Ismāʻīl al-Hāshimī ilạ̄ ʻAbd al-Masīḥ b. -Isḥāq al-Kindī, pp. 1–37. (London, 1885.) - -[209] Appendix I. For an account of Muslim controversial literature, -see Appendix II. - -[210] Kindī, pp. 111–13. - -[211] Balādhurī, pp. 430. - -[212] It is very probable that the occasion of this visit of -Yazdānbakht to Baghdād was the summoning of a great assembly of the -leaders of all the religious bodies of the period, by al-Maʼmūn, when -it had come to his ears that the enemies of Islam declared that it owed -its success to the sword and not to the power of argument: in this -meeting, the Muslim doctors defended their religion against this -imputation, and the unbelievers are said to have acknowledged that the -Muslims had satisfactorily proved their point. (Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā b. -al-Murtaḍạ̄: Al-munyah wa’l-amal fī sharḥ kitāb al-milal wa’l-niḥal. -British Museum, Or. 3937, fol. 53 (b), ll. 9–11.) - -[213] Kitāb al-Fihrist, vol. i. p. 338. - -[214] Barhebræus (1), vol. iii. p. 194. - -[215] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 101 (ll. 3–4). - -[216] Barhebræus (1), vol. iii. p. 230. - -[217] Id., (1), vol. iii. p. 248. - -[218] All the Jacobite Patriarchs assumed the name of Ignatius; before -his consecration he was called Mark bar Qīqī. - -[219] Barhebræus (1), vol. iii. pp. 288–90. Elias of Nisibis, pp. -153–4. He returned to the Christian faith, however, before his death, -which took place about twenty years later. Two similar cases are -recorded in the annals of the Jacobite Patriarchs of Antioch in the -sixteenth century: of these one, named Joshua, became a Muhammadan in -1517, but afterwards recanting fled to Cyprus (at that time in the -hands of the Venetians), where prostrate at the door of a church in -penitential humility he suffered all who went in or out to tread over -his body; the other, Niʻmat Allāh (flor. 1560), having abjured -Christianity for Islam, sought absolution of Pope Gregory XIII in Rome. -(Barhebræus (1), vol. ii. pp. 847–8.) - -[220] In fact Elias of Nisibis, the contemporary chronicler of the -conversion of the Jacobite Patriarch, makes no mention of such a -failing, nor does Mārī b. Sulaymān (pp. 115–16), the historian of the -rival Nestorian Church, though he accuses him of plundering the sacred -vessels and ornaments of the churches. As Wright (Syriac Literature, p. -192) says of Joseph of Merv, “We need not believe all the evil that -Barhebræus tells us of this unhappy man.” - -[221] Barhebræus (1), vol. ii. p. 518. - -[222] Id. vol. ii. p. 712 sq. - -[223] Historia Orientalis, C. 15 (p. 45). - -[224] De Guignes, tome ii. (Seconde Partie), p. 15. - -[225] Odo de Diogilo. (De Ludovici vii. Itinere. Migne, Patr. Lat., -tom. cxcv. p. 1243.) “Vitantes igitur sibi crudeles socios fidei, inter -infideles sibi compatientes ibant securi, et sicut audivimus plusquam -tria millia iuvenum sunt illis recedentibus sociati. O pietas omni -proditione crudelior! Dantes panem fidem tollebant, quamvis certum sit -quia, contenti servitio, neminem negare cogebant.” - -[226] Guizot: Histoire de la civilisation en Europe, p. 234. (Paris, -1882.) - -[227] Usāma b. Munqidh, p. 99. - -[228] Prutz, pp. 266–7. - -[229] Assises de la Cour des Bourgeois. (Recueil des historiens des -Croisades, Assises de Jérusalem, tome ii. p. 325.) - -[230] Bahā al-Dīn, p. 25. - -[231] Roger Hoveden, vol. ii. p. 307. - -[232] Benedict of Peterborough, vol. ii. pp. 11–12. - -[233] Id., vol. ii. pp. 20–1. Roger Hoveden, vol. ii. pp. 316, 322. - -[234] Abū Shāmah, p. 150. - -[235] Itinerarium Peregrinorum et Gesta Regis Richardi, p. 131. -(Chronicles and Memorials of the reign of Richard I. Edited by William -Stubbs.) (London, 1864.) - -[236] Joinville, p. 238. - -[237] Id. p. 262. - -[238] Mas Latrie (1), vol. ii. p. 72. - -[239] Ludolf de Suchem, p. 71. - -[240] Lionardo Frescobaldi, quoted in the preface of Defrémery and -Sanguinetti’s edition of Ibn Baṭūṭah, vol. i. p. xl. - -[241] Christophori Füreri ab Haimendorf Itinerarium Ægypti, p. 42. -(Norimbergæ, 1620.) - -[242] Le Voyage en Ethiopie entrepris par le Père Aymard Guérin. -(Rabbath, pp. 17–18.) - -[243] “Notandum autem in rei veritate, licet quidam contrarium -senciant, qui ea volunt asserere, que non viderunt, quod oriens totus -ultra mare Yndiam et Ethiopiam nomen Christi confitetur et predicat, -preter solos Sarracenos et quosdam Turcomannos, qui in Cappadocia sedem -habent, ita quod pro certo assero, sicut per memet ipsum vidi et ab -aliis, quibus notum erat, audivi, quod semper in omni loco et regno -preterquam in Egypto et Arabia, ubi plurimum habitant Sarraceni et alii -Machometum sequentes, pro uno Sarraceno triginta vel amplius invenies -Christianos. Verum tamen, quod Christiani omnes transmarini natione -sunt orientales, qui licet sint Christiani, quia tamen usum armorum non -habent multum, cum impugnantur a Sarracenis, Tartaris, vel aliis -quibuscumque, subiciuntur eis et tributis pacem et quietem emunt, et -Sarraceni sive alii, qui eis dominantur, balivos suos et exactores in -terris illis ponunt. Et inde contigit, quod regnum illud dicitur esse -Sarracenorum, cum tamen in rei veritate sunt omnes Christiani preter -ipsos balivos et exactores et aliquos de familia ipsorum, sicut oculis -meis vidi in Cilicia et Armenia minori, que est subdita dominio -Tartarorum.” (Burchardi de Monte Sion, Descriptio Terræ Sanctæ, p. 90.) - -[244] Recueil des historiens des Croisades. (Assises de Jérusalem, tome -i. p. 325.) - -[245] Prutz, pp. 146–7, 150. - -[246] The prelates of the Holy Land wrote as follows, in 1244, -concerning the invasion of the Khwarizmians, whom Sultan Ayyūb had -called in to assist him in driving out the Crusaders:—“Per totam terram -usque ad partes Nazareth et Saphet libere nullo resistente discurrunt, -occupantes eandem, et inter se quasi propriam dividentes, per villas et -cazalia Christianorum legatos et bajulos præficiunt, suscipientes a -rusticis redditus et tributa, quæ Christianis præstare solebant, qui -jam Christianis hostes effecti et rebelles dictis Corosminis -universaliter adhæserunt.” (Matthei Parisiensis Chronica Majora, ed. H. -R. Luard, vol. iv. p. 343.) (London, 1872–83.) - -[247] Finlay, vol. iii. pp. 358–9. J. H. Krause: Die Byzantiner des -Mittelalters, p. 276. (Halle, 1869.) - -[248] Tavernier (1), p. 174. - -[249] Joselian, p. 125. All the Abkhazes, Djikhethes, Ossetes, Kabardes -and Kisthethes fell away from the Christian faith about this time. - -[250] Id. p. 127. - -[251] Id. p. 143. - -[252] David Chytræus, p. 49. - -[253] Joselian, p. 157. - -[254] Brosset, IIe partie, Ire livraison, pp. 227–35. Description -géographique de la Géorgie par le Tsarévitch Wakhoucht, p. 79. (St. -Petersburg, 1842.) - -[255] The Six Voyages, p. 123. - -[256] Joselian, p. 149. - -[257] Id. pp. 160–1. - -[258] Tavernier (1), pp. 124, 126. He estimates the number of -Muhammadans at about twelve thousand. (Id. p. 123.) - -[259] Brosset, IIe partie, Ire livraison, pp. 85, 181. - -[260] Documens originaux sur les relations diplomatiques de la Géorgie -avec la France vers la fin du règne de Louis XIV, recueillis par M. -Brosset jeune. (J. A. 2me série, tome ix. (1832), pp. 197, 451.) - -[261] Mackenzie, p. 7. Garnett, p. 194. - -[262] Barbier de Meynard, p. 45 sqq. - -[263] R. du M. M., VII, p. 320 (1909). - -[264] Amélineau, p. 3; Caetani, vol. iv. p. 81 sq. Justinian is said to -have had 200,000 Copts put to death in the city of Alexandria, and the -persecutions of his successors drove many to take refuge in the desert. -(Wansleben: The Present State of Egypt, p. 11.) (London, 1678.) - -[265] Renaudot, p. 161. Severus, p. 106. - -[266] John, Jacobite bishop of Nikiu (second half of seventh century), -p. 584. Caetani, vol. iv. pp. 515–16. - -[267] Bell, p. xxxvii. But the exactions and hardships that, according -to Maqrīzī, the Copts had to endure about seventy years after the -conquest hardly allow us to extend this period so far as Von Ranke -does: “Von Aegypten weiss man durch die bestimmtesten Zeugnisse, dass -sich die Einwohner in den nächsten Jahrhunderten unter der arabischen -Herrschaft in einem erträglichen Zustand befunden haben.” -(Weltgeschichte, vol. v. p. 153, 4th ed.) - -[268] John of Nikiu, p. 560. - -[269] Id. p. 585. “Or beaucoup des Égyptiens, qui étaient de faux -chrétiens, renièrent la sainte religion orthodoxe et le baptême qui -donne la vie, embrassèrent la religion des Musulmans, les ennemis de -Dieu, et acceptèrent la détestable doctrine de ce monstre, c’est-à-dire -de Mahomet; ils partagèrent l’égarement de ces idolâtres et prirent les -armes contre les chrétiens.” - -[270] Qurra b. Sharīk (governor of Egypt from 709 to 714), or his -predecessor, appears to have insisted on the converts continuing to pay -jizyah. (Becker, Papyri Schott-Reinhardt, p. 18.) - -[271] Ibn Saʻd, Ṭabaqāt, vol. v. p. 283. - -[272] Caetani, vol. iv. p. 618; vol. v. pp. 384–5. - -[273] Severus, pp. 172–3. - -[274] Id. pp. 205–6. - -[275] “Sans aucun doute il y eut dans la multiplicité des martyrs une -sorte de résistance nationale contre les gouverneurs étrangers.” -(Amélineau, p. 58.) - -[276] Amélineau, pp. 57–8. - -[277] Abū Ṣāliḥ, pp. 163–4. - -[278] Amélineau, pp. 53–4, 69–70. - -[279] Abū Ṣāliḥ gives an account of some monks who embraced the faith -of the Prophet, and these are probably representative of a larger -number of whom the historian has left no record, as lacking the -peculiar circumstances of loss to the monastery or of recantation that -made such instances of interest to him (pp. 128, 142). - -[280] Lane, pp. 546, 549. - -[281] Lüttke (1), vol. i. pp. 30, 35. Dr. Andrew Watson writes: “No -year has passed during my residence of forty-four years in the Nile -valley without my hearing of several instances of defection. The causes -are, chiefly, the hope of worldly gain of various kinds, severe and -continued persecution, exposure to the cruelty and rapacity of Moslem -neighbours, and personal indignities as well as political disabilities -of various kinds.” (Islam in Egypt: Mohammedan World, p. 24.) - -[282] Severus, pp. 122, 126, 143. One of the very first occasions on -which they had to complain of excessive taxation was when Menas, the -Christian prefect of Lower Egypt, extorted from the city of Alexandria -32,057 pieces of gold, instead of 22,000 which ʻAmr had fixed as the -amount to be levied. (John of Nikiu, p. 585.) Renaudot (p. 168) says -that after the restoration of the Orthodox hierarchy, about seventy -years after the Muhammadan conquest, the Copts suffered as much at its -hands as at the hands of the Muhammadans themselves. - -[283] Maqrīzī mentions five other risings of the Copts that had to be -crushed by force of arms, within the first century of the Arab -domination. (Maqrīzī (2), pp. 76–82.) - -[284] Renaudot, pp. 189, 374, 430, 540. - -[285] Id. p. 603. - -[286] Id. pp. 432, 607. Nāṣir-i-Khusrau: Safar-nāmah, ed. Schefer, pp. -155–6. - -[287] Renaudot, pp. 212, 225, 314, 374, 540. - -[288] Renaudot, p. 388. - -[289] Id. pp 567, 571, 574–5. - -[290] Wansleben, p. 30. Wansleben mentions another instance (under -different circumstances) of the decay of the Coptic Church, in the -island of Cyprus, which was formerly under the jurisdiction of the -Coptic Patriarch: here they were so persecuted by the Orthodox clergy, -who enjoyed the protection of the Byzantine emperors, that the -Patriarch could not induce priests to go there, and consequently all -the Copts on the island either accepted Islam or the Council of -Chalcedon, and their churches were all shut up. (Id. p. 31.) - -[291] Renaudot, p. 377. - -[292] Renaudot, p. 575. - -[293] Relation du voyage du Sayd ou de la Thebayde fait en 1668, par -les PP. Protais et Charles-François d’Orleans, Capuchins Missionaires, -p. 3. (Thevenot, vol. ii.) - -[294] Caetani, vol. iv. p. 520. - -[295] Ishok of Romgla, pp. 272–3. - -[296] Idrīsī, p. 32. - -[297] Maqrīzī (2), tome i. 2me partie, p. 131. - -[298] Maqrīzī, pp. 128–30. - -[299] Burckhardt (1), p. 494. - -[300] About twelve miles above the modern Khartum. - -[301] Artin, pp. 62, 144. - -[302] Becker, Geschichte des östlichen Sūdān, p. 160. - -[303] Vol. iv. p. 396. - -[304] Slatin Pasha records a tradition current among the Danagla Arabs -that this town was founded by their ancestor, Dangal, who called it -after his own name. (This however is impossible, inasmuch as Dongola -was in existence in ancient Egyptian times, and is mentioned on the -monuments. See Vivien de Saint-Martin, vol. ii. p. 85.) According to -their tradition, this Dangal, though a slave, rose to be ruler of -Nubia, but paid tribute to Bahnesa, the Coptic bishop of the entire -district lying between the present Sarras and Debba. (Fire and Sword in -the Sudan, p. 13.) (London, 1896.) - -[305] Ibn Salīm al-Aswānī, quoted by Maqrīzī: Kitāb al-Khiṭaṭ, vol. i. -p. 190. (Cairo, A.H. 1270.) - -[306] Budge, vol. ii. p. 199. Artin, p. 144. - -[307] Maqrīzī: Kitāb al-Khiṭaṭ, vol. i. p. 193. - -[308] Morié, vol. i. pp. 417–18. - -[309] Lord Stanley of Alderley in his translation of Alvarez’ Narrative -from the original Portuguese, gives the answer of the king as follows: -“He said to them that he had his Abima from the country of the Moors, -that is to say from the Patriarch of Alexandria; ... how then could he -give priests and friars since another gave them” (p. 352). (London, -1881.) - -[310] Viaggio nella Ethiopia al Prete Ianni fatto par Don Francesco -Alvarez Portughese (1520–1527). (Ramusio, tom. i. pp. 200, 250.) - -[311] Wansleben, p. 30. For descriptions of the ruins that still -remain, see Budge, vol. ii. p. 299 sqq., and G. S. Nileham, Churches in -Lower Nubia. (Philadelphia, 1910.) - -[312] Burckhardt (1), p. 133. - -[313] Alvarez, p. 250. - -[314] Idrīsī, p. 32. - -[315] ʻArabfaqīh, p. 323. - -[316] Maqrīzī (2), tome ii. 2me partie, p. 183. - -[317] Basset, p. 240. - -[318] Id., p. 247. - -[319] Alvarez. (Ramusio, tom. i. pp. 218, 242, 249.) - -[320] ʻArabfaqīh, pp. 83, 191. - -[321] ʻArabfaqīh, p. 275–6. - -[322] Id. pp. 319, 324. - -[323] Id. pp. 28, 129, 275. - -[324] Plowden, p. 36. - -[325] ʻArabfaqīh, pp. 321, 335, 343. - -[326] Id. passim. - -[327] Id. pp. 175, 195, 248. - -[328] Id. p. 178. - -[329] ʻArabfaqīh, pp. 34–5, 120–1, 182–3, 244, 327. - -[330] ʻArabfaqīh, pp. 181–2, 186. - -[331] Iobi Ludolfi ad suam Historiam Æthiopicam Commentarius, p. 474. -(Frankfurt a. M., 1691.) - -[332] Histoire de la Haute Ethiopie, par le R. P. Manoel d’Almeïda, p. -7. (Thevenot, vol. ii.) - -[333] Massaja, vol. ii. pp. 205–6. “Ognuno comprende che movente di -queste conversioni essendo la sete di regnare, nel fatto non si -riducevano che ad una formalità esterna, restando poi i nuovi -convertiti veri mussulmani nei cuori e nei costumi. E perciò accadeva -che, elevati alla dignità di Râs, si circondavano di mussulmani, dando -ad essi la maggior parte degli impieghi e colmandoli di titoli, -ricchezze e favori: e così l’Abissinia cristiana invasa e popolata da -questa pessima razza, passò coll’andar del tempo sotto il giogo -dell’islamismo.” (Id. p. 206.) - -[334] Rüppell, vol. i. pp. 328, 366. - -[335] Plowden, p. 15. - -[336] Tābōt, the ark of the covenant. - -[337] Littmann, pp. 69–70. - -[338] Plowden, pp. 8–9. - -[339] Beke, pp. 51–2. Isenberg, p. 36. - -[340] Reclus, vol. x. p. 247. Massaja, vol. xi. p. 125. - -[341] Massaja, vol. xi. p. 124. - -[342] Massaja, vol. xi. pp. 77–8. - -[343] Id. pp. 124, 125. - -[344] Oppel, p. 307. Reclus, tome x. p. 247. - -[345] Massaja, vol. xi. pp. 79, 81. - -[346] Morié, vol. ii. p. 449. - -[347] Littmann, pp. 68–70. K. Cederquist: Islam and Christianity in -Abyssinia, p. 154 (The Moslem World, vol. ii.). - -[348] Gibbon, vol. i. p. 161. - -[349] Id. vol. ii. p. 212. - -[350] C. O. Castiglioni: Recherches sur les Berbères atlantiques, pp. -96–7. (Milan, 1826.) - -[351] Synesii Catastasis. (Migne: Patr. Gr., tom. lxvi. p. 1569.) - -[352] Neander (2), p. 320. - -[353] Gibbon, vol. iv. pp. 331–3. - -[354] Id. vol. v. p. 115. - -[355] Tijānī, p. 201. Gibbon, vol. v. p. 122. - -[356] Gibbon, vol. v. p. 214. - -[357] Neander (1), vol. v. pp. 254–5. J. E. T. Wiltsch: Hand-book of -the geography and statistics of the Church, vol. i. pp. 433–4. (London, -1859.) J. Bournichon: L’Invasion musulmane en Afrique, pp. 32–3. -(Tours, 1890.) - -[358] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 70, D.) - -[359] “Deusen, una città antichissima edificata da Romani dove confina -il regno di Buggia col diserto di Numidia.” (Id. p. 75, F.) - -[360] Pavy, vol. i. p. iv. - -[361] “Tous ceux qui ne se convertirent pas à l’islamisme, ou qui -(conservant leur foi) ne voulurent pas s’obliger à payer la capitation, -durent prendre la fuite devant les armées musulmanes.” (Tijānī, p. -201.) - -[362] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 7.) - -[363] “Afros passim ad ecclesiasticos ordines (procedentes) -prætendentes nulla ratione suscipiat (Bonifacius), quia aliqui eorum -Manichæi, aliqui rebaptizati sæpius sunt probati.” Epist. iv. (Migne: -Patr. Lat., tom. lxxxix, p. 502.) - -[364] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, pp. 65, 66, 68, 69, 76.) - -[365] Qayrwān or Cairoan, founded A.H. 50; Fez, founded A.H. 185; -al-Mahdiyyah, founded A.H. 303; Masīlah, founded A.H. 315; Marocco, -founded A.H. 424. (Abū’l-Fidā, tome ii. pp. 198, 186, 200, 191, 187.) - -[366] Ibn Abī Zarʻ, p. 16. - -[367] A doubtful case of forced conversion is attributed to ʻAbd -al-Muʼmin, who conquered Tunis in 1159. See De Mas Latrie (2), pp. -77–8. “Deux auteurs arabes, Ibn-al-Athir, contemporain, mais vivant à -Damas au milieu de l’exaltation religieuse que provoquaient les -victoires de Saladin, l’autre El-Tidjani, visitant l’Afrique orientale -au quatorzième siècle, ont écrit que le sultan, maître de Tunis, força -les chrétiens et les juifs établis dans cette ville à embrasser -l’islamisme, et que les réfractaires furent impitoyablement massacrés. -Nous doutons de la réalité de toutes ces mesures. Si l’arrêt fatal fut -prononcé dans l’emportement du triomphe et pour satisfaire quelques -exigences momentanées, il dut être éludé ou révoqué, tant il était -contraire au principe de la liberté religieuse respecté jusque-là par -tous les princes maugrebins. Ce qu’il y a de certain, c’est que les -chrétiens et les juifs ne tardèrent pas à reparaître à Tunis et qu’on -voit les chrétiens avant la fin du règne d’Abd-el-Moumen établis à -Tunis et y jouissant comme par le passé de la liberté, de leurs -établissements, de leur commerce et de leur religion.... ‘Accompagné -ainsi par Dieu même dans sa marche, dit un ancien auteur maugrebin, il -traversa victorieusement les terres du Zab et de l’Ifrikiah, conquérant -le pays et les villes, accordant l’aman à ceux qui le demandaient et -tuant les récalcitrants.’ Ces derniers mots confirment notre sentiment -sur sa politique à l’égard des chrétiens qui acceptèrent l’arrêt fatal -de la destinée.” - -[368] De Mas Latrie (2), pp. 27–8. - -[369] S. Leonis IX. Papæ Epist. lxxxiii. (Migne: Patr. Lat., tom. -cxliii. p. 728.) This letter deals with a quarrel for precedence -between the bishops of Gummi and Carthage, and it is quite possible -that the disordered condition of Africa at the time may have kept the -African bishops ignorant of the condition of other sees besides their -own and those immediately adjacent, and that accordingly the -information supplied to the Pope represented the number of the bishops -as being smaller than it really was. - -[370] A. Müller, vol. ii. pp. 628–9. - -[371] S. Gregorii VII. Epistola xix. (Liber tertius). (Migne: Patr. -Lat., tom. cxlviii. p. 449.) - -[372] De Mas Latrie, p. 226. A number of Spanish Christians, whose -ancestors had been deported to Morocco in 1122, were to be found there -as late as 1386, when they were allowed to return to Seville through -the good offices of the then sultan of Morocco. (Whishaw, pp. 31–4.) - -[373] C. Trumelet: Les Saints de l’Islam, p. xxxiii. (Paris, 1881.) - -[374] Compare the articles published by a Junta held at Madrid in 1566, -for the reformation of the Moriscoes; one of which runs as follows: -“That neither themselves, their women, nor any other persons should be -permitted to wash or bathe themselves either at home or elsewhere; and -that all their bathing houses should be pulled down and demolished.” -(J. Morgan, vol. ii. p. 256.) - -[375] C. Trumelet: Les Saints de l’Islam, pp. xxvi–xxxvii. - -[376] Leo Africanus says that at the end of the fifteenth century all -the mountaineers of Algeria and of Buggia, though Muhammadans, painted -black crosses on their cheeks and palms of the hand (Ramusio, i. p. -61); similarly the Banū Mzab to the present day still keep up some -religious observances corresponding to excommunication and confession -(Oppel, p. 299), and some nomad tribes of the Sahara observe the -practice of a kind of baptism and use the cross as a decoration for -their stuffs and weapons. (De Mas Latrie (2), p. 8.) - -[377] Tijānī, p. 203. - -[378] The modern Touzer, in Tunis. - -[379] Taʼrīkh al-duwal al-islāmiyyah biʼl maghrib, I. p. 146. (ed. De -Slane. Alger, 1847.) - -[380] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 67.) - -[381] Pavy, vol. i. p. vii. - -[382] De Mas Latrie (2), pp. 61–2, 266–7. L. del Marmol-Caravajal: De -l’Afrique, tome ii. p. 54. (Paris, 1667.) - -[383] De Mas Latrie (2), p. 192. - -[384] e.g. Innocent III, Gregory VII, Gregory IX and Innocent IV. - -[385] De Mas Latrie (2), p. 273. - -[386] Baudissin, p. 22. - -[387] Helfferich, p. 68. - -[388] Makkarī, vol. i. pp. 280–2. - -[389] Baudissin, p. 7. - -[390] Dozy (2), tome ii. pp. 45–6. - -[391] A. Müller, vol. ii. p. 463. - -[392] Dozy (2), tome ii. pp. 44–6. - -[393] So St. Boniface (A.D. 745, Epist. lxii.). “Sicut aliis gentibus -Hispaniæ et Provinciæ et Burgundionum populis contigit, quæ sic a Deo -recedentes fornicatæ sunt, donec index omnipotens talium criminum -ultrices pœnas per ignorantiam legis Dei et per Saracenos venire et -sævire permisit.” (Migne: Patr. Lat., tom. lxxxix. p. 761.) Eulogius: -lib. i. § 30. “In cuius (i.e. gentis Saracenicæ) ditione nostro -compellente facinore sceptrum Hispaniæ translatum est.” (Migne: Patr. -Lat., tom. cxv. p. 761.) Similarly Alvar (2), § 18. “Et probare nostro -vitio inlatum intentabo flagellum. Nostra hæc, fratres, nostra desidia -peperit mala, nostra impuritas, nostra levitas, nostra morum obscœnitas -... unde tradidit nos Dominus qui institiam diligit, et cuius vultus -æquitatem decernit, ipsi bestiæ conrodendos” (pp. 531–2). - -[394] Dozy (3), tome i. pp. 15–20. Whishaw, pp. 38, 44. - -[395] Samson, pp. 377–8, 381. - -[396] Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 210. - -[397] Bishop Egila, who was sent to Southern Spain by Pope Hadrian I, -towards the end of the eighth century, on a mission to counteract the -growing influence of Muslim thought, denounces the Spanish priests who -lived in concubinage with married women. (Helfferich, p. 83.) - -[398] Alvari Cordubensis, Epist. xix. “Ob meritum æternæ retributionis -devovi me sedulum in lege Domini consistere.” (Migne: Patr. Lat., tom. -cxxi. p. 512.) - -[399] Helfferich, pp. 79–80. - -[400] “Bedenkt man nun, wie wichtig gerade die alttestamentliche Idee -des Prophetenthums in der Christologie des germanischen Arianismus -nachklang und auch nach der Annahme des katholischen Dogmas in dem -religiösen Bewusstsein der Westgothen haften blieb, so wird man es sehr -erklärlich finden, dass unmittelbar nach dem Einfall der Araber die -verwandten Vorstellungen des Mohammedanismus unter den geknechteten -Christen auftauchten.” (Helfferich, p. 82.) - -[401] Lucæ Diaconi Tudensis Chronicon Mundi. (Andreas Schottus: -Hispaniæ Illustratæ, tom. iv. p. 53.) (Francofurti, 1603–8.) - -[402] Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 41. Whishaw, p. 17. - -[403] Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 39. - -[404] Baudissin, pp. 11–13, 196. - -[405] Eulogius: Mem. Sanct., lib. i. § 30, “inter ipsos sine molestia -fidei degimus” (p. 761). Id., ib., lib. i. § 18, “Quos nulla -præsidialis violentia fidem suam negare compulit, nec a cultu sanctæ -piæque religionis amovit” (p. 751). John of Gorz (who visited Spain -about the middle of the tenth century) § 124, “(Christiani), qui in -regno eius libere divinis suisque rebus utebantur.” - -A Spanish bishop thus described the condition of the Christians to John -of Gorz. “Peccatis ad hæc devoluti sumus, ut paganorum subiaceamus -ditioni. Resistere potestati verbo prohibemur apostoli. Tantum hoc unum -relictum est solatii, quod in tantæ calamitatis malo legibus nos -propriis uti non prohibent; qui quos diligentes Christianitatis -viderint observatores, colunt et amplectuntur, simul ipsorum convictu -delectantur. Pro tempore igitur hoc videmur tenere consilii, ut quia -religionis nulla infertur iactura, cetera eis obsequamur, iussisque -eorum in quantum fidem non impediunt obtemperemus” § 122 (p. 302). - -[406] Baudissin, pp. 16–17. - -[407] Eulogius, ob. 859 (Mem. Sanct. lib. iii. c. 3) speaks of churches -recently erected (ecclesias nuper structas). The chronicle falsely -ascribed to Luitprand records the erection of a church at Cordova in -895 (p. 1113). - -[408] Eulogius: Mem. Sanct., lib. iii. c. 11 (p. 812). - -[409] Baudissin, p. 16. - -[410] Id. p. 21, and John of Gorz, § 128 (p. 306). - -[411] Whishaw, pp. 272, 301. - -[412] Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 42. - -[413] Baudissin, pp. 96–7. - -[414] See the letter of Pope Hadrian I to the Spanish bishops: “Porro -diversa capitula quæ ex illis audivimus partibus, id est, quod multi -dicentes se catholicos esse, communem vitam gerentes cum Iudæis et non -baptizatis paganis, tam in escis quamque in potu et in diversis -erroribus nihil pollui se inquiunt: et illud quod inhibitum est, ut -nulli liceat iugum ducere cum infidelibus, ipsi enim filias suas cum -alio benedicent, et sic populo gentili tradentur.” (Migne: Patr. Lat., -tome xcviii. p. 385.) - -[415] Isidori Pacensis Chronicon, § 42 (p. 1266). - -[416] Alvar: Indic. Lum., § 35 (p. 53). John of Gorz, § 123 (p. 303). - -[417] Letter of Hadrian I, p. 385. John of Gorz, § 123 (p. 303). - -[418] Some Arabic verses of a Christian poet of the eleventh century -are still extant, which exhibit considerable skill in handling the -language and metre. (Von Schack, II. 95.) - -[419] Abbot Samson gives us specimens of the bad Latin written by some -of the ecclesiastics of his time, e.g. “Cum contempti essemus -simplicitas christiana,” but his correction is hardly much better, -“contenti essemus simplicitati christianæ” (pp. 404, 406). - -[420] Alvar: Indic. Lum., § 35 (pp. 554–6). - -[421] Von Schack, vol. ii. p. 96. - -[422] Orderic Vitalis, p. 928. - -[423] Alvar: Ind. Lum., § 29. “Compositionem verborum, et preces omnium -eius membrorum quotidie pro eo eleganti facundia, et venusto confectas -eloquio, nos hodie per eorum volumina et oculis legimus et plerumque -miramur.” (Migne: Patr. Lat., tome cxxi. p. 546.) - -[424] Enhueber, § 26, p. 353. - -[425] Helfferich, p. 88. - -[426] “Postmodum transgressus legem Dei, fugiens ad paganos -consentaneos, periuratus effectus est.” Frobenii dissertatio de hæresi -Elipandi et Felicis, § xxiv. (Migne: Patr. Lat., tome ci. p. 313.) - -[427] Pseudo-Luitprandi Chronicon, § 341 (p. 1115). “Basilius Toletanum -concilium contrahit; quo providetur, ne Christiani detrimentum -acciperent convictu Saracenorum.” - -[428] There is little record of such, but they seem referred to in the -following sentences of Eulogius (Liber Apologeticus Martyrum, § 20), on -Muḥammad: “Cuius quidem erroris insaniam, prædicationis deliramenta, et -impiæ novitatis præcepta quisquis catholicorum cognoscere cupit, -evidentius ab eiusdem sectæ cultoribus perscrutando advertet. Quoniam -sacrum se quidpiam tenere et credere autumantes, non modo privatis, sed -apertis vocibus vatis sui dogmata prædicant.” (Migne: Patr. Lat., tome -cxv. p. 862.) - -[429] Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 53. - -[430] Lea, The Moriscos, pp. 17, 18. - -[431] Samson, p. 379. - -[432] Eulogius: Mem. Sanct. Pref., § 2. (Migne, tom. cxv. p. 737.) - -[433] Id. c. xiii. (p. 794.) - -[434] The number of the martyrs is said not to have exceeded forty. (W. -H. Prescott: History of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, vol. i. p. -342, n.) (London, 1846.) - -[435] Dozy (2), tome ii. pp. 161–2. - -[436] Eulogius: Mem. Sanct. I, iii. c. vii. (p. 805). “Pro eo quod -nullus sapiens, nemo urbanus, nullusque procerum Christianorum huiusce -modi rem perpetrasset, idcirco non debere universos perimere -asserebant, quos non præit personalis dux ad prælium.” - -[437] Alvar: Ind. Lum., § 14. “Nonne ipsi qui videbantur columnæ, qui -putabantur Ecclesiæ petræ, qui credebantur electi, nullo cogente, -nemine provocante, iudicem adierunt, et in præsentia Cynicorum, imo -Epicureorum, Dei martyres infamaverunt? Nonne pastores Christi, -doctores Ecclesiæ, episcopi, abbates, presbyteri, proceres et magnati, -hæreticos eos esse publice clamaverunt? et publica professione sine -desquisitione, absque interrogatione, quæ nec imminente mortis -sententia erant dicenda, spontanea voluntate, et libero mentis -arbitrio, protulerunt?” (Migne: tom. cxxi. p. 529.) - -[438] Alvar: Indic. Lum., § 15. “Quid obtendendum est de illis quos -ecclesiastice interdiximus, et a quibus ne aliquando ad martyrii -surgerent palmam iuramentum extorsimus? quibus errores gentilium -infringere vetuimus, et maledictum ne maledictionibus impeterent? -Evangelio et cruce educta vi iurare improbiter fecimus, imo feraliter -et belluino terrore coegimus, minantes inaudita supplicia, et -monstruosa promittentes truncationum membrorum varia et horrenda dictu -audituve flagella?” (Migne: tom. cxxi. p. 530.) - -[439] Baudissin, p. 199. - -[440] Morgan, vol. ii. pp. 297–8, 345. - -[441] Id. p. 310. - -[442] Lea, The Moriscos, p. 259. - -[443] Morgan, vol. ii. p. 337. - -[444] Id. p. 289. - -[445] Stirling-Maxwell, vol. i. p. 115. - -[446] This is no place to give a history of these territorial -acquisitions, which may be briefly summed up thus. In 1353 the Ottoman -Turks first passed over into Europe and a few years later Adrianople -was made their European capital. Under Bāyazīd (1389–1402), their -dominions stretched from the Ægæan to the Danube, embracing all -Bulgaria, Macedonia, Thessaly and Thrace, with the exception of -Chalkidike and the district just round Constantinople. Murād II -(1421–1451) occupied Chalkidike and pushed his conquests to the -Adriatic. Muḥammad II (1451–1481) by the overthrow of Constantinople, -Albania, Bosnia and Servia, became master of the whole South-Eastern -peninsula, with the exception of the parts of the coast held by Venice -and Montenegro. Sulaymān II (1520–1566) added Hungary and made the -Ægæan an Ottoman sea. In the seventeenth century Crete was won and -Podolia ceded by Poland. - -[447] Phrantzes, pp. 305–6. - -[448] Finlay, vol. iii. p. 522. Pitzipios, seconde partie, p. 75. M. -d’Ohsson, vol. iii. p. 52–4. Arminjon, vol. i. p. 16. - -[449] A traveller who visited Cyprus in 1508 draws the following -picture of the tyranny of the Venetians in their foreign possessions: -“All the inhabitants of Cyprus are slaves to the Venetians, being -obliged to pay to the state a third part of all their increase or -income, whether the product of their ground or corn, wine, oil, or of -their cattle, or any other thing. Besides, every man of them is bound -to work for the state two days of the week wherever they shall please -to appoint him: and if any shall fail, by reason of some other business -of their own, or for indisposition of body, then they are made to pay a -fine for as many days as they are absent from their work: and which is -more, there is yearly some tax or other imposed on them, with which the -poor common people are so flead and pillaged that they hardly have -wherewithal to keep soul and body together.” (The Travels of Martin -Baumgarten, p. 373.) See also the passages quoted by Hackett, History -of the Orthodox Church of Cyprus, p. 183. - -[450] Finlay, vol. iii. p. 502. - -[451] Urquhart, quoted by Clark: Races of European Turkey, p. 82. - -[452] Karamsin, vol. v. p. 437. - -[453] Martin Crusius writes in the same spirit: “Et mirum est, inter -barbaros, in tanta tantæ urbis colluvie, nullas cædes audiri, vim -iniustam non ferri, ius cuivis dici. Ideo Constantinopolin Sultanus, -Refugium totius orbis scribit: quod omnes miseri, ibi tutissime latent: -quodque omnibus (tam infimis quam summis: tam Christianis quam -infidelibus) iustitia administretur.” (Turcogræcia, p. 487.) (Basileæ, -1584.) - -[454] Phrantzes, p. 81. - -[455] Phrantzes, p. 92. - -[456] Finlay, vol. v. pp. 5, 123. Adeney, p. 311. Gerlach, writing in -the year 1577, says: “Wo Christen oder Juden in den Orten wohnen, da es -Kadi oder Richter und Subbassi oder Vögte hat, dass die gemeinen -Türcken nicht ihres Gefallens mit ihnen umbgehen dörffen, sind sie viel -lieber unter den Türcken, dann unter den Christen. Wann sie Jährlich -ihren Tribut geben, sind sie hernach frey. Aber in der Christenheit ist -das gantze Jahr des Gebens kein Ende.” (Tage-Buch, p. 413.) - -[457] Hertzberg, pp. 467, 646, 650. - -[458] Finlay, vol. v. pp. 156–7. - -[459] This interval was, however, not a fixed one; at first, the levy -took place every seven or five years, but later at more frequent -intervals according to the exigencies of the state. (Menzel, p. 52.) -Metrophanes Kritopoulos, writing in 1625, states that the collectors -came to the cities every seventh year and that each city had to -contribute three or four, or at least two boys (p. 205). - -[460] Qurʼān, viii. 42. - -[461] Id. x. 99. 100. - -[462] “On ne forçait cependant pas les jeunes Chrétiens à changer de -foi. Les principes du gouvernement s’y opposaient aussi bien que les -préceptes du Cour’ann; et si des officiers, mus par leur fanatisme, -usaient quelquefois de contrainte, leur conduite à cet égard pouvait -bien être tolérée; mais elle n’était jamais autorisée par les chefs.” -(M. d’Ohsson, tome iii. pp. 397–8.) - -[463] Hertzberg, p. 472. - -[464] “Sed hoc tristissimum est, quod, ut olim Christiani imperatores, -ex singulis oppidis, certum numerum liberorum, in quibus egregia -indoles præ cæteris elucebat, delegerunt: quos ad publica officia -militiæ togatæ et bellicæ in Aula educari curarunt: ita Turci, occupato -Græcorum imperio, idem ius eripiendi patribus familias liberos ingeniis -eximiis præditos, usurpant.” (David Chytræus, pp. 12–14.) - -[465] Creasy, p. 99. M. d’Ohsson, tome iii. p. 397. Menzel, p. 53. -Thomas Smith, speaking of such parents, says: “Others, to the great -shame and dishonour of the Religion, Christians only in name, part with -them freely and readily enough, not only because they are rid of the -trouble and charge of them, but in hopes they may, when they are grown -up, get some considerable command in the government.” (An Account of -the Greek Church, p. 12. London, 1680.) In the reign of Murād I, -Christian troops were employed in collecting this tribute of Christian -children. (Finlay, vol. v. p. 45.) - -[466] “Verum tamen hos (liberos) pecunia redimere a conquisitoribus -sæpe parentibus licet.” (David Chytræus, p. 13.) De la Guilletière -mentions it in 1669 as one of the privileges of the Athenians. (An -Account of a Late Voyage to Athens, p. 272. London, 1676.) - -[467] Confessio, p. 205. - -[468] An Account of the Greek Church, p. 12. (London, 1680.) - -[469] Menzel, p. 52. Thomas Smith: De Moribus ac Institutis Turcarum, -p. 81. (Oxonii, 1672.) - -[470] Hill, p. 174. - -[471] Joseph von Hammer (2), vol. ii. p. 151. Hans Schiltberger, who -was captured by the Turks in 1396 and returned home to Munich after -thirty-two years’ captivity, states that the tax the Christians had to -pay did not amount to more than two pfennig a month. (Reisebuch, p. -92.) - -[472] Soli Sacerdotes, quasi in honorem sacri illius, quo funguntur, -Deo ita ordinante, ministerii hoc factum sit, una cum fœminis, ab hoc -tributo pendendo immunes habentur. (De Græcæ Hodierno Statu Epistola, -authore Thoma Smitho, p. 12.) (Trajecti ad Rhenum, 1698.) - -[473] Silbernagl, p. 60. - -[474] Martin Crusius, p. 487; Sansovino, p. 67; Georgieviz, p. 98–9; -Scheffler, § 56; Hertzberg, p. 648; De la Jonquière, p. 267. A work -published in London in 1595, entitled “The Estate of Christians living -under the subjection of the Turke,” states the capitation-tax for male -children to have been eight shillings (p. 2). Michel Baudin says one -sequin a head for every male. (Histoire du Serrail, p. 7. Paris, 1662.) - -[475] Georgirenes, p. 9; Tournefort, vol. i. p. 91; Tavernier (3), p. -11. - -[476] In a work published by Joseph Georgirenes, Archbishop of Samos, -in 1678, during a visit to London, he gives us an account of the income -of his own see, the details of which are not likely to have been -considered extortionate, as they were here set down for the benefit of -English readers: in comparing the sums here mentioned, it should be -borne in mind that he speaks of the capitation-tax as being three -crowns or dollars (pp. 8–9). “At his (i.e. the Archbishop’s) first -coming, the Papas or Parish Priest of the Church of his Residence -presents him fifteen or twenty dollers, they of the other Churches -according to their Abilities. The first year of his coming, every -Parish Priest pays him four dollers, and the following year two. Every -Layman pays him forty-eight aspers”—(In the commercial treaty with -England, concluded in the year 1675, the value of the dollar was fixed -at eighty aspers (Finlay, v. 28))—“and the following years twenty-four. -The Samians pay one Doller for a Licence; all Strangers two; but he -that comes after first marriage for a Licence for a second or third, -pays three or four” (pp. 33–4). - -[477] Tournefort, vol. i. p. 91. - -[478] Scheffler, § 56. “Was aber auch den Ducaten anbelangt, so werdet -ihr mit demselben in eurem Sinn ebener massen greulich betrogen. Denn -es ist zwar wahr, dass der Türckische Käyser ordentlich nicht mehr nimt -als vom Haupt einen Ducaten: aber wo bleiben die Zölle und -ausserordentliche Anlagen? nehmen dann seine Königliche Verweser und -Hauptleute nichts? muss man zu Kriegen nichts ausser ordentlich -geben?... Was aber die ausser ordentliche Anlagen betrifft; die steigen -und fallen nach den bösen Zeiten, und müssen von den Türckischen -Unterthanen so wohl gegeben werden als bey uns.” - -[479] Finlay, vol. v. pp. 24–5. H. von Moltke: Brief über Zustände und -Begebenheiten in der Türkei aus den Jahren 1835 bis 1839, pp. 274, 354. -(5th ed., Berlin, 1891.) - -[480] Hammer (2), vol. i. p. 346. - -[481] “The hard lot of the Christian subjects of the Sultan has at all -times arisen from the fact that the central authority at Constantinople -has but little real authority throughout the Empire of Turkey. It is -the petty tyranny of the village officials, sharpened by personal -hatred, which has instigated those acts of atrocity to which, both in -former times, and still more at the present day, the Christians in -Turkey are subjected. In the days of a nation’s greatness justice and -even magnanimity towards a subject race are possible; these, however, -are rarely found to exist in the time of a nation’s decay.” (Rev. W. -Denton: Servia and the Servians, p. 15. London, 1862.) Gerlach, pp. 49, -52. - -[482] Businello, pp. 43–4. - -[483] “The central government of the Sultan has generally treated its -Mussulman subjects with as much cruelty and injustice as the conquered -Christians. The sufferings of the Greeks were caused by the insolence -and oppression of the ruling class and the corruption that reigned in -the Othoman administration, rather than by the direct exercise of the -Sultan’s power. In his private affairs, a Greek had a better chance of -obtaining justice from his bishop and the elders of his district than a -Turk from the cadi or the voivode.” (Finlay, vol. vi. pp. 4–5.) - -“It would be a mistake to suppose that the Christians are the only part -of the population that is oppressed and miserable. Turkish -misgovernment is uniform, and falls with a heavy hand upon all alike. -In some parts of the kingdom the poverty of the Mussulmans may be -actually worse than the poverty of the Christians, and it is their -condition which most excites the pity of the traveller.” (William -Forsyth: The Slavonic Provinces South of the Danube, pp. 157–8. London, -1876.) - -“All this oppression and misery (i.e. in the north of Asia Minor) falls -upon the Mohammedan population equally with the Christian.” (James -Bryce: Transcaucasia and Ararat, p. 381.) - -“L’Europe s’imagine que les chrétiens seuls sont soumis, en Turquie, à -l’arbitraire, aux souffrances, aux avilissements de toute nature, qui -naissent de l’oppression; il n’en est rien! Les musulmans, précisément -parce que nulle puissance étrangère ne s’intéresse à eux, sont -peut-être plus indignement spoliés, plus courbés sous le joug que ceux -qui méconnaissent le prophète.” (De la Jonquière, p. 507.) - -“To judge from what we have already observed, the lowest order of -Christians are not in a worse condition in Asia Minor than the same -class of Turks; and if the Christians of European Turkey have some -advantages arising from the effects of the superiority of their numbers -over the Turks, those of Asia have the satisfaction of seeing that the -Turks are as much oppressed by the men in power as they are themselves; -and they have to deal with a race of Mussulmans generally milder, more -religious, and better principled than those of Europe.” (W. M. Leake: -Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor, p. 7. London, 1824.) - -Cf. also Laurence Oliphant: The Land of Gilead, pp. 320–3, 446. -(London, 1880.) - -[484] It was in the sixteenth century that the tribute of children fell -into desuetude, and the last recorded example of its exaction was in -the year 1676. - -[485] De la Jonquière, p. 333. Scheffler, § 45–6. Gasztowtt, p. 51. - -[486] “Denn ich höre mit grosser Verwunderung und Bestürtzung, dass -nicht allein unter den gemeinen Pövel Reden im Schwange gehn, es sey -unter dem Türcken auch gut wohnen: wann man einen Ducaten von Haupt -gebe, so wäre man frey; Item er liesse die Religion frey; man würde die -Kirchen wieder bekommen; und was vergleichen: sondern dass auch andre, -die es wol besser verstehen sollten, sich dessen erfreuen, und über ihr -eigen Unglück frolocken! welches nicht allein Halssbrüchige, sondern -auch Gottlose Vermessenheiten seynd, die aus keinem andrem Grunde, als -aus dem Geist der Ketzerey, der zum Auffruhr und gäntzlicher Ausreitung -des Christenthumbs geneigt ist, herkommen.” (Scheffler, § 48.) - -[487] Hertzberg, p. 650. - -[488] De la Jonquière, p. 34. A similar contrast was made in 1605 by -Richard Staper, an English merchant who had been in Turkey as early as -1578: “And notwithstanding that the Turks in general be a most wicked -people, walking in the works of darkness ... yet notwithstanding do -they permit all Christians, both Greeks and Latins, to live in their -religion and freely to use to their conscience, allowing them churches -for their divine service, both in Constantinople and very many other -places, whereas to the contrary by proof of twelve years’ residence in -Spain I can truly affirm, we are not only forced to observe their -popish ceremonies, but in danger of life and goods” (M. Epstein: The -Early History of the Levant Company, p. 57. London, 1908.) - -[489] Macarius, vol. i. pp. 183, 165. Cf. the memorial presented by -Polish refugees from Russia to the Sublime Porte, in 1853. (Gasztowtt, -p. 217.) - -[490] “Alii speciem sibi quandam confixerunt stultam libertatis ... -quod quum sub Christiano consequuturos se desperent, ideo vel Turcam -mallent: quasi is benignior sit in largienda libertate hac, quam -Christianus.” (Ioannis Ludovici Vivis De Conditione Vitæ Christianorum -sub Turca, pp. 220, 225.) (Basileæ, 1538.) “Quidam obganniunt, liberam -esse sub Turca fidem.” (Othonis Brunfelsii ad Principes et Christianos -omnes Oratio, p. 133.) (Basileæ, 1538.) Ubertus Folieta, a noble of -Genoa, writing about 1577, says, “Sæpe mecum quaesivi ... qua re fiat, -ut tot de nostris hominibus ad illos continenter transfugiant, -Christianaque religione eiurata Mahumetanæ sectæ nomina dent.” (De -Causis Magnitudinis Turcarum Imperii, col. 1209.) (Thesaurus -Antiquitatum et Historiarum Italiæ, curâ Joannis Georgii Grævii, tom. -i. Lugduni Batavorum, 1725.) - -[491] Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xvii. (a). - -[492] Blount, vol. i. p. 548. - -[493] Scheffler, §§ 51, 53. - -[494] Dousa, p. 38. Busbecq, p. 190. - -[495] Thomas Smith, p. 32. - -[496] Thomas Smith, p. 42. Blount, vol. i. p. 548. Georgieviz, p. 20. -Schiltberger, pp. 83–4. Baudier, pp. 149, 313. - -[497] Alexander Ross, p. ix. Baudier, p. 317. Cf. also Rycaut, vol. i. -p. 276. “On croit meriter beaucoup que de faire un Proselyte, il n’y a -personne assez riche pour avoir un esclave qui n’en veüille un jeune, -qui soit capable de recevoir sans peine toutes sortes d’impressions, et -qu’il puisse appeller son converti, afin de meriter l’honneur d’avoir -augmenté le nombre des fidèles.” Thomas Smith relates how the old man -who showed him the tomb of Urkhān at Brusa “ingenti cum fervore, oculis -ad Cælum elevatis, Deum precatus est ut nos ad fidem Musulmannicam suo -tempore tandem convertere dignaretur: Hoc nimirum est summum erga nos -affectus testimonium, qui ex isto falso et imperitissimo zelo solet -profluere.” (Epistolæ duae, quarum altera De Moribus ac Institutis -Turcarum agit, p. 20.) (Oxonii, 1672.) - -[498] By an anonymous writer who was a captive in Turkey from 1436 to -1458. Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xvii. (a). - -[499] Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xi. (b). Lionardo of Scio, -Archbishop of Mitylene, who was present at the taking of -Constantinople, speaks of the large number of renegades in the -besieging army: “Chi circondò la città, e chi insegnò a’ turchi -l’ordine, se non i pessimi christiani? Io son testimonio, che i Greci, -ch’i Latini, che i Tedeschi, che gli Ungari, e che ogni altra -generation di christiani, mescolati co’ turchi impararono l’opere e la -fede loro, i quali domenticatisi della fede christiana, espugnavano la -città. O empij che rinegasti Christo. O settatori di antichristo, -dannati alle pene infernali, questo è hora il vostro tempo.” -(Sansovino, p. 258.) - -[500] J. H. Krause: Die Byzantiner des Mittelalters, pp. 385–6. (Halle, -1869.) - -[501] Hertzberg, p. 616. Finlay, vol. v. p. 118. - -[502] Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xix. (a). - -[503] Rycaut, vol. i. pp. 710–11. Bizzi, fol. 49 (b). - -[504] Pichler, pp. 164, 172. - -[505] Id. p. 143. - -[506] Pichler, p. 148. It is doubtful, however, whether Cyril was -really the author of this document bearing his name. (Kyriakos, p. -100.) - -[507] Id. pp. 183–9. - -[508] Id. p 226. - -[509] As regards the Christian captives the Protestants certainly had -the reputation among the Turks of showing a greater inclination towards -conversion than the Catholics. (Gmelin, p. 21.) - -[510] Pichler, pp. 211, 227. - -[511] Id. pp. 181, 228. - -[512] Id. pp. 222, 226. - -[513] Pichler, p. 173. - -[514] Id. pp. 128, 132, 143. - -[515] Id. p. 143. - -[516] Le Quien, tom. i. col. 334. - -[517] Pichler, p. 172. - -[518] Hefele, vol. i. p. 473. - -[519] Cyril II of Berrhœa. - -[520] Le Quien, tom. i. col. 335. - -[521] Id. tom. i. col. 336. - -[522] Id. tom. i. col. 337. - -[523] However, in an earlier attempt made by the Protestant theologians -of Tübingen (1573–77) to introduce the doctrines of the Reformed Church -into the Eastern Church, the Vaivode Quarquar of Samtskheth in Georgia -embraced the Confession of Augsburg, but in 1580 became a Muslim. -(Joselian, p. 140.) - -[524] Scheffler, §§ 53–6. Finlay, vol. v. pp. 118–19. - -[525] Hammer (1), vol. vi. p. 94. - -[526] Spon, vol. ii. p. 57. - -[527] Hammer (1), vol. vi. p. 364. - -[528] Early Voyages and Travels in the Levant, edited by J. Theodore -Bent, p. 210. (London, 1893.) Similarly, Michel Baudier concludes his -description of the festivities in Constantinople on the occasion of the -circumcision of Muḥammad III in the latter part of the sixteenth -century, with an account of the conversion of a large number of -Christians. “During the spectacles of this solemnity, the wretched -Grecians ran by troupes in this place to make themselves Mahometans; -Some abandoned Christianitie to avoid the oppression of the Turkes, -others for the hope of private profit.... The number of these -cast-awayes was found to be above foure thousand soules.” (The History -of the Serrail, and of the Court of the Grand Seigneur Emperour of the -Turkes, pp. 93–4. (London, 1635.) Histoire generale du Serrail, et de -la Cour du Grand Seigneur, Empereur des Turcs, pp. 89–90. (Paris, -1631.)) - -[529] Scheffler, § 55. - -[530] Thomas Smith: An Account of the Greek Church, pp. 15–16. (London, -1680.) - -[531] A. de la Motraye: Voyages en Europe, Asie et Afrique, vol. i. pp. -306, 308. (La Haye, 1727.) - -[532] Pitzipios, Seconde Partie, pp. 83–7. Pichler, p. 29. - -[533] Tournefort, vol. i. p. 107. Spon uses much the same language, -vol. i. p. 56. - -[534] Gaultier de Leslie, p. 137. - -[535] A. J. Evans, p. 267. Similarly Mackenzie and Irby say: “In most -parts of Old Serbia the idea we found associated with a bishop, was -that of a person who carried off what few paras the Turks had left” (p. -258). A similar account of the clergy of the Greek Church is given by a -writer in the Revue des Deux Mondes (tome 97, p. 336), who narrates the -following story: “Au début de ce siècle, à Tirnova, un certain pope du -nom de Joachim, adoré de ses ouailles, détesté de son évêque, reçut -l’ordre, un jour, de faire la corvée du fumier dans l’écurie -épiscopale. Il se rebiffa: aussitôt la valetaille l’assaillit à coups -de fourche. Mais notre homme était vigoureux: il se débattit, et, -laissant sa tunique en gage, s’en fut tout chaud chez le cadi. Le -soleil n’était pas couché qu’il devenait bon Musulman.” - -[536] Pitzipios, Seconde Partie, p. 87. - -[537] Id. Seconde Partie, p. 87. Pichler, p. 29. - -[538] Lazăr, p. 223. - -[539] Finlay, vol. iv. pp. 153–4. - -[540] Tournefort, vol. i. p. 104. Cf. Pichler, pp. 29, 31. Spon, vol. -i. p. 44. - -[541] Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xiii. (b); fol. xv. (b); -fol. xvii. (b); fol. xx. (a). Veniero, pp. 32, 36. Busbecq, p. 174. - -[542] Gaultier de Leslie, pp. 180, 182. - -[543] Rycaut, vol. i. p. 689. See also Georgieviz, pp. 53–4, and -Menavino, p. 73. - -[544] Alexander Ross, p. ix.; he calls the Qurʼān a “gallimaufry of -Errors (a Brat as deformed as the Parent, and as full of Heresies, as -his scald head was of scurf),”—“a hodg podge made up of these four -Ingredients. 1. Of Contradictions. 2. Of Blasphemy. 3. Of ridiculous -Fables. 4. Of Lyes.” - -[545] Finlay, vol. v. p. 29. - -[546] Schiltberger, p. 96. - -[547] Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xii. (b), xiii. (a). - -[548] Id. fol. xxvii. (a). - -[549] “Dum corpora exterius fovendo sub pietatis specie non occidit: -interius fidem auferendo animas sua diabolica astutia occidere -intendit. Huius rei testimonium innumerabilis multitudo fidelium esse -potest. Quorum multi promptissimi essent pro fide Christi et suarum -animarum salute in fide Christi mori: quos tamen conservando a morte -corporali: et ductos in captivitatem per successum temporis suo -infectos veneno fidem Christi turpiter negare facit.” Turchicæ -Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. i.; cf. fol. vi. (a). - -[550] Menavino, p. 96. John Harris: Navigantium atque Itinerantium -Bibliotheca, vol. ii. p. 819. (London, 1764.) - -[551] “Dieses muss man den Türken nachsagen, dass sie die Diener und -Sclaven, durch deren Fleiss und Bemühung sie sich einen Nutzen schaffen -können, sehr wol und oft besser, als die Christian die ihrige, halten -... und wann ein Knecht in einer Kunst erfahren ist, gehet ihm nichts -anders als die Freyheit ab, ausser welche er alles andere hat, was ein -freyer Mensch sich nur wünschen kan.” (G. C. von den Driesch, p. 132.) - -[552] Sir William Stirling-Maxwell says of these: “The poor wretches -who tugged at the oar on board a Turkish ship of war lived a life -neither more nor less miserable than the galley-slaves under the sign -of the Cross. Hard work, hard fare, and hard knocks were the lot of -both. Ashore, a Turkish or Algerine prison was, perhaps, more noisome -in its filth and darkness than a prison at Naples or Barcelona; but at -sea, if there were degrees of misery, the Christian in Turkish chains -probably had the advantage; for in the Sultan’s vessels the oar-gang -was often the property of the captain, and the owner’s natural -tenderness for his own was sometimes supposed to interfere with the -discharge of his duty.” (Vol. i. pp. 102–3.) - -[553] Gmelin, p. 16. - -[554] Id. p. 23. - -[555] John Harris: Navigantium atque Itinerantium Bibliotheca, vol. ii. -p. 810. - -[556] “Die ersten Jahre sind für solche unglückliche Leute am -beschwehrlichsten, absonderlich wenn sie noch jung, weil die Türken -selbige entweder mit Schmeicheln, oder, wann dieses nichts verfangen -will, mit der Schärfe zu ihren Glauben zu bringen suchen; wann aber -dieser Sturm überwunden, wird man finden, dass die Gefangenschaft -nirgend erträglicher als bey den Türken seye.” (G. C. von den Driesch, -p. 132.) Moreover Georgieviz says that those who persevered in the -Christian faith were set free after a certain fixed period. “Si in -Christiana fide perseveraverint, statuitur certum tempus serviendi, quo -elapso liberi fiunt ... Verum illis qui nostram religionem abiurarunt, -nec certum tempus est serviendi, ned ullum ius in patriam redeundi, -spes libertatis solummodo pendet a domini arbitrio” (p. 87). Similarly -Menavino, p. 65. Cantacuzenos gives this period as seven years:—“Grata -è la compagnia che essi fanno a gli schiavi loro, percioche Maumetto -gli ha fra l’altre cose comandato che egli non si possa tener in -servitù uno schiavo più che sette anni, et perciò nessuno o raro è -colui che a tal comandamento voglia contrafare” (p. 128). - -[557] “Fromme Christen, die nach der Türkei oder in andere -muhamedanische Länder kamen, hatten Anlass genug zur Trauer über die -Häufigkeit des Abfalls ihrer Glaubensgenossen, und besonders die -Schriften der Ordensgeistlichen sind voll von solchen Klagen. Bei den -Sclaven konnte sich immer noch ein Gefühl des Mitleids dem der -Missbilligung beimischen, aber oft genug musste man die bittersten -Erfahrungen auch an freien Landsleuten machen. Die christlichen -Gesandten waren keinen Tag sicher, ob ihnen nicht Leute von ihrem -Gefolge davon liefen, und man that gut daran, den Tag nicht vor dem -Abend zu loben.” (Gmelin, p. 22.) Cf. Von den Driesch, p. 161. - -[558] Thomas Smith, pp. 144–5. - -[559] Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xxxv. (a). - -[560] M. d’Ohsson, vol. iii. p. 133. Georgieviz, p. 87 (quoted above). -Menavino, p. 95. - -[561] Von den Driesch, p. 250. - -[562] Id. p. 131–2. - -[563] Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xi. - -[564] Hertzberg, p. 621. - -[565] “The old People dying, the young ones generally turn Mahumetans: -so that now (1655) you can hardly meet with two Christian Armenians in -all those fair Plains, which their fathers were sent to manure.” -Tavernier (1), p. 16. - -[566] H. H. Jessup: Fifty-three Years in Syria, vol. ii. p. 658. (New -York, 1910.) - -[567] For a list of these, see Finlay, vol. vi. pp. 28–9. - -[568] Leake, p. 250. - -[569] The name by which the Albanians always call themselves, lit. -rock-dwellers. - -[570] One of themselves, an Albanian Christian, speaking of the enmity -existing between the Christians and Muhammadans of Bulgaria, says: -“Aber für Albanien liegen die Sachen ganz anders. Die Muselmänner sind -Albanesen, wie die Christen; sie sprechen dieselbe Sprache, sie haben -dieselben Sitten, sie folgen denselben Gebräuchen, sie haben dieselben -Traditionen; sie und die Christen haben sich niemals gehasst, zwischen -ihnen herrscht keine Jahrhunderte alte Feindschaft. Der Unterschied der -Religion war niemals ein zu einer systematischen Trennung treibendes -Motiv; Muselmänner und Christen haben stets, mit wenigen Ausnahmen, auf -gleichem Fusse gelebt, sich der gleichen Rechte erfreuend, dieselben -Pflichten erfüllend.” (Wassa Effendi: Albanien und die Albanesen, p. -59.) (Berlin, 1879.) - -[571] Finlay, vol. v. p. 46. - -[572] Clark, pp. 175–7. The Mirdites, who are very fanatical Roman -Catholics (in the diocese of Alessio), will not suffer a Muhammadan to -live in their mountains, and no member of their tribe has ever abjured -his faith; were any Mirdite to attempt to do so, he would certainly be -put to death, unless he succeeded in making good his escape from -Albania. (Hecquard: Histoire de la Haute Albanie, p. 224.) - -[573] Published in Farlati’s Illyricum Sacrum. - -[574] Alessandro Comuleo, 1593. Bizzi, 1610. Marco Crisio, 1651. Fra -Bonaventura di S. Antonio, 1652. Zmaievich, 1703. - -[575] Bizzi, fol. 60, b. - -[576] Bizzi, fol. 35, a. - -[577] Farlati, vol. vii. pp. 104, 107. - -[578] It is also complained that the Archbishop’s palace was -appropriated by the Muhammadans, but it had been left unoccupied for -eight years, as Archbishop Ambrosius (flor. 1579–1598) had found it -prudent to go into exile, having attacked Islam “with more fervour than -caution, inveighing against Muḥammad and damning his Satanic -doctrines.” (Farlati, vol. vii. p. 107.) - -[579] Bizzi, fol. 9, where he says, “E comunicai quella mattina quasi -tutta la Christianità latina.” From a comparison with statistics given -by Zmaievich (fol. 227) I would hazard the conjecture that the Latin -Christian community at this time amounted to rather over a thousand -souls. - -[580] Bizzi, fol. 27, b; 38, b. - -[581] Veniero, fol. 34. This was also the custom in some villages of -Albania as late as the beginning of the nineteenth century; see W. M. -Leake: Travels in Northern Greece, vol. i. p. 49. (London, 1835): “In -some villages, Mahometans are married to Greek women, the sons are -educated as Turks, and the daughters as Christians; and pork and mutton -are eaten at the same table.” - -[582] Bizzi, fol. 38, b. Farlati, tom. vii. p. 158. - -[583] Bizzi, fol. 10, b. Veniero, fol. 34. - -[584] Shortly after Marco Bizzi’s arrival at Antivari a Muhammadan lady -of high rank wished to have her child baptised by the Archbishop -himself, who tells us that she complained bitterly to one of the -leading Christians of the city that “io non mi fossi degnato di far a -lei questo piacere, il qual quotidianamente vien fatto dai miei preti a -richiesta di qualsivoglia plebeo” (fol. 10, b). - -[585] For modern instances of the harmonious relations subsisting -between the followers of the two faiths living together in the same -village, see Hyacinthe Hecquard: Histoire et description de la Haute -Albanie (pp. 153, 162, 200). (Paris, 1858.) - -[586] Bizzi, fol. 38, a. - -[587] Garnett, p. 267. - -[588] Bizzi, fol. 36, b. - -[589] Id. fol. 38, b; 37, a. - -[590] Bizzi, fol. 38, b; 61, a; 37, a; 33, b. - -[591] Zmaievich, fol. 5. The Venetian real in the eighteenth century -was equal to a Turkish piastre. (Businello, p. 94.) - -[592] Bizzi, fol. 12–13. Zmaievich, fol. 5. - -[593] Bizzi, fol. 10–11. - -[594] Id. fol. 31, b. - -[595] Id. fol. 60, b. - -[596] Id. fol. 33, b. “Qui deriva il puoco numero de Sacerdoti in -quelle parti e la puoca loro intelligenza in quel mestiero; il gran -numero de’ Christiani, che invecchiano, et anco morono senza il -sacramento della Confermatione et apostatano della fede quasi per -tutto.” - -[597] “Se l’Albania non riceverà qualche maggior agiuto in meno di anni -anderà a male quasi tutta quella Christianità per il puoco numero dei -Vescovi e dei Sacerdoti di qualche intelligenza.” (Id. fol. 61, a.) - -[598] Id. fol. 36, a. Id. fol. 64, b. - -[599] Finlay, vol. v. pp. 153–4. Clark, p. 290. - -[600] “E quei miseri hanno fermata la conscientia in creder di non -peccar per simil coniuntioni (i.e. the giving of Christian girls in -marriage to Muhammadans) per esser i turchi signori del paese, e che -però non si possa, nè devea far altro che obbedirli quando comandano -qualsivoglia cosa.” (Bizzi, fol. 38, b.) - -[601] Garnett, p. 268. - -[602] Bizzi, fol. 38, b; 63, a. - -[603] Kyriakos, p. 12. - -[604] Farlati, tom. vii. pp. 124, 141. - -[605] Marco Crisio, p. 202. - -[606] Zmaievich, fol. 227. - -[607] Bizzi, fol. 60, b. - -[608] Zmaievich, fol. 137. - -[609] Zmaievich, fol. 157. - -[610] Zmaievich, fol. 11, 159. - -[611] Zmaievich, fol. 13. - -[612] Bizzi, fol. 38, b. Farlati, vol. vii. p. 158. - -[613] Zmaievich, fol. 13–14. - -[614] Informatione circa la missione d’Albania, fol. 196. - -[615] Crisio, fol. 204. - -[616] Fra Bonaventura, fol. 201. - -[617] Marco Crisio, fol. 202, 205. - -[618] Id. fol. 205. - -[619] Zmaievich, fol. 13. - -[620] Farlati, tom. vii. p. 109. Bizzi, fol. 19, b. - -[621] Marco Crisio, fol. 205. - -[622] Zmaievich, fol. 11. - -[623] Id. fol. 32. - -[624] Crisio, fol. 204. - -[625] Zmaievich, fol. 11. Farlati, vol. vii. p. 151. - -[626] Farlati, vol. vii. pp. 126–32. Zmaievich, fol. 4–5, fol. 20. - -[627] “Plerique, ut se iniquis tributis et vexationibus eximerent, -paullatim a Christiana religione deficere coeperunt.” (Farlati, tom. -vii. p. 311.) - -[628] Zmaievich fol. 5. - -[629] Id. fol. 5. - -[630] Zmaievich, fol. 15, 197. - -[631] Id. fol. 11. - -[632] Id. fol. 137. - -[633] Id. fol. 149. - -[634] Id. fol. 143–4. - -[635] Zmaievich, fol. 22. - -[636] Farlati, tom. vii. p. 141. - -[637] Zmaievich, fol. 7, 17. - -[638] Id. fol. 9. - -[639] Id. fol. 141. - -[640] Farlati, vol. vi. p. 317. - -[641] Eliot, p. 401. - -[642] Id. p. 392. - -[643] Yāqūt, vol. i. p. 469 sq. - -[644] Géographie d’Aboulféda, traduite par M. Reinaud, tome ii. pp -294–5. - -[645] Enrique Dupuy de Lôme: Los Esclavos y Turquía, pp. 17–18. -(Madrid, 1877.) - -[646] De la Jonquière, p. 215. - -[647] Id. p. 290. - -[648] Kanitz, p. 37. - -[649] Id. pp. 37–8. - -[650] A map of this country is given by Mackenzie and Irby (p. 243): it -contains Prizren, the old Servian capital, Ipek, the seat of the -Servian Patriarch, and the battle-field of Kossovo. - -[651] Kanitz, p. 37. - -[652] Mackenzie and Irby, pp. 250–1. - -[653] Farlati, vol. vii. pp. 127–8. - -[654] Mackenzie and Irby, pp. 374–5. Kanitz, p. 39. - -[655] Id. pp. 39–40. - -[656] Kanitz, p. 38. - -[657] Bizzi, fol. 48, b. - -[658] Zmaievich, fol. 182. - -[659] Kanitz, p. 38. - -[660] Montenegro was ruled by bishops from 1516 to 1852. - -[661] E. L. Clark, pp. 362–3. - -[662] Honorius III in 1221, Gregory IX in 1238, Innocent IV in 1246, -Benedict XII in 1337. The Inquisition was established in 1291. - -[663] Asboth, pp. 42–95. Evans, pp. xxxvi–xlii. - -[664] Asboth, pp. 96–7. - -[665] “They revile the ceremonies of the church and all church -dignitaries, and they call orthodox priests blind Pharisees, and bay at -them as dogs at horses. As to the Lord’s Supper, they assert that it is -not kept according to God’s commandment, and that it is not the body of -God, but ordinary bread.” (Kosmas, quoted by Evans, pp. xxx–xxxi.) - -[666] Sūrah iv. 156. - -[667] Cf. the admiration of the Turks for Charles XII of Sweden. “Son -opiniâtreté à s’abstenir du vin, et sa régularité à assister deux fois -par jour aux prières publiques, leur faisaient dire: C’est un vrai -musulman.” (Œuvres de Voltaire, tome 23, p. 200.) (Paris, 1785.) - -[668] Kosmas, quoted by Evans, p. xxxi. - -[669] Asboth, p. 36. Wetzer und Welte, vol. ii. p. 975. - -[670] Olivier, pp. 17–18. - -[671] Olivier, p. 113. - -[672] Amari, vol. i. p. 163; vol. ii. p. 260. - -[673] Cornaro, vol. i. pp. 205–8. - -[674] Perrot, p. 151. - -[675] Pashley, vol. i. p. 30; vol. ii. pp. 284, 291–2. - -[676] Id. vol. ii. p. 298. - -[677] Pashley, vol. ii. p. 285. - -[678] Id. vol. i. p. 319. - -[679] Perrot, p. 151. - -[680] Charles Edwardes: Letters from Crete, pp. 90–2. (London, 1887.) - -[681] Pashley, vol. ii. pp. 151–2. - -[682] Id. vol. i. p. 9. - -[683] Perrot, p. 159. - -[684] Pashley, vol. i. pp. 10, 195. - -[685] T. A. B. Spratt: Travels and Researches in Crete, vol. i. p. 47. -(London, 1865.) - -[686] R. du M. M. vii. p. 99. - -[687] Caetani, vol. ii. pp. 910–11. A. de Gobineau (1), pp. 55–6. - -[688] Abū Yūsuf: Kitāb al-Kharāj, p. 73. - -[689] Id. p. 74 and Balādhurī, pp. 71 (fin.), 79, 80. - -[690] Caetani, vol. v. pp. 361 (§ 611 n. 1), 394–5, 457. - -[691] pp. 68–9. - -[692] Caetani, vol. ii. p. 910. - -[693] A. de Gobineau (2), pp. 306–10. - -[694] Dozy (1), p. 157. - -[695] Haneberg, p. 5. - -[696] Dozy (1), p. 191. A. de Gobineau (1), p. 55. - -[697] Les croyances Mazdéennes dans la religion Chiite, par Ahmed-Bey -Agaeff. (Transactions of the Ninth International Congress of -Orientalists, vol. ii. pp. 509–11. London, 1893.) For other points of -contact, see Goldziher: Islamisme et Parsisme. (Revue de l’Histoire des -Religions, xliii. p. 1. sqq.) - -[698] Dosabhai Framji Karaka: History of the Parsis, vol. i. pp. 56–9, -62–7. (London, 1884.) Nicolas de Khanikoff says that there were 12,000 -families of fire-worshippers in Kirmān at the end of the 18th century. -(Mémoire sur la partie méridionale de l’Asie centrale, p. 193. Paris, -1861.) - -[699] Chwolsohn, vol. i. p. 287. - -[700] Masʻūdī, vol. iv. p. 86. - -[701] Iṣṭakhrī, pp. 100, 118. Ibn Ḥawqal, pp. 189–190. - -[702] Kitāb al-milal waʼl-niḥal, edited by Cureton, part i. p. 198. - -[703] Masʻūdī, vol. viii. p. 279; vol. ix. pp. 4–5. - -[704] Ibn Khallikān, vol. iii. p. 517. - -[705] Kitāb al-Fihrist, ed. Flügel, p. 149 (l. 2). - -[706] For a comprehensive sketch of their condition under Muslim rule, -see D. Menant: Les Zoroastriens de Perse. (R. du M. M. iii. pp. 193 -sqq., p. 421 sqq.) - -[707] Khojā Vrittānt, pp. 141–8. For a further account of Ismāʻīlian -missionaries in India, see chap. ix. - -[708] Le Bon Silvestre De Sacy: Exposé de la Religion des Druzes, tome -i. pp. lxvii–lxxvi, cxlviii–clxii. - -[709] Balādhurī, p. 421. - -[710] Narshakhī, p. 46. - -[711] Id. p. 47. - -[712] Balādhurī, p. 426. - -[713] Ṭabarī, ii. pp. 1507 sqq. - -[714] Balādhurī, p. 431. - -[715] August Müller, vol. i. p. 520. - -[716] Cahun, p. 150. - -[717] Ibn al-Athīr, vol. viii. p. 396 (ll. 19–20.) Grenard, pp. 7 sq., -42–3. - -[718] Grenard, pp. 9–10. “D’une guerre d’ambition [la tradition] fait -une guerre sainte, elle attribue à Satoḳ Boghra Khân une conquête qui a -été accomplie réellement par son douzième successeur; par une confusion -absurde, elle donne le nom de ce dernier à l’oncle infidèle de Satoḳ. -Non contente de réduire deux personnages en un seul, elle prête au même -prince une marche sur Tourfân, c’est-à-dire contre les Ouigour, qui est -en effet l’œuvre d’un troisième.” (Id. p. 50.) - -[719] Raverty, p. 905. - -[720] This was the capital of the Khāns of Turkistan during the tenth -and eleventh centuries, but the exact site is uncertain. - -[721] Narshakhī, pp. 234–5. - -[722] Raverty, pp. 925–7. - -[723] Grenard, p. 76. - -[724] Raverty, p. 117. - -[725] Bellew, p. 96. - -[726] Id. pp. 15–16. - -[727] Balādhurī, p. 402. - -[728] August Müller, vol. ii. p. 29. - -[729] Qurʼān, xix. 23. - -[730] Ibn al-Athīr, vol. xii. pp. 233–4. - -[731] William of Rubruck, pp. 182, 191. C. d’Ohsson, tome ii. p. 488. - -[732] De Guignes, tome iii. pp. 200, 203. - -[733] Id. vol. iii. p. 115. - -[734] Id. p. 125. Cahun, p. 391. - -[735] Klaproth, p. 204. - -[736] C. d’Ohsson, tome ii. pp. 226–7. Cahun, p. 408 sq. - -[737] Of this writer Yule says, “He gives an unfavourable account of -the literature and morals of their clergy, which deserves more weight -than such statements regarding those looked upon as schismatics -generally do; for the narrative of Rubruquis gives one the impression -of being written by a thoroughly honest and intelligent person.” -(Cathay and the Way Thither, vol. i. p. xcviii.) - -[738] William of Rubruck, pp. 158–9. - -[739] Maqrīzī (2), tome i. 1re partie, pp. 98, 106. - -[740] The Chosen One—Muḥammad. - -[741] Jūzjānī, pp. 448–50. Raverty, pp. 1288–90. - -[742] So notoriously brutal was the treatment they received that even -the Chinese showmen in their exhibitions of shadow figures exultingly -brought forward the figure of an old man with a white beard dragged by -the neck at the tail of a horse, as showing how the Mongol horsemen -behaved towards the Musalmans. (Howorth, vol. i. p. 159.) - -[743] Raverty, p. 1146. Howorth, vol. i. pp. 112, 273. This edict was -only withdrawn when it was found that it prevented Muhammadan merchants -from visiting the court and that trade suffered in consequence. - -[744] Howorth, vol. i. p. 165. - -[745] Jūzjānī, pp. 404–5. Raverty, p. 1160 sqq. - -[746] De Guignes, vol. iii. p. 265. - -[747] In the thirteenth century, three-fourths of the Mongol hosts were -Turks. (Cahun, p. 279.) - -[748] C. d’Ohsson, vol. iii. p. 121. - -[749] Rashīd al-Dīn, pp. 600–2. - -[750] Blochet, pp. 74–7. - -[751] It is of interest to note that Najm al-Dīn Mukhtār al-Zāhidī in -1260 compiled for Baraka Khān a treatise which gave the proofs of the -divine mission of the Prophet, a refutation of those who denied it, and -an account of the controversies between Christians and Muslims. -(Steinschneider, pp. 63–4.) - -[752] Abu’l-Ghāzī, tome ii. p. 181. - -[753] Jūzjānī, p. 447. Raverty, pp. 1283–4. - -[754] Jūzjānī, p. 447. Raverty, pp. 1285–6. - -[755] Maqrīzī (2), tome i. pp. 180–1, 187. - -[756] Maqrīzī (2), tome i. p. 215. - -[757] Id. p. 222. - -[758] Waṣṣāf calls him Nikūdār before, and Aḥmad after, his conversion. - -[759] Hayton. (Ramusio, tome ii. p. 60, c.) - -[760] Qurʼān, vi. 125. - -[761] Waṣṣāf, pp. 231–4. - -[762] De Guignes, vol. iii. pp. 263–5. - -[763] C. d’Ohsson, tome iv. pp. 141–2. - -[764] Id. ib. p. 148. - -[765] Id. ib. p. 365. - -[766] Id. ib. pp. 148, 354. Cahun, p. 434. - -[767] C. d’Ohsson, tome iv. pp. 128, 132. - -[768] Hammer-Purgstall: Geschichte der Ilchanen, vol. ii. p. 182. It is -not improbable that the captive Muslim women took a considerable part -in the conversion of the Mongols to Islam. Women appear to have -occupied an honoured position among the Mongols, and many instances -might be given of their having taken a prominent part in political -affairs, just as already several cases have been mentioned of the -influence they exercised on their husbands in religious matters. -William of Rubruck tells us how he found the influence of a Muslim wife -an obstacle in the way of his proselytising labours: “On the day of -Pentecost a certain Saracen came to us, and while in conversation with -us, we began expounding the faith, and when he heard of the blessings -of God to man in the incarnation, the resurrection of the dead, the -last judgment, and the washing away of sins in baptism, he said he -wished to be baptised; but while we were making ready to baptise him, -he suddenly jumped on his horse saying he had to go home to consult -with his wife. And the next day talking with us he said he could not -possibly venture to receive baptism, for then he could not drink -cosmos” (mare’s milk). (Rubruck, pp. 90–1.) - -[769] Ibn Baṭūṭah, vol. ii. p. 57. - -[770] Jūzjānī, pp. 381, 397. Raverty, pp. 1110, 1145–6. - -[771] Rashīd al-Dīn, pp. 173–4, 188. - -[772] Abu’l-Ghāzī, tome ii. p. 159. - -[773] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iii. p. 47. - -[774] Abu’l-Ghāzī, tome ii. pp. 166–8. Muḥammad Ḥaydar, pp. 13–15. - -[775] When the power of the Chaghatāy Khāns declined, a portion of the -eastern division of their realm became practically independent under -the name of Mughalistān, a pastoral country suited to the habits of -nomad herdsmen, in what is now known as Chinese Turkistan. - -[776] Muḥammad Ḥaydar, pp. 57–8. - -[777] In the reign of ʻAbd al-Karīm, who was Khān of Kāshgar from A.H. -983 to 1003 (A.D. 1575–1594). - -[778] Martin Hartmann: Der Islamische Orient, vol. i. p. 203. (Berlin, -1899.) - -[779] Id. p. 202. - -[780] Assemani, tome iii. pars. ii. p. cxvi. - -[781] Ibn Baṭūṭah, vol. iii. p. 40. - -[782] Rashīd al-Dīn, p. 600, l. 1. - -[783] Cahun, p. 410. - -[784] Howorth, vol ii. p. 1015. - -[785] Abū’l-Ghāzī, tome ii. p. 184. - -[786] De Guignes, vol. iii. p. 351. - -[787] Karamsin, vol. iv. pp. 391–4. - -[788] Hammer-Purgstall: Geschichte der Goldenen Horde in Kiptschak, p. -290. - -[789] De Baschkiris quae memoriae prodita sunt ab Ibn-Foszlano et -Jakuto, interprete C. N. Fraehnio. (Mémoires de l’Académie Impériale -des Sciences de St. Pétersbourg, tome viii. p. 626. 1822.) - -[790] Abū ʻUbayd al-Bakrī, pp. 470–1. - -[791] Karamsin, tome i. pp. 259–71. - -[792] Bobrovnikoff, p. 13. - -[793] Reclus, tome v. p. 831. R. du M. M., tome iii. pp. 76, 78. - -[794] Relation des Tartares, par Jean de Luca, p. 17. (Thevenot, tome -i.) - -[795] Islam and Missions, p. 257. - -[796] Gasztowtt, pp. 321–3. R. du M. M., xi. (1910), pp. 287 sqq. - -[797] The Russian Policy regarding Central Asia. An historical sketch. -By Prof. V. Grigorief. (Eugene Schuyler: Turkistan, vol. ii. pp. 405–6. -5th ed. London, 1876); Franz von Schwarz: Turkestan, p. 58. (Freiburg, -1910.) - -[798] Islam and Missions, pp. 251–2, 255. - -[799] D. Mackenzie Wallace: Russia, vol. i. pp. 242–4. (London, 1877, -4th ed.) R. du M. M., vol. ix. (1909), p. 249. Bobrovnikoff, p. 5 sqq. - -[800] W. Hepworth Dixon: Free Russia, vol. ii. p. 284. (London, 1870.) - -[801] E.g. “En 1883, des paysans Tatars du village d’Apozof étaient -poursuivis, devant le tribunal de Kazan, pour avoir abandonné -l’orthodoxie. Les accusés déclaraient avoir toujours été musulmans; -sept d’entre eux n’en furent pas moins condamnés, comme apostats, aux -travaux forcés.... Beaucoup de ces relaps ont été déportés en Sibérie.” -Anatole Leroy-Beaulieu: L’Empire des Tsars et les Russes, tome iii. p. -645. (Paris, 1889–93.) - -[802] D. Mackenzie Wallace: Russia, vol. i. p. 245. - -[803] Palmieri, pp. 85–6. R. du M. M., i. (1907), pp. 162 sq. - -[804] R. du M. M., ix. (1909), p. 294. - -[805] Id. x. (1910), p. 413. Id. i. (1907), p. 273. - -[806] Id. ix. p. 252. - -[807] Id. p. 249. - -[808] Bobrovnikoff, p. 12. - -[809] Reclus, tome v. pp. 746, 748. - -[810] Eruslanov, pp. 3, 6. - -[811] Id. pp. 7–8. - -[812] Id. pp. 5–6. - -[813] Eruslanov, pp. 9, 13. - -[814] Id. pp. 17, 20, 36. - -[815] Id. pp. 38–9. - -[816] Bobrovnikoff, p. 22. - -[817] Id. pp. 21–2, 31. - -[818] Id. p. 13. Islam and Missions, p. 257. - -[819] G. F. Müller: Sammlung Russischer Geschichte, vol. vii. p. 191. - -[820] Id. vol. vii. pp. 183–4. - -[821] Radloff, vol. i. p. 147. - -[822] Jadrinzew, p. 138. Radloff, vol. i. p. 241. - -[823] Radloff, vol. i. pp. 472, 497. - -[824] Census of India, 1891. General Report by J. A. Baines, p. 167. -(London, 1893.) - -[825] Id. pp. 126, 207. - -[826] Elliot, vol. ii. p. 448. - -[827] Muḥammad b. Qāsim invited the Hindu princes to embrace Islam, and -the invaders who followed him were probably equally observant of the -religious law. (Elliot, vol. i. pp. 175, 207.) - -[828] Or Baran, the old name of Bulandshahr. - -[829] Elliot, vol. ii. pp. 42–3. - -[830] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. iii. part ii. p. 85. - -[831] “The military adventurers, who founded dynasties in Northern -India and carved out kingdoms in the Dekhan, cared little for things -spiritual; most of them had indeed no time for proselytism, being -continually engaged in conquest or in civil war. They were usually -rough Tartars or Moghals; themselves ill-grounded in the faith of -Mahomed, and untouched by the true Semitic enthusiasm which inspired -the first Arab standard bearers of Islam. The empire which they set up -was purely military, and it was kept in that state by the half success -of their conquests and the comparative failure of their spiritual -invasion. They were strong enough to prevent anything like religious -amalgamation among the Hindus, and to check the gathering of tribes -into nations; but so far were they from converting India, that among -the Mahommedans themselves their own faith never acquired an entire and -exclusive monopoly of the high offices of administration.” (Sir Alfred -C. Lyall: Asiatic Studies, p. 289.) (London, 1882.) - -[832] Firishtah, vol. i. p. 184. - -[833] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iii. p. 197. - -[834] Elliot, vol. iii. p. 386. - -[835] Mankind and the Church, p. 286. (London, 1907.) - -[836] Sir Richard Temple: India in 1880, p. 164. (London, 1881.) Punjab -States Gazetteers, vol. xxxvi A, Bahawalpur, p. 183. - -[837] Manual of Titles for Oudh, p. 78. (Allahabad, 1889.) - -[838] Gazetteer of the Province of Oudh, vol. i. p. 466. - -[839] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. iii. part ii. p. 46. - -[840] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. xiv. part ii. p. 119. In the -Cawnpore district, the Musalman branch of the Dikhit family observes -Muhammadan customs at births, marriages, and deaths, and, though they -cannot, as a rule, recite the prayers (namāz), they perform the -orthodox obeisances (sijdah). But at the same time they worship Chachak -Devī to avert small-pox, and keep up their friendly intercourse with -their old caste brethren, the Thakurs, in domestic occurrences, and are -generally called by common Hindu names. (Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. -vi. p. 64.) - -[841] Ibbetson, p. 163. - -[842] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. vi. p. 64. Compare also id. vol. -xiv. part iii. p. 47. “Muhammadan cultivators are not numerous; they -are usually Nau-Muslims. Most of them assign the date of their -conversion to the reign of Aurangzeb, and represent it as the result -sometimes of persecution and sometimes as made to enable them to retain -their rights when unable to pay revenue.” - -[843] Ibbetson, p. 163. - -[844] Indeed Firishtah distinctly says: “Zealous for the faith of -Mahommed, he rewarded proselytes with a liberal hand, though he did not -choose to persecute those of different persuasions in matters of -religion.” (The History of Hindostan, translated from the Persian, by -Alexander Dow, vol. iii. p. 361.) (London, 1812.) - -[845] The Bombay Gazetteer, vol. xxii. p. 222; vol. xxiii. p. 282. - -[846] Innes, pp. 72–3, 190. - -[847] Sir W. W. Hunter: The Religions of India. (The Times, February -25th, 1888.) - -[848] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. vi. p. 518. - -[849] Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. v. part i. pp. 302–3. - -[850] Sir Alfred C. Lyall: Asiatic Studies, p. 236. - -[851] A tomb in the cemetery of Pantalāyini Kollam bears an inscription -with the date A.H. 166. (Innes, p. 436.) - -[852] Zayn al-Dīn, pp. 34–5. - -[853] Id. p. 36 (init.). - -[854] Id. p. 21. - -[855] The modern Madāyi. - -[856] Zayn al-Dīn, pp. 23–4. - -[857] Id. p. 25. - -[858] Innes, p. 41. - -[859] Id. p. 398. - -[860] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. pp. 82, 88, etc. - -[861] Innes, p. 190. - -[862] Oboardo Barbosa, p. 310. - -Similarly it has been conjectured that but for the arrival of the -Portuguese, Ceylon might have become a Muhammadan kingdom. For before -the Portuguese armaments appeared in the Indian seas, the Arab -merchants were undisputed masters of the trade of this island (where -indeed they had formed commercial establishments centuries before the -birth of the Prophet), and were to be found in every sea-port and city, -while the facilities for commerce attracted large numbers of fresh -arrivals from their settlements in Malabar. Here as elsewhere the -Muslim traders intermarried with the natives of the country and spread -their religion along the coast. But no very active proselytising -movement would seem to have been carried on, or else the Singhalese -showed themselves unwilling to embrace Islam, as the Muhammadans of -Ceylon at the present day appear mostly to be of Arab descent. (Sir -James Emerson Tennent: Ceylon, vol. i. pp. 631–3.) (5th ed., London, -1860.) - -[863] Qurʼān, xvi. 126. - -[864] ʻAbd al-Razzāq: Maṭlaʻ al-saʻdayn, fol. 173. - -[865] They are found chiefly in the Tamil-speaking districts of Madura, -Tinnevelly, Coimbatore, North Arcot and the Nilgiris. - -[866] The Imperial Gazetteer of India (vol. xxiv. p. 47) spells his -name Nādir Shāh; Qādir Ḥusayn Khān calls him Nathad Vali. - -[867] Madras District Gazetteers. Trichinopoly, vol. i. p. 338. -(Madras, 1907.) Qādir Ḥusayn Khān: South Indian Musalmans, p. 36. -(Madras, 1910.) - -[868] Qādir Ḥusayn Khān, pp. 36–8. - -[869] Qādir Ḥusayn Khān, op. cit. pp. 39–42. Madras District -Gazetteers. Anantapur, vol. i. pp. 193–4. (Madras, 1905.) - -[870] Zayn al-Dīn, pp. 33 (l. 4), 36 (l. 1). - -[871] Innes, p. 190. Census of India, 1911. Vol. xii. Part. I. p. 54. - -[872] Report on the Census of the Madras Presidency, 1871, by W. R. -Cornish, pp. 71, 72, 109. (Madras, 1874.) - -[873] Report of the Second Decennial Missionary Conference held at -Calcutta 1882–3 (pp. 228, 233, 248). (Calcutta, 1883.) - -[874] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. p. 128. Ibn Baṭūṭah resided in the Maldive -Islands during the years 1343–4 and married “the daughter of a Vizier -who was grandson of the Sulṭān Dāʼūd, who was a grandson of the Sulṭān -Aḥmad Shanūrāzah” (tome iv. p. 154); from this statement the date A.D. -1200 has been conjectured. - -[875] H. C. P. Bell: The Maldive Islands, pp. 23–5, 57–8, 71. (Colombo, -1883.) - -[876] Memoir on the Inhabitants of the Maldive Islands. By J. A. Young -and W. Christopher. (Transactions of the Bombay Geographical Society -from 1836 to 1838, p. 74. Bombay, 1844.) - -[877] Innes, pp. 485, 492. - -[878] Masʻūdī, tome ii. pp. 85–6. - -[879] The Bombay Gazetteer, vol. x. p 132; vol. xvi. p. 75. - -[880] Id. vol. xxiii. p. 282. - -[881] Sometimes called Sayyid Makhdūm Gīsūdarāz. - -[882] The Bombay Gazetteer, vol. xviii. p. 501; vol. xxi. pp. 218, 223. - -[883] Id. vol. xiii. part i. p. 231. - -[884] Id. vol. xxii. p. 242. - -[885] Id. vol. xvi. pp. 75–6. - -[886] Id. vol. xxi. p. 203. - -[887] At the time of the Arab conquest the dominions of the Hindu ruler -of Sind extended as far north as this city, which is now no longer -included in this province. - -[888] Balādhurī, p. 441 (fin.) - -[889] Elliot, vol. i. pp. 185–6. - -[890] Probably the Sindān in Abrāsa, the southern district of Cutch. - -[891] Balādhurī, p. 446. - -[892] Iṣṭakhrī, pp. 173–4. - -[893] Balādhurī, p. 446. - -[894] Iṣṭakhrī, loc. cit. Ibn Ḥawqal, p. 230 sq. Idrīsī (Géographie -d’Édrisi, traduite par P. A. Jaubert, vol. i. p. 175 sqq.). - -[895] Masʻūdī, vol. i. p. 207. - -[896] Elliot, vol. i. p. 273. - -[897] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. i. p. 93. - -[898] Khojā Vṛttānt, p. 208. Sir Bartle Frere: The Khojas: the -Disciples of the Old Man of the Mountain. Macmillan’s Magazine, vol. -xxxiv. pp. 431, 433–4. (London, 1876.) - -[899] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. ix. part ii. p. 26. - -[900] K. B. Fazalullah Lutfullah conjectures that Nūr Satāgar came to -India rather later, in the reign of Bhīma II (A.D. 1179–1242.) (Bombay -Gazetteer, vol. ix. part ii. p. 38.) - -[901] Khojā Vṛttānt, p. 154–8. - -[902] Nūr Allāh al-Shūshtarī: Majālis al-Muʼminīn, fol. 65. (India -Office MS. No. 1400.) - -[903] A town ten miles south-west of Ahmadabad. - -[904] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. ix. part ii. pp. 66, 76. - -[905] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. v. p. 89. - -[906] Id. vol. ii. p. 378; vol. iii. pp. 36–7. - -[907] So Firishtah, but see H. Blochmann: Contributions to the -Geography and History of Bengal. (J. A. S. B., vol. xlii. No. 1, pp. -264–6. 1873.) - -[908] J. H. Ravenshaw: Gaur: its ruins and inscriptions, p. 99. -(London, 1878.) Firishtah, vol. iv. p. 337. - -[909] Wise, p. 29. - -[910] Census of India, 1901, vol. vi. part i. p. 170. - -[911] Id. p. 30. - -[912] Charles Stewart: The History of Bengal, p. 176. (London, 1813.) -H. Blochmann: Contributions to the Geography and History of Bengal. (J. -A. S. B., vol. xlii. No. 1, p. 220. 1873.) - -[913] The Indian Evangelical Review, p. 278. (January 1883.) - -[914] Sir W. W. Hunter: The Religions of India. (The Times, February -25, 1888.) See also Wise, p. 32. - -[915] Wise, p. 37. - -[916] Blochmann, op. cit. p. 260. - -[917] Wise, pp. 48–55. - -[918] Ghulām Sarwar: Khazīnat al-Aṣfīyā, vol. ii. p. 230. - -[919] Otherwise known as Shaykh Bahā al-Dīn Zakariyyā. - -[920] Ibbetson, p. 163. - -[921] Aṣghar ʻAlī: Jawāhir-i-Farīdī (A.H. 1033), p. 395. (Lahore, -1884.) - -[922] Elliot, vol. ii. p. 548. - -[923] Punjab States Gazetteers, vol. xxxvi A. Bahawalpur State. -(Lahore, 1908), p. 160 sqq. The names of some of the tribes who ascribe -their conversion to Makhdūm-i-Jahāniyān are given on p. 162. - -[924] Id. p. 171. - -[925] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. p. 217. Yule, p. 515. - -[926] The Indian Evangelical Review, vol. xvi, pp. 52–3. (Calcutta, -1889–90.) The Contemporary Review, February 1889, p. 170. The -Spectator, October 15, 1887, p. 1382. - -[927] Garcin de Tassy: La Langue et la Littérature Hindoustanies de -1850 à 1869, p. 343. (Paris, 1874.) - -[928] Mawlavī Ḥasan ʻAlī furnished me with these figures some years -before his death in 1896. In an obituary notice published in “The -Moslem Chronicle” (April 4, 1896), the following quaint account is -given of his life: “In private and school life, he was marked as a very -intelligent lad and made considerable progress in his scholastic career -within a short time. He passed Entrance at a very early age and -received scholarship with which he went up to the First Art, but -shortly after his innate anxiety to seek truth prompted him to go -abroad the world, and abandoning his studies he mixed with persons of -different persuasions, Fakirs, Pandits, and Christians, entered -churches, and roamed over wilderness and forests and cities with -nothing to help him on except his sincere hopes and absolute reliance -on the mercy of the Great Lord; for one year he wandered in various -regions of religion until in 1874 he accepted the post of a head master -in a Patna school.... As he was born to become a missionary of the -Moslem faith, he felt an imperceptible craving to quit his post, from -which he used to get Rs. 100 per mensem. He tendered his resignation, -much to the reluctance of his friends, and maintained himself for some -time by publishing a monthly journal, ‘Noorul Islam.’ He gave several -lectures on Islam at Patna, and then went to Calcutta, where he -delivered his lecture in English, which produced such effect on the -audience that several European clergymen vouchsafed the truth of Islam, -and a notable gentleman, Babu Bepin Chandra Pal, was about to become -Musalman. He was invited by the people at Dacca, where his preachings -and lectures left his name imbedded in the hearts of the citizens. His -various books and pamphlets and successive lectures in Urdu and in -English in the different cities and towns in India gave him a historic -name in the world. Some one hundred men became Musalmans on hearing his -lectures and reading his books.” His missionary zeal manifested itself -up to the last hour of his life, when he was overheard to say, “Abjure -your religion and become a Musalman.” On being questioned, he said he -was talking to a Christian. - -[929] Bombay Gazetteer, vol. xii. p. 126. - -[930] Id. vol. xvi. p. 81. - -[931] Tuḥfat al-Hind, p. 3. (Dehli, A.H. 1309.) - -[932] The Indian Evangelical Review, 1884, p. 128. Garcin de Tassy: La -Langue et la Littérature Hindoustanies de 1850 à 1869, p. 485. (Paris, -1874.) Garcin de Tassy: La Langue et la Littérature Hindoustanies en -1871, p. 12. (Paris, 1872.) - -[933] Ibbetson, p. 184. - -[934] The Rajputana Gazetteer, vol. i. p. 90; vol. ii. p. 47. -(Calcutta, 1879.) - -[935] On these as they affect the Muhammadans, see the Census of India, -1901. Vol. vi. p. 172. - -[936] E. T. Dalton, p. 324. - -[937] For an account of such Hinduising of the aboriginal tribes see -Sir Alfred Lyall: Asiatic Studies, pp. 102–4. - -[938] E. T. Dalton, p. 89. - -[939] The Missionary Review of the World, N.S. vol. xiii, pp. 72–3. -(New York, 1900.) - -[940] Sir Alfred Lyall (Asiatic Studies, p. 29) speaks of the -perceptible proclivity towards the faith of Islam occasionally -exhibited by some of the Hindu chiefs. - -[941] Gazetteer of the Province of Oudh, vol. i. p. xix. - -[942] To give one instance only: in Ghātampur, in the district of -Cawnpore, one branch of a large family is Muslim in obedience to the -vow of their ancestor, Ghātam Deo Bais, who while praying for a son at -the shrine of a Muhammadan saint, Madār Shāh, promised that if his -prayer were granted, half his descendants should be brought up as -Muslims. (Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. vi. pp. 64, 238.) - -The worship of Muhammadan saints is so common among certain low-caste -Hindus that in the Census of 1891, in the North-Western Provinces and -Oudh alone, 2,333,643 Hindus (or 5·78 per cent. of the total Hindu -population of these provinces) returned themselves as worshippers of -Muhammadan saints. (Census of India, 1891, vol. xvi. part i. pp. 217, -244.) (Allahabad, 1894.) - -[943] Instances of such causes of conversion are given in the Census of -India, 1901. Vol. vi. Bengal, part. i, Appendix II. - -[944] Report on the Census of the N.W.P. and Oudh, 1881, by Edward -White, p. 62. (Allahabad, 1882.) - -[945] Id. p. 63. - -[946] Gazetteer of the Province of Oudh, vol. i. p. xix. - -[947] Gazetteer of the Province of Oudh, vol. i. pp. xxiii–xxiv. - -[948] Khojā Vṛttānt, p. 141. - -[949] Or Shams al-Dīn, according to another account, see Muḥammad -Haydar, p. 433 (n. 2). - -[950] Firishtah, vol. iv. pp. 464, 469. - -[951] F. Drew: The Jummoo and Kashmir Territories, pp. 58, 155. -(London, 1875.) - -[952] Drew, op. cit. p. 359. - -[953] On this word see Yule’s Marco Polo, vol. i. p. 290. - -[954] Aḥmad Shāh: Four years in Tibet, pp. 45, 74. (Benares, 1906.) - -[955] Broomhall, p. 206. Tu Wen-siu, the leader of the Panthay -rebellion from 1856 to 1873, who for sixteen years was practically -Sultan of half the province of Yunnan, issued a proclamation in Lhasa -itself, at the outset of his revolt, in order to gain Muhammadan -recruits. (Id. p. 132.) - -[956] Mission d’Ollone, pp. 207, 226, 233. - -[957] Broomhall, p. 206. - -[958] A. Bastian: Die Geschichte der Indochinesen, p. 159. (Leipzig, -1866.) - -[959] R. du M. M., tome i. p. 275. (1907.) - -[960] Kanz al-ʻUmmāl, vol. v. p. 202. - -[961] Bretschneider (2), p. 6. - -[962] On the origin of this name, see Devéria, p. 311; Mission -d’Ollone, p. 420 sqq. - -[963] De Thiersant, vol. i. pp. 19–20. - -[964] D’Ollone gives the following warning as to the uncertainty of our -knowledge of Islam in China:—“Or rien n’est moins connu que l’Islam -chinois. On ne sait exactement ni comment il s’est propagé dans -l’Empire, ni combien d’adeptes il a réunis, ni si sa doctrine est pure, -ni quelle est son organisation, ni s’il possède des relations avec le -reste du monde musulman.” (Mission d’Ollone, p. 1.) The references to -China in Arabic and Persian writers have been collected by Schefer, -“Notice sur les relations des peuples musulmans avec les Chinois.” - -[965] Chavannes, p. 172. - -[966] De Thiersant, vol. i. pp. 70–1. - -[967] This legend has been exhaustively discussed by Broomhall: Islam -in China, cap. iv, vii. - -[968] Thus the people of Khotan claim that Islam was first brought to -their land by Jaʻfar, a cousin of the Prophet (Grenard: Mission -Dutreuil de Rhins, t. iii. p. 2), and the Chams of Cambodia ascribe -their conversion to one of the fathers-in-law of Muḥammad. (R. du M. -M., vol. ii. p. 138.) - -[969] De Thiersant, vol. i. p. 153. - -[970] Reinaud: Relation des Voyages faits par les Arabes et les Persans -dans l’Inde et à la Chine, i. pp. 13, 64. (Paris, 1845.) - -[971] Id. p. 58. - -[972] That there was some migration westward also of Chinese into the -conquered countries of Islam, where they would come within the sphere -of its religious influence, we learn from the diary of a Chinese monk -who travelled through Central Asia to Persia in the years 1221–4; -speaking of Samarqand, he says, “Chinese workmen are living -everywhere.” (Bretschneider (1), vol. i. p. 78.) - -[973] Howorth, vol. i. p. 161. - -[974] For Chinese biographies of Sayyid Ajall, see R. du M. M., viii. -p. 344 sqq. and xi. p. 3 sqq.; Mission d’Ollone, p. 25 sqq. - -[975] Broomhall, p. 127. - -[976] Mission d’Ollone, pp. 435–6. - -[977] Howorth, vol. i. p. 257. - -[978] Marco Polo, vol. i. pp. 219, 274; vol. ii. p. 66. - -[979] Rashīd al-Dīn (Yule’s Cathay, p. 9). - -[980] Vol. iv. pp. 270, 283. - -[981] Id. p. 258. - -[982] ʻAbd al-Razzāq al-Samarqandī: Maṭlaʻ al-saʻdayn, foll. 60–1. -(Blochet, pp. 249–52.) - -[983] Zenker, pp. 798–9. Mélanges Orientaux, p. 65. (Publications de -l’École des Langues Orientales Vivantes, Sér. ii. t. 9.) (Paris, 1883.) - -[984] Schefer, pp. 29–30. Zenker, p. 796. - -[985] De Thiersant, tome i. pp. 154–6. - -[986] Broomhall, p. 92 sqq. Devéria: Musulmans et Manichéens chinois. -(J. A. 9me Sér., tome x. p. 447 sqq.) - -[987] De Thiersant, tome i. pp. 163–4. - -[988] The Muhammadans are said to be more prolific than the ordinary -Chinese, and the Chinese census, which counts according to families, -estimates six for a Muhammadan family and five for the ordinary -Chinese. (Broomhall, pp. 197, 203.) - -[989] Broomhall, in chap. xii. of his Islam in China, gives the total -as between five and ten millions. D’Ollone puts it as low as four -millions (p. 430). - -[990] Vide infra, pp. 309–310. - -[991] Clark Abel: Narrative of a journey in the interior of China, p. -361. (London, 1818.) - -[992] De Thiersant, tome ii. pp. 361–3. - -[993] One missionary, writing from Peking in 1721, says, “La secte des -Mahométans s’étend de plus en plus.” (Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, -tome xix. p. 140.) - -[994] J. B. du Halde: Description géographique, historique, -chronologique, politique et physique de l’Empire de la Chine, tome iii. -p. 64. (Paris, 1735.) - -[995] Anderson, p. 151. Grosier, tome iv. p. 507. - -[996] Thamarāt al-Funūn, 17th Shawwāl, p. 3. (Bayrūt, A.H. 1311.) - -[997] Mission d’Ollone, p. 279. R. du M. M., tome ix. pp. 577, 578. - -[998] Broomhall, p. 226. Grosier, tome iv. p. 508. - -[999] Vasil’ev, p. 15. - -[1000] Broomhall, p. 237. - -[1001] Id. pp. 186, 228. - -[1002] Arminius Vambéry: Travels in Central Asia, p. 404. (London, -1864.) - -[1003] Vasil’ev, p. 16. - -[1004] De Thiersant, tome ii. pp. 367, 372. - -[1005] De Thiersant, tome i. p. 247. Thamarāt al-Funūn, 28th Shaʻbān, -p. 3. - -[1006] Broomhall, p. 224. - -[1007] Du Halde, loc. cit. Broomhall, p. 282. - -[1008] Mission d’Ollone, pp. 210, 431. - -[1009] Broomhall, pp. 274, 282. - -[1010] P. 307. - -[1011] Broomhall, pp. 231–2. - -[1012] W. J. Smith, p. 175. Mission d’Ollone, p. 407 sqq. - -[1013] Thamarāt al-Funūn, loc. cit. - -[1014] Broomhall, p. 240. - -[1015] The Missionary Review of the World, vol. xxv. p. 786 (1912). - -[1016] Mission d’Ollone, p. 431. - -[1017] R. du M. M., iii. p. 124 (1907). - -[1018] Broomhall, pp. 242, 286, 292 sqq. - -[1019] Vasil’ev, pp. 3, 5, 14, 17. - -[1020] For a longer list of Muhammadan insurrections, see Mission -d’Ollone, p. 436. - -[1021] Sayyid ʻAlī Akbar: Khitāy Nāmah, p. 83. “If the emperor of China -embraces Islam, his subjects must inevitably become Muslims too, -because they all worship him to such an extent that they accept -whatever he says, and when that light coming from the West grows in -strength, the unbelievers of the East will come flocking into Islam -without showing any contention, because they are free from all -fanaticism in matters of religion.” - -[1022] Thamarāt al-Funūn, 26th Shawwāl, p. 3. (A.H. 1311.) - -[1023] An excellent map of the extent of Islam in Africa is to be found -in “The International Review of Missions,” vol. i. p. 652. - -[1024] Fournel, vol. i. p. 271. - -[1025] i.e. the diviner or priestess; her real name is unknown. - -[1026] Fournel, vol. i. p. 224. - -[1027] Makkarī, vol. i. p. 253. - -[1028] Makkarī, vol. i. p. lxv. - -[1029] Fournel, vol. i. p. 270. - -[1030] For these and the heretical movements that reveal survivals of -the earlier Berber faith, see Goldziher, Materialien zur Kenntniss der -Almohadenbewegung in Nordafrika (Z D M G, vol. xli, p. 37 sqq.). - -[1031] On this word, see Doutté, Notes sur l’Islam maghribin. (Revue de -l’histoire des religions, tom. xli. p. 24–6.) - -[1032] Ibn abī Zarʻ, pp. 168–73. A. Müller, vol. ii. pp. 611–13. - -[1033] Ibn abī Zarʻ, p. 250. Goldziher, op. laud., p. 71. - -[1034] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 11.) - -[1035] مرابط. - -[1036] Doutté, xl. p. 354; xli. pp. 26–7. - -[1037] Depont et Coppolani, p. 127 sq. - -[1038] It is not the place here to deal with the rise and political -history of the various kingdoms of the Western Sudan; this has been -done most fully for the English reader by Lady Lugard in her work -entitled, “A Tropical Dependency. An Outline of the Ancient History of -the Western Sudan, with an Account of the Modern Settlement of Northern -Nigeria.” (London, 1905.) See also H. F. Helmolt: The World’s History, -vol. iii. chap. ix. (London, 1903.) - -[1039] Blau, p. 322. - -[1040] Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. pp. 7, 77.) - -[1041] Meyer, p. 91. - -[1042] Taʼrīkh al-Sūdān, p. 3. - -[1043] Jinnī or Dienné. - -[1044] So Meyer following Barth; the Taʼrīkh al-Sūdān (p. 12) places -the date about three centuries earlier. - -[1045] Félix Dubois gives a plan and reconstruction of this mosque, -which was destroyed by order of Shaykhu Aḥmadu about 1830, in -“Tombouctou la Mystérieuse,” chap. ix. - -[1046] Taʼrīkh al-Sūdān, pp. 12–13. - -[1047] Taʼrīkh al-Sūdān, p. 21. - -[1048] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. pp. 421–2. - -[1049] Ramusio, tom. i. p. 78. - -[1050] Winwood Reade describes them as “a tall, handsome, -light-coloured race, Moslems in religion, possessing horses and large -herds of cattle, but also cultivating cotton, ground-nuts, and various -kinds of corn. I was much pleased with their kind and hospitable -manners, the grave and decorous aspect of their women, the cleanliness -and silence of their villages.” (W. Winwood Reade: African Sketchbook, -vol. i. p. 303.) - -[1051] Waitz, IIer Theil, pp. 18–19. - -[1052] Palmer (p. 59) places its introduction into Kano between A.D. -1349 and 1385, another Hausa chronicle makes the reign of the first -Muhammadan king of Zozo begin about 1456. (Journal of the African -Society, vol. ix. p. 161.) - -[1053] For the various enumerations of these, see Meyer, p. 27. - -[1054] As in other parts of the Muslim world, tradition places the -first introduction of Islam in the lifetime of the founder and gives -the name of al-Fazāzī, a reputed companion of the Prophet, as the -apostle of the Hausa people. (J. Lippert: Sudanica. MSOS, iii. part 3, -p. 204. Berlin, 1900.) - -[1055] Mischlich and Lippert, pp. 138–9. - -[1056] Meyer, loc. cit. Artin Pasha (p. 62) puts the beginning of this -infiltration of Muslim Arabs as early as the eighth century. - -[1057] Becker, Geschichte des östlichen Sūdān, p. 162–3. Blau, p. 322. -Oppel, p. 289. At the close of the fourteenth century ʻUmar b. Idrīs -moved his capital to the west of Lake Chad in the territory of Bornu, -by which name the kingdom of Kanem became henceforth known. - -[1058] Maurice Delafosse, p. 87. - -[1059] Becker: Geschichte des östlichen Sūdān, pp. 161–2. - -[1060] R. C. Slatin Pasha: Fire and Sword in the Sudan, pp. 38, 40–2. -(London, 1896.) - -[1061] Westermann, p. 628. - -[1062] Oppel, p. 292. Meyer, pp. 36–7. Westermann, pp. 629–30. - -[1063] Fulbe (sing. Pul) is the name by which these people call -themselves; upwards of a hundred variants are applied to them by their -neighbours, the commonest of which are Fulah and Fulani. (Meyer, p. -28.) - -[1064] Francis Moore, pp. 75–7. - -[1065] R. E. Dennett: Nigerian Studies, pp. 12, 75. (London, 1910.) - -[1066] Islam and Missions, pp. 71–3. The Moslem World, pp. 296–7, 351. - -[1067] Church Missionary Review (1908), p. 640. - -[1068] A town on the Niger, just south of the northern boundary of -Southern Nigeria. - -[1069] Church Missionary Society Intelligencer (1902), p. 353. - -[1070] Rinn, pp. 403–4. - -[1071] Le Chatelier (1), pp. 231–3. - -[1072] Le Chatelier (2), pp. 89–91. - -[1073] Rinn, p. 175. - -[1074] Bonet-Maury, p. 239. - -[1075] Id. p. 230. - -[1076] Le Chatelier (2), pp. 100–9. - -[1077] Rinn, p. 174. - -[1078] Oppel, pp. 292–3. Blyden, p. 10. Le Chatelier (3), p. 167 sqq. - -[1079] Delle Navigationi di Messer Alvise da Ca da Mosto. (A.D. 1454.) -Ramusio, tome i. p. 101. - -[1080] Blyden, pp. 357–60. - -[1081] This has been set forth in detail by Le Chatelier (3), p. 225 -sqq. - -[1082] Le Chatelier (3), p. 237. “Samory n’intervint pas directement -dans la question religieuse.” L. G. Binger arrived at the same -conclusion, as the result of personal acquaintance with Samory. (Le -Péril de l’Islam, p. 20.) (Paris, 1906.) - -[1083] Le Chatelier (3), pp. 238–40. - -[1084] Le Chatelier (2), p. 112. R. du M. M., vol. xii. p. 22. - -[1085] “The Fulanis are all fervent Mohammedans. Wherever there are -Fulanis there will be found a mosque.” (Haywood, p. 200.) - -[1086] Le Chatelier (3), pp. 231, 273, 303. Westermann, pp. 632–3. - -[1087] Muḥammad b. ʻUthmān al Ḥashāʼishī, p. 84 sqq. - -[1088] In 1895 Sīdī al-Mahdī, the son and successor of Sīdī Muḥammad -al-Sanūsī, migrated to Kufra, as being more central than Jaghabūb -(Muḥammad b. ʻUthmān al-Ḥashāʼishī, pp. 111–15), but later went further -south to the region of Borku and Tibesti, where he died in 1902. The -head of the order in 1908 was Sīdī Aḥmad, a relative of the founder. -(J. C. E. Falls: Drei Jahre in der Libyschen Wüste, p. 274.) (Freiburg, -1911.) - -[1089] Riedel (1), pp. 7, 59, 162. - -[1090] G. Nachtigal: Sahara und Sudan, vol. ii. p. 175. (Berlin, -1879–81.) - -[1091] Duveyrier, p. 45. - -[1092] Paulitschke, p. 214. - -[1093] H. Duveyrier: La Confrérie musulmane de Sîdi Mohammed Ben ʼAlî -Es-Senousî, passim. (Paris, 1886.) Louis Rinn: Marabouts et Khouans, -pp. 481–513. N. Slousch: Les Senoussiya en Tripolitaine. (R. du M. M., -vol. i. p. 169 sqq.). For a bibliography of the Sanūsiyyah movement, -see Der Islam, iii. pp. 141–2, 312. - -[1094] R. du M. M., vol. i. p. 181; vol. viii. pp. 64–5. - -[1095] Joseph Thomson (2), p. 185. - -[1096] Oppel, p. 303. - -[1097] In the Muri Province of Northern Nigeria. - -[1098] Journal of the African Society, vol. vii. pp. 379–81. - -[1099] Haywood, p. 33. - -[1100] Claude George: The Rise of British West Africa, pp. 120–1. -(London, 1902.) - -[1101] Islam and Missions, pp. 73–4. - -[1102] Lippert: Über die Bedeutung der Haussanation für unsere Togo- -und Kamerunkolonie, p. 200. MSOS, Band x. (1907), Abteilung III. - -[1103] Waitz: IIer Theil, p. 250. - -[1104] C. S. Salmon, p. 891. - -[1105] Pierre Bouche, p. 256. - -[1106] Blyden, p. 357. - -[1107] C. S. Salmon, p. 887. - -[1108] Blyden, p. 202. Westermann, pp. 633–4. - -[1109] Situated on an island about 2° S. of Zanzibar. - -[1110] “Hum Mouro chamado Zaide, que foi neto de Hocem filho de Ale o -sobrinho de Mahamed.” (De Barros, Dec. i. Liv. viii. cap. iv. p. 211.) - -[1111] Ibn Khaldūn, vol. iii. pp. 98–100. - -[1112] Possibly a mistake for al-Ḥasā. See Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome ii. pp. -247–8. - -[1113] Or (to give it its Arabic name) Maqdishū. - -[1114] J. de Barros: Dec. i. Liv. viii. cap. iv. pp. 211–12. - -[1115] De Barros, id. pp. 224–5. See also Justus Strandes: Die -Portugiesenzeit von Deutsch- und Englisch-Ostafrika, p. 81 sqq. -(Berlin, 1899.) - -[1116] Kitāb ʻajāʼib al-Hind ou Livre des Merveilles de l’Inde, publié -par P. A. van der Lith, pp. 51–60. (Leiden, 1883.) - -[1117] Mohammedanism in Central Africa, by Joseph Thomson, p. 877. - -[1118] Roscoe, p. 229 sq. - -[1119] Zwemer, p. 236. Gairdner (p. 26) gives the number of Muhammadans -as 200,000 out of a population of four millions, but he does not state -from what source he derives these figures. Roscoe (p. 6) gives the -total population of Uganda as about one million only. - -[1120] Richter, pp. 146–7, 154. Merensky, p. 156. Klamroth, p. 4. - -[1121] R. du M. M., vol. ix. (1909), p. 322. - -[1122] Oscar Baumann: Usambara und seine Nachbargebiete, pp. 141, 153. -(Berlin, 1891.) - -[1123] Becker, Islam in Deutsch-Ostafrika, p. 10. - -[1124] Id. p. 13 sqq. Klamroth, pp. 14–28. - -[1125] Id. p. 53. - -[1126] Klamroth, pp. 21, 25, 54. - -[1127] Id. pp. 23–4. - -[1128] Id. p. 26. - -[1129] Id. p. 67. - -[1130] Becker: Islam in Deutsch-Ostafrika, p. 14. The Moslem World, -vol. ii. p. 3 sqq. - -[1131] A contemporary Ethiopic account of these tribes,—Geschichte der -Galla. Bericht eines abessinischen Mönches über die Invasion der Galla -in sechzehnten Jahrhundert. Text und Übersetzung hrsg. von A. W. -Schleichler (Berlin, 1893),—seems certainly to represent them as -heathen, though no detailed account is given of their religion. Reclus -(tome x. p. 330), however, supposes them to have been Muhammadan at the -time of their invasion. - -[1132] Henry Salt: A Voyage to Abyssinia, p. 299. (London, 1814.) - -[1133] James Bruce: Travels to discover the source of the Nile, 2nd ed. -vol. iii. p. 243. (Edinburgh, 1805.) - -[1134] Munzinger, p. 408. - -[1135] I. L. Krapf: Reisen in Ost-Africa, ausgeführt in den Jahren -1837–55, vol. i. p. 106. (Kornthal, 1858.) - -[1136] Arabia Deserta, vol. ii. p. 168. - -[1137] Id., vol. ii. p. 109. - -[1138] Morié, vol. ii. p. 248. - -[1139] Reclus, tome. x. p. 309. Basset, pp. 270–1. - -[1140] When the Roman Catholics opened a mission among the Gallas in -1846, Abba Baghibò said to them: “Had you come thirty years ago, not -only I, but all my countrymen might have embraced your religion; but -now it is impossible.” (Massaja, vol. iv. p. 103.) - -[1141] Da Zeila alle frontiere del Caffa, vol. ii. p. 160. (Rome, -1886–7.) Massaja, vol. iv. p. 103; vol. vi. p. 10. - -[1142] Massaja, vol. iv. p. 102. - -[1143] Speaking of the failure of Christian missions, Cecchi says: “di -ciò si deve ricercare la causa nello espandersi che fece quaggiù in -questi ultimi anni l’islamismo, portato da centinaja di preti e -mercanti musulmani, cui non facevano difetto i mezzi, l’astuzia e la -piena conoscenza della lingua.” (Op. cit. vol. ii. p. 342.) - -[1144] Id., p. 343. - -[1145] Reclus, tome xiii. p. 834. - -[1146] The Lega are found in long. 9° to 9° 30′ and lat. E. 34° 35′ to -35°. - -[1147] Reclus, tome x. p. 350. - -[1148] Paulitschke, pp. 330–1. - -[1149] Ibn Ḥawqal, p. 41. - -[1150] Abu’l-Fidā, tome ii. 1re partie, pp. 231–2. - -[1151] Documents sur l’histoire, la géographie et le commerce de -l’Afrique Orientale, recueillis par M. Guillain. Deuxième partie, tome -i. p. 399. (Paris, 1856.) - -[1152] R. F. Burton: First Footprints in East Africa, pp. 76, 404. -(London, 1856.) - -[1153] R. du M. M., vi. p. 288. (1908.) - -[1154] The Cape of Good Hope was in the possession of the Dutch from -1652 to 1795; restored to them after the Peace of Amiens in 1802, it -was re-occupied by the British as soon as war broke out again. - -[1155] Among these was Shaykh Yūsuf, a religious teacher of great -influence in Java and the last champion of the independence of Bantam; -in 1694 he was removed by the Dutch to Cape Colony as a prisoner of -state, together with his family and numerous attendants; his tomb is -still regarded as a holy place. (G. M. Theal: History and Ethnography -of Africa south of the Zambesi, vol. ii. p. 263.) (London, 1909.) - -[1156] M. J. de Goeje: Mohammedaansche Propaganda, pp. 2, 6. -(Overgedrukt uit de Nederlandsche Spectator, No. 51, 1881.) - -[1157] Attention was drawn to them in 1814 by a Mr. Campbell. See -William Adams: The Modern Voyager and Traveller, vol. i. p. 93. -(London, 1834.) - -[1158] Sir T. E. Colebrooke: The Life of H. T. Colebrooke, p. 335. -(London, 1873.) - -[1159] F. Coillard: Au Cap de Bonne Espérance. (Journal des missions -évangéliques, avril 1899, p. 265.) - -[1160] Kumm, p. 233. - -[1161] C. Snouck Hurgronje (3), vol. ii. pp. 296–7. - -[1162] Jacques Bonzon: Les Missionaires de l’Islam en Afrique. (Revue -Chrétienne, tome xiii. p. 295.) (Paris, 1893.) - -[1163] G. Ferrand, Les Musulmans à Madagascar, pp. 19, 50 sqq., 138. -(Paris, 1891.) Id. Les Migrations musulmanes et juives à Madagascar. -(Revue de l’Histoire des Religions, vol. lii. p. 381 sqq.) - -[1164] Richard F. Burton (1), vol. i. p. 256. - -[1165] Travels in the Interior of Africa, chap. xxv. ad fin. - -[1166] D. J. East, pp. 118–20. W. Winwood Reade, vol. i. p. 312. -Blyden, pp. 13, 202. - -[1167] Bishop Crowther on Islam in Western Africa. (Church Missionary -Intelligencer, p. 254, April 1888.) - -[1168] D. J. East, pp. 112–13. Blyden, p. 202. - -[1169] It is said that over a thousand missionaries of Islam leave -Tripoli every year to work in the Sudan. (Paulitschke, p. 331.) - -[1170] For a detailed examination of these points of contact, see -Forget, p. 28 sqq. Merensky, p. 155. - -[1171] Sir Bartle Frere (1), pp. 18–19. - -[1172] E. W. Blyden, pp. 18–24. E. Allégret, p. 200. Westermann, pp. -644–5. - -In a very interesting, but now forgotten, debate before the -Anthropological Society of London, on the Efforts of Missionaries among -Savages, a case was mentioned of a Christian missionary in Africa who -married a negress: the feeling against him in consequence was so strong -that he had to leave the colony. The Muslim missionary labours under no -such disadvantage. (Journal of the Anthropological Society of London, -vol. iii. 1865.) - -The contrast between the way in which Christianity and Islam present -themselves to the African is well brought out by one who is himself a -Negro, in the following passage:—“Tandis que les missions renvoient à -une époque indéfinie l’établissement du pastorat indigène, les prêtres -musulmans pénètrent dans l’intérieur de l’Afrique, trouvent un accès -facile chez les païens et les convertissent à l’islam. De sorte -qu’aujourd’hui les nègres regardent l’islam comme la religion des -noirs, et le christianisme comme la religion des blancs. Le -christianisme, pensent-ils, appelle le nègre au salut, mais lui assigne -une place tellement basse que, découragé, il se dit: ‘Je n’ai ni part -ni portion dans cette affaire.’ L’islam appelle le nègre au salut et -lui dit: ‘Il ne dépend que de toi pour arriver aussi haut que -possible.’ Alors, le nègre enthousiasmé se livre corps et âme au -service de cette religion.” L’islam et le christianisme en Afrique -d’après un Africain. (Journal des Missions Évangéliques. 63e année, p. -207.) (Paris, 1888.) - -[1173] E. D. Morel: Nigeria, its people and its problems, pp. 216–17. -(London, 1911.) - -[1174] Ibn Khallikān, vol. i. p. 18. - -[1175] “Extracts from the Koran form the earliest reading lessons of -children, and the commentaries and other works founded upon it furnish -the principal subjects of the advanced studies. Schools of different -grades have existed for centuries in various interior negro countries, -and under the provision of law, in which even the poor are educated at -the public expense, and in which the deserving are carried on many -years through long courses of regular instruction. Nor is the system -always confined to the Arabic language, or to the works of Arabic -writers. A number of native languages have been reduced to writing, -books have been translated from the Arabic and original works have been -written in them. Schools also have been kept in which native languages -are taught.” Condition and Character of Negroes in Africa. By Theodore -Dwight. (Methodist Quarterly Review, January 1869.) - -Dr. Blyden (pp. 206–7) mentions the following books as read by Muslims -in Western Africa: Maqāmāt of Ḥarīrī, portions of Aristotle and Plato -translated into Arabic, an Arabic version of Hippocrates, and the -Arabic New Testament and Psalms issued by the American Bible Society. -For the literature of the Muslims in East Africa, see Becker: Islam in -Deutsch Ostafrika, p. 18 sqq. - -[1176] Mohammedanism in Africa, by R. Bosworth Smith. (The Nineteenth -Century, December 1887, pp. 798–800.) - -[1177] Le Chatelier, (3), p. 348. - -[1178] Forget, p. 95. Merensky, p. 156. (“Den Vertretern des Islam aber -stand ihr Vorteil, der Gewinn, den die Unterdrückung der Eingeborenen -bringt, höher als die Ausbreitung ihres Glaubens. Hätte man die Völker -Afrikas durch die Macht geistiger Waffen unter gütigem Entgegenkommen -zu Mohammedanern gemacht, so wären sie Glaubensgenossen, -gleichberechtigte Brüder, die man nicht mehr berauben, zu Sklaven -machen, oder als Sklaven nur Arbeit ausnutzen könnte.”) - -[1179] Westermann, p. 643. L. de Contenson, p. 244. Kumm, p. 122. - -[1180] Thus Merensky, discussing the failure of Islam to dominate the -whole of Africa after centuries of occupation says:—“Wir sehen die -Ursache für diese merkwürdige Erscheinung in den Beziehungen, in denen -bei den Mohammedanern die äussere Gewalt zum Islam und zur Ausbreitung -des Islam steht. Beides steht und fällt miteinander, dringt miteinander -vor und geht miteinander auch wieder zurück.” (p. 156.) - -[1181] Niemann, p. 337. - -[1182] Reinaud: Géographie d’Aboulféda, tome i. p. cccxxxix. - -[1183] Groeneveldt, pp. 14, 15. - -[1184] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. pp. 66, 80. - -[1185] Veth (3), vol. i. p. 231. Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. p. 89. - -[1186] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. pp. 230, 234. - -[1187] Snouck Hurgronje (1), pp. 8–9. - -[1188] Padre Gainza, quoted by C. Semper, p. 67. - -[1189] Crawfurd (2), vol. ii. p. 265. - -[1190] Snouck Hurgronje: L’Arabie et les Indes Néerlandaises. (Revue de -l’Histoire des Religions, vol. lvii. p. 69 sqq.) - -[1191] De Hollander, vol. i. p. 581. Veth (1), p. 60. - -[1192] This vague reference would fit either Arabia, Persia or India; -but if such a person as Jūhan Shāh ever existed, he probably came from -the Coromandel or Malabar coast. (Chronique du Royaume d’Atcheh, -traduite du Malay par Ed. Dulaurier, p. 7.) - -[1193] Marco Polo, vol. ii. p. 284. - -[1194] Veth (1), p. 61. - -[1195] Yule’s Marco Polo, vol. ii. pp. 294, 303. - -[1196] Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. pp. 230–6. - -[1197] Groeneveldt, p. 94. - -[1198] At the height of its power, it stretched from 2° N. to 2° S. on -the west coast, and from 1° N. to 2° S. on the east coast, but in the -sixteenth century it had lost its control over the east coast. (De -Hollander, vol. i. p. 3.) - -[1199] Marsden, p. 343. - -[1200] J. H. Moor. (Appendix, p. 1.) - -[1201] Marsden, p. 355. - -[1202] Godsdienstige verschijnselen en toestanden in Oost-Indië. (Uit -de Koloniale Verslagen van 1886 en 1887.) Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. vol. -xxxii. pp. 175–6. (1888.) In 1909, out of a total of 500,000 Bataks, -300,000 were still pagan, but 125,000 were Muslim and 80,000 Christian. -(R. du M. M., vol. viii. p. 183.) - -[1203] J. Warneck: Die Religion der Batak, p. 122. (Leipzig, 1909.) - -[1204] G. R. Simon: Die Propaganda des Halbmondes. Ein Beitrag zur -Skizzierung des Islam unter den Batakken, pp. 425, 429–430. (Allgemeine -Missions-Zeitschrift, vol. xxvii. 1900.) - -[1205] R. du M. M., vol. viii. (1909), p. 183. - -[1206] A. L. van Hassalt, pp. 55, 68. - -[1207] Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. id. p. 173. (Koloniaal Verslag van 1911, -p. 26; 1912, p. 17.) - -[1208] Uit het Koloniaal Verslag van 1889. (Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. -vol. xxxiv. p. 168.) (1890.) - -[1209] Koloniaal Verslag van 1910, p. 30. - -[1210] De Hollander, vol. i. p. 703. - -[1211] Koloniaal Verslag van 1904, p. 80; 1905, p. 46; 1909, p. 47; -1910, p. 33; 1911, p. 29; 1912, p. 21. - -[1212] Canne, p. 510. - -[1213] Marsden, p. 301. - -[1214] Niemann, pp. 356–9. - -[1215] J. H. Moor, p. 255. - -[1216] “Depois que estes de induzidos por os Mouros Parseos, e -Guzarates (que alli vieram residir por causa do commercio), de Gentios -os convertêram á secta de Mahamed. Da qual conversão por alli -concorrerem varias nações, começou laurar esta inferna peste pela -virzinhança de Malaca.” (De Barros, Dec. ii. Liv. vi. cap. i. p. 15.) - -[1217] Aristide Marre: Malâka. Histoire des rois malays de Malâka. -Traduit et extrait du Livre des Annales malayses, intitulé en arabe -Selâlet al Selâtyn, p. 8. (Paris, 1874.) - -[1218] Crawfurd (1), pp. 241–2. - -[1219] De Barros, Dec. iv. Liv. ii. cap. 1. - -[1220] Barbosa, writing in 1516, speaks of the numerous Muhammadan -merchants that frequented the port of Queda. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 317.) - -[1221] The form مزلف does not actually occur in the Qurʼān; reference -is probably made to some such passage as xxvi. 90: وَأزْلِفَتِ آلْجَنَّةُ -اِلْمُتَّقِينَ “And paradise shall be brought near the pious.” - -[1222] A translation of the Keddah Annals, by Lieut.-Col. James Low, -vol. iii. pp. 474–7. - -[1223] A translation of the Keddah Annals, by Lieut.-Col. James Low, -vol. iii. p. 480. - -[1224] Newbold, vol. i. p. 252. - -[1225] McNair, pp. 226–9. - -[1226] J. H. Moor, p. 242. - -[1227] Newbold, vol. ii. pp. 106, 396. - -[1228] R. du M. M., tome ii (1907), pp. 137–8. - -[1229] Snouck Hurgronje (1), p. 9. - -[1230] Veth (3), vol. i. p. 215. Raffles (ed. of 1830), vol. ii. pp. -103, 104, 183. - -[1231] The situation of Chermen is not certain. Veth (3), vol. i. p. -230, conjectures that it may have been in India, but Rouffaer (p. 115n) -gives good reasons for placing it in Sumatra. - -[1232] A description of the present condition of these tombs, on one of -which traces of an inscription in Arabic characters are still visible, -is given by J. F. G. Brumund, p. 185. - -[1233] Groeneveldt, pp. vii. 49–50. - -[1234] Kern, p. 21. - -[1235] Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 233–42. Raffles, vol. ii. pp. 113–33. - -[1236] Rouffaer, however, places this Champa, not in Cambodia, but on -the north coast of Atjeh and identifies it with the modern Djeumpa. -(Encyclopaedie van N.-I., vol. iv. p. 206.) - -[1237] Remains of minarets and Muhammadan tombs are still to be found -in Champa. (Bastian, vol. i. pp. 498–9.) - -[1238] This genealogical table will make clear these relationships, as -well as others referred to later in the text:— - - King of Champa. - | - +---------+----------+ - | | - a daughter a daughter = an - named Arab missionary -A concubine = Angka Wijāya = Dārāwati | - | king of Majapahit | | - | | | - | Arya Damar | - | | Raden Raḥmat. - | Raden Ḥusayn | - | | - | +--------------------------------------+-----+ - | | | - | --- a daughter = - | | Raden Paku - Raden Patah = a daughter - -[1239] The memory of this woman is held in great honour by the -Javanese, and many come to pray by her grave. See Brumund, p. 186. - -[1240] Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 235–6. - -[1241] This mosque is still standing and is looked upon by the Javanese -as one of the most sacred objects in their island. - -[1242] There seems little doubt that this date is too early. A study of -the Portuguese authorities points to the conclusion that Majapahit did -not fall until forty years later. (Rouffaer, p. 144.) - -[1243] The people of the Bali to the present day have resisted the most -zealous efforts of the Muhammadans to induce them to accept the faith -of Islam, though from time to time conversions have been made and a -small native Muhammadan community has been formed, numbering about 3000 -souls out of a population of over 862,000. The favourable situation of -the island for purposes of trade has always attracted a number of -foreigners to its shores, who have in many cases taken up a permanent -residence in the island. While some of these settlers have always held -themselves aloof from the natives of the country, others have formed -matrimonial alliances with them and have consequently become merged -into the mass of the population. It is owing to the efforts of the -latter that Islam has made this very slow but sure progress, and the -Muhammadans of Bali are said to form an energetic and flourishing -community, full of zeal for the promotion of their faith, which at -least impresses their pagan neighbours, though not successful in -persuading them to deny their favourite food of swine’s flesh for the -sake of the worship of Allāh. (Liefrinck, pp. 241–3.) - -[1244] Encyclopaedie van N.-I., vol. ii. p. 523. - -[1245] Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 245, 284. - -[1246] Raffles, vol. ii. p. 316. - -[1247] Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 285–6. - -[1248] Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 305, 318–9. - -[1249] A traveller in Java in 1596 mentions two or three heathen -kingdoms with a large heathen population. (Niemann, p. 342.) - -[1250] Raffles, vol. ii. pp. 132–3. - -[1251] Metzger, p. 279. - -[1252] L. W. C. van den Berg (1), pp. 35–6. C. Poensen, pp. 3–8. - -[1253] De Barros, Dec. iii. Liv. v. Cap. v. pp. 579–80. Argensola, p. -11 B. - -[1254] At this period, the Moluccas were for the most part under the -rule of four princes, viz. those of Ternate, Tidor, Gilolo and Batjan. -The first was by far the most powerful: his territory extended over -Ternate and the neighbouring small islands, a portion of Halemahera, a -considerable part of the Celebes, Amboina and the Banda islands. The -Sultan of Tidor ruled over Tidor and some small neighbouring islands, a -portion of Halemahera, the islands lying between it and New Guinea, -together with the west coast of the latter and a part of Ceram. The -territory of the Sultan of Gilolo seems to have been confined to the -central part of Halemahera and to a part of the north coast of Ceram; -while the Sultan of Batjan ruled chiefly over the Batjan and Obi -groups. (De Hollander, vol. i. p. 5.) - -[1255] Massimiliano Transilvano. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 351 D.) - -[1256] P. J. B. C. Robidé van der Aa, p. 18. - -[1257] Pigafetta, tome i. pp. 365, 368. - -[1258] “Segundo a conta que elles dam, ao tempo que os nossos -descubriram aquellas Ilhas, haveria pouco mais de oitenta annos, que -nellas tinha entrada esta peste.” (J. de Barros: Da Asia, Dec. iii. -Liv. v. Cap. v. p. 580.) - -[1259] De Barros, id. ib. - -[1260] Simon, p. 13. - -[1261] Bokemeyer, p. 39. - -[1262] Simon, p. 13. - -[1263] Argensola, pp. 3–4. - -[1264] Id. p. 15 B. - -[1265] Id. pp. 97, 98. - -[1266] Id. pp. 155 and 158, where he calls Ternate “este receptaculo de -setas, donde tienen escuela todas las apostasias; y particularmente los -torpes sequazes de Mahoma. Y desde el anno de mil y quinientos y -ochenta y cinco, en que los Holandeses tentaron aquellos mares, hasta -este tiempo no han cessado de traer sectarios, y capitanes pyratas. -Estos llevan las riquezas de Assia, y en su lugar dexan aquella falsa -dotrina, con que hazen infrutuosa la conversion de tantas almas.” - -[1267] Their descendants are still to be found in the province of -Cavité in the island of Luzon. (Crawfurd (1), p. 85.) - -[1268] W. F. Andriessen, p. 222. - -[1269] T. Forrest, p. 68. - -[1270] Pigafetta. (Ramusio, vol. i. p. 366.) - -[1271] Campen, p. 346. Koloniaal Verslag van 1910, p. 56; 1911, p. 52. - -[1272] Dulaurier, p. 528. - -[1273] Damak, on the north coast of Java, opposite the south of Borneo. - -[1274] Hageman, pp. 236–9. - -[1275] Pigafetta. (Ramusio, tom. i. pp. 363–4.) - -[1276] This kingdom had been founded by a colony from the Hindu kingdom -of Majapahit (De Hollander, vol. ii. p. 67), and would naturally have -come under Muslim influence after the conversion of the Javanese. - -[1277] Dozy (1), p. 386. - -[1278] Veth (2), vol. i. p. 193. - -[1279] Olivier de Noort. (Histoire générale des voyages, vol. xiv. p. -225.) (The Hague, 1756.) - -[1280] i.e. Pure in Religion; he died about 1677; his father does not -seem to have taken a Muhammadan name, at least he is only known by his -heathen name of Panembahan Giri-Kusuma. (Netscher, pp. 14–15.) - -[1281] Thomas Forrest, p. 371. - -[1282] Essay towards an account of Sulu, p. 557. - -[1283] B. Panciera, p. 161. - -[1284] J. Hageman, p. 224. - -[1285] Veth (2), vol. i. p. 179. - -[1286] De Hollander, vol. ii. p. 61. - -[1287] Coolsma, p. 556. Koloniaal Verslag van 1911, pp. 38, 41; 1912, -p. 30. - -[1288] Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. vol. xxxii. p. 177; vol. xxxiv. p. 170. - -[1289] i.e. Atjeh. - -[1290] A Compleat History of the Rise and Progress of the Portugeze -Empire in the East Indies. Collected chiefly from their own Writers. -John Harris: Navigantium atque Itinerantium Bibliotheca, vol. i. p. -682. (London, 1764.) - -[1291] Crawfurd (1), p. 91. The Encyclopaedie van N.-I. (vol. i. p. -216) gives 1606 as the date. - -[1292] Fernandez Navarette, a Spanish priest, who went to the -Philippine Islands in 1646. (Collection of Voyages and Travels, p. 236. -London, 1752.) - -Tavernier, who visited Macassar in 1648. (Travels in India, p. 193.) -(London, 1678.) - -Itinerarium Orientale R. P. F. Philippi à SSma. Trinitate Carmelitae -Discalceati ab ipso conscriptum, p. 267. (Lugduni, 1649.) - -[1293] Crawfurd (2), vol. ii. pp. 385–9. - -[1294] “No extraordinary exertion seems for a long time to have been -made on behalf of the new religion. An abhorrence of innovation and a -most pertinacious and religious adherence to ancient custom, -distinguish the people of Celebes beyond all the other tribes of the -Eastern isles; and these would, at first, prove the most serious -obstacles to the dissemination of Mahometanism. It was this, probably, -which deferred the adoption of the new religion for so long a period, -and till it had recommended itself by wearing the garb of antiquity.” -(Crawfurd (2), vol. ii. p. 387.) - -[1295] Crawfurd (1), p. 75. De Hollander, vol. ii. p. 212. - -[1296] Id. vol. ii. p. 666. Riedel (2), p. 67. - -[1297] To the east of Minahassa, between long. 124° 45′ and 123° 20′, -with a population that has been variously estimated at 35,000 and -50,000. (De Hollander, vol. ii. p. 247.) - -[1298] Wilken (1), pp. 42–4. - -[1299] Wilken (2), pp. 276–9. Koloniaal Verslag van 1910, p. 52; 1911, -p. 47. - -[1300] Zollinger (2), pp. 126, 169. - -[1301] Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. xxxii. p. 177; xxxiv. p. 170. - -[1302] Zollinger (1), p. 527. - -[1303] De Hollander (in 1882) gave the numbers as 20,000 Balinese and -380,000 Sasaks. (Vol. i. p. 489.) - -[1304] Encyclopaedie van N.-I. vol. ii. pp. 432–4, 524. - -W. Cool: With the Dutch in the East. An outline of the military -operations in Lombok, 1894. (London, 1897.) - -[1305] Captain Thomas Forrest, writing in 1775, says that Arabs came to -the island of Mindanao 300 years before and that the tomb of the first -Arab, a Sharīf from Mecca, was still shown—“a rude heap of coral rock -stones” (pp. 201, 313). - -[1306] N. N. Saleeby: Studies in Moro History, Law and Religion, pp. -24–5, 53–5. (Manila, 1905.) - -[1307] Relatione di Ivan Gaetan del discoprimento dell’Isole Molucche. -(Ramusio, tom. i. p. 375 E.) - -[1308] “Se muestran tan obstinados á la gracia de Dios y tan aferrados -á sus creencias, que es casi moralmente imposible su conversion al -cristianismo.” (Cartas de los PP. de la Compañia de Jesús de la Missión -de Filipinas, 1879, quoted by Montero y Vidal, tom. i. p. 21.) - -[1309] Crawfurd (2), vol. ii. pp. 274–280. - -[1310] “Ils sont peu soigneux de satisfaire au devoir du Christianisme -qu’ils ont receu, et il les y faut contraindre par la crainte du -chastiment, et gouverner comme des enfans à l’escole.” Relation des -Isles Philippines, Faite par un Religieux, p. 7. (Thevenot, vol. i.) - -[1311] “A Mindanao, les Tagal de l’Est, fuyant le joug abhorré de leurs -maîtres catholiques, se groupent chaque jour davantage autour des chefs -des dynasties nationales. Plus de 360,000 sectateurs du coran y -reconnaissent un sultan indépendant. Aux jésuites chassés de l’île, aux -représentants du culte officiel, se substituent comme maîtres religieux -et éducateurs de la population, les missionnaires musulmans de la Chine -et de l’Inde, qui rénovent ainsi la propagande, commencée par les -invasions arabes.” (A. le Chatelier (2), p. 45.) - -[1312] Montero y Vidal, vol. i. p. 86. - -[1313] Situated three miles west of Jolo, the present capital. - -[1314] N. M. Saleeby: The History of Sulu, pp. 150, 158–9. (Manila, -1908.) - -[1315] N. M. Saleeby: The History of Sulu, pp. 150, 162–3. - -[1316] J. H. Moor. (Appendix, p. 37.) - -[1317] Dalrymple, p. 549. - -[1318] R. du M. M., vii. pp. 115–16. (1909.) - -[1319] The Missionary Review of the World, N.S., vol. xiv. p. 877. (New -York, 1901.) - -[1320] The first prince of Batjan who became a Muhammadan was a certain -Zayn al-ʻĀbidīn, who was reigning in 1521 when the Portuguese first -came to the Moluccas. - -[1321] Robidé van der Aa, pp. 350, 352–3. - -[1322] Id. p. 147 (Misool), “De strandbewoners zijn allen -Mahomedanen.... De bergbewoners zijn heidenen.” Id. p. 53 (Salawatti), -“Een klein deel der bevolking van het eiland belijdt de leer van -Mahomed. Het grootste deel bestaat echter uit Papoesche heidenen, -eenige tot het Mahomedaansche geloof zijn overgegaan, althans den -schijn daarvan aannemen.” Id. p. 290 (Waigyu). - -Some of the Papuans of the island of Gebi, between Waigyu and -Halemahera, have been converted by the Muhammadan settlers from the -Moluccas. (Crawfurd (1), p. 143.) - -[1323] Robidé van der Aa, p. 352. - -[1324] Captain Forrest, however, in 1775, tells us that “Many of the -Papuas turn Musselmen.” (Voyage to New Guinea, p. 68.) - -[1325] Robidé van der Aa, p. 71. “De Papoe is te woest van aard, om -behoefte aan godsdienst te gevoelen. Evenmin als de Christelijke leer -tot nog toe ingang bij hem heeft kunnen vinden, zou de Mahomedaansche -godsdienst slagen, wanneer daartoe bij deze volksstammen poging gedaan -werd. Voorzoover mij is gebleken op vijf reizen naar dit land, hebben -noch Tidoreezen, noch Cerammers of anderen ooit ernstige pogingen -gedaan, om de leer van Mahomed hier in te voeren.... Slechts zeer -weinige hoofden, zooals de Radja Ampat van Waigeoe, Salawatti, Misool -en Waigama, mogen als belijders van die leer aangemerkt worden; zij en -eenige hunner bloedverwanten vervullen sommige geloofsvormen, doordien -zij meermalen te Tidor geweest zijn en daar niet gaarne als gewone -Papoes beschouwd worden. Onder de eigenlijke bevolking is nooit -gepoogd, den Islam intevoeren, misschien wel uit eerbied voor dien -godsdienst, die te verheven is voor de Papoes.” - -[1326] Robidé van der Aa, p. 319. - -[1327] Koloniaal Verslag van 1906, p. 70; 1911, p. 52. - -[1328] The Journal of the Indian Archipelago, vol. vii. pp. 64, 71. -(Singapore, 1853.) - -[1329] G. W. W. C. Baron von Hoëvell, p. 120. Krieger, p. 436. - -[1330] Encyclopaedie van N.-I., vol. ii. p. 210. - -[1331] Crawfurd (2), pp. 275, 307. - -[1332] Buckle’s Miscellaneous and Posthumous Works, edited by Helen -Taylor, vol. i. p. 594. (London, 1872.) - -[1333] Neimann, pp. 406–7. - -[1334] C. Snouck Hurgronje: De hadji-politiek der Indische Regeering, -p. 12. (Overdruk uit Onze Eeuw, 1909.) - -[1335] Id.: Notes sur le mouvement du pèlerinage de la Mecque aux Indes -Néerlandaises. (R. du M. M., vol. xv. pp. 409, 412.) - -[1336] Report of Centenary Conference on Protestant Missions, vol. i. -p. 21. Niemann, p. 407. - -[1337] Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. vols. xxxii., xxxiv. passim. - -[1338] Snouck Hurgronje (3), vol. ii. pp. xv. 339–393. Encyclopaedie -van N.-I., vol. ii. pp. 576–9. - -[1339] e.g. the Qādiriyyah, Naqshbandiyyah and Sammāniyyah. (C. Snouck -Hurgronje (2), p. 186.) Id. (3) vol. ii. p. 372, etc. - -[1340] J. G. F. Riedel (1), pp. 7, 59, 162. - -[1341] Snouck Hurgronje (3), vol. ii. p. 323. - -[1342] Hauri, p. 313. Encyclopaedie van N.-I., vol. ii. p. 524. - -[1343] Organisations based on the model of Christian missionary -societies do not begin to make their appearance until the twentieth -century; some account of these is given in Appendix III. - -[1344] “À tout musulman, quelque mondain qu’il soit, le prosélytisme -semble être en quelque sorte inné.” (Snouck Hurgronje, Revue de -l’Histoire des Religions, vol. lvii. p. 66.) “Der Muslim ist von Natur -Missionär ... Er treibt Mission auf eigne Faust und Kosten.” -(Munzinger, p. 411.) Snouck Hurgronje (1), p. 8; Lüttke (2), p. 30; -Julius Richter, p. 152; Merensky, p. 154. - -[1345] Qurʼān, xvi. 126. - -[1346] See the interesting letter addressed by Mawlāʼī Ismāʻīl, Sharīf -of Morocco, in 1698 to King James II, inviting him to embrace Islam. -(Revue de l’Histoire des Religions, vol. xlvii. p. 174 sqq.) - -[1347] Anjuman Ḥimāyat-i-Islām kā māhwārī risālah, pp. 5–13. (Lahore, -October 1889.) - -[1348] Duveyrier, p. 17. - -[1349] Klamroth, p. 12. - -[1350] Massaja, vol. xi. pp. 124–5. - -[1351] Artin, p. 119. - -[1352] R. du M. M., ix. (1909), p. 252. - -[1353] Ghulām Sarwar: Khazīnat al-Aṣfīyā, vol. ii. p. 407–8. - -[1354] Goldziher, vol. ii. pp. 303–4. - -[1355] The Pechenegs at that time occupied the country between the -lower Danube and the Don, to which they had migrated from the banks of -the Ural at the end of the ninth century. (Karamsin, vol. i. pp. -180–1.) - -[1356] Abū ʻUbayd al-Bakrī (died 1094), pp. 467–8. - -[1357] Ghulām Sarwar: Khazīnat al-Aṣfīyā, vol. i. p. 613. - -[1358] D. Crawford: Thinking Black, p. 202. (London, 1913.) - -[1359] Doughty, vol. ii. p. 39. - -[1360] This was emphasised by Marracci in the seventeenth century. “Si -ethnicus mysteria humani intellectus captum excedentia, vel naturali -conditioni et imbecillitati difficillima, si non impossibilia, cum -Alcoranica doctrina comparaverit, statim ab his refugiet, et ad illa -obviis ulnis accurret.” (Alcorani textus ... translatus, p. 9. Patavii, -1698.) - -[1361] Edouard Montet: La propagande chrétienne et ses adversaires -musulmans, pp. 17–18. (Paris, 1890.) - -[1362] Mankind and the Church, p. 283–4. (London, 1907.) - -[1363] Qurʼān, ii. 118–26. - -[1364] Qurʼān, xlix. 10. - -[1365] W. H. Macnaghten: Principles and Precedents of Moohummudan Law, -p. 312. (Madras, 1882.) - -[1366] Arabia Deserta, vol. i. pp. 554–5. - -[1367] De l’Esprit des Lois, livre xxv. chap. 2. - -[1368] Qur., chap. xvi. v. 92. - -[1369] Goldziher, Saʻīd b. Ḥasan d’Alexandrie. (Revue des Études -Juives, tome xxx. pp. 17–18.) (Paris, 1895.) - -[1370] Ernest Renan: L’Islamisme et la Science, p. 19. (Paris, 1883.) - -This has been emphasised by many observers, but it will be enough here -to quote the words of an eminent Christian bishop. “No one who comes in -contact for the first time with Mohammedans can fail to be struck by -this aspect of their faith.... Wherever one may be, in open street, in -railway station, in the field, it is the most ordinary thing to see a -man, without the slightest touch of Pharisaism or parade, quietly and -humbly leaving whatever pursuit he may be at the moment engaged in, in -order to say his prayers at the appointed hour. On a larger scale, no -one who has ever seen the courtyard of the Great Mosque at Delhi on the -last Friday in the fast-month (Ramazan) filled to overflowing with, -perhaps, 15,000 worshippers, all wholly absorbed in prayer, and -manifesting the profoundest reverence and humility in every gesture, -can fail to be deeply impressed by the sight, or to get a glimpse of -the power which underlies such a system; while the very regularity of -the daily call to prayer, as it rings out at earliest dawn, before -light commences, or amid all the noise and bustle of the business -hours, or again as the evening closes in, is fraught with the same -message.” (Dr. G. A. Lefroy: Mankind and the Church, pp. 287–8. -(London, 1907.)) - -[1371] “One may notice and admire the kind of chivalrous pride which -the average Mohammedan takes in his faith.” (Bishop Lefroy: Mankind and -the Church, p. 289.) - -[1372] A. Kuenen: National Religions and Universal Religions, p. 35. -(London, 1882.) - -[1373] e.g. The persecution, under al-Mutawakkil, by the orthodox -reaction against all forms of deviation from the popular creed: in -Persia and other parts of Asia about the end of the thirteenth century -in revenge for the domineering and insulting behaviour of the -Christians in the hour of their advancement and power under the early -Mongols. (Maqrīzī (2), Tome i. Première Partie, pp. 98, 106.) Assemani -(tom. iii. pars. ii. p.c.), speaking of the causes that have excited -the persecution of the Christians under Muhammadan rule, says:—“Non -raro persecutionis procellam excitarunt mutuae Christianorum ipsorum -simultates, sacerdotum licentia, praesulum fastus, tyrannica magnatum -potestas, et medicorum praesertim scribarumque de supremo in gentem -suam imperio altercationes.” During the crusades the Christians of the -East frequently fell under the suspicion of favouring the invasions of -their co-religionists from the West, and in modern Turkey the movement -for Greek Independence and the religious sympathies it excited in -Christian Europe contributed to make the lot of the subject Christian -races harder than it would have been, had they not been suspected of -disloyalty and disaffection towards their Muhammadan ruler. De Gobineau -has expressed himself very strongly on this question of the toleration -of Islam: “Si l’on sépare la doctrine religieuse de la nécessité -politique qui souvent a parlé et agi en son nom, il n’est pas de -religion plus tolérante, on pourrait presque dire plus indifférente sur -la foi des hommes que l’Islam. Cette disposition organique est si forte -qu’en dehors des cas où la raison d’État mise en jeu a porté les -gouvernements musulmans à se faire arme de tout pour tendre à l’unité -de foi, la tolérance la plus complète a été la règle fournie par le -dogme.... Qu’on ne s’arrête pas aux violences, aux cruautés commises -dans une occasion ou dans une autre. Si on y regarde de près, on ne -tardera pas à y découvrir des causes toutes politiques ou toutes de -passion humaine et de tempérament chez le souverain ou dans les -populations. Le fait religieux n’y est invoqué que comme prétexte et, -en réalité, il reste en dehors.” (A. de Gobineau (1), pp. 24–5.) - -[1374] For a biography of him, see Ibn Khallikān, vol. ii. pp. 111–15. - -[1375] Barhebræus (2), pp. 417–18. - -[1376] C. d’Ohsson, vol. iv. p. 281. - -[1377] Tavernier (1), p. 160. - -[1378] Viaggio di Iosafa Barbero nella Persia. (Ramusio, vol. ii. p. -111.) - -[1379] If indeed by Azi is meant Ḥājī. - -[1380] Makīn, p. 260. Similarly, about a century before, al-Muqtadir -(A.D. 908–932) gave orders for the rebuilding of some churches at -Ramlah in Palestine which had been destroyed by Muhammadans during a -riot, the cause of which is not recorded. (Eutychius, ii. p. 82.) Abū -Ṣāliḥ makes mention of the rebuilding of a great many churches and -monasteries in Egypt which had either been destroyed in time of war -(e.g. during the invasion of the Ghuzz and the Kurds in 1164) (pp. 91, -96, 112, 120), been wrecked by fanatics (pp. 85–6, 182, and Maqrīzī -quoted in the Appendix pp. 327–8), or fallen into decay (pp. 5, 87, -103–4). - -[1381] A. de la Jonquière, pp. 203, 213, 312. - -[1382] E. Charvériat: Histoire de la Guerre de Trente Ans, tome ii. pp. -615, 625. (Paris, 1878.) - -[1383] In Ioannis Evangelium Tractatus, xxv. § 10. - -[1384] C. Merivale: The Conversion of the Northern Nations, p. 102. -(London, 1866.) - -[1385] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 62 (ll. 4, 6, 13). The learned Maronite, -Yūsuf Simʻān al-Simʻānī, in the eighteenth century, thus expressed his -horror at such a concession to Muslim sentiment: “Mahometi eiusque -sectariorum laudes persequitur, et quod sine horrore dici nequit, -illius pseudo-prophetae nomen es adiuncto praeconio memorat, quo -Mahometani solent, nimirum عليه السّلام.” (Assemani, tom. iii, pars. i. -p. 585.) - -[1386] Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 65 (l. 16). - -[1387] Methods of Mission Work among Moslems, p. 62. - -[1388] Id. pp. 61–4. - -[1389] Laurent, p. 131. - -[1390] Historia Rerum Anglicarum Willelmi Parvi de Newburgh, ed. Hans -Claude Hamilton, vol. ii. p. 158. (London, 1856.) - -[1391] Frederick Denison Maurice was giving expression to one of the -most commonly received opinions regarding this faith when he said, “It -has been proved that Mahometanism can only thrive while it is aiming at -conquest.” (The Religions of the World, p. 28.) (Cambridge, 1852.) - -[1392] Similarly, the Spanish editor of the controversial letters that -passed between Alvar and “the transgressor” (a Christian convert to -Judaism), adds the following note after Epist. xv.: “Quatuordecim in -hac pagina ita abrasae sunt liniae, ut nec verbum unum legi possit. -Folium subsequens exsecuit possessor codicis, ne transgressoris -deliramenta legerentur.” (Migne, Patr. Lat., tom. cxxi. p. 483.) - -[1393] Richter, pp. 164–5. - -[1394] Artin, p. 35. - -[1395] The Moslem World, vol. i. p. 441. - -R. du M. M., vol. xv. p. 374; vol. xviii. pp. 216, 224. - -[1396] Rajputana Herald, April 17, 1889. - -[1397] Mohammedan World of To-day, p. 183. - -[1398] A list of these is given on p. 19 of the Annual Report for the -year 1328 H. - - - - - - -*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PREACHING OF ISLAM *** - -Updated editions will replace the previous one--the old editions will -be renamed. - -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the -United States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. Special rules, set forth in the General Terms of Use part -of this license, apply to copying and distributing Project -Gutenberg-tm electronic works to protect the PROJECT GUTENBERG-tm -concept and trademark. 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font-size:large; -} -.xd31e162 { -font-size:x-large; -} -.xd31e7384 { -font-size:larger; -} -.xd31e8489 { -text-align:center; -} -@media handheld { -} -/* ]]> */ </style> -</head> -<body> - -<div style='text-align:center; font-size:1.2em; font-weight:bold'>The Project Gutenberg eBook of The Preaching of Islam, by T. W. Arnold</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States and -most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms -of the Project Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online -at <a href="https://www.gutenberg.org">www.gutenberg.org</a>. If you -are not located in the United States, you will have to check the laws of the -country where you are located before using this eBook. -</div> - -<p style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:0; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Title: The Preaching of Islam</p> -<p style='display:block; margin-top:0; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:0;'>A History of the Propagation of the Muslim Faith</p> - -<div style='display:block; margin-top:1em; margin-bottom:1em; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Author: T. W. Arnold</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Release Date: December 17, 2021 [eBook #66960]</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Language: English</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'>Character set encoding: UTF-8</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin-left:2em; text-indent:-2em'>Produced by: Jeroen Hellingman and the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net/ for Project Gutenberg.</div> - -<div style='margin-top:2em; margin-bottom:4em'>*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PREACHING OF ISLAM ***</div> -<div class="front"> -<div class="div1 cover"><span class="pageNum">[<a href="#toc">Contents</a>]</span><div class="divBody"> -<p class="first"></p> -<div class="figure cover-imagewidth"><img src="images/new-cover.jpg" alt="Newly Designed Front Cover." width="480" height="720"></div><p> -</p> -</div> -</div> -<div class="div1 titlepage"><span class="pageNum">[<a href="#toc">Contents</a>]</span><div class="divBody"> -<p class="first"></p> -<div class="figure titlepage-imagewidth"><img src="images/titlepage.png" alt="Original Title Page." width="420" height="720"></div><p> -</p> -</div> -</div> -<div class="titlePage"> -<div class="docTitle"> -<div class="mainTitle">THE <br>PREACHING OF ISLAM</div> -<div class="subTitle"><i>A History of the Propagation of the Muslim Faith</i></div> -</div> -<div class="byline">BY <br><span class="docAuthor">T. W. ARNOLD <abbr title="Master of Arts">M.A.</abbr> <abbr title="Companion of the Most Eminent Order of the Indian Empire ">C.I.E.</abbr></span> <br>PROFESSOR OF ARABIC, UNIVERSITY OF LONDON, UNIVERSITY COLLEGE </div> -<div class="docImprint">NEW YORK <br>CHARLES SCRIBNER’S SONS <br><span class="docDate">1913</span> </div> -</div> -<p></p> -<div class="div1 dedication"><span class="pageNum">[<a href="#toc">Contents</a>]</span><div class="divBody"> -<p class="first xd31e159">TO <br><span class="xd31e162">SIR THEODORE MORISON, <abbr title="Knight Commander of the Most Eminent Order of the Indian Empire ">K.C.I.E.</abbr></span> <br>TO WHOM THE FIRST EDITION OWES ITS EXISTENCE <br>THIS SECOND EDITION IS DEDICATED <br>IN TOKEN OF LONG FRIENDSHIP -<span class="pageNum" id="pb.vii">[<a href="#pb.vii">vii</a>]</span> </p> -</div> -</div> -<div class="div1 preface"><span class="pageNum">[<a href="#toc">Contents</a>]</span><div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">It is with considerable diffidence that I publish these pages; the subject with which -they deal is so vast, and I have had to prosecute it under circumstances so disadvantageous, -that I can hope but for small measure of success. When I may be better equipped for -the task, and after further study has enabled me to fill up the gaps<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e179src" href="#xd31e179">1</a> left in the present work, I hope to make it a more worthy contribution to this neglected -department of Muhammadan history; and to this end I shall be deeply grateful for the -criticisms and corrections of any scholars who may deign to notice the book. To such -I would say in the words of St. Augustine: “<span lang="la">Qui hæc legens dicit, intelligo quidem quid dictum sit, sed non vere dictum est; asserat -ut placet sententiam suam, et redarguat meam, si potest. Quod si cum caritate et veritate -fecerit, mihique etiam (si in hac vita maneo) cognoscendum facere curaverit, uberrimum -fructum laboris huius mei cepero.</span>”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e185src" href="#xd31e185">2</a> -</p> -<p>As I can neither claim to be an authority nor a specialist on any of the periods of -history dealt with in this book, and as many of the events referred to therein have -become matter for controversy, I have given full references to the sources consulted; -and here I have thought it better to err on the side of excess rather than that of -defect. I have myself suffered so much inconvenience and wasted so much time in hunting -up references to books indicated in some obscure or unintelligible manner, that I -would desire to spare others a similar annoyance; and while to the general reader -I may appear guilty of pedantry, I may perchance save trouble to some scholar who -wishes to test the accuracy of a statement or pursue any part of the subject further. -</p> -<p>The scheme adopted in this book for the transliteration of Arabic words is that laid -down by the Transliteration Committee of the Tenth International Congress of Orientalists, -held at Geneva in 1894, with the exception that the last letter of the article is -assimilated to the so-called solar <span class="pageNum" id="pb.viii">[<a href="#pb.viii">viii</a>]</span>letters. In the case of geographical names this scheme has not been so rigidly applied—in -many instances because I could not discover the original Arabic form of the word, -in others (e.g. Mecca, Medina), because usage has almost created for them a prescriptive -title. -</p> -<p>Though this work is confessedly, as explained in the Introduction, a record of missionary -efforts and not a history of persecutions,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e195src" href="#xd31e195">3</a> I have endeavoured to be strictly impartial and to conform to the ideal laid down -by the Christian historian<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e198src" href="#xd31e198">4</a> who chronicled the successes of the Ottomans and the fall of Constantinople: <span class="trans" title="oute pros charin oute pros phthonon, all’ oude pros misos ē kai pros eunoian syngraphein chreōn esti ton syngraphonta, all’ historias monon kai tou mē lēthēs bythō paradothēnai, hēn ho chronos oide gennan, tēn historian."><span lang="grc" class="grek">οὔτε πρὸς χάριν οὔτε πρὸς φθόνον, ἀλλ’ οὐδὲ πρὸς μῖσος ἢ καὶ πρὸς εὔνοιαν συγγράφειν -χρεών ἐστι τὸν συγγράφοντα, ἀλλ’ ἱστορίας μόνον καὶ τοῦ μή λήθης βυθῷ παραδοθῆναι, -ἣν ὁ χρόνος οἶδε γεννᾶν, τὴν ἱστορίαν.</span></span> -</p> -<p>I desire to thank Her Excellency the Princess Barberini; His Excellency the Prince -Chigi; the Most Rev. Dr. Paul Goethals, Archbishop of Calcutta; the Right Rev. Fr. -Francis Pesci, Bishop of Allahabad; the Rev. S. S. Allnutt, of the Cambridge Mission, -Dehli; the Trustees of Dr. Williams’s Library, Gordon Square, London, for the liberal -use they have allowed me of their respective libraries. -</p> -<p>I am under an especial debt of gratitude to James Kennedy, Esq., late of the Bengal -Civil Service, who has never ceased to take a kindly interest in my book, though it -has almost exemplified the Horatian precept, Nonum prematur in annum; to his profound -scholarship and wide reading I have been indebted for much information that would -otherwise have remained unknown to me, nor do I owe less to the stimulus of his enthusiastic -love of learning and his helpful sympathy. I am also under a debt of gratitude to -the kindness of Conte Ugo Balzani, but for whose assistance certain parts of my work -would have been impossible to me. To the late Professor Robertson Smith I am indebted -for valuable suggestions as to the lines of study on which the history of the North -African Church and the condition of the Christians under Muslim rule, should be worked -out; the profound regret which all Semitic scholars feel at his loss is to me intensified -by the thought that this is the only acknowledgment I am able to make of his generous -help and encouragement. -<span class="pageNum" id="pb.ix">[<a href="#pb.ix">ix</a>]</span></p> -<p>I desire also to acknowledge my obligations to Sir Sayyid Aḥmad K͟hān Bahādur, <abbr title="Knight Commander of the Most Exalted Order of the Star of India">K.C.S.I.</abbr>, <abbr title="Legum Doctor">LL.D.</abbr>; to my learned friend and colleague, Shamsu-l ʻUlamāʼ Mawlawī Muḥammad Shiblī Nuʻmānī, -who has assisted me most generously out of the abundance of his knowledge of early -Muhammadan history; and to my former pupil, Mawlawī Bahādur ʻAlī, <abbr title="Master of Arts">M.A.</abbr> -</p> -<p>Lastly, and above all, must I thank my dear wife, but for whom this work would never -have emerged out of a chaos of incoherent materials, and whose sympathy and approval -are the best reward of my labours. -</p> -<p class="dateline"><i>Aligarh, 1896.</i> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb.xi">[<a href="#pb.xi">xi</a>]</span> </p> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e179"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e179src">1</a></span> E.g. The spread of Islam in Sicily and the missionary labours of the numerous Muslim -saints. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e179src" title="Return to note 1 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e185" lang="la"> -<p class="footnote" lang="la"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e185src">2</a></span> De Trinitate, i. 5. (Migne, tom. xlii, p. 823.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e185src" title="Return to note 2 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e195"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e195src">3</a></span> Accordingly the reader will find no account of the recent history of Armenia or Crete, -or indeed of any part of the empire of the Turks during the present century—a period -singularly barren of missionary enterprise on their part. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e195src" title="Return to note 3 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e198"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e198src">4</a></span> Phrantzes, p. 5. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e198src" title="Return to note 4 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div class="div1 preface"><span class="pageNum">[<a href="#toc">Contents</a>]</span><div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">The first edition of this book having been out of print for several years and frequent -inquiries having been made for copies, this new edition has been prepared and an effort -has been made to revise the work in the light of the fresh materials that have accumulated -during the last sixteen years; but I can make no claim to have made myself acquainted -with the whole of the vast literature on the subject, in upwards of ten different -languages, which has been published during this interval. The growing interest in -Islam and the various branches of study connected with it, may be estimated from the -fact that since 1906 five periodicals have made their appearance devoted to investigations -cognate to the subject-matter of the present work, viz. <span lang="fr">Revue du Monde Musulman, publiée par La Mission Scientifique du Maroc</span> (Paris, 1906– ); <span lang="de">Der Islam, Zeitschrift für Geschichte und Kultur des islamischen Orients (Strassburg, -1910– )</span>; The Moslem World, a quarterly review of current events, literature, and thought -among Mohammedans, and the progress of Christian Missions in Moslem lands (London, -1911– ); Mir Islama (St. Petersburg, 1912– ); and <span lang="de">Die Welt des Islams, Zeitschrift der deutschen Gesellschaft für Islamkunde (Berlin, -1913– )</span>. The Christian missionary societies are also now devoting increased attention to -the subject of Muslim missionary activity and accordingly it takes up a proportionately -larger place in their publications than before. -</p> -<p>This second edition would have been completed several years ago but for the illiberal -policy which closes the Reading Room of the British Museum at 7 o’clock and has thus -made it practically inaccessible to me except on Saturdays.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e245src" href="#xd31e245">1</a> I therefore desire to express my grateful thanks to those friends who have facilitated -my labours by the loan of books from the Libraries of the University of Leiden and -the University of Utrecht (through the kind offices of <span class="pageNum" id="pb.xii">[<a href="#pb.xii">xii</a>]</span>Professor Wensinck), and the <span lang="fr">École des Langues Orientales Vivantes</span>, Paris;—to Mr. J. A. Oldham, editor of The International Review of Missions, I am -indebted for the loan of volumes of the <span lang="de">Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift</span>, a set of which I have been unable to find in London; my thanks are specially due -to Dr. F. W. Thomas, who has allowed me to study for lengthy periods (along with other -books from the India Office Library) the monumental <i lang="it">Annali dell’ Islam</i> by Leone Caetani, Principe di Teano,—a work of inestimable value for the early history -of Islam, but unfortunately placed out of the reach of the average scholar by reason -of its great cost. -</p> -<p>I am also much indebted for several valuable indications to those scholars who reviewed -the book when it first appeared,—above all, to Professor Goldziher, whose sympathetic -interest in this work has encouraged me to continue it. -</p> -<p class="dateline"><i>London, 1913.</i> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb.xiii">[<a href="#pb.xiii">xiii</a>]</span> </p> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e245"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e245src">1</a></span> The student of the literature of Science or of the Fine Arts finds the libraries at -South Kensington open till 10 o’clock on three evenings every week, but the one library -in this country that aims at any completeness is available only to such students as -are at leisure during the day-time. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e245src" title="Return to note 1 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="toc" class="div1 contents"><span class="pageNum">[<a href="#toc">Contents</a>]</span><div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">CONTENTS</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">CHAPTER I. -</p> -<p><a href="#ch1" id="xd31e269">INTRODUCTION</a>. -</p> -<p> <span class="tocPageNum">PAGE</span> -</p> -<p class="tocArgument">A missionary religion defined. Islam a missionary religion; its extent. The Qurʼān -enjoins preaching and persuasion, and forbids violence and force in the conversion -of unbelievers. The present work a history of missions, not of persecutions <span class="tocPageNum">1</span> -</p> -<p>CHAPTER II. -</p> -<p><a href="#ch2" id="xd31e284">STUDY OF THE LIFE OF MUḤAMMAD CONSIDERED AS A PREACHER OF ISLAM</a>. -</p> -<p class="tocArgument">Muḥammad the type of the Muslim missionary. Account of his early efforts at propagating -Islam, and of the conversions made in Mecca before the Hijrah. Persecution of the -converts, and migration to Medina. Condition of the Muslims in Medina: beginning of -the national life of Islam. Islam offered (<i>a</i>) to the Arabs, (<i>b</i>) to the whole world. Islam declared in the Qurʼān to be a universal religion,—as -being the primitive faith delivered to Abraham. Muḥammad as the founder of a political -organisation. The spread of Islam and the efforts made to convert the Arabs after -the Hijrah. The ideals of Islam and those of Pre-Islamic Arabia contrasted <span class="tocPageNum">11</span> -</p> -<p>CHAPTER III. -</p> -<p><a href="#ch3" id="xd31e298">THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS OF WESTERN ASIA</a>. -</p> -<p class="tocArgument">The Arab conquests and expansion of the Arab race after the death of Muḥammad. Conversion -of Christian Bedouins. Causes of the early successes of the Muslims. Toleration extended -to those who remained Christian.—The settled population of the towns: failure of Heraclius’s -attempt to reconcile the contending Christian sects. The Arab conquest of Syria and -Palestine: their toleration: the Ordinance of ʻUmar: jizyah paid in return for protection -and in lieu of military service. Condition of the Christians under Muslim rule: they -occupy high posts, build new churches: revival in the Nestorian Church. Causes of -their conversion to Islam: revolt against Byzantine ecclesiasticism: influence of -rationalistic thought: imposing character of Muslim civilisation. Persecutions suffered -by the Christians. Proselytising efforts. Details of conversion to Islam.—Account -of conversions from among the Crusaders.—The Armenian and Georgian Churches <span class="tocPageNum">45</span> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb.xiv">[<a href="#pb.xiv">xiv</a>]</span></p> -<p>CHAPTER IV. -</p> -<p><a href="#ch4" id="xd31e310">THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS OF AFRICA</a>. -</p> -<p class="tocArgument">Egypt: conquered by the Arabs, who are welcomed by the Copts as their deliverers from -Byzantine rule. Condition of the Copts under the Muslims. Corruption and negligence -of the clergy lead to conversions to Islam.—Nubia: relations with Muhammadan powers: -gradual decay of the Christian faith.—Abyssinia: the Arabs on the sea-board: missionary -efforts in the fourteenth century: invasion of Aḥmad Grāñ: conversions to Islam: progress -of Islam in recent years.—Northern Africa: extent of Christianity in North Africa -in the seventh century: the Christians are said to have been forcibly converted: reasons -for thinking that this statement is not true: toleration enjoyed by the Christians: -gradual disappearance of the Christian Church <span class="tocPageNum">102</span> -</p> -<p>CHAPTER V. -</p> -<p><a href="#ch5" id="xd31e320">THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIANS OF SPAIN</a>. -</p> -<p class="tocArgument">Christianity in Spain before the Muslim conquest: miserable condition of the Jews -and the slaves. Early converts to Islam. Corruption of the clergy. Toleration of the -Arabs, and influence of their civilisation on the Christians, who study Arabic and -adopt Arab dress and manners. Causes of conversion to Islam. The voluntary martyrs -of Cordova. Extent of the conversions <span class="tocPageNum">131</span> -</p> -<p>CHAPTER VI. -</p> -<p><a href="#ch6" id="xd31e330">THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS IN EUROPE UNDER THE TURKS</a>. -</p> -<p class="tocArgument">Relations of the Turks to their Christian subjects during the first two centuries -of their rule: toleration extended to the Greek Church by Muḥammad II: the benefits -of Ottoman rule: its disadvantages, the tribute-children, the capitation-tax, tyranny -of individuals. Forced conversion rare. Proselytising efforts made by the Turks. Circumstances -that favoured the spread of Islam: degraded condition of the Greek Church: failure -of the attempt to Protestantise the Greek Church: oppression of the Greek clergy: -moral superiority of the Ottomans: imposing character of their conquests. Conversion -of Christian slaves.—Islam in Albania, conquest of the country, independent character -of its people, gradual decay of the Christian faith, and its causes;—in Servia, alliance -of the Servians with the Turks, conversions mainly from among the nobles except in -Old Servia;—in Montenegro;—in Bosnia, the Bogomiles, points of similarity between -the Bogomilian heresy and the Muslim creed, conversion to Islam;—in Crete, conversion -in the ninth century, oppression of the Venetian rule, conquered by the Turks, conversions -to Islam <span class="tocPageNum">145</span> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb.xv">[<a href="#pb.xv">xv</a>]</span></p> -<p>CHAPTER VII. -</p> -<p><a href="#ch7" id="xd31e341">THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN PERSIA AND CENTRAL ASIA</a>. -</p> -<p class="tocArgument">Religious condition of Persia at the time of the Arab conquest. Islam welcomed by -many sections of the population. Points of similarity between the older faiths and -Islam. Toleration. Conversions to Islam. The Ismāʻīlians and their missionary system. -Islam in Central Asia and Afghanistān <span class="tocPageNum">206</span> -</p> -<p>CHAPTER VIII. -</p> -<p><a href="#ch8" id="xd31e352">THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE MONGOLS AND TATARS</a>. -</p> -<p class="tocArgument">Account of the Mongol conquests. Buddhism, Christianity and Islam in rivalry for the -allegiance of the Mongols. Their original religion, Shamanism, described. Spread of -Buddhism, of Christianity, and of Islam respectively among the Mongols. Difficulties -that stood in the way of Islam. Cruel treatment of the Muslims by some Mongol rulers. -Early converts to Islam. Baraka K͟hān, the first Mongol prince converted. Conversion -of the <span class="corr" id="xd31e357" title="Source: Īlk͟hans">Īlk͟hāns</span>. Conversion of the Chag͟hatāy Mongols. History of Islam under the Golden Horde: <span class="corr" id="xd31e360" title="Source: Uzbek">Ūzbek</span> K͟hān: failure of attempts to convert the Russians. Spread of Islam in modern times -in the Russian Empire. The conversion of the Tatars of Siberia <span class="tocPageNum">218</span> -</p> -<p>CHAPTER IX. -</p> -<p><a href="#ch9" id="xd31e368">THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN INDIA</a>. -</p> -<p class="tocArgument">Distribution of the Muhammadan population. Part taken by the Muhammadan rulers in -the propagation of Islam: conversion of Rajputs and others.—The work of the Muslim -missionaries in India; traditions of early missionary efforts in South India, forced -conversions under Ḥaydar ʻAlī and Tīpū Sulṭān, the <span class="corr" id="xd31e373" title="Source: Mappilas">Mappillas</span>:—in the Maldive Islands:—in the Deccan, early Arab settlements, labours of individual -missionaries:—in Sind, the rule of the Arabs, their toleration, account of individual -missionaries, conversion of the Khojahs and Bohras:—in Bengal, the Muhammadan rule -in this province, extensive conversions of the lower castes, religious revival in -recent times.—Particular account of the labours of Muslim missionaries in other parts -of India. Propagationist movements of modern times. Circumstances facilitating the -progress of Islam: the oppressiveness of the Hindu caste system, worship of Muslim -saints, etc.—Spread of Islam in Kashmīr and Tibet <span class="tocPageNum">254</span> -</p> -<p>CHAPTER X. -</p> -<p><a href="#ch10" id="xd31e381">THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN CHINA</a>. -</p> -<p class="tocArgument">Early notices of Islam in China. Intercourse of the Chinese with the Arabs. Legendary -account of the first introduction of Islam into China. Muslims under the Tʼang dynasty: -influence of the Mongol conquest; Islam under the Ming dynasty. Relations of the Chinese -Muslims to the Chinese Government. Their efforts to spread their religion <span class="tocPageNum">294</span> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb.xvi">[<a href="#pb.xvi">xvi</a>]</span></p> -<p>CHAPTER XI. -</p> -<p><a href="#ch11" id="xd31e393">THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN AFRICA</a>. -</p> -<p class="tocArgument">The Arabs in Northern Africa: conversion of the Berbers: the mission of ʻAbd Allāh -b. Yāsīn. Introduction of Islam into the Sudan: rise of Muhammadan kingdoms: account -of missionary movements, Danfodio, ʻUt͟hmān al-Amīr G͟hanī, the Qādiriyyah, the Tijāniyyah, -and the Sanūsiyyah. Spread of Islam on the West Coast: Ashanti: Dahomey. Spread of -Islam on the East Coast: early Muslim settlements: recent expansion in German East -Africa: the Galla: the Somali. Islam in Cape Coast Colony. Account of the Muslim missionaries -in Africa and their methods of winning converts <span class="tocPageNum">312</span> -</p> -<p>CHAPTER XII. -</p> -<p><a href="#ch12" id="xd31e403">THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN THE MALAY ARCHIPELAGO</a>. -</p> -<p class="tocArgument">Early intercourse between the Malay Archipelago and Arabia and India. Methods of missionary -work. History of Islam in Sumatra; in the Malay Peninsula; in Java; in the Moluccas; -in Borneo; in Celebes; in the Philippine and the Sulu Islands; among the Papuans. -The Muslim missionaries: traders: ḥājīs <span class="tocPageNum">363</span> -</p> -<p>CHAPTER XIII. -</p> -<p><a href="#ch13" id="xd31e413">CONCLUSION</a>. -</p> -<p class="tocArgument">Absence of missionary organisation in Islam: zeal on the part of individuals. Who -are the Muslim missionaries? Causes that have contributed to their success: the simplicity -of the Muslim creed: the rationalism and ritualism of Islam. Islam not spread by the -sword. The toleration of Muhammadan governments. Circumstances contributing to the -progress of Islam in ancient and in modern times <span class="tocPageNum">408</span> -</p> -<p>APPENDIX I. -</p> -<p><a href="#app1" id="xd31e423">Letter of al-Hāshimī inviting al-Kindī to embrace Islam</a> <span class="tocPageNum">428</span> -</p> -<p>APPENDIX II. -</p> -<p><a href="#app2" id="xd31e432">Controversial literature between Muslims and the followers of other faiths</a> <span class="tocPageNum">436</span> -</p> -<p>APPENDIX III. -</p> -<p><a href="#app3" id="xd31e440">Muslim missionary societies</a> <span class="tocPageNum">438</span> -</p> -<p><span class="sc"><a href="#biblio" id="xd31e448">Titles of Works cited by Abbreviated References</a></span> <span class="tocPageNum">440</span> -</p> -<p><span class="sc"><a href="#ix" id="xd31e456">Index</a></span> <span class="tocPageNum">457</span> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb1">[<a href="#pb1">1</a>]</span> </p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div class="body"> -<div id="ch1" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pageNum">[<a href="#xd31e269">Contents</a>]</span><div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="super">THE PREACHING OF ISLAM</h2> -<h2 class="label">CHAPTER I.</h2> -<h2 class="main">INTRODUCTION.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Ever since Professor Max Müller delivered his lecture in Westminster Abbey, on the -day of intercession for missions, in December, 1873, it has been a literary commonplace, -that the six great religions of the world may be divided into missionary and non-missionary; -under the latter head fall Judaism, Brahmanism and Zoroastrianism, and under the former -Buddhism, Christianity and Islam; and he well defined what the term,—a missionary -religion,—should be taken to mean, viz. one “in which the spreading of the truth and -the conversion of unbelievers are raised to the rank of a sacred duty by the founder -or his immediate successors.… It is the spirit of truth in the hearts of believers -which cannot rest, unless it manifests itself in thought, word and deed, which is -not satisfied till it has carried its message to every human soul, till what it believes -to be the truth is accepted as the truth by all members of the human family.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e473src" href="#xd31e473">1</a> -</p> -<p>It is such a zeal for the truth of their religion that has inspired the Muhammadans -to carry with them the message of Islam to the people of every land into which they -penetrate, and that justly claims for their religion a place among those we term missionary. -It is the history of the birth of this missionary zeal, its inspiring forces and the -modes of its activity that forms the subject of the following pages. The 200 millions -of Muhammadans scattered over the <span class="pageNum" id="pb2">[<a href="#pb2">2</a>]</span>world at the present day are evidences of its workings through the length of thirteen -centuries. -</p> -<p>The doctrines of this faith were first proclaimed to the people of Arabia in the seventh -century, by a prophet under whose banner their scattered tribes became a nation; and -filled with the pulsations of this new national life, and with a fervour and enthusiasm -that imparted an almost invincible strength to their armies, they poured forth over -three continents to conquer and subdue. Syria, Palestine, Egypt, North Africa and -Persia were the first to fall before them, and pressing westward to Spain and eastward -beyond the Indus, the followers of the Prophet found themselves, one hundred years -after his death, masters of an empire greater than that of Rome at the zenith of its -power. -</p> -<p>Although in after years this great empire was split up and the political power of -Islam diminished, still its spiritual conquests went on uninterruptedly. When the -Mongol hordes sacked Bag͟hdād (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1258) and drowned in blood the faded glory of the ʻAbbāsid dynasty,—when the Muslims -were expelled from Cordova by Ferdinand of Leon and Castile (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1236), and Granada, the last stronghold of Islam in Spain, paid tribute to the Christian -king,—Islam had just gained a footing in the island of Sumatra and was just about -to commence its triumphant progress through the islands of the Malay Archipelago. -In the hours of its political degradation, Islam has achieved some of its most brilliant -spiritual conquests: on two great historical occasions, infidel barbarians have set -their feet on the necks of the followers of the Prophet,—the Saljūq Turks in the eleventh -and the Mongols in the thirteenth century,—and in each case the conquerors have accepted -the religion of the conquered. Unaided also by the temporal power, Muslim missionaries -have carried their faith into Central Africa, China and the East India Islands. -</p> -<p>At the present day the faith of Islam extends from Morocco to Zanzibar, from Sierra -Leone to Siberia and China, from Bosnia to New Guinea. Outside the limits of strictly -Muhammadan countries and of lands, such as China and Russia, that contain a large -Muhammadan population, there are some few small communities of the followers of <span class="pageNum" id="pb3">[<a href="#pb3">3</a>]</span>the Prophet, which bear witness to the faith of Islam in the midst of unbelievers. -Such are the Polish-speaking Muslims of Tatar origin in Lithuania, that inhabit the -districts of Kovno, Vilno and Grodno;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e495src" href="#xd31e495">2</a> the Dutch-speaking Muslims of Cape Colony; and the Indian coolies that have carried -the faith of Islam with them to the West India Islands and to British and Dutch Guiana. -In recent years, too, Islam has found adherents in England, in North America, Australia -and Japan. -</p> -<p>The spread of this faith over so vast a portion of the globe is due to various causes, -social, political and religious: but among these, one of the most powerful factors -at work in the production of this stupendous result, has been the unremitted labours -of Muslim missionaries, who, with the Prophet himself as their great ensample, have -spent themselves for the conversion of unbelievers. -</p> -<p>The duty of missionary work is no after-thought in the history of Islam, but was enjoined -on believers from the beginning, as may be judged from the following passages in the -Qurʼān,—which are here quoted in chronological order according to the date of their -being delivered. -</p> -<blockquote class="block hang"> -<p class="first">“Summon thou to the way of thy Lord with wisdom and with kindly warning: dispute with -them in the kindest manner. (xvi. 126.) -</p> -<p>“They who have inherited the Book after them (i.e. the Jews and Christians), are in -perplexity of doubt concerning it. -</p> -<p>“For this cause summon thou (them to the faith), and walk uprightly therein as thou -hast been bidden, and follow not their desires: and say: In whatsoever Books God hath -sent down do I believe: I am commanded to decide justly between you: God is your Lord -and our Lord: we have our works and you have your works: between us and you let there -be no strife: God will make us all one: and to Him shall we return.” (xlii. 13–14.)</p> -</blockquote><p> -</p> -<p>Similar injunctions are found also in the Medinite Sūrahs, <span class="pageNum" id="pb4">[<a href="#pb4">4</a>]</span>delivered at a time when Muḥammad was at the head of a large army and at the height -of his power. -</p> -<blockquote class="block hang"> -<p class="first">“Say to those who have been given the Book and to the ignorant, Do you accept Islam? -Then, if they accept Islam, are they guided aright: but if they turn away, then thy -duty is only preaching; and God’s eye is on His servants, (iii. 19.) -</p> -<p>“Thus God clearly showeth you His signs that perchance ye may be guided; -</p> -<p>“And that there may be from among you a people who invite to the Good, and enjoin -the Just, and forbid the Wrong; and these are they with whom it shall be well. (iii. -99–100.) -</p> -<p>“To every people have We appointed observances which they observe. Therefore let them -not dispute the matter with thee, but summon them to thy Lord: Verily thou art guided -aright: -</p> -<p>“But if they debate with thee, then say: God best knoweth what ye do!” (xxii. 66–67.)</p> -</blockquote><p> -</p> -<p>The following passages are taken from what is generally supposed to be the last Sūrah -that was delivered. -</p> -<blockquote class="block hang"> -<p class="first">“If any one of those who join gods with God ask an asylum of thee, grant him an asylum -in order that he may hear the word of God; then let him reach his place of safety.” -(ix. 6.)</p> -</blockquote><p> -</p> -<p>With regard to the unbelievers who had broken their plighted word, who “sell the signs -of God for a mean price and turn others aside from His way,” and “respect not with -a believer either ties of blood or good faith,” … it is said:— -</p> -<blockquote class="block hang"> -<p class="first">“Yet if they turn to God and observe prayer and give alms, then are they your brothers -in the faith: and We make clear the signs for men of knowledge.” (ix. 11.)</p> -</blockquote><p> -</p> -<p>Thus from its very inception Islam has been a missionary religion, both in theory -and in practice, for the life of Muḥammad exemplifies the same teaching, and the Prophet -<span class="pageNum" id="pb5">[<a href="#pb5">5</a>]</span>himself stands at the head of a long series of Muslim missionaries who have won an -entrance for their faith into the hearts of unbelievers. Moreover it is not in the -cruelties of the persecutor or the fury of the fanatic that we should look for the -evidences of the missionary spirit of Islam, any more than in the exploits of that -mythical personage, the Muslim warrior with sword in one hand and Qurʼān in the other,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e532src" href="#xd31e532">3</a>—but in the quiet, unobtrusive labours of the preacher and the trader who have carried -their faith into every quarter of the globe. Such peaceful methods of preaching and -persuasion were not adopted, as some would have us believe, only when political circumstances -made force and violence impossible or impolitic, but were most strictly enjoined in -numerous passages of the Qurʼān, as follows:— -</p> -<blockquote class="block hang"> -<p class="first">“And endure what they say with patience, and depart from them with a decorous departure. -</p> -<p>“And let Me alone with the gainsayers, rich in the pleasures (of this life); and bear -thou with them yet a little while. (lxxiii. 10–11.) -</p> -<p>“(My) sole (work) is preaching from God and His message. (lxxii. 24.) -</p> -<p>“Tell those who have believed to pardon those who hope not for the days of God in -which He purposeth to recompense men according to their deserts. (xlv. 13.) -</p> -<p>“They who had joined other gods with God say, ‘Had He pleased, neither we nor our -forefathers had worshipped aught but Him; nor had we, apart from Him, declared anything -unlawful.’ Thus acted they who were before them. Yet is the duty of the apostles other -than plain-spoken preaching? (xvi. 37.) -<span class="pageNum" id="pb6">[<a href="#pb6">6</a>]</span></p> -<p>“Then if they turn their backs, still thy office is only plain-spoken preaching. (xvi. -84.) -</p> -<p>“Dispute ye not, unless in kindliest sort, with the people of the Book; save with -such of them as have dealt wrongfully (with you): and say ye, ‘We believe in what -has been sent down to us and hath been sent down to you. Our God and your God is one, -and to Him are we self-surrendered.’ (xxix. 45.) -</p> -<p>“But if they turn aside from thee, yet We have not sent thee to be guardian over them. -’Tis thine but to preach. (xlii. 47.) -</p> -<p>“But if thy Lord had pleased, verily all who are in the world would have believed -together. Wilt thou then compel men to become believers? (x. 99.) -</p> -<p>“And we have not sent thee otherwise than to mankind at large, to announce and to -warn.” (xxxiv. 27.)</p> -</blockquote><p> -</p> -<p>Such precepts are not confined to the Meccan Sūrahs, but are found in abundance also -in those delivered at Medina, as follows:— -</p> -<blockquote class="block hang"> -<p class="first">“Let there be no compulsion in religion. (ii. 257.) </p> -<p>“Obey God and obey the apostle; but if ye turn away, yet is our apostle only charged -with plain-spoken preaching. (lxiv. 12.) -</p> -<p>“Obey God and obey the apostle: but if ye turn back, still the burden of his duty -is on him only, and the burden of your duty rests on you. And if ye obey him, ye shall -have guidance: but plain preaching is all that devolves upon the apostle. (xxiv. 53.) -</p> -<p>“Say: O men! I am only your plain-spoken (open) warner. (xxii. 48.) -</p> -<p>“Verily We have sent thee to be a witness and a herald of good and a warner, -</p> -<p>“That ye may believe on God and on His apostle; and may assist Him and honour Him, -and praise Him morning and evening. (xlviii. 8–9.) -</p> -<p>“Thou wilt not cease to discover the treacherous ones among them, except a few of -them. But forgive them and pass it over. Verily, God loveth those who act generously.” -(v. 16.)</p> -</blockquote><p> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb7">[<a href="#pb7">7</a>]</span></p> -<p>It is the object of the following pages to show how this ideal was realised in history -and how these principles of missionary activity were put into practice by the exponents -of Islam. And at the outset the reader should clearly understand that this work is -not intended to be a history of Muhammadan persecutions but of Muhammadan missions—it -does not aim at chronicling the instances of forced conversions which may be found -scattered up and down the pages of Muhammadan histories. European writers have taken -such care to accentuate these, that there is no fear of their being forgotten, and -they do not strictly come within the province of a history of missions. In a history -of Christian missions we should naturally expect to hear more of the labours of St. -Liudger and St. Willehad among the pagan Saxons than of the baptisms that Charlemagne -forced them to undergo at the point of the sword.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e572src" href="#xd31e572">4</a> The true missionaries of Denmark were St. Ansgar and his successors rather than King -Cnut, who forcibly rooted out paganism from his dominions.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e584src" href="#xd31e584">5</a> Abbot Gottfried and Bishop Christian, though less successful in converting the pagan -Prussians, were more truly representative of Christian missionary work than the Brethren -of the Sword and other Crusaders who brought their labours to completion by means -of fire and sword. The knights of the “<span lang="la">Ordo fratrum militiæ Christi</span>” forced Christianity on the people of Livonia, but it is not to these militant propagandists -but to the monks Meinhard and Theodoric that we should point as being the true missionaries -of the Christian faith in this country. The violent means sometimes employed by the -Jesuit missionaries<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e590src" href="#xd31e590">6</a> cannot derogate from the honour due to St. Francis Xavier and other preachers of -the same order. Nor is Valentyn any the less the apostle of Amboyna because in 1699 -an order was promulgated to the Rajas of this <span class="pageNum" id="pb8">[<a href="#pb8">8</a>]</span>island that they should have ready a certain number of pagans to be baptised, when -the pastor came on his rounds.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e598src" href="#xd31e598">7</a> -</p> -<p>In the history of the Christian church missionary activity is seen to be intermittent, -and an age of apostolic fervour may be succeeded by a period of apathy and indifference, -or persecution and forced conversion may take the place of the preaching of the Word; -so likewise does the propaganda of Islam in various epochs of Muhammadan history ebb -and flow. But since the zeal of proselytising is a distinct feature of either faith, -its missionary history may fittingly be singled out as a separate branch of study, -not as excluding other manifestations of the religious life but as concentrating attention -on an aspect of it that has special characteristics of its own. Thus the annals of -propaganda and persecution may be studied apart from one another, whether in the history -of the Christian or the Muslim church, though in both they may be at times commingled. -For just as the Christian faith has not always been propagated by the methods adopted -in Viken (the southern part of Norway) by King Olaf Trygvesson, who either slew those -who refused to accept Christianity, or cut off their hands or feet, or drove them -into banishment, and in this manner spread the Christian faith throughout the whole -of Viken,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e603src" href="#xd31e603">8</a>—and just as the advice of St. Louis has not been made a principle of Christian missionary -work,—“When a layman hears the Christian law ill spoken of, he should not defend that -law save with his sword, which he should thrust into the infidel’s belly, as far as -it will go,”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e609src" href="#xd31e609">9</a>—so there have been Muslim missionaries who have not been guided in their propagandist -methods by the savage utterance of Marwān, the last of the ʻUmayyad caliphs: “Whosoever -among the people of Egypt does not enter into my religion and pray as I pray and follow -my tenets, I will slay and crucify him.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e614src" href="#xd31e614">10</a> Nor are al-Mutawakkil, <span class="pageNum" id="pb9">[<a href="#pb9">9</a>]</span>al-Ḥākim and Tīpū Sulṭān to be looked upon as typical missionaries of Islam to the -exclusion of such preachers as Mawlānā Ibrāhīm, the apostle of Java, K͟hwājah Muʻīn -al-Dīn Chishtī in India and countless others who won converts to the Muslim faith -by peaceful means alone. -</p> -<p>But though a clear distinction can be drawn between conversion as the result of persecution -and a peaceful propaganda by means of methods of persuasion, it is not so easy to -ascertain the motives that have induced the convert to change his faith, or to discover -whether the missionary has been wholly animated by a love of souls and by the high -ideal set forth in the first paragraph of this chapter. Both in Christianity and Islam -there have been at all times earnest souls to whom their religion has been the supreme -reality of their lives, and this absorbing interest in matters of the spirit has found -expression in that zeal for the communication of cherished truths and for the domination -of doctrines and systems they have deemed perfect, which constitutes the vivifying -force of missionary movements,—and there have likewise been those without the pale, -who have responded to their appeal and have embraced the new faith with a like fervour. -But, on the other hand, Islam—like Christianity—has reckoned among its adherents many -persons to whom ecclesiastical institutions have been merely instruments of a political -policy or forms of social organisation, to be accepted either as disagreeable necessities -or as convenient solutions of problems that they do not care to think out for themselves; -such persons may likewise be found among the converts of either faith. Thus both Christianity -and Islam have added to the number of their followers by methods and under conditions—social, -political and economic—which have no connection with such a thirst for souls as animates -the true missionary. Moreover, the annals of missionary enterprise frequently record -the admission of converts without any attempt to analyse the motives that have led -them to change their faith, and especially for the history of Muslim missions there -is a remarkable poverty of material in this respect, since Muslim literature is singularly -poor in those records of conversions that occupy such a large place in the literature -<span class="pageNum" id="pb10">[<a href="#pb10">10</a>]</span>of the Christian church. Accordingly, in the following sketch of the missionary activity -of Islam, it has not always been possible to discover whether political, social, economic -or purely religious motives have determined conversion, though occasional reference -can be made to the operation of one or the other influence. -<span class="pageNum" id="pb11">[<a href="#pb11">11</a>]</span> </p> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e473"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e473src">1</a></span> A note on Mr. Lyall’s article: “Missionary Religions.” <i>Fortnightly Review</i>, July, 1874. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e473src" title="Return to note 1 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e495"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e495src">2</a></span> Reclus, vol. v. p. 433; Gasztowtt, p. 320 sqq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e495src" title="Return to note 2 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e532"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e532src">3</a></span> This misinterpretation of the Muslim wars of conquest has arisen from the assumption -that wars waged for the extension of Muslim domination over the lands of the unbelievers -implied that the aim in view was their conversion. Goldziher has well pointed out -this distinction in his <i lang="de">Vorlesungen über den Islam</i>: “<span lang="de">Was Muhammed <span class="corr" id="xd31e539" title="Source: zünachst">zunächst</span> in seinem arabischen Umkreise getan, das hinterlässt er als Testament für die Zukunft -seiner Gemeinde: Bekämpfung der Ungläubigen, die Ausbreitung nicht so sehr des Glaubens -als seiner Machtsphäre, die die Machtsphäre Allahs ist. Es ist dabei den Kämpfern -des Islams zunächst nicht so sehr um Bekehrung als um Unterwerfung der Ungläubigen -zu tun.</span>” (p. 25.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e532src" title="Return to note 3 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e572"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e572src">4</a></span> See Enhardi Fuldensis Annales, <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 777. “<span lang="la">Saxones post multas cædes et varia bella afflicti, tandem christiani effecti, Francorum -dicioni subduntur.</span>” G. H. Pertz: <span lang="la">Monumenta Germaniæ Historica</span>, vol. i. p. 349. (See also pp. 156, 159.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e572src" title="Return to note 4 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e584" lang="la"> -<p class="footnote" lang="la"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e584src">5</a></span> “Tum zelo propagandæ fidei succensus, barbara regna iusto certamine aggressus, devictas -subditasque nationes christianæ legi subiugavit.” (Breviarium Romanum. Iun. 19.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e584src" title="Return to note 5 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e590"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e590src">6</a></span> <span lang="fr">Mathurin Veyssière de la Croze: Histoire du Christianisme des Indes</span>, pp. 529–531. (The Hague, 1724.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e590src" title="Return to note 6 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e598" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e598src">7</a></span> Revue de l’Histoire des Religions, vol. xi. p. 89. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e598src" title="Return to note 7 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e603"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e603src">8</a></span> Konrad Maurer: <span lang="de">Die Bekehrung des norwegischen Stammes zum Christenthume</span>, vol. i. p. 284. (München, 1855.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e603src" title="Return to note 8 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e609" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e609src">9</a></span> Jean, Sire de Joinville: Histoire de Saint Louis, ed. N. de Wailly, p. 30<span id="xd31e611"></span> (§ 53). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e609src" title="Return to note 9 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e614"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e614src">10</a></span> Severus, p. 191 (ll. 21–22). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e614src" title="Return to note 10 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch2" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pageNum">[<a href="#xd31e284">Contents</a>]</span><div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">CHAPTER II.</h2> -<h2 class="main">STUDY OF THE LIFE OF MUḤAMMAD CONSIDERED AS A PREACHER OF ISLAM.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">It is not proposed in this chapter to add another to the already numerous biographies -of Muḥammad, but rather to make a study of his life in one of its aspects only, viz. -that in which the Prophet is presented to us as a preacher, as the apostle unto men -of a new religion. The life of the founder of Islam and the inaugurator of its propaganda -may naturally be expected to exhibit to us the true character of the missionary activity -of this religion. If the life of the Prophet serves as the standard of conduct for -the ordinary believer, it must do the same for the Muslim missionary. From the pattern, -therefore, we may hope to learn something of the spirit that would animate those who -sought to copy it, and of the methods they might be expected to adopt. For the missionary -spirit of Islam is no after-thought in its history; it interpenetrates the religion -from its very commencement, and in the following sketch it is desired to show how -this is so, how Muḥammad the Prophet is the type of the missionary of Islam. It is -therefore beside the purpose to describe his early history, or the influences under -which he grew up to manhood, or to consider him in the light either of a statesman -or a general: it is as the preacher alone that he will demand our attention. -</p> -<p>When, after long internal conflict and disquietude, Muḥammad was at length convinced -of his divine mission, his earliest efforts were directed towards persuading his own -family of the truth of the new doctrine. The unity of God, the abomination of idolatry, -the duty laid upon man of submission to the will of his Creator,—these were the simple -truths to which he claimed their allegiance. <span class="pageNum" id="pb12">[<a href="#pb12">12</a>]</span>The first convert was his faithful and loving wife, K͟hadījah,—she who fifteen years -before had offered her hand in marriage to the poor kinsman that had so successfully -traded with her merchandise as a hired agent,—with the words, “I love thee, my cousin, -for thy kinship with me, for the respect with which thy people regard thee, for thy -honesty, for the beauty of thy character and for the truthfulness of thy speech.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e634src" href="#xd31e634">1</a> She had lifted him out of poverty, and enabled him to live up to the social position -to which he was entitled by right of birth; but this was as nothing to the fidelity -and loving devotion with which she shared his mental anxieties, and helped him with -tenderest sympathy and encouragement in the hour of his despondency. -</p> -<p>Up to her death in <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 619 (after a wedded life of five and twenty years) she was always ready with sympathy, -consolation and encouragement whenever he suffered from the persecution of his enemies -or was tortured by doubts and misgivings. “So K͟hadījah believed,” says the biographer -of the Prophet, “and attested the truth of that which came to him from God and aided -him in his undertaking. Thus was the Lord minded to lighten the burden of His Prophet; -for whenever he heard anything that grieved him touching his rejection by the people, -he would return to her and God would comfort him through her, for she reassured him -and lightened his burden and declared her trust in him and made it easy for him to -bear the scorn of men.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e642src" href="#xd31e642">2</a> -</p> -<p>Among the earliest believers were his adopted children Zayd and ʻAlī, and his bosom -friend Abū Bakr, of whom Muḥammad would often say in after years, “I never invited -any to the faith who displayed not hesitation, perplexity and vacillation—excepting -only Abū Bakr; who when I told him of Islam tarried not, neither was perplexed.” He -was a wealthy merchant, much respected by his fellow citizens for the integrity of -his character and for his intelligence and ability. After his conversion he expended -the greater part of his fortune on the purchase of Muslim slaves who were persecuted -by their masters on account of their adherence to the teaching of Muḥammad. <span class="pageNum" id="pb13">[<a href="#pb13">13</a>]</span>Through his influence, to a great extent, five of the earliest converts were added -to the number of believers, Saʻd b. Abī Waqqāṣ, the future conqueror of the Persians; -al-Zubayr b. al-ʻAwwām, a relative both of the Prophet and his wife; Ṭalḥah, famous -as a warrior in after days; a wealthy merchant ʻAbd al-Raḥmān b. ʻAwf, and ʻUt͟hmān, -the third K͟halīfah. The last was early exposed to persecution; his uncle seized and -bound him, saying, “Dost thou prefer a new religion to that of thy fathers? I swear -I will not loose thee until thou givest up this new faith thou art following after.” -To which ʻUt͟hmān replied, “By the Lord, I will never abandon it!” Whereupon his uncle, -seeing the firmness of his attachment to his faith, released him. -</p> -<p>With other additions, particularly from among slaves and poor persons, the Prophet -succeeded in collecting round him a little band of followers during the first three -years of his mission. Encouraged by the success of these private efforts, Muḥammad -determined on more active measures and began to preach in public. He called his kinsmen -together and invited them to embrace the new faith. “No Arab,” he urged, “has offered -to his nation more precious advantages than those I bring you. I offer you happiness -in this world and in the life to come. Who among you will aid me in this task?” All -were silent. Only ʻAlī, with boyish enthusiasm, cried out, “Prophet of God, I will -aid thee.” At this the company broke up with derisive laughter. -</p> -<p>Undeterred by the ill-success of this preaching, he repeatedly appealed to them on -other occasions, but his message and his warnings received from them nothing but scoffing -and contempt. -</p> -<p>More than once the Quraysh tried to induce his uncle Abū Ṭālib, as head of the clan -of the Banū Hāshim, to which Muḥammad belonged, to restrain him from making such attacks -upon their ancestral faith, or otherwise they threatened to resort to more violent -measures. Abū Ṭālib accordingly appealed to his nephew not to bring disaster on himself -and his family. The Prophet replied: “Were the sun to come down on my right hand and -the <span class="pageNum" id="pb14">[<a href="#pb14">14</a>]</span>moon on my left, and the choice were offered me of abandoning my mission until God -himself should reveal it, or perishing in the achievement of it, I would not abandon -it.” Abū Ṭālib was moved and exclaimed, “Go and say whatever thou wilt: by God! I -will never give thee up unto thy enemies.” -</p> -<p>The Quraysh viewed the progress of the new religion with increasing dissatisfaction -and hatred. They adopted all possible means, threats and promises, insults and offers -of worldly honour and aggrandisement to induce Muḥammad to abandon the part he had -taken up. The violent abuse with which he was assailed is said to have been the indirect -cause of drawing to his side one important convert in the person of his uncle, Ḥamzah, -whose chivalrous soul was so stung to sudden sympathy by a tale of insult inflicted -on and patiently borne by his nephew, that he changed at once from a bitter enemy -into a staunch adherent. His was not the only instance of sympathy for the sufferings -of the Muslims being aroused at the sight of the persecutions they had to endure, -and many, no doubt, secretly favoured the new religion who did not declare themselves -until the day of its triumph. -</p> -<p>The hostility of the Quraysh to the new faith increased in bitterness as they watched -the increase in the numbers of its adherents. They realised that the triumph of the -new teaching meant the destruction of the national religion and the national worship, -and a loss of wealth and power to the guardians of the sacred Kaʻbah. Muḥammad himself -was safe under the protection of Abū Ṭālib and the Banū Hāshim, who, though they had -no sympathy for the doctrines their kinsman taught, yet with the strong clan-feeling -peculiar to the Arabs, secured him from any attempt upon his life, though he was still -exposed to continual insult and annoyance. But the poor who had no protector, and -the slaves, had to endure the cruelest persecution, and were imprisoned and tortured -in order to induce them to recant. It was at this time that Abū Bakr purchased the -freedom of Bilāl,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e658src" href="#xd31e658">3</a> an African slave, who was called by <span class="pageNum" id="pb15">[<a href="#pb15">15</a>]</span>Muḥammad “the first-fruits of Abyssinia.” He had been cruelly tortured by being exposed, -day after day, to the scorching rays of the sun, stretched out on his back, with an -enormous stone on his stomach; here he was told he would have to stay until either -he died or renounced Muḥammad and worshipped idols, to which he would reply only, -“There is but one God, there is but one God.” Two persons died under the tortures -they had to undergo. The constancy of a few gave way under the trial, but persecution -served only to re-kindle the zeal of others. ʻAbd Allāh b. Masʻūd made bold to recite -a passage of the Qurʼān within the precincts of the Kaʻbah itself,—an act of daring -that none of the followers of Muḥammad had ventured upon before. The assembled Quraysh -attacked him and smote him on the face, but it was some time before they compelled -him to desist. He returned to his companions, prepared to bear witness to his faith -in a similar manner on the next day, but they dissuaded him, saying, “This is enough -for thee, since thou hast made them listen to what they hated to hear.” -</p> -<p>The virulence of the opposition of the Quraysh is probably the reason why in the fourth -year of his mission Muḥammad took up his residence in the house of al-Arqam, one of -the early converts. It was in a central situation, much frequented by pilgrims and -strangers, and here peaceably and without interruption he was able to preach the doctrines -of Islam to all enquirers that came to him. Muḥammad’s stay in this house marks an -important epoch in the propagation of Islam in Mecca, and many Muslims dated their -conversion from the days when the Prophet preached in the house of al-Arqam. -</p> -<p>As Muḥammad was unable to relieve his persecuted followers, he advised them to take -refuge in Abyssinia, and in the fifth year of his mission (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 615), eleven men and four women crossed over to Abyssinia, where they received a -kind welcome from the Christian king of the country. Among them was a certain Muṣʻab -b. ʻUmayr whose history is interesting as of one who had to endure that most bitter -trial of the new convert—the hatred of those he loves and who once loved him. He had -been led to <span class="pageNum" id="pb16">[<a href="#pb16">16</a>]</span>embrace Islam through the teaching he had listened to in the house of al-Arqam, but -he was afraid to let the fact of his conversion become known, because his tribe and -his mother, who bore an especial love to him, were bitterly opposed to the new religion; -and indeed, when they discovered the fact, seized and imprisoned him. But he succeeded -in effecting his escape to Abyssinia. -</p> -<p>The hatred of the Quraysh is said to have pursued the fugitives even to Abyssinia, -and an embassy was sent to demand their extradition from the king of that country. -But when he heard their story from the Muslims, he refused to withdraw from them his -protection. In answer to his enquiries as to their religion, they said: “O King, we -were plunged in the darkness of ignorance, worshipping idols, and eating carrion; -we practised abominations, severed the ties of kinship and maltreated our neighbours; -the strong among us devoured the weak; and so we remained until God sent us an apostle, -from among ourselves, whose lineage we knew as well as his truth, his trustworthiness -and the purity of his life. He called upon us to worship the One God and abandon the -stones and idols that our fathers had worshipped in His stead. He bade us be truthful -in speech, faithful to our promises, compassionate and kind to our parents and neighbours, -and to desist from crime and bloodshed. He forbade to do evil, to lie, to rob the -orphan or defame women. He enjoined on us the worship of God alone, with prayer, almsgiving -and fasting. And we believed in him and followed the teachings that he brought us -from God. But our countrymen rose up against us and persecuted us to make us renounce -our faith, and return to the worship of idols and the abominations of our former life. -So when they cruelly entreated us, reducing us to bitter straits and came between -us and the practice of our religion, we took refuge in your country; putting our trust -in your justice, we hope that you will deliver us from the oppression of our enemies.” -Their prayer was heard and the embassy of the Quraysh returned discomfited.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e674src" href="#xd31e674">4</a> Meanwhile, in Mecca, a fresh attempt <span class="pageNum" id="pb17">[<a href="#pb17">17</a>]</span>was made to induce the Prophet to abandon his work of preaching by promises of wealth -and honour, but in vain. -</p> -<p>While the result of the embassy to Abyssinia was being looked for in Mecca with the -greatest expectancy, there occurred the conversion of a man, who before had been one -of the most bitter enemies of Muḥammad, and had opposed him with the utmost persistence -and fanaticism—a man whom the Muslims had every reason then to look on as their most -terrible and virulent enemy, though afterwards he shines as one of the noblest figures -in the early history of Islam, viz. ʻUmar b. al-K͟haṭṭāb. One day, in a fit of rage -against the Prophet, he set out, sword in hand, to slay him. On the way, one of his -relatives met him and asked him where he was going. “I am looking for Muḥammad,” he -answered, “to kill the renegade who has brought discord among the Quraysh, called -them fools, reviled their religion and defamed their gods.” “Why dost thou not rather -punish those of thy own family, and set them right?” “And who are these of my own -family?” answered ʻUmar. “Thy brother-in-law Saʻīd and thy sister Fāṭimah, who have -become Muslims and followers of Muḥammad.” ʻUmar at once rushed off to the house of -his sister, and found her with her husband and K͟habbāb, another of the followers -of Muḥammad, who was teaching them to recite a chapter of the Qurʼān. ʻUmar burst -into the room: “What was that sound I heard?” “It was nothing,” they replied. “Nay, -but I heard you, and I have learned that you have become followers of Muḥammad.” Whereupon -he rushed upon Saʻīd and struck him. Fāṭimah threw herself between them, to protect -her husband, crying, “Yes, we are Muslims; we believe in God and His Prophet: slay -us if you will.” In the struggle his sister was wounded, and when ʻUmar saw the blood -on her face, he was softened and asked to see the paper they had been reading: after -some hesitation she handed it to him. It contained the 20th Sūrah of the Qurʼān. When -ʻUmar read it, he exclaimed, “How beautiful, how sublime it is!” As he read on, conviction -suddenly overpowered him and he cried, “Lead me to Muḥammad that I may tell him of -my conversion.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e681src" href="#xd31e681">5</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb18">[<a href="#pb18">18</a>]</span></p> -<p>The conversion of ʻUmar is a turning-point in the history of Islam: the Muslims were -now able to take up a bolder attitude. Muḥammad left the house of al-Arqam and the -believers publicly performed their devotions together round the Kaʻbah. The situation -might thus be expected to give the aristocracy of Mecca just cause for apprehension. -For they had no longer to deal with a band of oppressed and despised outcasts, struggling -for a weak and miserable existence. It was rather a powerful faction, adding daily -to its strength by the accession of influential citizens and endangering the stability -of the existing government by an alliance with a powerful foreign prince. -</p> -<p>The Quraysh resolved accordingly to make a determined effort to check the further -growth of the new movement in their city. They put the Banū Hāshim, who through ties -of kindred protected the Prophet, under a ban, in accordance with which the Quraysh -agreed that they would not marry their women, nor give their own in marriage to them; -they would sell nothing to them, nor buy aught from them—that dealings with them of -every kind should cease. For three years the Banū Hāshim are said to have been confined -to one quarter of the city, except during the sacred months, in which all war ceased -throughout Arabia and a truce was made in order that pilgrims might visit the sacred -Kaʻbah, the centre of the national religion. -</p> -<p>Muḥammad used to take advantage of such times of pilgrimage to preach to the various -tribes that flocked to Mecca and the adjacent fairs. But with no success, for his -uncle Abū Lahab used to dog his footsteps, crying with a loud voice, “He is an impostor -who wants to draw you away from the faith of your fathers to the false doctrines that -he brings, wherefore separate yourselves from him and hear him not.” They would taunt -him with the words: “Thine own people and kindred should know thee best: wherefore -do they not believe and follow thee?” But at length the privations endured by Muḥammad -and his kinsmen enlisted the sympathy of a numerous section of the Quraysh and the -ban was withdrawn. -</p> -<p>In the same year the loss of K͟hadījah, the faithful wife who for twenty-five years -had been his counsellor and <span class="pageNum" id="pb19">[<a href="#pb19">19</a>]</span>support, plunged Muḥammad into the utmost grief and despondency; and a little later -the death of Abū Ṭālib deprived him of his constant and most powerful protector and -exposed him afresh to insult and contumely. -</p> -<p>Scorned and rejected by his own townsmen, to whom he had delivered his message with -so little success for ten years, he resolved to see if there were not others who might -be more ready to listen, among whom the seeds of faith might find a more receptive -and fruitful soil. With this hope he set out for Ṭāʼif, a city about seventy miles -from Mecca. Before an assembly of the chief men of the city, he expounded his doctrine -of the unity of God and of the mission he had received as the Prophet of God to proclaim -this faith; at the same time he besought their protection against his persecutors -in Mecca. The disproportion between his high claims (which moreover were unintelligible -to the heathen people of Ṭāʼif) and his helpless condition only excited their ridicule -and scorn, and pitilessly stoning him with stones they drove him from their city. -</p> -<p>On his return from Ṭāʼif the prospects of the success of Muḥammad seemed more hopeless -than ever, and the agony of his soul gave itself utterance in the words that he puts -into the mouth of Noah: “O my Lord, verily I have cried to my people night and day; -and my cry only makes them flee from me the more. And verily, so oft as I cry to them, -that Thou mayest forgive them, they thrust their fingers into their ears and wrap -themselves in their garments, and persist (in their error), and are disdainfully disdainful.” -(lxxi. 5–6.) -</p> -<p>It was the Prophet’s habit at the time of the annual pilgrimage to visit the encampments -of the various Arab tribes and discourse with them upon religion. By some his words -were treated with indifference, by others rejected with scorn. But consolation came -to him from an unexpected quarter. He met a little group of six or seven persons whom -he recognised as coming from Medina, or, as it was then called, Yat͟hrib. “Of what -tribe are you?” said he, addressing them. “We are of the K͟hazraj,” they answered. -“Friends of the Jews?” “Yes.” “Then will you not sit down awhile, that I may talk -with you?” “Assuredly,” <span class="pageNum" id="pb20">[<a href="#pb20">20</a>]</span>replied they. Then they sat down with him, and he proclaimed unto them the true God -and preached Islam and recited to them the Qurʼān. Now so it was, in that God wrought -wonderfully for Islam that there were found in their country Jews, who possessed scriptures -and wisdom, while they themselves were heathen and idolaters. Now the Jews ofttimes -suffered violence at their hands, and when strife was between them had ever said to -them, “Soon will a Prophet arise and his time is at hand; him will we follow, and -with him slay you with the slaughter of ʻĀd and of Iram.” When now the apostle of -God was speaking with these men and calling on them to believe in God, they said one -to another: “Know surely that this is the Prophet, of whom the Jews have warned us; -come let us now make haste and be the first to join him.” So they embraced Islam, -and said to him, “Our countrymen have long been engaged in a most bitter and deadly -feud with one another; but now perhaps God will unite them together through thee and -thy teaching. Therefore we will preach to them and make known to them this religion, -that we have received from thee.” So, full of faith, they returned to their own country.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e698src" href="#xd31e698">6</a> -</p> -<p>Such is the traditional account of this event which was the turning-point of Muḥammad’s -mission. He had now met with a people whose antecedents had in some way prepared their -minds for the reception of his teaching and whose present circumstances, as afterwards -appeared, were favourable to his cause. -</p> -<p>The city of Yat͟hrib had been long occupied by Jews whom some national disaster, possibly -the persecution under Hadrian, had driven from their own country, when a party of -wandering emigrants, the two Arab clans of K͟hazraj and Aws, arrived at Yat͟hrib and -were admitted to a share in the territory. As their numbers increased they encroached -more and more on the power of the Jewish rulers, and finally, towards the end of the -fifth century, the government of the city passed entirely into their hands. -</p> -<p>Some of the Arabs had embraced the Jewish religion, and many of the former masters -of the city still dwelt there in <span class="pageNum" id="pb21">[<a href="#pb21">21</a>]</span>the service of their conquerors, so that it contained in Muḥammad’s time a considerable -Jewish population. The people of Yat͟hrib were thus familiar with the idea of a Messiah -who was to come, and were consequently more capable of understanding the claim of -Muḥammad to be accepted as the Prophet of God, than were the idolatrous Meccans to -whom such an idea was entirely foreign and especially distasteful to the Quraysh, -whose supremacy over the other tribes and whose worldly prosperity arose from the -fact that they were the hereditary guardians of the national collection of idols kept -in the sacred enclosure of the Kaʻbah. -</p> -<p>Further, the city of Yat͟hrib was distracted by incessant civil discord through a -long-standing feud between the Banū K͟hazraj and the Banū Aws. The citizens lived -in uncertainty and suspense, and anything likely to bind the conflicting parties together -by a tie of common interest could not but prove a boon to the city. Just as the mediæval -republics of Northern Italy chose a stranger to hold the chief post in their cities -in order to maintain some balance of power between the rival factions, and prevent, -if possible, the civil strife which was so ruinous to commerce and the general welfare, -so the Yat͟hribites would not look upon the arrival of a stranger with suspicion, -even though he was likely to usurp or gain permission to assume the vacant authority. -</p> -<p>On the contrary, one of the reasons for the warm welcome which Muḥammad received in -Medina would seem to be that the adoption of Islam appeared to the more thoughtful -of its citizens to be a remedy for the disorders from which their society was suffering, -by its orderly discipline of life and its bringing the unruly passions of men under -the discipline of laws enunciated by an authority superior to individual caprice.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e711src" href="#xd31e711">7</a> -</p> -<p>These facts go far to explain how eight years after the Hijrah Muḥammad could, at -the head of 10,000 followers, enter the city in which he had laboured for ten years -with so meagre a result. -</p> -<p>But this is anticipating. Muḥammad had proposed to <span class="pageNum" id="pb22">[<a href="#pb22">22</a>]</span>accompany his new converts, the K͟hazrajites, to Yat͟hrib himself, but they dissuaded -him therefrom, until a reconciliation could be effected with the Banū Aws. “Let us, -we pray thee, return unto our people, if haply the Lord will create peace amongst -us; and we will come back again unto thee. Let the season of pilgrimage in the following -year be the appointed time.” So they returned to their homes, and invited their people -to the faith; and many believed, so that there remained hardly a family in which mention -was not made of the Prophet. -</p> -<p>When the time of pilgrimage again came round, a deputation from Yat͟hrib, ten men -of the Banū K͟hazraj, and two of the Banū Aws, met him at the appointed spot and pledged -him their word to obey his teaching. This, the first pledge of ʻAqabah, so called -from the secret spot at which they met, ran as follows:—“We will not worship any but -the one God; we will not steal, neither will we commit adultery or kill our children; -we will abstain from calumny and slander; we will obey the Prophet in every thing -that is right.” These twelve men now returned to Yat͟hrib as missionaries of Islam, -and so well prepared was the ground, and with such zeal did they prosecute their mission, -that the new faith spread rapidly from house to house and from tribe to tribe. -</p> -<p>They were accompanied on their return by Muṣʻab b. ʻUmayr; though, according to another -account he was sent by the Prophet upon a written requisition from Yat͟hrib. This -young man had been one of the earliest converts, and had lately returned from Abyssinia; -thus he had had much experience, and severe training in the school of persecution -had not only sobered his zeal but taught him how to meet persecution and deal with -those who were ready to condemn Islam without waiting to learn the true contents of -its teaching; accordingly Muḥammad could with the greatest confidence entrust him -with the difficult task of directing and instructing the new converts, cherishing -the seeds of religious zeal and devotion that had already been sown and bringing them -to fruition. Muṣʻab took up his abode in the house of Asʻad b. Zurārah, and gathered -the converts together for prayer and the reading of the Qurʼān, sometimes <span class="pageNum" id="pb23">[<a href="#pb23">23</a>]</span>here and sometimes in a house belonging to the Banū Ẓafar, which was situated in a -quarter of the town occupied jointly by this family and that of ʻAbd al-Ashhal. -</p> -<p>The heads of the latter family at that time were Saʻd b. Muʻād͟h and Usayd b. Ḥuḍayr. -One day it happened that Muṣʻab was sitting together with Asʻad in this house of the -Banū Ẓafar, engaged in instructing some new converts, when Saʻd b. Muʻād͟h, having -come to know of their whereabouts, said to Usayd b. Ḥuḍayr: “Drive out these fellows -who have come into our houses to make fools of the weaklings among us; I would spare -thee the trouble did not the tie of kinship between me and Asʻad prevent my doing -him any harm” (for he himself was the cousin of Asʻad). Hereupon Usayd took his spear -and, bursting in upon Asʻad and Muṣʻab, “What are you doing?” he cried, “leading weak-minded -folk astray? If you value your lives, begone hence.” “Sit down and listen,” Muṣʻab -answered quietly, “if thou art pleased with what thou hearest, accept it; if not, -then leave it.” Usayd stuck his spear in the ground and sat down to listen, while -Muṣʻab expounded to him the fundamental doctrines of Islam and read several passages -of the Qurʼān. After a time Usayd, enraptured, cried, “What must I do to enter this -religion?” “Purify thyself with water,” answered Muṣʻab, “and confess that there is -no god but God and that Muḥammad is the apostle of God.” Usayd at once complied and -repeated the profession of faith, adding, “After me you have still another man to -convince” (referring to Saʻd b. Muʻād͟h). “If he is persuaded, his example will bring -after him all his people. I will send him to you forthwith.” -</p> -<p>With these words he left them, and soon after came Saʻd b. Muʻād͟h himself, hot with -anger against Asʻad for the patronage he had extended to the missionaries of Islam. -Muṣʻab begged him not to condemn the new faith unheard, so Saʻd agreed to listen and -soon the words of Muṣʻab touched him and brought conviction to his heart, and he embraced -the faith and became a Muslim. He went back to his people burning with zeal and said -to them, “Sons of ʻAbd al-Ashhal, say, what am I to you?” “Thou art our lord,” they -answered, “thou art the wisest and most illustrious <span class="pageNum" id="pb24">[<a href="#pb24">24</a>]</span>among us.” “Then I swear,” replied Saʻd, “nevermore to speak to any of you until you -believe in God and Muḥammad, His apostle.” And from that day, all the descendants -of ʻAbd al-Ashhal embraced Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e729src" href="#xd31e729">8</a> -</p> -<p>With such zeal and earnestness was the preaching of the faith pushed forward that -within a year there was not a family among the Arabs of Medina that had not given -some of its members to swell the number of the faithful, with the exception of one -branch of the Banū Aws, which held aloof under the influence of Abū Qays b. al-Aslat, -the poet. -</p> -<p>The following year, when the time of the annual pilgrimage again came round, a band -of converts, amounting to seventy-three in number, accompanied their heathen fellow-countrymen -from Yat͟hrib to Mecca. They were commissioned to invite Muḥammad to take refuge in -Yat͟hrib from the fury of his enemies, and had come to swear allegiance to him as -their prophet and their leader. All the early converts who had before met the Prophet -on the two preceding pilgrimages, returned to Mecca on this important occasion, and -Muṣʻab their teacher accompanied them. Immediately on his arrival he hurried to the -prophet, and told him of the success that had attended his mission. It is said that -his mother, hearing of his arrival, sent a message to him, saying: “Ah, disobedient -son, wilt thou enter a city in which thy mother dwelleth, and not first visit her!” -“Nay, verily,” he replied, “I will never visit the house of any one before the Prophet -of God.” So, after he had greeted and conferred with Muḥammad, he went to his mother, -who thus accosted him: “Then I ween thou art still a renegade.” He answered, “I follow -the prophet of the Lord and the true faith of Islam.” “Art thou then well satisfied -with the miserable way thou hast fared in the land of Abyssinia and now again at Yat͟hrib?” -Now he perceived that she was meditating his imprisonment, and exclaimed, “What! wilt -thou force a man from his religion? If ye seek to confine me, I will assuredly slay -the first person that layeth hands upon me.” His mother said, “Then depart from my -presence,” and she began to <span class="pageNum" id="pb25">[<a href="#pb25">25</a>]</span>weep. Muṣʻab was moved, and said, “Oh, my mother! I give thee loving counsel. Testify -that there is no God but the Lord and that Muḥammad is His servant and messenger.” -But she replied, “By the sparkling stars! I will never make a fool of myself by entering -into thy religion. I wash my hands of thee and thy concerns, and cleave steadfastly -unto mine own faith.” -</p> -<p>In order not to excite suspicion and incur the hostility of the Quraysh, a secret -meeting was arranged at ʻAqabah, the scene of the former meeting with the converts -of the year before. Muḥammad came accompanied only by his uncle ʻAbbās, who, though -he was still an idolater, had been admitted into the secret. ʻAbbās opened the solemn -conclave, by recommending his nephew as a scion of one of the noblest families of -his clan, which had hitherto afforded the Prophet protection, although rejecting his -teachings; but now that he wished to take refuge among the people of Yat͟hrib, they -should bethink themselves well before undertaking such a charge, and resolve not to -go back from their promise, if once they undertook the risk. Then Barā b. Maʻrūr, -one of the Banū K͟hazraj, protesting that they were firm in their resolve to protect -the Prophet of God, besought him to declare fully what he wished of them. -</p> -<p>Muḥammad began by reciting to them some portions of the Qurʼān, and exhorted them -to be true to the faith they had professed in the one God and the Prophet, His apostle; -he then asked them to defend him and his companions from all assailants just as they -would their own wives and children. Then Barā b. Maʻrūr, taking his hand, cried out, -“Yea, by Him who sent thee as His Prophet, and through thee revealed unto us His truth, -we will protect thee as we would our own bodies, and we swear allegiance to thee as -our leader. We are the sons of battle and men of mail, which we have inherited as -worthy sons of worthy forefathers.” So they all in turn, taking his hand in theirs, -swore allegiance to him. -</p> -<p>As soon as the Quraysh gained intelligence of these secret proceedings, the persecution -broke out afresh against the Muslims, and Muḥammad advised them to flee out of the -<span class="pageNum" id="pb26">[<a href="#pb26">26</a>]</span>city. “Depart unto Yat͟hrib; for the Lord hath verily given you brethren in that city, -and a home in which ye may find refuge.” So quietly, by twos and threes they escaped -to Yat͟hrib, where they were heartily welcomed, their co-religionists in that city -vying with one another for the honour of entertaining them, and supplying them with -such things as they had need of. Within two months nearly all the Muslims except those -who were seized and imprisoned and those who could not escape from captivity had left -Mecca, to the number of about 150. There is a story told of one of these Muslims, -by name Ṣuhayb, whom Muḥammad called “the first-fruits of Greece” (he had been a Greek -slave, and being set free by his master had amassed considerable wealth by successful -trading); when he was about to emigrate the Meccans said to him, “Thou camest hither -in need and penury; but thy wealth hath increased with us, until thou hast reached -thy present prosperity; and now thou art departing, not thyself only, but with all -thy property. By the Lord, that shall not be;” and he said, “If I relinquish my property, -will ye leave me free to depart?” And they agreed thereto; so he parted with all his -goods. And when that was told unto Muḥammad, he said, “Verily, Ṣuhayb hath made a -profitable bargain.” -</p> -<p>Muḥammad delayed his own departure (with the intention, no doubt, of withdrawing attention -from his faithful followers) until a determined plot against his life warned him that -further delay might be fatal, and he made his escape by means of a stratagem. -</p> -<p>His first care after his arrival in Yat͟hrib, or Medina as it was called from this -period—Madīnah al-Nabī, the city of the Prophet—was to build a mosque, to serve both -as a place of prayer and of general assembly for his followers, who had hitherto met -for that purpose in the dwelling-place of one of their number. The worshippers at -first used to turn their faces in the direction of Jerusalem—an arrangement most probably -adopted with the hope of gaining over the Jews. In many other ways, by constant appeals -to their own sacred Scriptures, by according them perfect freedom of worship and political -equality, Muḥammad <span class="pageNum" id="pb27">[<a href="#pb27">27</a>]</span>endeavoured to conciliate the Jews, but they met his advances with scorn and derision. -When all hopes of amalgamation proved fruitless and it became clear that the Jews -would not accept him as their Prophet, Muḥammad bade his followers turn their faces -in prayer towards the Kaʻbah in Mecca. (ii. 144.)<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e749src" href="#xd31e749">9</a> -</p> -<p>This change of direction during prayer has a deeper significance than might at first -sight appear. It was really the beginning of the National Life of Islam: it established -the Kaʻbah at Mecca as a religious centre for all the Muslim people, just as from -time immemorial it had been a place of pilgrimage for all the tribes of Arabia. Of -similar importance was the incorporation of the ancient Arab custom of pilgrimage -to Mecca into the circle of the religious ordinances of Islam, a duty that was to -be performed by every Muslim at least once in his lifetime. -</p> -<p>There are many passages in the Qurʼān that appeal to this germ of national feeling -and urge the people of Arabia to realise the privilege that had been granted them -of a divine revelation in their own language and by the lips of one of their own countrymen. -</p> -<blockquote class="block hang"> -<p class="first">“Verily We have made it an Arabic Qurʼān that ye may haply understand. (xliii. 2–3.) -</p> -<p>“And thus We have revealed to thee an Arabic Qurʼān, that thou mayest warn the mother -of cities and those around it. (xlii. 5.) -</p> -<p>“And if We had made it a Qurʼān in a foreign tongue, they had surely said, ‘Unless -its verses be clearly explained (we will not receive it).’ (xli. 44.) -</p> -<p>“And verily We have set before men in this Qurʼān every kind of parable that haply -they be monished: -</p> -<p>“An Arabic Qurʼān, free from tortuous (wording), that haply they may fear (God). (xxxix. -28–29.) -</p> -<p>“Verily from the Lord of all creatures hath this (book) come down, … in the clear -Arabic tongue. (xxvi. 192, 195.) -</p> -<p>“And We have only made it (i.e. the Qurʼān) easy, in <span class="pageNum" id="pb28">[<a href="#pb28">28</a>]</span>thine own tongue, in order that thou mayest announce glad tidings thereby to the God-fearing, -and that thou mayest warn the contentious thereby.” (xix. 97.)</p> -</blockquote><p> -</p> -<p>But the message of Islam was not for Arabia only; the whole world was to share in -it.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e769src" href="#xd31e769">10</a> As there was but one God, so there was to be but one religion into which all men -were to be invited. This claim to be universal, to hold sway over all men and all -nations, found a practical illustration in the letters which Muḥammad is said to have -sent in the year <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 688 (<span class="asc"><abbr title="Anno Hegirae">A.H.</abbr></span> 6) to the great potentates of that time. An invitation to embrace Islam was sent -in this year to the Emperor Heraclius, the king of Persia, the governor of Yaman, -the governor of Egypt and the king of Abyssinia. The letter to Heraclius is said to -have been as follows:—“In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate, Muḥammad, -who is the servant of God and His apostle, to Hiraql the Qayṣar of Rūm. Peace be on -whoever has gone on the straight road. After this I say, Verily I call you to Islam. -Embrace Islam, and God will reward you twofold. If you turn away from the offer of -Islam, then on you be the sins of your people. O people of the Book, come towards -a creed which is fit both for us and for you. It is this—to worship none but God, -and not to associate anything with God, and not to call others God. Therefore, O ye -people of the Book, if ye refuse, beware. We are Muslims and our religion is Islam.” -However absurd this summons may have seemed to those who then received it, succeeding -years showed that it was dictated by no empty enthusiasm.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e785src" href="#xd31e785">11</a> These letters only gave a more open and widespread expression to the claim to the -universal acceptance which is repeatedly made for Islam in the Qurʼān. -<span class="pageNum" id="pb29">[<a href="#pb29">29</a>]</span></p> -<blockquote class="block hang"> -<p class="first">“Of a truth it (i.e. the Qurʼān) is no other than an admonition to all created beings, -and after a time shall ye surely know its message. (xxxviii. 87–88.) -</p> -<p>“This (book) is no other than an admonition and a clear Qurʼān, to warn whoever liveth; -and that against the unbelievers sentence may be justly given. (xxxvi. 69–70.) -</p> -<p>“We have not sent thee save as a mercy to all created beings. (xxi. 107.) -</p> -<p>“Blessed is He who hath sent down al-Furqān upon His servant, that he may be a warner -unto all created beings. (xxv. 1.) -</p> -<p>“And We have not sent thee otherwise than to mankind at large, to announce and to -warn. (xxxiv. 27.) -</p> -<p>“He it is who hath sent His apostle with guidance and the religion of truth, that -He may make it victorious over every other religion, though the polytheists are averse -to it.” (lxi. 9.)</p> -</blockquote><p> -</p> -<p>In the hour of his deepest despair, when the people of Mecca persistently turned a -deaf ear to the words of their prophet (xvi<span class="corr" id="xd31e799" title="Source: ,">.</span> 23, 114, etc.), when the converts he had made were tortured until they recanted (xvi. -108), and others were forced to flee from the country to escape the rage of their -persecutors (xvi. 43, 111)—then was delivered the promise, “One day we will raise -up a witness out of every nation.” (xvi. 86.)<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e802src" href="#xd31e802">12</a> -</p> -<p>This claim upon the acceptance of all mankind which the Prophet makes in these passages -is further prophetically indicated in the words “first-fruits of Abyssinia,” used -by Muḥammad in reference to Bilāl, and “first-fruits of Greece,” to Ṣuhayb; Salmān, -the first Persian convert, was a Christian slave in Medina, who embraced the new faith -in the first <span class="pageNum" id="pb30">[<a href="#pb30">30</a>]</span>year of the Hijrah. Thus long before any career of conquest was so much as dreamed -of, the Prophet had clearly shown that Islam was not to be confined to the Arab race. -The following account of the sending out of missionaries to preach Islam to all nations, -points to the same claim to be a universal religion: “The Apostle of God said to his -companions, ‘Come to me all of you early in the morning.’ After the morning prayer -he spent some time in praising and supplicating God, as was his wont; then he turned -to them and sent forth some in one direction and others in another, and said: ‘Be -faithful to God in your dealings with His servants (i.e. with men), for whosoever -is entrusted with any matter that concerns mankind and is not faithful in his service -of them, to him God shuts the gate of Paradise: go forth and be not like the messengers -of Jesus, the son of Mary, for they went only to those that lived near and neglected -those that dwelt in far countries.’ Then each of these messengers came to speak the -language of the people to whom he was sent. When this was told to the Prophet he said, -‘This is the greatest of the duties that they owe to God with respect to His servants.’ ”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e813src" href="#xd31e813">13</a> -</p> -<p>The proof of the universality of Islam, of its claim on the acceptance of all men, -lay in the fact that it was the religion divinely appointed for the whole human race -and was now revealed to them anew through Muḥammad, “the seal of the prophets” (xxxiii. -40), as it had been to former generations by other prophets. -</p> -<blockquote class="block hang"> -<p class="first">“Men were of one religion only: then they disagreed one with another and had not a -decree (of respite) previously gone forth from thy Lord, judgment would surely have -been given between them in the matter wherein they disagree. (x. 20.) -</p> -<p>“I am no apostle of new doctrines. (xlvi. 8.) -</p> -<p>“Mankind was but one people: then God raised up prophets to announce glad tidings -and to warn: and He sent down with them the Book with the Truth, that it might decide -the disputes of men: and none disagreed save those to whom the book had been <span class="pageNum" id="pb31">[<a href="#pb31">31</a>]</span>given, after the clear tokens had reached them, through mutual jealousy. And God guided -those who believed into the truth concerning which they had disagreed, by His will; -and God guideth whom He pleaseth into the straight path. (ii. 209.) -</p> -<p>“And We revealed to thee, ‘follow the religion of Abraham, the sound in faith, for -he was not of those who join gods with God.’ (xvi. 124.) -</p> -<p>“Say: As for me, my Lord hath guided me into a straight path: a true faith, the religion -of Abraham, the sound in faith; for he was not of those who join gods with God. (vi. -162.) -</p> -<p>“Say: Nay, the religion of Abraham, the sound in faith and not one of those who join -gods with God (is our religion). (ii. 129.) -</p> -<p>“Say: God speaketh truth. Follow therefore the religion of Abraham, he being a Ḥanīf -and not one of those who join other gods with God. -</p> -<p>“Verily the first temple that was set up for men was that which is in Bakka, blessed -and a guidance for all created beings. (iii. 89, 90.) -</p> -<p>“And who hath a better religion than he who resigneth himself to God, who doth what -is good and followeth the faith of Abraham, the sound in faith? (iv. 124.) -</p> -<p>“He hath elected you, and hath not laid on you any hardship in religion, the faith -of your father Abraham. He hath named you the Muslims.” (xx. 77.)</p> -</blockquote><p> -</p> -<p>But to return to Muḥammad in Medina. In order properly to appreciate his position -after the Flight, it is important to remember the peculiar character of Arab society -at that time, as far at least as this part of the peninsula was concerned. There was -an entire absence of any organised administrative or judicial system such as in modern -times we connect with the idea of a government. Each tribe or clan formed a separate -and absolutely independent body, and this independence extended itself also to the -individual members of the tribe, each of whom recognised the authority, or leadership -of his chief only as being the exponent of a public opinion which he himself happened -to share; but <span class="pageNum" id="pb32">[<a href="#pb32">32</a>]</span>he was quite at liberty to refuse his conformity to the (even) unanimous resolve of -his fellow clansmen. Further, there was no regular transmission of the office of chieftain; -but he was generally chosen as being the oldest member of the richest and most powerful -family of the clan, and as being personally most qualified to command respect. If -such a tribe became too numerous, it would split up into several divisions, each of -which continued to enjoy a separate and independent existence, uniting only on some -extraordinary occasion for common self-defence or some more than usually important -warlike expedition. We can thus understand how Muḥammad could establish himself in -Medina at the head of a large and increasing body of adherents who looked up to him -as their head and leader and acknowledged no other authority,—without exciting any -feeling of insecurity, or any fear of encroachment on recognised authority, such as -would have arisen in a city of ancient Greece or any similarly organised community. -Muḥammad thus exercised temporal authority over his people just as any other independent -chief might have done, the only difference being that in the case of the Muslims a -religious bond took the place of family and blood ties. -</p> -<p>Islam thus became what, in theory at least, it has always remained—a political as -well as a religious system. -</p> -<p>“It was Muḥammad’s desire to found a new religion, and in this he succeeded; but at -the same time he founded a political system of an entirely new and peculiar character. -At first his only wish was to convert his fellow-countrymen to the belief in the One -God—Allāh; but along with this he brought about the overthrow of the old system of -government in his native city, and in place of the tribal aristocracy under which -the conduct of public affairs was shared in common by the ruling families, he substituted -an absolute theocratic monarchy, with himself at the head as vicar of God upon earth. -</p> -<p>“Even before his death almost all Arabia had submitted to him; Arabia that had never -before obeyed one prince, suddenly exhibits a political unity and swears allegiance -to the will of an absolute ruler. Out of the numerous tribes, big and small, of a -hundred different kinds that <span class="pageNum" id="pb33">[<a href="#pb33">33</a>]</span>were incessantly at feud with one another, Muḥammad’s word created a nation. The idea -of a common religion under one common head bound the different tribes together into -one political organism which developed its peculiar characteristics with surprising -rapidity. Now only one great idea could have produced this result, viz. the principle -of national life in heathen Arabia. The clan-system was thus for the first time, if -not entirely crushed—(that would have been impossible)—yet made subordinate to the -feeling of religious unity. The great work succeeded, and when Muḥammad died there -prevailed over by far the greater part of Arabia a peace of God such as the Arab tribes, -with their love of plunder and revenge, had never known; it was the religion of Islam -that had brought about this reconciliation.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e843src" href="#xd31e843">14</a> -</p> -<p>Even in the case of death, the claims of relationship were set aside and the bond-brother -inherited all the property of his deceased companion. But after the battle of Badr, -when such an artificial bond was no longer needed to unite his followers, it was abolished; -such an arrangement was only necessary so long as the number of the Muslims was still -small and the corporate life of Islam a novelty; moreover Muḥammad had lived in Medina -for a very short space of time before the rapid increase in the number of his adherents -made so communistic a social system almost impracticable. -</p> -<p>It was only to be expected that the growth of an independent political body composed -of refugees from Mecca, located in a hostile city, should eventually lead to an outbreak -of hostilities; and, as is well known, every biography of Muḥammad is largely taken -up with the account of a long series of petty encounters and bloody battles between -his followers and the Quraysh of Mecca, ending in his triumphal entry into that city -in <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 630, and of his hostile relations with numerous other tribes, up to the time of his -death, <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 633. -</p> -<p>To give any account of these campaigns is beyond the scope of the present work, but -it is important to show that Muḥammad, when he found himself at the head of a band -<span class="pageNum" id="pb34">[<a href="#pb34">34</a>]</span>of armed followers, was not transformed at once, as some would have us believe, from -a peaceful preacher into a fanatic, sword in hand, forcing his religion on whomsoever -he could.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e859src" href="#xd31e859">15</a> -</p> -<p>It has been frequently asserted by European writers that from the date of Muḥammad’s -migration to Medina, and from the altered circumstances of his life there, the Prophet -appears in an entirely new character. He is no longer the preacher, the warner, the -apostle of God to men, whom he would persuade of the truth of the religion revealed -to him, but now he appears rather as the unscrupulous bigot, using all means at his -disposal of force and statecraft to assert himself and his opinions. -</p> -<p>But it is false to suppose that Muḥammad in Medina laid aside his <i>rôle</i> of preacher and missionary of Islam, or that when he had a large army at his command, -he ceased to invite unbelievers to accept the faith. Ibn Saʻd gives a number of letters -written by the Prophet from Medina to chiefs and other members of different Arabian -tribes, in addition to those addressed to potentates living beyond the limits of Arabia, -inviting them to embrace Islam; and in the following pages will be found instances -of his having sent missionaries to preach the faith to the unconverted members of -their tribes, whose very ill-success in some cases is a sign of the genuinely missionary -character of their efforts and the absence of an appeal to force. A typical example -of such an unsuccessful mission is that sent to preach Islam to the Banū ʻĀmir b. -Ṣaʻṣaʻah in the year <span class="asc">A.H.</span> 4. The chief of this tribe, Abū Barā ʻĀmir, visited Muḥammad in Medina, listened -to his teaching, but declined to become a convert; he seemed, however, to be favourably -disposed towards the new faith and asked the Prophet to send some of his followers -to Najd to preach to the people of that country. The Prophet sent a party of forty -Muslims, most of them young men of Medina, who were skilled in reciting the Qurʼān, -and had been accustomed to meet together at night for study and prayer. But in <span class="pageNum" id="pb35">[<a href="#pb35">35</a>]</span>spite of the safe conduct given them by Abū Barā ʻĀmir, they were treacherously murdered -and three only of the party escaped with their lives.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e875src" href="#xd31e875">16</a> -</p> -<p>The successes of the Muslim arms, however, attracted every day members of various -tribes, particularly those in the vicinity of Medina, to swell the ranks of the followers -of the Prophet; and “the courteous treatment which the deputations of these various -clans experienced from the Prophet, his ready attention to their grievances, the wisdom -with which he composed their disputes, and the politic assignments of territory by -which he rewarded an early declaration in favour of Islam, made his name to be popular -and spread his fame as a great and generous prince throughout the Peninsula.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e881src" href="#xd31e881">17</a> -</p> -<p>It not unfrequently happened that one member of a tribe would come to the Prophet -in Medina and return home as a missionary of Islam to convert his brethren; we have -the following account of such a conversion in the year 5 (<span class="asc">A.H.</span>). -</p> -<p>The Banū Saʻd b. Bakr sent one of their number, by name Ḍimām b. T͟haʻlabah as their -envoy to the Prophet. He came and made his camel kneel down at the gate of the mosque -and tied up its fore-leg. Then he went into the mosque, where the Prophet was sitting -with his companions. He went up close to them and said, “Which among you is the son -of ʻAbd al-Muṭṭalib?” “I am,” replied the Prophet. “Art thou Muḥammad?” “Yes,” was -the answer. “Then, if thou wilt not take it amiss, I would fain ask thee some weighty -questions.” “Nay, ask what thou wilt,” answered the Prophet. “I adjure thee by Allāh, -thy God and the God of those who were before thee and of those who are to come after -thee, hath Allāh sent thee as a prophet unto us?” Muḥammad answered, “Yea, by Allāh.” -He continued, “I adjure thee by Allāh, thy God and the God of those who were before -thee and of those who are to come after thee, hath He commanded thee to <span class="pageNum" id="pb36">[<a href="#pb36">36</a>]</span>bid us worship Him alone, and to associate naught else with Him and to abandon these -idols that our fathers worshipped?” Muḥammad answered, “Yea, by Allāh.” Then he questioned -the Prophet concerning all the ordinances of Islam, one after another, prayer and -fasting, pilgrimage, etc., solemnly adjuring him as before. At the end he said, “Then -I bear witness that there is no God save Allāh and I bear witness that Muḥammad is -the Prophet of Allāh, and I will observe these ordinances and shun what thou hast -forbidden, adding nothing thereto, and taking nothing away.” Then he turned away and -loosened his camel and returned unto his own people, and when he had gathered them -together, the first words he spoke unto them were: “Vile things are Lāt and ʻUzzā.” -They cried out, “Hold! Ḍimām, take heed of leprosy or madness!” “Fie on you!” he replied. -“By Allāh! they can neither work you weal nor woe, for Allāh has sent a Prophet and -revealed to him a book, whereby he delivers you from your evil plight; I bear witness -that there is no God save Allāh alone and that Muḥammad is His servant and His Prophet; -and I have brought you tidings of what he enjoins and what he forbids.” The story -goes on that ere nightfall there was not a man or woman in the camp who had not accepted -Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e896src" href="#xd31e896">18</a> -</p> -<p>Another such missionary was ʻAmr b. Murrah, belonging to the tribe of the Banū Juhaynah, -who dwelt between Medina and the Red Sea. The date of his conversion was prior to -the Flight, in the same year (<span class="asc">A.H.</span> 5), and he thus describes it: “We had an idol that we worshipped, and I was the guardian -of its shrine. When I heard of the Prophet, I broke it in pieces and set off to Muḥammad, -where I accepted Islam and bore witness to the truth, and believed on what Muḥammad -declared to be allowed and forbidden. And to this my verses refer: ‘I bear witness -that God is Truth and that I am the first to abandon the gods of stones, and I have -girded up my loins to make my way to you over rough ways and smooth, to join myself -to him who in himself and for his ancestry is the noblest of men, the apostle of <span class="pageNum" id="pb37">[<a href="#pb37">37</a>]</span>the Lord whose throne is above the clouds.’ ” He was sent by Muḥammad to preach Islam -to his tribe, and his efforts were crowned with such success that there was only one -man who refused to listen to his exhortations.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e906src" href="#xd31e906">19</a> -</p> -<p>When the truce of Ḥudaybiyyah (<span class="asc">A.H.</span> 6) made friendly relations with the people of Mecca possible, many persons of that -city, who had had the opportunity of listening to the teaching of Muḥammad in the -early days of his mission, and among them some men of great influence, came out to -Medina, to embrace the faith of Islam. -</p> -<p>The continual warfare carried on with the people of Mecca had hitherto kept the tribes -to the south of that city almost entirely outside the influence of the new religion. -But this truce now made communications with southern Arabia possible, and a small -band from the tribe of the Banū Daws came from the mountains that form the northern -boundary of Yaman, and joined themselves to the Prophet in Medina. Even before the -appearance of Muḥammad, there were some members of this tribe who had had glimmerings -of a higher religion than the idolatry prevailing around them, and argued that the -world must have had a creator, though they knew not who he was; and when Muḥammad -came forward as the apostle of this creator, one of these men, by name Ṭufayl b. ʻAmr, -came to Mecca to learn who the creator was. -</p> -<p>Though warned by the Quraysh of the dangerous influence that Muḥammad might exercise -over him if he entered into conversation with him, he followed the Prophet to his -house one day, after watching him at prayer by the Kaʻbah. Muḥammad expounded to him -the doctrines of Islam, and Ṭufayl left Mecca full of zeal for the new faith. On his -return home he succeeded in converting his father and his wife, but found his fellow-tribesmen -unwilling to abandon their old idolatrous worship. Disheartened at the ill-success -of his mission, he returned to the Prophet and besought him to call down the curse -of God on the Banū Daws; but Muḥammad encouraged him to persevere in his efforts, -saying, “Return to thy people and summon them to the faith, but deal gently with them.” -At the <span class="pageNum" id="pb38">[<a href="#pb38">38</a>]</span>same time he prayed, “Oh God! guide the Banū Daws in the right way.” The success of -Ṭufayl’s propaganda was such that in the year <span class="asc">A.H.</span> 7 he came to Medina with between seventy and eighty families of his tribesmen who -had been won over to the faith of Islam, and after the triumphal entry of Muḥammad -into Mecca, Ṭufayl set fire to the block of wood that had hitherto been venerated -as the idol of the tribe.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e922src" href="#xd31e922">20</a> -</p> -<p>In <span class="asc">A.H.</span> 7, fifteen more tribes submitted to the Prophet, and after the surrender of Mecca -in <span class="asc">A.H.</span> 8, the ascendancy of Islam was assured, and those Arabs who had held aloof, saying, -“Let Muḥammad and his fellow-tribesmen fight it out; if he is victorious, then is -he a genuine prophet,”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e933src" href="#xd31e933">21</a> now hastened to give in their allegiance to the new religion. Among those who came -in after the fall of Mecca were some of the most bitter persecutors of Muḥammad in -the earlier days of his mission, to whom his noble forbearance and forgiveness now -gave a place in the brotherhood of Islam. The following year witnessed the martyrdom -of ʻUrwah b. Masʻūd, one of the chiefs of the people of Ṭāʼif, which city the Muslims -had unsuccessfully attempted to capture. He had been absent at that time in Yaman, -and returned from his journey shortly after the raising of the siege. He had met the -Prophet two years before at Ḥudaybiyyah, and had conceived a profound veneration for -him, and now came to Medina to embrace the new faith. In the ardour of his zeal he -offered to go to Ṭāʼif to convert his fellow-countrymen, and in spite of the efforts -of Muḥammad to dissuade him from so dangerous an undertaking, he returned to his native -city, publicly declared that he had renounced idolatry, and called upon the people -to follow his example. While he was preaching, he was mortally wounded by an arrow, -and died giving thanks to God for having granted him the glory of martyrdom. A more -successful missionary effort was made by another follower of the Prophet in Yaman—probably -a year later—of which we have the following graphic account: “The apostle of God wrote -to al-Ḥārit͟h and Masrūḥ, and Nuʻaym b. ʻAbd al-Kulāl of Ḥimyar: ‘Peace be upon you -so long as <span class="pageNum" id="pb39">[<a href="#pb39">39</a>]</span>ye believe on God and His apostle. God is one God, there is no partner with Him. He -sent Moses with his signs, and created Jesus with his words. The Jews say, “Ezra is -the Son of God,” and the Christians say, “God is one of three, and Jesus is the Son -of God.” ’ He sent the letter by ʻAyyāsh b. Abī Rabīʻah al-Mak͟hzūmī, and said: ‘When -you reach their city, go not in by night, but wait until the morning; then carefully -perform your ablutions, and pray with two prostrations, and ask God to bless you with -success and a friendly reception, and to keep you safe from harm. Then take my letter -in your right hand, and deliver it with your right hand into their right hands, and -they will receive it. And recite to them, “The unbelievers among the people of the -Book and the polytheists did not waver,” etc. (Sūrah 98), to the end of the Sūrah; -when you have finished, say, “Muḥammad has believed, and I am the first to believe.” -And you will be able to meet every objection they bring against you, and every glittering -book that they recite to you will lose its light. And when they speak in a foreign -tongue, say, “Translate it,” and say to them, “God is sufficient for me; I believe -in the Book sent down by Him, and I am commanded to do justice among you; God is our -Lord and your Lord; to us belong our works, and to you belong your works; there is -no strife between us and you; God will unite us, and unto Him we must return.” If -they now accept Islam, then ask them for their three rods, before which they gather -together to pray, one rod of tamarisk that is spotted white and yellow, and one knotted -like a cane, and one black like ebony. Bring the rods out and burn them in the market-place.’ -So I set out,” tells ʻAyyāsh, “to do as the Apostle of God had bid me. When I arrived, -I found that all the people had decked themselves out for a festival: I walked on -to see them, and came at last to three enormous curtains hung in front of three doorways. -I lifted the curtain and entered the middle door, and found people collected in the -courtyard of the building. I introduced myself to them as the messenger of the Apostle -of God, and did as he had bidden me; and they gave heed to my words, and it fell out -as he had said.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e938src" href="#xd31e938">22</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb40">[<a href="#pb40">40</a>]</span></p> -<p>In <span class="asc">A.H.</span> 9 a deputation of thirteen men from the Banū Kilāb, a branch of the Banū ʻĀmir b. -Ṣaʻṣaʻah, came to the Prophet and informed him that one of his followers, Ḍaḥḥāk b. -Sufyān, had come to them, reciting the Qurʼān and teaching the doctrines of Islam, -and that his preaching had won over their tribe to the new faith.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e948src" href="#xd31e948">23</a> Another branch of the same tribe, the Banū Ruʼās b. Kilāb, was converted by one of -its members, named ʻAmr b. Mālik, who had been to Medina and accepted Islam, and then -returned to his fellow tribes and persuaded them to follow his example.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e951src" href="#xd31e951">24</a> -</p> -<p>In the same year a less successful attempt was made by a new convert, Wāt͟hilah b. -al-Asqaʻ, to induce his clan to accept the faith that he himself had embraced after -an interview with the Prophet. His father scornfully cast him off, saying, “By God! -I will never speak a word to you again,” and none were found willing to believe the -doctrines he preached with the exception of his sister, who provided him with the -means of returning to the Prophet at Medina.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e956src" href="#xd31e956">25</a> This ninth year of the Hijrah has been called the year of the deputations, because -of the enormous number of Arab tribes and cities that now sent delegates to the Prophet, -to give in their submission. The introduction into Arab society of a new principle -of social union in the brotherhood of Islam had already begun to weaken the binding -force of the old tribal ideal, which erected the fabric of society on the basis of -blood-relationship. The conversion of an individual and his reception into the new -society was a breach of one of the most fundamental laws of Arab life, and its frequent -occurrence had acted as a powerful solvent on tribal organisation and had left it -weak in the face of a national life so enthusiastic and firmly-knit as that of the -Muslims had become. The Arab tribes were thus impelled to give in their submission -to the Prophet, not merely as the head of the strongest military force in Arabia, -but as the exponent of a theory of social life that was making all others weak and -ineffective.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e959src" href="#xd31e959">26</a> Muḥammad had succeeded in introducing into the anarchical society of his time a <span class="pageNum" id="pb41">[<a href="#pb41">41</a>]</span>sentiment of national unity, a consciousness of rights and duties towards one another -such as the Arabs had not felt before.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e964src" href="#xd31e964">27</a> In this way, Islam was uniting together clans that hitherto had been continually -at feud with one another, and as this great confederacy grew, it more and more attracted -to itself the weaker among the tribes of Arabia. In the accounts of the conversion -of the Arab tribes, there is continual mention of the promise of security against -their enemies, made to them by the Prophet on the occasion of their submission. “Woe -is me for Muḥammad!” was the cry of one of the Arab tribes on the news of the death -of the Prophet. “So long as he was alive, I lived in peace and in safety from my enemies;” -and the cry must have found an echo far and wide throughout Arabia. -</p> -<p>How superficial was the adherence of numbers of the Arab tribes to the faith of Islam -may be judged from the widespread apostasy that followed immediately on the death -of the Prophet. Their acceptance of Islam would seem to have been often dictated more -by considerations of political expediency, and was more frequently a bargain struck -under pressure of violence than the outcome of any enthusiasm or spiritual awakening. -They allowed themselves to be swept into the stream of what had now become a great -national movement, and we miss the fervent zeal of the early converts in the cool, -calculating attitude of those who came in after the fall of Mecca. But even from among -these must have come many to swell the ranks of the true believers animated with a -genuine zeal for the faith, and ready, as we have seen, to give their lives in the -effort to preach it to their brethren. -</p> -<p>“These men were the true moral heirs of the Prophet, the future apostles of Islam, -the faithful trustees of all that Muḥammad had revealed unto the men of God. Into -these men, through their constant contact with the Prophet and their devotion to him, -there had really entered a new mode of thought and feeling, loftier and more civilised -than any they had known before; they had really changed for the better from every -point of view, and later on as statesmen and generals, in the most difficult moments -of the war of <span class="pageNum" id="pb42">[<a href="#pb42">42</a>]</span>conquest they gave magnificent and undeniable proof that the ideas and the doctrines -of Muḥammad had been seed cast on fruitful soil, and had produced a body of men of -the very highest worth. They were the depositaries of the sacred text of the Qurʼān, -which they alone knew by heart; they were the jealous guardians of the memory of every -word and bidding of the Prophet, the trustees of the moral heritage of Muḥammad. These -men formed the venerable stock of Islam from whom one day was to spring the noble -band of the first jurists, theologians and traditionists of Muslim society.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e973src" href="#xd31e973">28</a> -</p> -<p>But for such men as these, so vast a movement could not have held together, much less -have recovered the shock given it by the death of the founder. For it must not be -forgotten how distinctly Islam was a <i>new</i> movement in heathen Arabia, and how diametrically opposed were the ideals of the -two societies.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e980src" href="#xd31e980">29</a> For the introduction of Islam into Arab society did not imply merely the sweeping -away of a few barbarous and inhuman practices, but a complete reversal of the pre-existing -ideals of life. -</p> -<p>Herein we have the most conclusive proof of the essentially missionary character of -the teaching of Muḥammad, who thus comes forward as the exponent of a new scheme of -faith and practice. Whatever may have been the conditions favourable to the formation -of a new political organisation, Muḥammad certainly did not find the society of his -day prepared to receive his religious teaching and waiting only for the voice that -would express in speech the inarticulate yearnings of their hearts. But it is just -this spirit of expectancy that is wanting among the Arabs—those at least of the Central -Arabia towards whom Muḥammad’s efforts were at first directed. They were by no means -ready to receive the preaching of a new teacher, least of all one who came with the -(to them unintelligible) title of apostle of God. -</p> -<p>Again, the equality in Islam of all believers and the common brotherhood of all Muslims, -which suffered no <span class="pageNum" id="pb43">[<a href="#pb43">43</a>]</span>distinctions between Arab and non-Arab, between free and slave, to exist among the -faithful, was an idea that ran directly counter to the proud clan-feeling of the Arab, -who grounded his claims to personal consideration on the fame of his ancestors, and -in the strength of the same carried on the endless blood-feuds in which his soul delighted. -Indeed, the fundamental principles in the teaching of Muḥammad were a protest against -much that the Arabs had hitherto most highly valued, and the newly-converted Muslim -was taught to consider as virtues, qualities which hitherto he had looked down upon -with contempt. -</p> -<p>To the heathen Arab, friendship and hostility were as a loan which he sought to repay -with interest, and he prided himself on returning evil for evil, and looked down on -any who acted otherwise as a weak nidering. -</p> -<div class="lgouter"> -<p class="line">He is the perfect man who late and early plotteth still </p> -<p class="line">To do a kindness to his friends and work his foes some ill. </p> -</div> -<p class="first">To such men the Prophet said, “Recompense evil with that which is better” (xxiii. -98); as they desired the forgiveness of God, they were to pass over and pardon offences -(xxiv. 22), and a Paradise, vast as the heavens and the earth, was prepared for those -who mastered their anger and forgave others. (iii. 128.) -</p> -<p>The very institution of prayer was jeered at by the Arabs to whom Muḥammad first delivered -his message, and one of the hardest parts of his task was to induce in them that pious -attitude of mind towards the Creator, which Islam inculcates equally with Judaism -and Christianity, but which was practically unknown to the heathen Arabs. This self-sufficiency -and this lack of the religious spirit, joined with their intense pride of race, little -fitted them to receive the teachings of one who maintained that “The most worthy of -honour in the sight of God is he that feareth Him most” (xlix. 13). No more could -they brook the restrictions that Islam sought to lay upon the licence of their lives; -wine, women, and song, were among the things most dear to the Arab’s heart in the -days of the ignorance, and the Prophet was stern and severe in his injunctions respecting -each of them. -<span class="pageNum" id="pb44">[<a href="#pb44">44</a>]</span></p> -<p>Thus, from the very beginning, Islam bears the stamp of a missionary religion that -seeks to win the hearts of men, to convert them and persuade them to enter the brotherhood -of the faithful; and as it was in the beginning, so has it continued to be up to the -present day, as will be the object of the following pages to show. -<span class="pageNum" id="pb45">[<a href="#pb45">45</a>]</span> </p> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e634"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e634src">1</a></span> Ibn Isḥāq, p. 120. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e634src" title="Return to note 1 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e642"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e642src">2</a></span> Id. p. 155. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e642src" title="Return to note 2 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e658"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e658src">3</a></span> He is famous throughout the Muhammadan world as the first muʼad͟hd͟hin. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e658src" title="Return to note 3 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e674"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e674src">4</a></span> Ibn Isḥāq, p. 219–220. Ṭabarī makes no mention of this mission and Caetani (i. p. -278) accordingly suggests that it is a later invention. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e674src" title="Return to note 4 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e681"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e681src">5</a></span> Ibn Isḥāq, pp. 225–6. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e681src" title="Return to note 5 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e698"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e698src">6</a></span> Ibn Isḥāq, pp. 286–7. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e698src" title="Return to note 6 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e711"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e711src">7</a></span> Caetani, vol. i. pp. 334–5. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e711src" title="Return to note 7 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e729"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e729src">8</a></span> Ibn Isḥāq, p. 291 sq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e729src" title="Return to note 8 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e749"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e749src">9</a></span> The appointment of the fast of Ramaḍān (Qurʼān ii. 179–84), is doubtless another sign -of the breaking with the Jews, the fast on the Day of Atonement being thus abolished. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e749src" title="Return to note 9 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e769"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e769src">10</a></span> “<span lang="de">Aber Gottes Botschaft ist nicht auf die Araber beschränkt. Sein Wille gilt für alle -Creatur, es heischt unbedingten Gehorsam von aller Menschheit, und dass Muhammed als -sein Bote denselben Gehorsam zu heischen berechtigt und verpflichtet sei, scheint -von Anfang an ein integrirender Bestandtheil seines Gedankensystem gewesen zu sein.</span>” (Sachau, pp. 293–4.) Goldziher (<span lang="de">Vorlesungen über den Islam</span>, p. 25 sqq.) and Nöldeke (WZKM, vol. xxi. pp. 307–8) express a similar opinion. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e769src" title="Return to note 10 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e785"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e785src">11</a></span> On the doubtful authenticity of these letters, see Caetani, vol. i. p. 725 sqq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e785src" title="Return to note 11 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e802"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e802src">12</a></span> It seems strange that in the face of these passages, some have denied that Islam was -originally intended by its founder to be a universal religion. Thus Sir William Muir -says, “That the heritage of Islam is the world, was an afterthought. The idea, spite -of much prophetic tradition, had been conceived but dimly, if at all, by Mahomet himself. -His world was Arabia, and for it the new dispensation was ordained. From first to -last the summons was to Arabs and to none other.… The seed of a universal creed had -indeed been sown; but that it ever germinated was due to circumstance rather than -design.” (The Caliphate, pp. 43–4.) Caetani is the latest exponent of this view. (<span lang="it">Annali dell’Islām</span>, vol. v. pp. 323–4.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e802src" title="Return to note 12 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e813"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e813src">13</a></span> Ibn Saʻd, § 10. This story may indeed be apocryphal, but is significant at least of -the early realisation of the missionary character of Islam. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e813src" title="Return to note 13 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e843"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e843src">14</a></span> A. von Kremer (3), pp. 309, 310. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e843src" title="Return to note 14 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e859"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e859src">15</a></span> This would seem to be acknowledged even by Muir, when speaking of the massacre of -the Banū Qurayẓah (<span class="asc">A.H.</span> 6): “The ostensible grounds upon which Mahomet proceeded were purely political, for -as yet he did not profess to force men to join Islam, or to punish them for not embracing -it.” (Muir (2), vol. iii. p. 282.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e859src" title="Return to note 15 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e875"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e875src">16</a></span> Ibn Isḥāq, p. 648 sq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e875src" title="Return to note 16 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e881"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e881src">17</a></span> Muir (2), vol. iv. pp. 107–8. See also Caetani, vol. i. p. 663. “<span lang="it">Assai più che tutte le prediche del Profeta, assai più che tutta la bontà delle dottrine -islamiche, siffatti vantaggi militari contribuirono al aumentare il numero dei seguaci. -La rapidità della diffusione dell’Islām divenne in special modo sensibile per il contegno -et per lo spirito di tolleranza, di libertà, e di opportunismo, che diresse il Profeta -nei suoi rapporti con i convertiti.</span>” <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e881src" title="Return to note 17 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e896"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e896src">18</a></span> Ibn Isḥāq, p. 943–4. (This story rests on somewhat doubtful authority, cf. Caetani, -vol. i. p. 610.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e896src" title="Return to note 18 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e906"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e906src">19</a></span> Ibn Saʻd, § 118. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e906src" title="Return to note 19 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e922"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e922src">20</a></span> Ibn Isḥāq, pp. 252–4. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e922src" title="Return to note 20 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e933"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e933src">21</a></span> Caetani, vol. ii. t. i. p. 341. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e933src" title="Return to note 21 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e938"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e938src">22</a></span> Ibn Saʻd, § 56. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e938src" title="Return to note 22 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e948"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e948src">23</a></span> Ibn Saʻd, § 85. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e948src" title="Return to note 23 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e951"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e951src">24</a></span> Id. § 86. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e951src" title="Return to note 24 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e956"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e956src">25</a></span> Id. § 91. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e956src" title="Return to note 25 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e959"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e959src">26</a></span> See Sprenger, vol. iii. pp. 360–1. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e959src" title="Return to note 26 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e964"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e964src">27</a></span> Caetani, vol. ii. p. 433. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e964src" title="Return to note 27 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e973"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e973src">28</a></span> Caetani, vol. ii. p. 429. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e973src" title="Return to note 28 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e980"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e980src">29</a></span> This has been nowhere more fully and excellently brought out than in the scholarly -work of Prof. Ignaz Goldziher (<span lang="de">Muhammedanische Studien</span>, vol. i.), from which I have derived the following considerations. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e980src" title="Return to note 29 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch3" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pageNum">[<a href="#xd31e298">Contents</a>]</span><div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">CHAPTER III.</h2> -<h2 class="main">THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS OF WESTERN ASIA.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">After the death of Muḥammad, the army he had intended for Syria was despatched thither -by Abū Bakr, in spite of the protestations made by certain Muslims in view of the -then disturbed state of Arabia. He silenced their expostulations with the words: “I -will not revoke any order given by the Prophet. Medina may become the prey of wild -beasts, but the army must carry out the wishes of Muḥammad.” This was the first of -that wonderful series of campaigns in which the Arabs overran Syria, Persia and Northern -Africa—overturning the ancient kingdom of Persia and despoiling the Roman Empire of -some of its fairest provinces. It does not fall within the scope of this work to follow -the history of these different campaigns, but, in view of the expansion of the Muslim -faith that followed the Arab conquests, it is of importance to discover what were -the circumstances that made such an expansion possible. -</p> -<p>A great historian<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1010src" href="#xd31e1010">1</a> has well put the problem that meets us here, in the following words: “Was it genuine -religious enthusiasm, the new strength of a faith now for the first time blossoming -forth in all its purity, that gave the victory in every battle to the arms of the -Arabs and in so incredibly short a time founded the greatest empire the world had -ever seen? But evidence is wanting to prove that this was the case. The number was -far too small of those who had given their allegiance to the Prophet and his teaching -with a free and heartfelt conviction, while on the other hand all the greater was -the number of those who had been <span class="pageNum" id="pb46">[<a href="#pb46">46</a>]</span>brought into the ranks of the Muhammadans only through pressure from without or by -the hope of worldly gain. K͟hālid, ‘that sword of the swords of God,’ exhibited in -a very striking manner that mixture of force and persuasion whereby he and many of -the Quraysh had been converted, when he said that God had seized them by the hearts -and by the hair and compelled them to follow the Prophet. The proud feeling too of -a common nationality had much influence—a feeling which was more alive among the Arabs -of that time than (perhaps) among any other people, and which alone determined many -thousands to give the preference to their countryman and his religion before foreign -teachers. Still more powerful was the attraction offered by the sure prospect of gaining -booty in abundance, in fighting for the new religion and of exchanging their bare, -stony deserts, which offered them only a miserable subsistence, for the fruitful and -luxuriant countries of Persia, Syria and Egypt.” -</p> -<p>These stupendous conquests which laid the foundations of the Arab empire, were certainly -not the outcome of a holy war, waged for the propagation of Islam, but they were followed -by such a vast defection from the Christian faith that this result has often been -supposed to have been their aim. Thus the sword came to be looked upon by Christian -historians as the instrument of Muslim propaganda, and in the light of the success -attributed to it the evidences of the genuine missionary activity of Islam were obscured. -But the spirit which animated the invading hosts of Arabs who poured over the confines -of the Byzantine and Persian empires, was no proselytising zeal for the conversion -of souls. On the contrary, religious interests appear to have entered but little into -the consciousness of the protagonists of the Arab armies.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1017src" href="#xd31e1017">2</a> This expansion of the Arab race is more rightly envisaged as the migration of a vigorous -and energetic people driven by hunger and want, to leave their inhospitable deserts -and overrun the richer lands of their more fortunate neighbours.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1020src" href="#xd31e1020">3</a> Still the unifying <span class="pageNum" id="pb47">[<a href="#pb47">47</a>]</span>principle of the movement was the theocracy established in Medina, and the organisation -of the new state proceeded from the devoted companions of Muḥammad, the faithful depositaries -of his teaching, whose moral weight and enthusiasm kept Islam alive as the official -religion, despite the indifference of those Arabs who gave to it a mere nominal adherence.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1025src" href="#xd31e1025">4</a> It is not, therefore, in the annals of the conquering armies that we must look for -the reasons which lead to the so rapid spread of the Muslim faith, but rather in the -conditions prevailing among the conquered peoples. -</p> -<p>The national character of this ethnic movement of migration naturally attracted to -the invading Arab hosts the outlying representatives of the Arab race through whom -the path of the conquering armies lay. Accordingly it is not surprising to find that -many of the Christian Bedouins were swept into the rushing tide of this great movement -and that Arab tribes, who for centuries had professed the Christian religion, now -abandoned it to embrace the Muslim faith. Among these was the tribe of the Banū G͟hassān, -who held sway over the desert east of Palestine and southern Syria, of whom it was -said that they were “Lords in the days of the ignorance and stars in Islam.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1033src" href="#xd31e1033">5</a> After the battle of Qādisiyyah (<span class="asc">A.H.</span> 14) in which the Persian army under Rustam had been utterly discomfited, many Christians -belonging to the Bedouin tribes on both sides of the Euphrates came to the Muslim -general and said: “The tribes that at the first embraced Islam were wiser than we. -Now that Rustam hath been slain, we will accept the new belief.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1039src" href="#xd31e1039">6</a> Similarly, after the conquest of northern Syria, most of the Bedouin tribes, after -hesitating a little, joined themselves to the followers of the Prophet.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1042src" href="#xd31e1042">7</a> -</p> -<p>That force was not the determining factor in these conversions may be judged from -the amicable relations that existed between the Christian and the Muslim Arabs. Muḥammad -himself had entered into treaty with several <span class="pageNum" id="pb48">[<a href="#pb48">48</a>]</span>Christian tribes, promising them his protection and guaranteeing them the free exercise -of their religion and to their clergy undisturbed enjoyment of their old rights and -authority.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1049src" href="#xd31e1049">8</a> A similar bond of friendship united his followers with their fellow-countrymen of -the older faith, many of whom voluntarily came forward to assist the Muslims in their -military expeditions in the same spirit of loyalty to the new government as had caused -them to hold aloof from the great apostasy that raised the standard of revolt throughout -Arabia immediately after the death of the Prophet.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1052src" href="#xd31e1052">9</a> It has been suggested that the Christian Arabs who guarded the frontier of the Byzantine -empire bordering on the desert threw in their lot with the invading Muslim army, when -Heraclius refused any longer to pay them their accustomed subsidy for military service -as wardens of the marches.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1055src" href="#xd31e1055">10</a> -</p> -<p>In the battle of the Bridge (<span class="asc">A.H.</span> 13) when a disastrous defeat was imminent and the panic-stricken Arabs were hemmed -in between the Euphrates and the Persian host, a Christian chief of the Banū Ṭayy -sprang forward like another Spurius Lartius to the side of an Arab Horatius, to assist -Mut͟hannah the Muslim general in defending the bridge of boats which could alone afford -the means of an orderly retreat. When fresh levies were raised to retrieve this disgrace, -among the reinforcements that came pouring in from every direction was a Christian -tribe of the Banū Namir, who dwelt within the limits of the Byzantine empire, and -in the ensuing battle of Buwayb (<span class="asc">A.H.</span> 13), just before the final charge of the Arabs that turned the fortune of battle -in their favour, Mut͟hannah rode up to the Christian chief and said: “Ye are of one -blood with us; come now, and as I charge, charge ye with me.” The Persians fell back -before their furious onslaught, and another great victory was added to the glorious -roll of Muslim triumphs. One of the most gallant exploits of the day was performed -by a youth belonging to another Christian tribe of the desert, who with his companions, -a company of Bedouin horse-dealers, had come up just as the Arab army was being <span class="pageNum" id="pb49">[<a href="#pb49">49</a>]</span>drawn up in battle array. They threw themselves into the right on the side of their -compatriots; and while the conflict was raging most fiercely, this youth, rushing -into the centre of the Persians, slew their leader, and leaping on his richly-caparisoned -horse, galloped back amidst the plaudits of the Muslim line, crying as he passed in -triumph: “I am of the Banū Tag͟hlib. I am he that hath slain the chief.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1068src" href="#xd31e1068">11</a> -</p> -<p>The tribe to which this young man boasted that he belonged was one of those that elected -to remain Christian, while other tribes of Mesopotamia, such as the Banū Namir and -the Banū Quḍāʻah, became Muslim. The Banū Tag͟hlib had sent an embassy to the Prophet -as early as the year <span class="asc">A.H.</span> 9. The heathen members of the deputation embraced Islam and he made a treaty with -the Christians according to which they were to retain their old faith but were not -to baptise their children. A condition so entirely at variance with the usual tolerant -attitude of Muḥammad towards the Christian Arabs, who were allowed to choose between -conversion to Islam and the payment of jizyah and never compelled to abandon their -faith, has given rise to the conjecture that this condition was suggested by the Christian -families of the Banū Tag͟hlib themselves, out of motives of economy.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1079src" href="#xd31e1079">12</a> The long survival of Christianity in this tribe shows that this condition was certainly -not observed. The caliph ʻUmar forbade any pressure to be put upon them, when they -showed themselves unwilling to abandon their old faith and ordered that they should -be left undisturbed in the practice of it, but that they were not to oppose the conversion -of any member of their tribe to Islam nor baptise the children of such as became Muslims.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1084src" href="#xd31e1084">13</a> They were called upon to pay the jizyah<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1087src" href="#xd31e1087">14</a> or tax imposed on the non-Muslim subjects, but they felt it to be humiliating to -their pride to pay a tax that was levied in return for <span class="pageNum" id="pb50">[<a href="#pb50">50</a>]</span>protection of life and property, and petitioned the caliph to be allowed to make the -same kind of contribution as the Muslims did. So in lieu of the jizyah they paid a -double Ṣadaqah or alms,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1096src" href="#xd31e1096">15</a>—which was a poor tax levied on the fields and cattle, etc., of the Muslims.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1099src" href="#xd31e1099">16</a> It especially irked the Muslims that any of the Arabs should remain true to the Christian -faith. The majority of the Banū Tanūk͟h had become Muslim in the year <span class="asc">A.H.</span> 12, when with other Christian Arab tribes they submitted to K͟hālid b. al-Walīd,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1105src" href="#xd31e1105">17</a> but some of them appear to have remained true to their old faith for nearly a century -and a half, since the caliph al-Mahdī (<span class="asc">A.H.</span> 158–169) is said to have seen a number of them who dwelt in the neighbourhood of -Aleppo, and learning that they were Christians, in anger ordered them to accept Islam—which -they did to the number of 5000, and one of them suffered martyrdom rather than apostatise.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1111src" href="#xd31e1111">18</a> But for the most part, details are lacking for any history of the disappearance of -Christianity from among the Christian Arab tribes of Northern Arabia; they seem to -have become absorbed in the surrounding Muslim community by an almost insensible process -of “peaceful penetration”; had attempts been made to convert them by force when they -first came under Muhammadan rule, it would not have been possible for Christians to -have survived among them up to the times of the ʻAbbāsid caliphs.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1115src" href="#xd31e1115">19</a> -</p> -<p>The people of Ḥīrah had likewise resisted all the efforts made by K͟hālid to induce -them to accept the Muslim faith. This city was one of the most illustrious in the -annals of Arabia, and to the mind of the impetuous hero of Islam it seemed that an -appeal to their Arab blood would be enough to induce them to enrol themselves with -the followers of the Prophet of Arabia. When the besieged citizens sent an embassy -to the Muslim general to arrange the terms of the capitulation of their city, K͟hālid -asked them, “Who are <span class="pageNum" id="pb51">[<a href="#pb51">51</a>]</span>you? are you Arabs or Persians?” Then ʻAdī, the spokesman of the deputation, replied, -“Nay, we are pure-blooded Arabs, while others among us are naturalised Arabs.” K͟h. -“Had you been what you say you are, you would not have opposed us or hated our cause.” -ʻA. “Our pure Arab speech is the proof of what I say.” K͟h. “You speak truly. Now -choose you one of these three things: either (1) accept our faith, then your rights -and obligations will be the same as ours, whether you choose to go into another country -or stay in your own land; or (2) pay jizyah; or (3) war and battle. Verily, by God! -I have come to you with a people who are more desirous of death than you are of life.” -ʻA. “Nay, we will pay you jizyah.” K͟h. “Ill-luck to you! Unbelief is a pathless desert -and foolish is the Arab who, when two guides meet him wandering therein—the one an -Arab and the other not—leaves the first and accepts the guidance of the foreigner.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1122src" href="#xd31e1122">20</a> -</p> -<p>Due provision was made for the instruction of the new converts, for while whole tribes -were being converted to the faith with such rapidity, it was necessary to take precautions -against errors, both in respect of creed and ritual, such as might naturally be feared -in the case of ill-instructed converts. Accordingly we find that the caliph ʻUmar -appointed teachers in every country, whose duty it was to instruct the people in the -teachings of the Qurʼān and the observances of their new faith. The magistrates were -also ordered to see that all, whether old or young, were regular in their attendance -at public prayer, especially on Fridays and in the month of Ramaḍān. The importance -attached to this work of instructing the new converts may be judged from the fact -that in the city of Kūfah it was no less a personage than the state treasurer who -was entrusted with this task.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1127src" href="#xd31e1127">21</a> -</p> -<p>From the examples given above of the toleration extended towards the Christian Arabs -by the victorious Muslims of the first century of the Hijrah and continued by succeeding -generations, we may surely infer that those Christian tribes that did embrace Islam, -did so of their own choice and free <span class="pageNum" id="pb52">[<a href="#pb52">52</a>]</span>will.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1135src" href="#xd31e1135">22</a> The Christian Arabs of the present day, dwelling in the midst of a Muhammadan population, -are a living testimony of this toleration; Layard speaks of having come across an -encampment of Christian Arabs at al-Karak, to the east of the Dead Sea, who differed -in no way, either in dress or in manners, from the Muslim Arabs.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1141src" href="#xd31e1141">23</a> Burckhardt was told by the monks of Mount Sinai that in the last century there still -remained several families of Christian Bedouins who had not embraced Islam, and that -the last of them, an old woman, died in 1750, and was buried in the garden of the -convent.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1146src" href="#xd31e1146">24</a> -</p> -<p>Many of the Arabs of the renowned tribe of the Banū G͟hassān, Arabs of the purest -blood, who embraced Christianity towards the end of the fourth century, still retain -the Christian faith, and since their submission to the Church of Rome, about two centuries -ago, employ the Arabic language in their religious services.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1151src" href="#xd31e1151">25</a> -</p> -<p>If we turn from the Bedouins to consider the attitude of the settled inhabitants of -the towns and the non-Arab population towards the new religion, we do not find that -the Arab conquest was so rapidly followed by conversions to Islam. The Christians -of the great cities of the eastern provinces of the Byzantine empire seem for the -most part to have remained faithful to their ancestral creed, to which indeed they -still in large numbers cling. -</p> -<p>In order that we may fully appreciate their condition under the Muslim rule, and estimate -the influences that led to occasional conversions, it will be well briefly to sketch -their situation under the Christian rule of the Byzantine empire which fell back before -the Arab arms. -</p> -<p>A hundred years before, Justinian had succeeded in giving some show of unity to the -Roman Empire, but after <span class="pageNum" id="pb53">[<a href="#pb53">53</a>]</span>his death it rapidly fell asunder, and at this time there was an entire want of common -national feeling between the provinces and the seat of government. Heraclius had made -some partially successful efforts to attach Syria again to the central government, -but unfortunately the general methods of reconciliation which he adopted had served -only to increase dissension instead of allaying it. Religious passions were the only -existing substitute for national feeling, and he tried, by propounding an exposition -of faith, that was intended to serve as an eirenicon, to stop all further disputes -between the contending factions and unite the heretics to the Orthodox Church and -to the central government. The Council of Chalcedon (451) had maintained that Christ -was “to be acknowledged in two natures, without confusion, change, division, or separation; -the difference of the natures being in nowise taken away by reason of their union, -but rather the properties of each nature being preserved, and concurring into one -person and one substance, not as it were divided or separated into two persons, but -one and the same Son and only begotten, God the Word.” This council was rejected by -the Monophysites, who only allowed one nature in the person of Christ, who was said -to be a composite person, having all attributes divine and human, but the substance -bearing these attributes was no longer a duality, but a composite unity. The controversy -between the orthodox party and the Monophysites, who flourished particularly in Egypt -and Syria and in countries outside the Byzantine empire, had been hotly contested -for nearly two centuries, when Heraclius sought to effect a reconciliation by means -of the doctrine of Monotheletism: while conceding the duality of the natures, it secured -unity of the person in the actual life of Christ, by the rejection of two series of -activities in this one person; the one Christ and Son of God effectuates that which -is human and that which is divine by one divine human agency, i.e. there is only one -will in the Incarnate Word.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1160src" href="#xd31e1160">26</a> -</p> -<p>But Heraclius shared the fate of so many would-be <span class="pageNum" id="pb54">[<a href="#pb54">54</a>]</span>peace-makers: for not only did the controversy blaze up again all the more fiercely, -but he himself was stigmatised as a heretic and drew upon himself the wrath of both -parties. -</p> -<p>Indeed, so bitter was the feeling he aroused that there is strong reason to believe -that even a majority of the orthodox subjects of the Roman Empire, in the provinces -that were conquered during this emperor’s reign, were the well-wishers of the Arabs; -they regarded the emperor with aversion as a heretic, and were afraid that he might -commence a persecution in order to force upon them his Monotheletic opinions.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1169src" href="#xd31e1169">27</a> They therefore readily—and even eagerly—received the new masters who promised them -religious toleration, and were willing to compromise their religious position and -their national independence if only they could free themselves from the immediately -impending danger. -</p> -<p>Michael the Elder, Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch, writing in the latter half of the -twelfth century, could approve the decision of his co-religionists and see the finger -of God in the Arab conquests even after the Eastern churches had had experience of -five centuries of Muhammadan rule. After recounting the persecutions of Heraclius, -he writes: “This is why the God of vengeance, who alone is all-powerful, and changes -the empire of mortals as He will, giving it to whomsoever He will, and uplifting the -humble—beholding the wickedness of the Romans who, throughout their dominions, cruelly -plundered our churches and our monasteries and condemned us without pity—brought from -the region of the south the sons of Ishmael, to deliver us through them from the hands -of the Romans. And, if in truth, we have suffered some loss, because the catholic -churches, that had been taken away from us and given to the Chalcedonians, remained -in their possession; for when the cities submitted to the Arabs, they assigned to -each denomination the churches which they found it to be in possession of (and at -that time the great church of Emessa <span class="pageNum" id="pb55">[<a href="#pb55">55</a>]</span>and that of Harran had been taken away from us); nevertheless it was no slight advantage -for us to be delivered from the cruelty of the Romans, their wickedness, their wrath -and cruel zeal against us, and to find ourselves at peace.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1176src" href="#xd31e1176">28</a> -</p> -<p>When the Muslim army reached the valley of the Jordan and Abū ʻUbaydah pitched his -camp at Fiḥl, the Christian inhabitants of the country wrote to the Arabs, saying: -“O Muslims, we prefer you to the Byzantines, though they are of our own faith, because -you keep better faith with us and are more merciful to us and refrain from doing us -injustice and your rule over us is better than theirs, for they have robbed us of -our goods and our homes.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1184src" href="#xd31e1184">29</a> The people of Emessa closed the gates of their city against the army of Heraclius -and told the Muslims that they preferred their government and justice to the injustice -and oppression of the Greeks.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1187src" href="#xd31e1187">30</a> -</p> -<p>Such was the state of feeling in Syria during the campaign of 633–639 in which the -Arabs gradually drove the Roman army out of the province. And when Damascus, in 637, -set the example of making terms with the Arabs, and thus secured immunity from plunder -and other favourable conditions, the rest of the cities of Syria were not slow to -follow. Emessa, Arethusa, Hieropolis and other towns entered into treaties whereby -they became tributary to the Arabs. Even the patriarch of Jerusalem surrendered the -city on similar terms. The fear of religious compulsion on the part of the heretical -emperor made the promise of Muslim toleration appear more attractive than the connection -with the Roman Empire and a Christian government, and after the first terrors caused -by the passage of an invading army, there succeeded a profound revulsion of feeling -in favour of the Arab conquerors.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1192src" href="#xd31e1192">31</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb56">[<a href="#pb56">56</a>]</span></p> -<p>For the provinces of the Byzantine empire that were rapidly acquired by the prowess -of the Muslims found themselves in the enjoyment of a toleration such as, on account -of their Monophysite and Nestorian opinions, had been unknown to them for many centuries. -They were allowed the free and undisturbed exercise of their religion with some few -restrictions imposed for the sake of preventing any friction between the adherents -of the rival religions, or arousing any fanaticism by the ostentatious exhibition -of religious symbols that were so offensive to Muslim feeling.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1198src" href="#xd31e1198">32</a> The extent of this toleration—so striking in the history of the seventh century—may -be judged from the terms granted to the conquered cities, in which protection of life -and property and toleration of religious belief were given in return for submission -and the payment of jizyah.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1201src" href="#xd31e1201">33</a> -</p> -<p>The exact details of these agreements cannot easily be disentangled from the accretions -with which they have become overlaid, but whether verbally authentic or not, they -are significant as representing the historic tradition accepted by the Muslim historians -of the second century of the Hijrah—a tradition that could hardly have become established -had there been extant evidence to the contrary. As an example of such an agreement, -the conditions<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1211src" href="#xd31e1211">34</a> may be quoted that are stated to have been drawn up when Jerusalem submitted to the -caliph ʻUmar b. al-K͟haṭṭāb: “In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate! -This is the security which ʻUmar, the servant of God, the commander of the faithful, -grants to the people of Ælia. He grants to all, whether sick or sound, security for -their lives, their possessions, their churches and their crosses, and for all that -concerns their religion. Their churches shall not be changed into dwelling places, -nor destroyed, neither shall they nor their appurtenances be in any way diminished, -nor the crosses of the inhabitants nor aught of their possessions, nor shall any constraint -be put upon them in the matter of their faith, nor shall any one of them be harmed.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1214src" href="#xd31e1214">35</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb57">[<a href="#pb57">57</a>]</span></p> -<p>Tribute was imposed upon them of five dīnārs for the rich, four for the middle class -and three for the poor. In company with the Patriarch, ʻUmar visited the holy places, -and it is said while they were in the Church of the Resurrection, as it was the appointed -hour of prayer, the Patriarch bade the caliph offer his prayers there, but he thoughtfully -refused, saying that if he were to do so, his followers might afterwards claim it -as a place of Muslim worship. -</p> -<p>It is in harmony with the same spirit of kindly consideration for his subjects of -another faith, that ʻUmar is recorded to have ordered an allowance of money and food -to be made to some Christian lepers, apparently out of the public funds.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1221src" href="#xd31e1221">36</a> Even in his last testament, in which he enjoins on his successor the duties of his -high office, he remembers the d͟himmīs (or protected persons of other faiths): “I -commend to his care the d͟himmīs, who enjoy the protection of God and of the Prophet; -let him see to it that the covenant with them is kept, and that no greater burdens -than they can bear are laid upon them.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1224src" href="#xd31e1224">37</a> -</p> -<p>A later generation attributed to ʻUmar a number of restrictive regulations which hampered -the Christians in the free exercise of their religion, but De Goeje<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1229src" href="#xd31e1229">38</a> and Caetani<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1232src" href="#xd31e1232">39</a> have proved without doubt that they are the invention of a later age; as, however, -Muslim theologians of less tolerant periods accepted these ordinances as genuine, -they are of importance for forming a judgment as to the condition of the Christian -Churches under Muslim rule. This so-called ordinance of ʻUmar runs as follows:—“In -the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate! This is a writing to ʻUmar b. al-K͟haṭṭāb -from the Christians of such and such a city. When you marched against us, we asked -of you protection for ourselves, our posterity, our possessions and our co-religionists; -and we made this stipulation with you, that we will not erect in our city or the suburbs -any new monastery, church, cell or hermitage;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1237src" href="#xd31e1237">40</a> <span class="pageNum" id="pb58">[<a href="#pb58">58</a>]</span>that we will not repair any of such buildings that may fall into ruins, or renew those -that may be situated in the Muslim quarters of the town; that we will not refuse the -Muslims entry into our churches either by night or by day; that we will open the gates -wide to passengers and travellers; that we will receive any Muslim traveller into -our houses and give him food and lodging for three nights; that we will not harbour -any spy in our churches or houses, or conceal any enemy of the Muslims; that we will -not teach our children the Qurʼān;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1242src" href="#xd31e1242">41</a> that we will not make a show of the Christian religion nor invite any one to embrace -it; that we will not prevent any of our kinsmen from embracing Islam, if they so desire. -That we will honour the Muslims and rise up in our assemblies when they wish to take -their seats; that we will not imitate them in our dress, either in the cap, turban, -sandals, or parting of the hair; that we will not make use of their expressions of -speech,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1246src" href="#xd31e1246">42</a> nor adopt their surnames; that we will not ride on saddles, or gird on swords, or -take to ourselves arms or wear them, or engrave Arabic inscriptions on our rings; -that we will not sell wine; that we will shave the front of our heads; that we will -keep to our own style of dress, wherever we may be; that we will wear girdles round -our waists; that we will not display the cross upon our churches or display our crosses -or our sacred books in the streets of the Muslims, or in their market-places;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1249src" href="#xd31e1249">43</a> that we will strike the bells<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1252src" href="#xd31e1252">44</a> in our churches lightly; that we will not recite our services in a loud voice when -a Muslim is present, that we will not carry palm-branches or our images in procession -in the streets, that at the burial of our dead we will not chant loudly or carry lighted -candles <span class="pageNum" id="pb59">[<a href="#pb59">59</a>]</span>in the streets of the Muslims or their market-places; that we will not take any slaves -that have already been in the possession of Muslims, nor spy into their houses; and -that we will not strike any Muslim. All this we promise to observe, on behalf of ourselves -and our co-religionists, and receive protection from you in exchange; and if we violate -any of the conditions of this agreement, then we forfeit your protection and you are -at liberty to treat us as enemies and rebels.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1257src" href="#xd31e1257">45</a> -</p> -<p>The earliest mention of this document is made by Ibn Ḥazm, who died in the middle -of the fifth century of the Hijrah; its provisions represent the more intolerant practice -of a later age, and indeed were regulations that were put into force with no sort -of regularity, some outburst of fanaticism being generally needed for any appeal to -be made for their application. There is abundant evidence to show that the Christians -in the early days of the Muhammadan conquest had little to complain of in the way -of religious disabilities. It is true that adherence to their ancient faith rendered -them obnoxious to the payment of jizyah—a word which originally denoted tribute of -any kind paid by the non-Muslim subjects of the Arab empire, but came later on to -be used for the capitation-tax as the fiscal system of the new rulers became fixed;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1262src" href="#xd31e1262">46</a> but this jizyah was too moderate to constitute a burden, seeing that it released -them from the compulsory military service that was incumbent on their Muslim fellow-subjects. -Conversion to Islam was certainly attended by a certain pecuniary advantage, but his -former religion could have had but little hold on a convert who abandoned it merely -to gain exemption from the jizyah; and now, instead of jizyah, the convert had to -pay the legal alms, zakāt, annually levied on most kinds of movable and immovable -property.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1268src" href="#xd31e1268">47</a> <span class="pageNum" id="pb60">[<a href="#pb60">60</a>]</span>The pecuniary temptation to escape the incidence of taxation by means of conversion -was considerably lessened when financial considerations compelled the Arab government, -towards the end of the first century, to insist on the new converts continuing to -pay jizyah even after they had been received into the community of the faithful.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1273src" href="#xd31e1273">48</a> On the other hand it must be remembered that the non-Muslim sections of the population -always ran the risk of becoming the victims of fiscal oppression when the state was -in need of revenue. -</p> -<p>The rates of jizyah levied by the early conquerors were not uniform,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1278src" href="#xd31e1278">49</a> and the great Muslim doctors, Abū Ḥanīfah and Mālik, are not in agreement on some -of the less important details;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1281src" href="#xd31e1281">50</a> the following facts taken from the Kitāb al-K͟harāj, drawn up by Abū Yūsuf at the -request of Hārūn al-Rashīd (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 786–809) may be taken as generally representative of Muhammadan procedure under the -ʻAbbāsid Caliphate. The rich were to pay forty-eight dirhams<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1287src" href="#xd31e1287">51</a> a year, the middle classes twenty-four, while from the poor, i.e. the field-labourers -and artisans, only twelve dirhams were taken. This tax could be paid in kind if desired; -cattle, merchandise, household effects, even needles were to be accepted in lieu of -specie, but not pigs, wine, or dead animals. The tax was to be levied only on able-bodied -males, and not on women or children.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1290src" href="#xd31e1290">52</a> The poor who were dependent for their livelihood on alms and the aged poor who were -incapable of work were also specially excepted, as also the blind, the lame, the incurables -and the insane, unless they happened to be men of wealth; this same condition applied -to priests and monks, who were exempt if dependent on the alms of the rich, but had -to pay if they were well-to-do and lived in comfort. The collectors of the jizyah -were particularly instructed to show leniency, and refrain from all harsh treatment -or the infliction of corporal punishment, in case of non-payment.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1294src" href="#xd31e1294">53</a> -</p> -<p>This tax was not imposed on the Christians, as some would have us think, as a penalty -for their refusal to accept the Muslim faith, but was paid by them in common with -the <span class="pageNum" id="pb61">[<a href="#pb61">61</a>]</span>other d͟himmīs or non-Muslim subjects of the state whose religion precluded them from -serving in the army, in return for the protection secured for them by the arms of -the Musalmans. When the people of Hīrah contributed the sum agreed upon, they expressly -mentioned that they paid this jizyah on condition that “the Muslims and their leader -protect us from those who would oppress us, whether they be Muslims or others.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1301src" href="#xd31e1301">54</a> Again, in the treaty made by K͟hālid with some towns in the neighbourhood of Hīrah, -he writes: “If we protect you, then jizyah is due to us; but if we do not, then it -is not due.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1304src" href="#xd31e1304">55</a> How clearly this condition was recognised by the Muhammadans may be judged from the -following incident in the reign of the Caliph ʻUmar. The Emperor Heraclius had raised -an enormous army with which to drive back the invading forces of the Muslims, who -had in consequence to concentrate all their energies on the impending encounter. The -Arab general, Abū ʻUbaydah, accordingly wrote to the governors of the conquered cities -of Syria, ordering them to pay back all the jizyah that had been collected from the -cities, and wrote to the people, saying, “We give you back the money that we took -from you, as we have received news that a strong force is advancing against us. The -agreement between us was that we should protect you, and as this is not now in our -power, we return you all that we took. But if we are victorious we shall consider -ourselves bound to you by the old terms of our agreement.” In accordance with this -order, enormous sums were paid back out of the state treasury, and the Christians -called down blessings on the heads of the Muslims, saying, “May God give you rule -over us again and make you victorious over the Romans; had it been they, they would -not have given us back anything, but would have taken all that remained with us.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1307src" href="#xd31e1307">56</a> -</p> -<p>As stated above, the jizyah was levied on the able-bodied males, in lieu of the military -service they would have been called upon to perform had they been Musalmans; and it -is very noticeable that when any Christian people served in the Muslim army, they -were exempted from the payment <span class="pageNum" id="pb62">[<a href="#pb62">62</a>]</span>of this tax. Such was the case with the tribe of al-Jurājimah, a Christian tribe in -the neighbourhood of Antioch, who made peace with the Muslims, promising to be their -allies and fight on their side in battle, on condition that they should not be called -upon to pay jizyah and should receive their proper share of the booty.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1314src" href="#xd31e1314">57</a> When the Arab conquests were pushed to the north of Persia in <span class="asc">A.H.</span> 22, a similar agreement was made with a frontier tribe, which was exempted from the -payment of jizyah in consideration of military service.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1320src" href="#xd31e1320">58</a> -</p> -<p>We find similar instances of the remission of jizyah in the case of Christians who -served in the army or navy under the Turkish rule. For example, the inhabitants of -Megaris, a community of Albanian Christians, were exempted from the payment of this -tax on condition that they furnished a body of armed men to guard the passes over -Mounts Cithæron and Geranea, which lead to the Isthmus of Corinth; the Christians -who served as pioneers of the advance-guard of the Turkish army, repairing the roads -and bridges, were likewise exempt from tribute and received grants of land quit of -all taxation;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1325src" href="#xd31e1325">59</a> and the Christian inhabitants of Hydra paid no direct taxes to the Sultan, but furnished -instead a contingent of 250 able-bodied seamen to the Turkish fleet, who were supported -out of the local treasury.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1328src" href="#xd31e1328">60</a> -</p> -<p>The Southern Rumanians, the so-called Armatoli,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1333src" href="#xd31e1333">61</a> who constituted so important an element of strength in the Turkish army during the -sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, and the Mirdites, a tribe of Albanian Catholics -who occupied the mountains to the north of Scutari, were exempt from taxation on condition -of supplying an armed contingent in time of war.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1336src" href="#xd31e1336">62</a> In the same spirit, in consideration of the services they rendered to the state, -the capitation-tax was not imposed upon the Greek Christians who looked after the -aqueducts that supplied Constantinople with drinking water,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1339src" href="#xd31e1339">63</a> nor on those who had charge of the powder-magazine in that city.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1342src" href="#xd31e1342">64</a> On the other hand, when the Egyptian <span class="pageNum" id="pb63">[<a href="#pb63">63</a>]</span>peasants, although Muslim in faith, were made exempt from military service, a tax -was imposed upon them as on the Christians, in lieu thereof.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1348src" href="#xd31e1348">65</a> -</p> -<p>Living under this security of life and property and such toleration of religious thought, -the Christian community—especially in the towns—enjoyed a flourishing prosperity in -the early days of the Caliphate. -</p> -<p>Muʻāwiyah (661–680) employed Christians very largely in his service, and other members -of the reigning house followed his example.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1355src" href="#xd31e1355">66</a> Christians frequently held high posts at court, e.g. a Christian Arab, al-Ak͟hṭal, -was court poet, and the father of St. John of Damascus, counsellor to the caliph ʻAbd -al-Malik (685–705). In the service of the caliph al-Muʻtaṣim (833–842), there were -two brothers, Christians, who stood very high in the confidence of the Commander of -the Faithful: the one, named Salmūyah, seems to have occupied somewhat the position -of a modern secretary of state, and no royal documents were valid until countersigned -by him, while his brother, Ibrāhīm, was entrusted with the care of the privy seal, -and was set over the Bayt al-Māl or Public Treasury, an office that, from the nature -of the funds and their disposal, might have been expected to have been put into the -hands of a Muslim; so great was the caliph’s personal affection for this Ibrāhīm, -that he visited him in his sickness, and was overwhelmed with grief at his death, -and on the day of the funeral ordered the body to be brought to the palace and the -Christian rites performed there with great solemnity.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1358src" href="#xd31e1358">67</a> -</p> -<p>ʻAbd al-Malik appointed a certain Athanasius, a Christian scholar of Edessa, tutor -to his brother, ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz. Athanasius accompanied his pupil, when he was appointed -governor of Egypt, and there amassed great wealth; he is said to have possessed 4000 -slaves, villages, houses, gardens, and gold and silver “like stones”; his sons took -a dīnār from each of the soldiers when they received their pay, and as there were -30,000 troops then in Egypt, some idea may be formed of the wealth that Athanasius -accumulated during <span class="pageNum" id="pb64">[<a href="#pb64">64</a>]</span>the twenty-one years that he spent in that country.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1365src" href="#xd31e1365">68</a> At the close of the eighth century, a certain Abū Nūḥ al-Anbārī was secretary to -Abū Mūsạ̄ b. Muṣʻab, governor of Mosul, and used his powerful influence for the benefit -of his Christian co-religionists.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1368src" href="#xd31e1368">69</a> -</p> -<p>In the reign of al-Muʻtadid (892–902), the governor of Anbār, ʻUmar b. Yūsuf, was -a Christian, and the caliph approved of the appointment on the ground that if a Christian -were found to be competent, a post might well be given to him, as there were better -reasons for trusting a Christian than either a Jew, a Muslim or a Zoroastrian.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1373src" href="#xd31e1373">70</a> Al-Muwaffaq, who was virtual ruler of the empire during the reign of his brother -al-Muʻtamid (870–892), entrusted the administration of the army to a Christian named -Israel, and his son, al-Muʻtaḍid, had as one of his secretaries another Christian, -Malik b. al-Walīd. In a later reign, that of al-Muqtadir (908–932), a Christian was -again in charge of the war office.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1376src" href="#xd31e1376">71</a> -</p> -<p>Naṣr b. Hārūn, the Prime Minister of ʻAḍud al-Dawlah (949–982), of the Buwayhid dynasty -of Persia, who ruled over Southern Persia and ʻIrāq, was a Christian.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1381src" href="#xd31e1381">72</a> For a long time, the government offices, especially in the department of finance, -were filled with Christians and Persians;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1384src" href="#xd31e1384">73</a> to a much later date was such the case in Egypt, where at times the Christians almost -entirely monopolised such posts.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1387src" href="#xd31e1387">74</a> Particularly as physicians, the Christians frequently amassed great wealth and were -much honoured in the houses of the great. Gabriel, the personal physician of the caliph -Hārūn al-Rashīd, was a Nestorian Christian and derived a yearly income of 800,000 -dirhams from his private property, in addition to an emolument of 280,000 dirhams -a year in return for his attendance on the caliph; the second physician, also a Christian, -received 22,000 dirhams a year.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1390src" href="#xd31e1390">75</a> In trade and commerce, the Christians also attained considerable affluence: indeed -it was frequently their wealth that excited against them the jealous <span class="pageNum" id="pb65">[<a href="#pb65">65</a>]</span>cupidity of the mob—a feeling that fanatics took advantage of, to persecute and oppress -them. Further, the non-Muslim communities enjoyed an almost complete autonomy, for -the government placed in their hands the independent management of their internal -affairs, and their religious leaders exercised judicial functions in cases that concerned -their co-religionists only.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1396src" href="#xd31e1396">76</a> Their churches and monasteries were, for the most part, not interfered with, except -in the large cities, where some of them were turned into mosques—a measure that could -hardly be objected to in view of the enormous increase in the Muslim and corresponding -decrease in the Christian population. -</p> -<p>Recent historical criticism has demonstrated the impossibility of the legend that -when Damascus was taken by the Arabs, the churches were equally divided between the -Christians and the conquerors, on the plea that while one Muslim general made his -way into the city by the eastern gate at the point of the sword, another at the western -gate received the submission of the governor of the city; a similar scrutiny of historical -documents as well as of the topography of the building has shown that the great cathedral -of St. John could never have been used in the manner described by some Arabic historians -as a common place of worship for both Christians and Muslims.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1401src" href="#xd31e1401">77</a> But the very fact that these historians should have believed that such an arrangement -continued for nearly eighty years, testifies to the early recognition of the liberty -granted to the Christians of practising the observances of their religion. -</p> -<p>The opinion of the Muhammadan legists is very diverse on this question, from the more -liberal Ḥanafī doctrine, which declares that, though it is unlawful to construct churches -and synagogues in Muhammadan territory, those already existing can be repaired if -they have been destroyed or have fallen into decay, while in villages and hamlets, -where the tokens of Islam do not appear, new churches and synagogues may be built—to -the intolerant Ḥanbalite view that they may neither be erected nor be restored when -damaged or ruined. Some legists held that the privileges varied according to treaty -rights: in towns taken by force, <span class="pageNum" id="pb66">[<a href="#pb66">66</a>]</span>no new houses of prayer might be erected by d͟himmīs, but if a special treaty had -been made, the building of new churches and synagogues was allowed.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1408src" href="#xd31e1408">78</a> But like so many of the lucubrations of Muhammadan legists, these prescriptions bore -but little relation to actual facts.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1414src" href="#xd31e1414">79</a> Schoolmen might agree that the d͟himmīs could build no houses of prayer in a city -of Muslim foundation, but the civil authority permitted the Copts to erect churches -in the new capital of Cairo.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1423src" href="#xd31e1423">80</a> In other cities also the Christians were allowed to erect new churches and monasteries. -The very fact that ʻUmar II (717–720), at the close of the first century of the Hijrah, -should have ordered the destruction of all recently constructed churches,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1426src" href="#xd31e1426">81</a> and that rather more than a century later, the fanatical al-Mutawakkil (847–861) -should have had to repeat the same order, shows how little the prohibition of the -building of new churches was put into force.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1430src" href="#xd31e1430">82</a> We have numerous instances recorded, both by Christian and Muhammadan historians, -of the building of new churches: e.g. in the reign of ʻAbd al-Malik (685–705), a wealthy -Christian of Edessa, named Athanasius, erected in his native city a fine church dedicated -to the Mother of God, and a Baptistery in honour of the picture of Christ that was -reputed to have been sent to King Abgar; he also built a number of churches and monasteries -in various parts of Egypt, among them two magnificent churches in Fusṭāṭ.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1436src" href="#xd31e1436">83</a> Some Christian chamberlains in the service of ʻAbd al-ʻAziz b. Marwān (brother of -ʻAbd al-Malik), the governor of Egypt, obtained permission to build a church in Ḥalwān, -which was dedicated to St. John,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1439src" href="#xd31e1439">84</a> though this town was a Muslim creation. In <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 711 a Jacobite church was built at Antioch by order of the caliph al-Walīd (705–715).<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1445src" href="#xd31e1445">85</a> In the first year of the reign of Yazīd <span class="pageNum" id="pb67">[<a href="#pb67">67</a>]</span>II (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 720), Mār Elias, the Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch, made a solemn entry into Antioch, -accompanied by his clergy and monks, to consecrate a new church which he had caused -to be built; and in the following year he consecrated another church in the village -of Sarmada, in the district of Antioch, and the only opposition he met with was from -the rival Christian sect that accepted the Council of Chalcedon.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1454src" href="#xd31e1454">86</a> In the following reign, K͟hālid al-Qasrī, who was governor of Arabian and Persian -ʻIrāq from 724 to 738, built a church for his mother, who was a Christian, to worship -in.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1457src" href="#xd31e1457">87</a> In 759 the building of a church at Nisibis was completed, on which the Nestorian -bishop, Cyprian, had expended a sum of 56,000 dīnārs.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1460src" href="#xd31e1460">88</a> From the same century dates the church of Abū Sirjah in the ancient Roman fortress -in old Cairo.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1463src" href="#xd31e1463">89</a> In the reign of al-Mahdī (775–785) a church was erected in Bag͟hdād for the use of -the Christian prisoners that had been taken captive during the numerous campaigns -against the Byzantine empire.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1466src" href="#xd31e1466">90</a> Another church was built in the same city, in the reign of Hārūn al-Rashīd (786–809), -by the people of Samālū, who had submitted to the caliph and received protection from -him;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1470src" href="#xd31e1470">91</a> during the same reign Sergius, the Nestorian Metropolitan of Baṣrah, received permission -to build a church in that city,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1473src" href="#xd31e1473">92</a> though it was a Muslim foundation, having been created by the caliph ʻUmar in the -year 638, and a magnificent church was erected in Babylon in which were enshrined -the bodies of the prophets Daniel and Ezechiel.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1476src" href="#xd31e1476">93</a> When al-Maʼmūn (813–833) was in Egypt he gave permission to two of his chamberlains -to erect a church on al-Muqaṭṭam, a hill near Cairo; and by the same caliph’s leave, -a wealthy Christian, named Bukām, built several fine churches at Būrah in Egypt.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1479src" href="#xd31e1479">94</a> The Nestorian Patriarch, Timotheus, who died <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 820, erected a church at Takrīt and a monastery at Bag͟hdād.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1485src" href="#xd31e1485">95</a> In the tenth century, the beautiful Coptic church of Abū <span class="pageNum" id="pb68">[<a href="#pb68">68</a>]</span>Sayfayn was built in Fusṭāṭ.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1491src" href="#xd31e1491">96</a> A new church was built at Jiddah in the reign of al-Ẓāhir, the seventh Fāṭimid caliph -of Egypt (1020–1035).<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1494src" href="#xd31e1494">97</a> New churches and monasteries were also built in the reign of the ʻAbbāsid, al-Mustaḍī -(1170–1180).<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1497src" href="#xd31e1497">98</a> In 1187 a church was built at Fusṭāṭ and dedicated to Our Lady the Pure Virgin.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1500src" href="#xd31e1500">99</a> -</p> -<p>Indeed, so far from the development of the Christian Church being hampered by the -establishment of Muhammadan rule, the history of the Nestorians exhibits a remarkable -outburst of religious life and energy from the time of their becoming subject to the -Muslims.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1505src" href="#xd31e1505">100</a> Alternately petted and persecuted by the Persian kings, in whose dominions by far -the majority of the members of this sect were found, it had passed a rather precarious -existence and had been subjected to harsh treatment, when war between Persia and Byzantium -exposed it to the suspicion of sympathising with the Christian enemy. But, under the -rule of the caliphs, the security they enjoyed at home enabled them to vigorously -push forward their missionary enterprises abroad. Missionaries were sent into China -and India, both of which were raised to the dignity of metropolitan sees in the eighth -century; about the same period they gained a footing in Egypt, and later spread the -Christian faith right across Asia, and by the eleventh century had gained many converts -from among the Tatars.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1511src" href="#xd31e1511">101</a> -</p> -<p>If the other Christian sects failed to exhibit the same vigorous life, it was not -the fault of the Muhammadans. All were tolerated alike by the supreme government, -and furthermore were prevented from persecuting one another.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1519src" href="#xd31e1519">102</a> In the fifth century, Barsauma, a Nestorian bishop, had persuaded the Persian king -to set on foot a fierce persecution <span class="pageNum" id="pb69">[<a href="#pb69">69</a>]</span>of the Orthodox Church, by representing Nestorius as a friend of the Persians and -his doctrines as approximating to their own; as many as 7800 of the Orthodox clergy, -with an enormous number of laymen, are said to have been butchered during this persecution.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1524src" href="#xd31e1524">103</a> Another persecution was instituted against the Orthodox by K͟husrau II, after the -invasion of Persia by Heraclius, at the instigation of a Jacobite, who persuaded the -King that the Orthodox would always be favourably inclined towards the Byzantines.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1527src" href="#xd31e1527">104</a> But the principles of Muslim toleration forbade such acts of injustice as these: -on the contrary, it seems to have been their endeavour to deal fairly by all their -Christian subjects: e.g. after the conquest of Egypt, the Jacobites took advantage -of the expulsion of the Byzantine authorities to rob the Orthodox of their churches, -but later they were restored by the Muhammadans to their rightful owners when these -had made good their claim to possess them.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1530src" href="#xd31e1530">105</a> -</p> -<p>In view of the toleration thus extended to their Christian subjects in the early period -of the Muslim rule, the common hypothesis of the sword as the factor of conversion -seems hardly satisfactory, and we are compelled to seek for other motives than that -of persecution. But unfortunately very few details are forthcoming and we are obliged -to have recourse to conjecture.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1535src" href="#xd31e1535">106</a> In an age so prolific of theological speculation, there may well have been some thinkers -whose trend of thought had prepared them for the acceptance of the Muhammadan position. -Such were those Shahrīghān or landed proprietors in Persia in the eighth century, -who were nominally Christians, but maintained that Christ was an ordinary man and -that he was as one of the Prophets.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1541src" href="#xd31e1541">107</a> They appear at times to have given a good deal of trouble <span class="pageNum" id="pb70">[<a href="#pb70">70</a>]</span>to the Nestorian clergy, who were at great pains to draw them into the paths of orthodoxy;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1546src" href="#xd31e1546">108</a> but their theological position was more closely akin to Islam than to Christian doctrine, -and they probably went to swell the ranks of the converts after the Arab conquest -of the Persian empire. -</p> -<p>Many Christian theologians<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1551src" href="#xd31e1551">109</a> have supposed that the debased condition—moral and spiritual—of the Eastern Church -of that period must have alienated the hearts of many and driven them to seek a healthier -spiritual atmosphere in the faith of Islam which had come to them in all the vigour -of new-born zeal.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1554src" href="#xd31e1554">110</a> For example, Dean Milman<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1557src" href="#xd31e1557">111</a> asks, “What was the state of the Christian world in the provinces exposed to the -first invasion of Mohammedanism? Sect opposed to sect, clergy wrangling with clergy -upon the most abstruse and metaphysical points of doctrine. The orthodox, the Nestorians, -the Eutychians, the Jacobites were persecuting each other with unexhausted animosity; -and it is not judging too severely the evils of religious controversy to suppose that -many would rejoice in the degradation of their adversaries under the yoke of the unbeliever, -rather than make common cause with them in defence of the common Christianity. In -how many must this incessant disputation have shaken the foundations of their faith! -It had been wonderful if thousands had not, in their weariness and perplexity, sought -refuge from these interminable and implacable controversies in the simple, intelligible -truth of the Divine Unity, though purchased by the acknowledgment of the prophetic -mission of Mohammed.” Similarly, Caetani sees in the spread of Islam, among the Christians -of the Eastern Churches, a revulsion of feeling from the dogmatic subtleties introduced -into Christian theology by the Hellenistic spirit. “For the East, with its love of -clear and simple concepts, Hellenic culture was, from the religious point of view, -a misfortune, because <span class="pageNum" id="pb71">[<a href="#pb71">71</a>]</span>it changed the sublime and simple teachings of Christ into a creed bristling with -incomprehensible dogmas, full of doubts and uncertainties; these ended with producing -a feeling of deep dismay and shook the very foundations of religious belief; so that -when at last there appeared, coming out suddenly from the desert, the news of the -new revelation, this bastard oriental Christianity, torn asunder by internal discords, -wavering in its fundamental dogmas, dismayed by such incertitudes, could no longer -resist the temptations of a new faith, which swept away at one single stroke all miserable -doubts, and offered, along with simple, clear and undisputed doctrines, great material -advantages also. The East then abandoned Christ and threw itself into the arms of -the Prophet of Arabia.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1562src" href="#xd31e1562">112</a> -</p> -<p>Again, Canon Taylor<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1567src" href="#xd31e1567">113</a> says: “It is easy to understand why this reformed Judaism spread so swiftly over -Africa and Asia. The African and Syrian doctors had substituted abstruse metaphysical -dogmas for the religion of Christ: they tried to combat the licentiousness of the -age by setting forth the celestial merit of celibacy and the angelic excellence of -virginity—seclusion from the world was the road of holiness, dirt was the characteristic -of monkish sanctity—the people were practically polytheists, worshipping a crowd of -martyrs, saints and angels; the upper classes were effeminate and corrupt, the middle -classes oppressed by taxation,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1570src" href="#xd31e1570">114</a> the slaves without hope for the present or the future. As with the besom of God, -Islam swept away this mass of corruption and superstition. It was a revolt against -empty theological polemics; it was a masculine protest against the exaltation of celibacy -as a crown of piety. It brought out the fundamental dogmas of religion—the unity and -greatness of God, that He is merciful and righteous, that He claims obedience to His -will, resignation and faith. It proclaimed the responsibility of man, a future life, -a day of judgment, and stern retribution to fall upon the wicked; and enforced the -duties of prayer, almsgiving, fasting and <span class="pageNum" id="pb72">[<a href="#pb72">72</a>]</span>benevolence. It thrust aside the artificial virtues, the religious frauds and follies, -the perverted moral sentiments, and the verbal subtleties of theological disputants. -It replaced monkishness by manliness. It gave hope to the slave, brotherhood to mankind, -and recognition to the fundamental facts of human nature.” -</p> -<p>Islam has, moreover, been represented as a reaction against that Byzantine ecclesiasticism,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1581src" href="#xd31e1581">115</a> which looked upon the emperor and his court as a copy of the Divine Majesty on high, -and the emperor himself as not only the supreme earthly ruler of Christendom, but -as High-priest also.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1584src" href="#xd31e1584">116</a> Under Justinian this system had been hardened into a despotism that pressed like -an iron weight upon clergy and laity alike. In 532 the widespread dissatisfaction -in Constantinople with both church and state, burst out into a revolt against the -government of Justinian, which was only suppressed after a massacre of 35,000 persons. -The Greens, as the party of the malcontents was termed, had made open and violent -protest in the circus against the oppression of the emperor, crying out, “Justice -has vanished from the world and is no more to be found. But we will become Jews, or -rather we will return again to Grecian paganism.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1587src" href="#xd31e1587">117</a> The lapse of a century had removed none of the grounds for the dissatisfaction that -here found such violent expression, but the heavy hand of the Byzantine government -prevented the renewal of such an outbreak as that of 532 and compelled the malcontents -to dissemble, though in 560 some secret heathens were detected in Constantinople and -punished.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1590src" href="#xd31e1590">118</a> On the borders of the empire, however, at a distance from the capital, such malcontents -were safer, and the persecuted heretics, and others dissatisfied with the <span class="pageNum" id="pb73">[<a href="#pb73">73</a>]</span>Byzantine state-church, took refuge in the East, and here the Muslim armies would -be welcomed by the spiritual children of those who a hundred years before had desired -to exchange the Christian religion for another faith. -</p> -<p>Further, the general adoption of the Arabic language throughout the empire of the -caliphate, especially in the towns and the great centres of population, and the gradual -assimilation in manners and customs that in the course of about two centuries caused -the numerous conquered races to be largely merged in the national life of the ruling -race, had no doubt a counterpart in the religious and intellectual life of many members -of the protected religions. The rationalistic movement that so powerfully influenced -Muslim theology from the second to the fifth century of the Hijrah may very possibly -have influenced Christian thinkers, and turned them from a religion, the prevailing -tone of whose theology seems at this time to have been <i lang="la">Credo quia impossibile</i>. A Muhammadan writer of the fourth century of the Hijrah has preserved for us a conversation -with a Coptic Christian which may safely be taken as characteristic of the general -mental attitude of the rest of the Eastern Churches at this period:— -</p> -<p>“My proof for the truth of Christianity is, that I find its teachings contradictory -and mutually destructive, for they are repugnant to reason and revolting to the intellect, -on account of their inconsistency and mutual contrariety. No reflection can strengthen -them, no discussion can prove them; and however thoughtfully we may investigate them, -neither the intellect nor the senses can provide us with any argument in support of -them. Notwithstanding this, I have seen that many nations and mighty kings of learning -and sound judgment, have given in their allegiance to the Christian faith; so I conclude -that if these have accepted it in spite of all the contradictions referred to, it -is because the proofs they have received, in the form of signs and miracles, have -compelled them to submit to it.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1602src" href="#xd31e1602">119</a> -</p> -<p>On the other hand, it should be remembered that those who passed over from Christianity -to Islam, under the influence of the rationalistic tendencies of the age, would <span class="pageNum" id="pb74">[<a href="#pb74">74</a>]</span>find in the Muʻtazilite presentment of Muslim theology, very much that was common -to the two faiths, so that as far as the articles of belief and the intellectual attitude -towards many theological questions were concerned, the transition was not so violent -as might be supposed. To say nothing of the numerous fundamental doctrines, that will -at once suggest themselves to those even who have only a slight knowledge of the teachings -of the Prophet, there were many other common points of view, that were the direct -consequences of the close relationships between the Christian and Muhammadan theologians -in Damascus under the Umayyad caliphs as also in later times; for it has been maintained -that there is clear evidence of the influence of the Byzantine theologians on the -development of the systematic treatment of Muhammadan dogmatics. The very form and -arrangement of the oldest rule of faith in the Arabic language suggest a comparison -with similar treatises of St. John of Damascus and other Christian fathers.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1609src" href="#xd31e1609">120</a> The oldest Arab Ṣūfīism, the trend of which was purely towards the ascetic life (as -distinguished from the later pantheistic Ṣūfīism) originated largely under the influence -of Christian thought.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1612src" href="#xd31e1612">121</a> Such influence is especially traceable in the doctrines of some of the Muʻtazilite -sects,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1615src" href="#xd31e1615">122</a> who busied themselves with speculations on the attributes of the divine nature quite -in the manner of the Byzantine theologians: the Qadariyyah or libertarians of Islam -probably borrowed their doctrine of the freedom of the will directly from Christianity, -while the Murjiʼah in their denial of the doctrine of eternal punishment were in thorough -agreement with the teaching of the Eastern Church on this subject as against the generally -received opinion of orthodox Muslims.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1618src" href="#xd31e1618">123</a> On the other hand, the influence of the more orthodox doctors of Islam in the conversion -of unbelievers is attested by the tradition that twenty thousand Christians, Jews -and Magians became Muslims when the great Imām Ibn Ḥanbal died.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1625src" href="#xd31e1625">124</a> A celebrated <span class="pageNum" id="pb75">[<a href="#pb75">75</a>]</span>doctor of the same sect, Abu’l-Faraj b. al-Jawzī (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1115–1201), the most learned man of his time, a popular preacher and most prolific -writer, is said to have boasted that just the same number of persons accepted the -faith of Islam at his hands.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1633src" href="#xd31e1633">125</a> -</p> -<p>Further, the vast and unparalleled success of the Muslim arms shook the faith of the -Christian peoples that came under their rule and saw in these conquests the hand of -God.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1638src" href="#xd31e1638">126</a> Worldly prosperity they associated with the divine favour and the God of battle (they -thought) would surely give the victory only into the hands of his favoured servants. -Thus the very success of the Muhammadans seemed to argue the truth of their religion. -</p> -<p>The Islamic ideal of the brotherhood of all believers was a powerful attraction towards -this creed, and though the Arab pride of birth strove to refuse for several generations -the privileges of the ruling race to the new converts, still as “clients” of the various -Arab tribes to which at first they used to be affiliated, they received a recognised -position in the community, and by the close of the first century of the Hijrah they -had vindicated for this ideal its true place in Muslim theology and at least a theoretical -recognition in the state.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1646src" href="#xd31e1646">127</a> -</p> -<p>But the condition of the Christians did not always continue to be so tolerable as -under the earlier caliphs. In the interests of the true believers, vexatious conditions -were sometimes imposed upon the non-Muslim population (or d͟himmīs), with the object -of securing for the faithful superior social advantages. Unsuccessful attempts were -made by several caliphs to exclude them from the public offices. Decrees to this effect -were passed by al-Manṣūr (754–775), al-Mutawakkil (847–861), al-Muqtadir (908–932), -and in Egypt by al-Āmir (1101–1130), one of the Fāṭimid caliphs, and by the Mamlūk -Sultans in the <span class="pageNum" id="pb76">[<a href="#pb76">76</a>]</span>fourteenth century.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1653src" href="#xd31e1653">128</a> But the very fact that these decrees excluding the d͟himmīs from government posts -were so often renewed, is a sign of the want of any continuity or persistency in putting -such intolerant measures into practice. In fact they may generally be traced either -to popular indignation excited by the harsh and insolent behaviour of Christian officials,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1659src" href="#xd31e1659">129</a> or to outbursts of fanaticism which forced upon the government acts of oppression -that were contrary to the general spirit of Muslim rule and were consequently allowed -to lapse as soon as possible. -</p> -<p>The beginning of a harsher treatment of the native Christian population dates from -the reign of Hārūn al-Rashīd (786–809) who ordered them to wear a distinctive dress -and give up the government posts they held to Muslims. The first of these orders shows -how little one at least of the ordinances ascribed to ʻUmar was observed, and these -decrees were the outcome, not so much of any purely religious feeling, as of the political -circumstances of the time. The Christians under Muhammadan rule have often had to -suffer for the bad faith kept by foreign Christian powers in their relations with -Muhammadan princes, and on this occasion it was the treachery of the Byzantine Emperor, -Nicephorus, that caused the Christian name to stink in the nostrils of Hārūn.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1664src" href="#xd31e1664">130</a> Many of the persecutions of Christians in Muslim countries can be traced either to -distrust of their loyalty, excited by the intrigues and interference of Christian -foreigners and the enemies of Islam, or to the bad feeling stirred up by the treacherous -or brutal behaviour of the latter towards the Musalmans. Religious fanaticism is, -however, responsible for many of such persecutions, as in the reign of the Caliph -al-Mutawakkil (847–861), under whom severe measures of oppression were taken against -the Christians. This prince took advantage of the strong Orthodox reaction that had -set in in Muhammadan theology against the rationalistic and freethinking tendencies -that <span class="pageNum" id="pb77">[<a href="#pb77">77</a>]</span>had had free play under former rulers,—and came forward as the champion of the extreme -orthodox party, to which the mass of the people as contrasted with the higher classes -belonged,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1669src" href="#xd31e1669">131</a> and which was eager to exact vengeance for the persecutions it had itself suffered -in the two preceding reigns;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1672src" href="#xd31e1672">132</a> he sought to curry their favour by persecuting the Muʻtazilites, forbidding all further -discussions on the Qurʼān and declaring the doctrine that it was created, to be heretical; -he had the followers of ʻAlī imprisoned and beaten, pulled down the tomb of Ḥusayn -at Karbalāʼ and forbade pilgrimages to be made to the site. The Christians shared -in the sufferings of the other heretics; for al-Mutawakkil put rigorously into force -the rules that had been passed in former reigns prescribing a distinction in the dress -of d͟himmīs and Muslims, ordered that the Christians should no longer be employed -in the public offices, doubled the capitation-tax, forbade them to have Muslim slaves -or use the same baths as the Muslims, and harassed them with several other restrictions. -</p> -<p>It is noteworthy that the historians of the Nestorian Church—which had to suffer most -from this persecution—describe it as something new and individual to al-Mutawakkil, -and as ceasing with his death.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1677src" href="#xd31e1677">133</a> One of his successors, al-Muqtadir (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 908–932), renewed these regulations, which the lapse of half a century had apparently -caused to fall into disuse. -</p> -<p>Other outbursts of fanaticism led to the destruction of churches and synagogues,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1685src" href="#xd31e1685">134</a> and the terror of such persecution led to the defection of many from the Christian -Church.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1688src" href="#xd31e1688">135</a> But such oppression was contrary to the tolerant spirit of Islam, and to the teaching -traditionally ascribed to the Prophet;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1691src" href="#xd31e1691">136</a> and the fanatical party tried in vain to enforce <span class="pageNum" id="pb78">[<a href="#pb78">78</a>]</span>the persistent execution of these oppressive measures for the humiliation of the non-Muslim -population. “The ʻulamaʼ (i.e. the learned, the clergy) consider this state of things; -they weep and groan in silence, while the princes who had the power of putting down -these criminal abuses only shut their eyes to them.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1698src" href="#xd31e1698">137</a> The rules that a fanatical priesthood may lay down for the repression of unbelievers -cannot always be taken as a criterion of the practice of civil governments: it is -failure to realise this fact that has rendered possible the highly-coloured pictures -of the sufferings of the Christians under Muhammadan rule, drawn by writers who have -assumed that the prescriptions of certain Muslim theologians represented an invariable -practice. Such outbursts of persecution seem in some cases to have been excited by -the alleged abuse of their position by those Christians who held high posts in the -service of the government; they aroused considerable hostility of feeling towards -themselves by their oppression of the Muslims, it being said that they took advantage -of their high position to plunder and annoy the faithful, treating them with great -harshness and rudeness and despoiling them of their lands and money. Such complaints -were laid before the caliphs al-Manṣūr (754–775), al-Mahdī (775–785), al-Maʼmūn (813–833), -al-Mutawakkil (847–861), al-Muqtadir (908–932), and many of their successors.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1708src" href="#xd31e1708">138</a> They also incurred the odium of many Muhammadans by acting as the spies of the ʻAbbāsid -dynasty and hunting down the adherents of the displaced Umayyad family.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1711src" href="#xd31e1711">139</a> At a later period, during the time of the Crusades they were accused of treasonable -correspondence with the Crusaders<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1714src" href="#xd31e1714">140</a> and brought on themselves severe restrictive measures which cannot justly be described -as religious persecution. -</p> -<p>In proportion as the lot of the conquered peoples became harder to bear, the more -irresistible was the temptation to free themselves from their miseries, by the words, -“There is no god but God: Muḥammad is the Apostle of God.” <span class="pageNum" id="pb79">[<a href="#pb79">79</a>]</span>When the state was in need of money—as was increasingly the case—the subject races -were more and more burdened with taxes, so that the condition of the non-Muslims was -constantly growing more unendurable, and conversions to Islam increased in the same -proportion. The dreary record of scandals, with which the pages of the Christian historians -of this later period are filled, would suggest that the Christian Churches had failed -to develop a moral fibre strong enough to endure the stress of adverse conditions, -and when persecution came, the reason for the defection that followed might—as the -historian of the Nestorian Church suggests<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1721src" href="#xd31e1721">141</a>—be sought for in the prevailing negligence in the performance of religious duties -and the evil life of the clergy. -</p> -<p>Further causes that contributed to the decrease of the Christian population may be -found in the fact that the children of the numerous Christian captive women who were -carried off to the harems of the Muslims had to be brought up in the religion of their -fathers, and in the frequent temptation that was offered to the Christian slave by -an indulgent master, of purchasing his freedom at the price of conversion to Islam. -But of any organised attempt to force the acceptance of Islam on the non-Muslim population, -or of any systematic persecution intended to stamp out the Christian religion, we -hear nothing. Had the caliphs chosen to adopt either course of action, they might -have swept away Christianity as easily as Ferdinand and Isabella drove Islam out of -Spain, or Louis XIV made Protestantism penal in France, or the Jews were kept out -of England for 350 years. The Eastern Churches in Asia were entirely cut off from -communion with the rest of Christendom, throughout which no one would have been found -to lift a finger on their behalf, as heretical communions. So that the very survival -of these Churches to the present day is a strong proof of the generally <span class="pageNum" id="pb80">[<a href="#pb80">80</a>]</span>tolerant attitude of the Muhammadan governments towards them.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1735src" href="#xd31e1735">142</a> -</p> -<p>Of the ancient Churches in Western Asia at the time of the Muhammadan conquest, there -still survive about 150,000 Nestorians,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1743src" href="#xd31e1743">143</a> and their number would have been larger but for the proselytising efforts of other -Christian Churches; the Chaldees who have submitted to the Church of Rome number 70,000, -in 1898 the Nestorian Bishop Mār Jonan, with several of the clergy and 15,000 Nestorians -were received into the Orthodox Russian Church; and numbers of Nestorians have also -become Protestants.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1746src" href="#xd31e1746">144</a> The Jacobite Patriarch of Antioch exercises jurisdiction over about 80,000 members -of this ancient Church, while 25,000 families of Uniat Jacobites obey the Syrian Catholic -Patriarch.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1749src" href="#xd31e1749">145</a> Belonging to the Greek Orthodox Church, there are 28,836 families under the Patriarch -of Antioch and more than 15,000 persons under the Patriarch of Jerusalem,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1752src" href="#xd31e1752">146</a> while the Melchites or Greek-Catholics number about 130,000.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1755src" href="#xd31e1755">147</a> The Maronite Church, which has been in union with the Roman Catholic Church since -the year 1182, has a following of 300,000.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1759src" href="#xd31e1759">148</a> -</p> -<p>The marvel is that these isolated and scattered communities should have survived so -long, exposed as they have been to the ravages of war, pestilence and famine,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1764src" href="#xd31e1764">149</a> living in a country that was for centuries a continual battle-field, overrun by Turks, -Mongols and Crusaders,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1767src" href="#xd31e1767">150</a> it being <span class="pageNum" id="pb81">[<a href="#pb81">81</a>]</span>further remembered that they were forbidden by the Muhammadan law to make good this -decay of their numbers by proselytising efforts—if indeed they had cared to do so, -for they seem (with the exception of the Nestorians) even before the Muhammadan conquest, -to have lost that missionary spirit, without which, as history abundantly shows, no -healthy life is possible in a Christian Church. It has also been suggested that the -monastic ideal of continence so widespread in the East, and the Christian practice -of monogamy, together with the sense of insecurity and their servile condition, may -have acted as checks on the growth of the Christian population.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1772src" href="#xd31e1772">151</a> -</p> -<p>Of the details of conversion to Islam we have hardly any information. At the time -of the first occupation of their country by the Arabs, the Christians appear to have -gone over to Islam in very large numbers. Some idea of the extent of these early conversions -in ʻIrāq for example may be formed from the fact that the income from taxation in -the reign of ʻUmar was from 100 to 120 million dirhams, while in the reign of ʻAbd -al-Malik, about fifty years later, it had sunk to forty millions: while this fall -in the revenue is largely attributable to the devastation caused by wars and insurrections, -still it was chiefly due to the fact that large numbers of the population had become -Muhammadan and consequently could no longer be called upon to pay the capitation-tax.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1777src" href="#xd31e1777">152</a> -</p> -<p>This same period witnesses the conversion of large numbers of the Christians of K͟hurāsān, -as we learn from a letter of a contemporary ecclesiastic, the Nestorian Patriarch -Īshōʻyabh III, addressed to Simeon, the Metropolitan of Rev-Ardashīr and Primate of -Persia. We possess so very few Christian documents of the first century of the Hijrah, -and this letter bears such striking testimony to the peaceful character of the spread -of the new faith, and has moreover been so little noticed by modern historians—that -it may well be quoted here at length. “Where are thy sons, O father bereft of sons? -Where is that great people of Merv, who though they beheld neither sword, nor fire -or tortures, captivated <span class="pageNum" id="pb82">[<a href="#pb82">82</a>]</span>only by love for a moiety of their goods, have turned aside, like fools, from the -true path and rushed headlong into the pit of faithlessness—into everlasting destruction, -and have utterly been brought to nought, while two priests only (priests at least -in name), have, like brands snatched from the burning, escaped the devouring flames -of infidelity. Alas, alas! Out of so many thousands who bore the name of Christians, -not even one single victim was consecrated unto God by the shedding of his blood for -the true faith. Where, too, are the sanctuaries of Kirmān and all Persia? it is not -the coming of Satan or the mandates of the kings of the earth or the orders of governors -of provinces that have laid them waste and in ruins—but the feeble breath of one contemptible -little demon, who was not deemed worthy of the honour of demons by those demons who -sent him on his errand, nor was endowed by Satan the seducer with the power of diabolical -deceit, that he might display it in your land; but merely by the nod of his command -he has thrown down all the churches of your Persia.… And the Arabs, to whom God at -this time has given the empire of the world, behold, they are among you, as ye know -well: and yet they attack not the Christian faith, but, on the contrary, they favour -our religion, do honour to our priests and the saints of the Lord, and confer benefits -on churches and monasteries. Why then have your people of Merv abandoned their faith -for the sake of these Arabs? and that, too, when the Arabs, as the people of Merv -themselves declare, have not compelled them to leave their own religion but suffered -them to keep it safe and undefiled if they gave up only a moiety of their goods. But -forsaking the faith which brings eternal salvation, they clung to a moiety of the -goods of this fleeting world: that faith which whole nations have purchased and even -to this day do purchase by the shedding of their blood and gain thereby the inheritance -of eternal life, your people of Merv were willing to barter for a moiety of their -goods—and even less.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1784src" href="#xd31e1784">153</a> The reign of the caliph ʻUmar II (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 717–720) particularly was marked with very extensive conversions: he organised a -zealous missionary movement and offered every kind of inducement to the <span class="pageNum" id="pb83">[<a href="#pb83">83</a>]</span>conquered peoples to accept Islam, even making them grants of money; on one occasion -he is said to have given a Christian military officer the sum of 1000 dīnārs to induce -him to accept Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1792src" href="#xd31e1792">154</a> He instructed the governors of the provinces to invite the d͟himmīs to the Muslim -faith, and al-Jarrāḥ b. ʻAbd Allāh, governor of K͟hurāsān, is said to have converted -about 4000 persons.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1796src" href="#xd31e1796">155</a> He is even said to have written a letter to the Byzantine Emperor, Leo III, urging -on him the acceptance of the faith of Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1799src" href="#xd31e1799">156</a> He abrogated the decree passed in <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 700 for the purpose of arresting the impoverishment of the treasury, according to -which the convert to Islam was not released from the capitation-tax, but was compelled -to continue to pay it as before; even though the d͟himmī apostatised the very day -before his yearly payment of the jizyah was due or while his contribution was actually -being weighed in the scales, it was to be remitted to the new convert.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1805src" href="#xd31e1805">157</a> He no longer exacted the k͟harāj from the Muhammadan owners of landed property, and -imposed upon them the far lighter burden of a tithe. These measures, though financially -most ruinous, were eminently successful in the way the pious-minded caliph desired -they should be, and enormous numbers hastened to enrol themselves among the Muslims.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1808src" href="#xd31e1808">158</a> -</p> -<p>It must not, however, be supposed that such worldly considerations were the only influences -at work in the conversion of the Christians to Islam. The controversial works of St. -John of Damascus, of the same century, give us glimpses of the zealous Muslim striving -to undermine by his arguments the foundations of the Christian faith. The very dialogue -form into which these treatises are thrown, and the frequent repetition of such phrases -as “If the Saracen asks you,”—“If the Saracen says … then tell him” …—give them an -air of <i>vraisemblance</i> and make them appear as if they were intended to provide the Christians with ready -answers to the numerous objections which their Muslim neighbours brought against the -Christian creed.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1815src" href="#xd31e1815">159</a> That the aggressive attitude of the Muhammadan disputant is <span class="pageNum" id="pb84">[<a href="#pb84">84</a>]</span>most prominently brought forward in these dialogues is only what might be expected, -it being no part of this great theologian’s purpose to enshrine in his writings an -apology for Islam. His pupil, Bishop Theodore Abū Qurrah, also wrote several controversial -dialogues<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1820src" href="#xd31e1820">160</a> with Muhammadans, in which the disputants range over all the points of dispute between -the two faiths, the Muslim as before being the first to take up the cudgels, and enabling -us to form some slight idea of the activity with which the cause of Islam was prosecuted -at this period. “The thoughts of the Agarenes,” says the bishop, “and all their zeal, -are directed towards the denial of the divinity of God the Word, and they strain every -effort to this end.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1823src" href="#xd31e1823">161</a> The Nestorian Patriarch, Timotheus, used to hold discussions on religious matters -in the presence of the caliphs, al-Hādī and Hārūn al-Rashīd, and embodied them in -a work that is now lost.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1827src" href="#xd31e1827">162</a> Timotheus had secured his election to the patriarchate in the face of the active -opposition of many of the most powerful ecclesiastics of his own Church; among these -was Joseph, the metropolitan of Merv, who intrigued against him with the caliph, al-Mahdī -(775–785), but was persuaded by the caliph to accept Islam and was rewarded for his -apostasy with rich presents and an official appointment in Baṣrah.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1830src" href="#xd31e1830">163</a> -</p> -<p>These details from the first two centuries of the Hijrah are meagre in the extreme -and rather suggest the existence of proselytising efforts than furnish definite facts. -The earliest document of a distinctly missionary character which has come down to -us, would seem to date from the reign of al-Maʼmūn (813–833), and takes the form of -a letter<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1835src" href="#xd31e1835">164</a> written by a cousin of the caliph to a Christian Arab of noble birth and of considerable -distinction at the court, and held in high esteem by al-Maʼmūn himself. In this letter -he begs his friend to embrace Islam, in terms of affectionate appeal and in language -that strikingly illustrates the tolerant attitude of the Muslims towards the Christian -Church at this period. This letter occupies an almost unique place in the early history -of the propagation of Islam, and has <span class="pageNum" id="pb85">[<a href="#pb85">85</a>]</span>on this account been given in full in an appendix.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1840src" href="#xd31e1840">165</a> In the same work we have a report of a speech made by the caliph at an assembly of -his nobles, in which he speaks in tones of the strongest contempt of those who had -become Muhammadans merely out of worldly and selfish motives, and compares them to -the Hypocrites who while pretending to be friends of the Prophet, in secret plotted -against his life. But just as the Prophet returned good for evil, so the caliph resolves -to treat these persons with courtesy and forbearance until God should decide between -them.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1843src" href="#xd31e1843">166</a> The record of this complaint on the part of the caliph is interesting as indicating -that disinterested and genuine conviction was expected and looked for in the new convert -to Islam, and that the discovery of self-seeking and unworthy motives drew upon him -the severest censure. -</p> -<p>Al-Maʼmūn himself was very zealous in his efforts to spread the faith of Islam, and -sent invitations to unbelievers even in the most distant parts of his dominions, such -as Transoxania and Farg͟hānah.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1848src" href="#xd31e1848">167</a> At the same time he did not abuse his royal power, by attempting to force his own -faith upon others: when a certain Yazdānbak͟ht, a leader of the Manichæan sect, came -on a visit to Bag͟hdād<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1851src" href="#xd31e1851">168</a> and held a disputation with the Muslim theologians, in which he was utterly silenced, -the caliph tried to induce him to embrace Islam. But Yazdānbak͟ht refused, saying, -“Commander of the faithful, your advice is heard and your words have been listened -to; but you are one of those who do not force men to abandon their religion.” So far -from resenting the ill-success of his efforts, the caliph furnished him with a bodyguard, -that he might not be exposed to insult from the fanatical populace.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1854src" href="#xd31e1854">169</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb86">[<a href="#pb86">86</a>]</span></p> -<p>Some scanty references are made by Christian historians to cases of ecclesiastical -dignitaries who became Muhammadans, e.g. George, Bishop of Baḥrayn, about the middle -of the ninth century, having been deposed from his office for some ecclesiastical -offence, exchanged the Christian faith for that of Islam,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1860src" href="#xd31e1860">170</a> and the conversion of a brother of Gabriel, metropolitan of Fārs about the middle -of the tenth century, only receives mention because the fact of his having become -a Muslim was alleged as disqualifying Gabriel for election to the patriarchate of -the Nestorian church.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1863src" href="#xd31e1863">171</a> -</p> -<p>In the early part of the same century, Theodore, the Nestorian Bishop of Beth Garmai, -became a Muslim, and there is no mention of any force or compulsion by the ecclesiastical -historian<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1868src" href="#xd31e1868">172</a> who records the fact, as there undoubtedly would have been, had such existed. Some -years later (between <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 962 and 979), Philoxenos, a Jacobite Bishop of Ād͟harbayjān, also became a Muslim,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1874src" href="#xd31e1874">173</a> and in the following century, in 1016, Ignatius,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1877src" href="#xd31e1877">174</a> the Jacobite Metropolitan of Takrīt, who had held this office for twenty-five years, -set out for Bag͟hdād and embraced Islam in the presence of the caliph al-Qādir, taking -the name of Abū Muslim.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1880src" href="#xd31e1880">175</a> It would be exceedingly interesting if an Apologia pro Vita Sua had survived to reveal -to us the religious development that took place in the mind of either of these converts. -The Christian chronicler hints at immorality in the last three cases, but such an -accusation uncorroborated by any further evidence is open to suspicion,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1884src" href="#xd31e1884">176</a> much as it would be <span class="pageNum" id="pb87">[<a href="#pb87">87</a>]</span>if brought forward by a Roman Catholic when recording the conversion of a priest of -his own communion to the Protestant faith. It is doubtless owing to their exalted -position in the Church that the conversion of these prominent ecclesiastics of two -hostile Christian sects has been handed down to us, while that of more obscure individuals -has not been recorded. As Barhebræus brings his ecclesiastical chronicle nearer to -his own time, he gives fuller details of the career of such converts, e.g. in recording -the public lapse of some of the Jacobite bishops, in the middle of the twelfth century -he makes particular mention of Aaron, bishop of a town in K͟hurāsān, as having become -a Muhammadan after having been convicted of some moral fault; repenting of this change, -he wished to regain his episcopal status, and when this was refused him, went to Constantinople -and abjured the Monophysite doctrines of the Jacobite Church; then apparently dissatisfied -with the reception he received in Constantinople, he returned to the Jacobite Patriarch, -but a second time went over to Islam “without any reason”; then repenting again, he -finally ended his days among the Maronites of Mount Lebanon.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1891src" href="#xd31e1891">177</a> A contemporary of Barhebræus, in the middle of the thirteenth century—Daniel, Bishop -of Khabur—who is said to have been proficient in secular learning, sought to be appointed -to the diocese of Aleppo, but disappointed in this ambition, he abandoned the Christian -faith and to the grief and shame of all Christian people “became a Muslim; but God -(praise be to His grace!) soon consoled his afflicted people and took away the shame -from the redeemed, the redeemed of the Lord; for a few months later that unhappy wretch -died miserably in a caravanserai; his name perished, he was taken away out of our -midst, and no man knoweth his abiding place.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1894src" href="#xd31e1894">178</a> -</p> -<p>But that these conversions were not merely isolated instances we have the valuable -evidence of Jacques de Vitry, Bishop of Acre (1216–1225), who thus speaks of the Eastern -Church from his experience of it in the Holy Land:—<span class="pageNum" id="pb88">[<a href="#pb88">88</a>]</span>“Weakened and lamentably ensnared, nay rather grievously wounded, by the lying persuasions -of the false prophet and by the allurements of carnal pleasure, she hath sunk down, -and she that was brought up in scarlet, hath embraced dunghills.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1901src" href="#xd31e1901">179</a> -</p> -<p>So far the Christian Churches that have been described as coming within the sphere -of Muhammadan influence, have been the Orthodox Eastern Church and the heretical communions -that had sprung out of it. But with the close of the eleventh century a fresh element -was added to the Christian population of Syria and Palestine, in the large bodies -of Crusaders of the Latin rite who settled in the kingdom of Jerusalem and the other -states founded by the Crusaders, which maintained a precarious existence for nearly -two centuries. During this period, occasional conversions to Islam were made from -among these foreign immigrants. In the first Crusade, for example, a body of Germans -and Lombards under the command of a certain knight, named Rainaud, had separated themselves -from the main body and were besieged in a castle by the Saljūq Sultan, Arslān; on -pretence of making a sortie, Rainaud and his personal followers abandoned their unfortunate -companions and went over to the Turks, among whom they embraced Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1907src" href="#xd31e1907">180</a> -</p> -<p>The history of the ill-fated second Crusade presents us with a very remarkable incident -of a similar character. The story, as told by Odo of Deuil, a monk of St. Denis, who, -in the capacity of private chaplain to Louis VII, accompanied him on this Crusade -and wrote a graphic account of it, runs as follows. While endeavouring to make their -way overland through Asia Minor to Jerusalem the Crusaders sustained a disastrous -defeat at the hands of the Turks in the mountain-passes of Phrygia (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1148), and with difficulty reached the seaport town of Attalia. Here, all who could -afford to satisfy the exorbitant demands of the Greek merchants, took ship for Antioch; -while the sick and wounded and the mass of the pilgrims were left behind at the mercy -of their treacherous allies, the Greeks, who received five hundred <span class="pageNum" id="pb89">[<a href="#pb89">89</a>]</span>marks from Louis, on condition that they provided an escort for the pilgrims and took -care of the sick until they were strong enough to be sent on after the others. But -no sooner had the army left, than the Greeks informed the Turks of the helpless condition -of the pilgrims, and quietly looked on while famine, disease and the arrows of the -enemy carried havoc and destruction through the camp of these unfortunates. Driven -to desperation, a party of three or four thousand attempted to escape, but were surrounded -and cut to pieces by the Turks, who now pressed on to the camp to follow up their -victory. The situation of the survivors would have been utterly hopeless, had not -the sight of their misery melted the hearts of the Muhammadans to pity. They tended -the sick and relieved the poor and starving with open-handed liberality. Some even -bought up the French money which the Greeks had got out of the pilgrims by force or -cunning, and lavishly distributed it among the needy. So great was the contrast between -the kind treatment the pilgrims received from the unbelievers and the cruelty of their -fellow-Christians, the Greeks, who imposed forced labour upon them, beat them and -robbed them of what little they had left, that many of them voluntarily embraced the -faith of their deliverers. As the old chronicler says: “Avoiding their co-religionists -who had been so cruel to them, they went in safety among the infidels who had compassion -upon them, and, as we heard, more than three thousand joined themselves to the Turks -when they retired. Oh, kindness more cruel than all treachery! They gave them bread -but robbed them of their faith, though it is certain that contented with the services -they performed, they compelled no one among them to renounce his religion.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1917src" href="#xd31e1917">181</a> -</p> -<p>The increasing intercourse between Christians and Muslims, the growing appreciation -on the part of the Crusaders of the virtues of their opponents, which so strikingly -distinguishes <span class="pageNum" id="pb90">[<a href="#pb90">90</a>]</span>the later from the earlier chroniclers of the Crusades,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1924src" href="#xd31e1924">182</a> the numerous imitations of Oriental manners and ways of life by the Franks settled -in the Holy Land, did not fail to exercise a corresponding influence on religious -opinions. One of the most remarkable features of this influence is the tolerant attitude -of many of the Christian Knights towards the faith of Islam—an attitude of mind that -was most vehemently denounced by the Church. When Usāma b. Munqid͟h, a Syrian Amīr -of the twelfth century, visited Jerusalem, during a period of truce, the Knights Templar, -who had occupied the Masjid al-Aqṣā, assigned to him a small chapel adjoining it, -for him to say his prayers in, and they strongly resented the interference with the -devotions of their guest on the part of a newly-arrived Crusader, who took this new -departure in the direction of religious freedom in very bad part.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1927src" href="#xd31e1927">183</a> It would indeed have been strange if religious questions had not formed a topic of -discussion on the many occasions when the Crusaders and the Muslims met together on -a friendly footing, during the frequent truces, especially when it was religion itself -that had brought the Crusaders into the Holy Land and set them upon these constant -wars. When even Christian theologians were led by their personal intercourse with -the Muslims to form a juster estimate of their religion, and contact with new modes -of thought was unsettling the minds of men and giving rise to a swarm of heresies, -it is not surprising that many should have been drawn into the pale of Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1930src" href="#xd31e1930">184</a> The renegades in the twelfth century were in sufficient numbers to be noticed in -the statute books of the Crusaders, the so-called Assises of Jerusalem, according -to which, in certain cases, their bail was not accepted.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1933src" href="#xd31e1933">185</a> -</p> -<p>It would be interesting to discover who were the Muslims who busied themselves in -winning these converts to Islam, but they seem to have left no record of their labours. -We know, however, that they had at their head the great Saladin himself, who is described -by his biographer as setting before <span class="pageNum" id="pb91">[<a href="#pb91">91</a>]</span>his Christian guest the beauties of Islam and urging him to embrace it.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1940src" href="#xd31e1940">186</a> -</p> -<p>The heroic life and character of Saladin seems to have exercised an especial fascination -on the minds of the Christians of his time; some even of the Christian knights were -so strongly attracted towards him that they abandoned the Christian faith and their -own people and joined themselves to the Muslims; such was the case, for example, with -a certain English Templar, named Robert of St. Albans, who in <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1185 gave up Christianity for Islam and afterwards married a grand-daughter of Saladin.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1948src" href="#xd31e1948">187</a> Two years later, Saladin invaded Palestine and utterly defeated the Christian army -in the battle of Ḥiṭṭīn, Guy, king of Jerusalem, being among the prisoners. On the -eve of the battle, six of his knights, “possessed with a devilish spirit,” deserted -the king and escaped into the camp of Saladin, where of their own accord they became -Saracens.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1951src" href="#xd31e1951">188</a> At the same time Saladin seems to have had an understanding with Raymund III, Count -of Tripoli, according to which he was to induce his followers to abandon the Christian -faith and go over to the Muslims; but the sudden death of the Count effectually put -a stop to the execution of this scheme.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1954src" href="#xd31e1954">189</a> -</p> -<p>The fall of Jerusalem and the successes of Saladin in the Holy Land stirred up Europe -to undertake the third Crusade, the chief incident of which was the siege of Acre -(<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1189–1191). The fearful sufferings that the Christian army was exposed to, from famine -and disease, drove many of them to desert and seek relief from the cravings of hunger -in the Muslim camp. Of these deserters, many made their way back again after some -time to the army of the Crusaders; on the other hand, many elected to throw in their -lot with the Muslims; some, taking service under their former enemies, still remained -true to the Christian faith and (we are told) were well pleased with their new masters, -while others embracing Islam became good Muslims.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1962src" href="#xd31e1962">190</a> The conversion of these deserters is recorded also by the chronicler who accompanied -Richard I upon this Crusade:—“Some <span class="pageNum" id="pb92">[<a href="#pb92">92</a>]</span>of our men (whose fate cannot be told or heard without grievous sorrow) yielding to -the severity of the sore famine, in achieving the salvation of the body, incurred -the damnation of their souls. For after the greater part of the affliction was past, -they deserted and fled to the Turks: nor did they hesitate to become renegades; in -order that they might prolong their temporal life a little space, they purchased eternal -death with horrid blasphemies. O baleful trafficking! O shameful deed beyond all punishment! -O foolish man likened unto the foolish beasts, while he flees from the death that -must inevitably come soon, he shuns not the death unending.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1967src" href="#xd31e1967">191</a> -</p> -<p>From this time onwards references to renegades are not infrequently to be met with -in the writings of those who travelled to the Holy Land and other countries of the -East. The terms of the oath which was proposed to St. Louis by his Muhammadan captors -when he was called upon to promise to pay the ransom imposed upon him (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1250), were suggested by certain whilom priests who had become Muslims;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1977src" href="#xd31e1977">192</a> and while this business of paying the ransom was still being carried on, another -renegade, a Frenchman, born at Provins, came to bring a present to the king: he had -accompanied King John of Jerusalem on his expedition against Damietta in 1219 and -had remained in Egypt, married a Muhammadan wife and become a great lord in that country.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1980src" href="#xd31e1980">193</a> The danger of the pilgrims to the Holy Land becoming converts to Islam was so clearly -recognised at this time that in a “Remembrance,” written about 1266 by Amaury de la -Roche, the master of the Knights Templar in France, he requests the Pope and the legates -of France and Sicily to prevent the poor and the aged and those incapable of bearing -arms from crossing the sea to Palestine, for such persons either got killed or were -taken prisoners by the Saracens or turned renegades.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1983src" href="#xd31e1983">194</a> Ludolf de Suchem, who travelled in the Holy Land from 1336 to 1341, speaks of three -renegades he found at Hebron; they had come from the diocese of Minden and had been -in the service of a <span class="pageNum" id="pb93">[<a href="#pb93">93</a>]</span>Westphalian knight, who was held in high honour by the Soldan and other Muhammadan -princes.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1989src" href="#xd31e1989">195</a> -</p> -<p>These scattered notices are no doubt significant of more extensive conversions of -Christians to Islam, of which no record has come down to us: e.g. there were said -to be about 25,000 renegades in the city of Cairo towards the close of the fifteenth -century,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e1994src" href="#xd31e1994">196</a> and there must have been many also to be found in the cities of the Holy Land after -the disappearance of the Latin princedoms of the East. But the Muhammadan historians -of this period seem to have been too busily engaged in recording the exploits of princes -and the vicissitudes of dynasties, to turn their attention to religious changes in -the lives of obscure individuals; and (as far as I have been able to discover) they -as little notice the conversions of Christians to Islam as of those of their own co-religionists -to Christianity. Consequently, we have to depend for our knowledge of both of these -classes of events on Christian writers, who, while they give us detailed and sympathetic -accounts of the latter, bear unwilling testimony to the existence of instances of -the former and represent the motives of the renegades in the worst light possible. -The possibility of any Christian becoming converted to Islam from honest conviction, -probably never entered into the head of any of these writers, and even had such an -idea occurred to them they would hardly have ventured to expose themselves to the -thunders of ecclesiastical censure by giving open expression to it. -</p> -<p>As an example of the rare instances of such a conversion being recorded, the account -may here be cited which Fürer von Haimendorf, who was in Cairo in 1565, gives of the -conversion of a German scholar who had studied in the University of Leipzig. “<span lang="la">Sed dum nos hanc moram Cairi nectimus, accidit ut Justus quidam Stevenius Germanus -Hamelensis qui in iisdem ædibus nobiscum habitaverat, fide Christianorum abnegata -Turcarum religioni se initiandum atque circumcidendum obtulerit. Vir erat doctus, -qui diu se Witebergæ ac Lipsiæ studiis operam dedisse sæpe nobis <span class="pageNum" id="pb94">[<a href="#pb94">94</a>]</span>narrabat: verum de hoc facto interrogatus, peculiarem nunc sibi Spiritum adesse ajebat, -sine cujus instinctu nihil vel facere sibi, vel cogitare fas esset; quæ hominis apostasia -nimium quantum animos nostros commovit, et ad fugam quasi excitavit. Eodem quoque -die Judæus quidam, qui paucis diebus ante religionem Mahumetanam amplexus fuerat, -triumphali pompa per urbem circumducebatur; quod idem cum Stevenio isto futurum esse, -Janissarii quidam nobis affirmabant.</span>”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2004src" href="#xd31e2004">197</a> -</p> -<p>From the historical sources quoted above, we have as little information respecting -the number of these converts as of the proselytising efforts made to induce them to -change their faith. A motive frequently assigned for going over to Islam is the desire -to escape the death penalty by means of apostasy. European travellers make frequent -mention of such cases. A late example of such an account may be selected, for the -picturesqueness of its language, from the report of a Jesuit, who was in Cairo in -1627; he saw a Copt who, having allowed himself to be carried away “partly by passion -and partly by the violence of an indiscreet zeal, had killed his brother with his -own hand, in detestation of his having in a dastardly manner left Jesus Christ to -embrace Mahometanism, in order to deliver himself from the vexation of the Turks. -The poor man was at once seized in the heat of his crime, and he boldly confessed -that the renegade, unworthy of being his brother, could only wipe out so black a spot -by his blood. He was urged to abandon his faith in order to save his life,” but he -declared that he was resolved to die a Christian; the cruel torments, however, inflicted -on him by the executioners, weakened his resolution and he yielded at the last moment. -“This disaster changed him in a moment from a confessor into a renegade, from a martyr -into an apostate, from a saint into one of the damned, and from an angel into a veritable -devil. He made the profession of faith or rather of perfidy, after the manner of the -Mahometans … he was set at liberty, the liberty not of the sons of God, but of the -sons of perdition.” Later on, the reproaches of his conscience caused him again to -recant <span class="pageNum" id="pb95">[<a href="#pb95">95</a>]</span>and he was put to death by the Muhammadans for his apostasy.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2011src" href="#xd31e2011">198</a> -</p> -<p>The monk Burchard,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2016src" href="#xd31e2016">199</a> writing about 1283, a few years before the Crusaders were driven out of their last -strongholds and the Latin power in the East came utterly to an end—represents the -Christian population as largely outnumbering the Muslims throughout the whole of the -Muhammadan world, the latter (except in Egypt and Arabia) forming not more than three -or four per cent. of the whole population. This language is undoubtedly exaggerated -and the good monk was certainly rash in assuming that what he observed in the cities -of the Crusaders and of the kingdom of Little Armenia held good in other parts of -the East. But his words may be certainly taken to indicate that during the period -of the Crusades there had been no widespread conversion to Islam, and that when the -Muhammadans resumed their sovereignty over the Holy Land, they extended the same toleration -to the Christians as before, suffering them to “purchase peace and quiet” by the payment -of the jizyah. The presumption is that the conversions that took place were of individual -Christians, who were persuaded in their own minds before they took the final step. -Instances have already been given of Christians who took service under Muhammadan -masters, in the full enjoyment of their own faith, and the Assises of Jerusalem made -a distinction between “those who have denied God <span class="pageNum" id="pb96">[<a href="#pb96">96</a>]</span>and follow another law” and “all those who have done armed service to the Saracens -and other miscreants against the Christians for more than a year and a day.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2029src" href="#xd31e2029">200</a> -</p> -<p>The native Christians certainly preferred the rule of the Muhammadans to that of the -Crusaders,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2035src" href="#xd31e2035">201</a> and when Jerusalem fell finally and for ever into the hands of the Muslims (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1244), the Christian population of Palestine seems to have welcomed the new masters -and to have submitted quietly and contentedly to their rule.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2041src" href="#xd31e2041">202</a> -</p> -<p>This same sense of security of religious life under Muslim rule led many of the Christians -of Asia Minor, also, about the same time, to welcome the advent of the Saljūq Turks -as their deliverers from the hated Byzantine government, not only on account of its -oppressive system of taxation, but also of the persecuting spirit of the Greek Church, -which had with such cruelty crushed the heresies of the Paulicians and the Iconoclasts. -In the reign of Michael VIII (1261–1282), the Turks were often invited to take possession -of the smaller towns in the interior of Asia Minor by the inhabitants, that they might -escape from the tyranny of the empire; and both rich and poor often emigrated into -Turkish dominions.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2052src" href="#xd31e2052">203</a> -</p> -<p>Some account still remains to be given of two other Christian Churches of Western -Asia, viz. the Armenian and the Georgian. Of the former it may be said that of all -the Eastern Churches that have come under Muhammadan rule, the Armenian Church has -probably given fewer of its members (in proportion to the size of the community) to -swell the ranks of Islam, than any other. So in spite of the interest that attaches -to the story of the struggle of <span class="pageNum" id="pb97">[<a href="#pb97">97</a>]</span>this brave nation against overwhelming odds and of the fidelity with which it has -clung to the Christian faith—through centuries of warfare and oppression, persecution -and exile—it does not come within the scope of the present volume to do more than -briefly indicate its connection with the history of the Muhammadans. The Armenian -kingdom survived the shock of the Arab conquest, and in the ninth century rose to -be a state of some importance and flourished during the decay of the caliphate of -Bag͟hdād, but in the eleventh century was overthrown by the Saljūq Turks. A band of -fugitives founded the kingdom of Lesser Armenia, but this too disappeared in the fourteenth -century. The national life of the Armenian people still survived in spite of the loss -of their independence, and, as was the case in Greece under the Turks, their religion -and the national church served as the rallying point of their eager, undying patriotism. -Though a certain number, under the pressure of cruel persecution, have embraced Islam, -yet the bulk of the race has remained true to its ancient faith. As Tavernier<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2062src" href="#xd31e2062">204</a> rather unsympathetically remarks, “There may be some few Armenians, that embrace -Mahometanism for worldly interest, but they are generally the most obstinate persons -in the world, and most firm to their superstitious principles.” -</p> -<p>The Georgian Church (founded in the early part of the fourth century) was an offshoot -from the Greek Church, with which she has always remained in communion, although from -the middle of the sixth century the Patriarch or Katholikos of the Georgian Church -declared himself independent. Torn asunder by internal discords and exposed to the -successive attacks of Greeks, Persians, Arabs, Turks and Mongols, the history of this -heroic warrior people is one of almost uninterrupted warfare against foreign foes -and of fiercely contested feuds between native chiefs: the reigns of one or two powerful -monarchs who secured for their subjects brief intervals of peace, serving only to -bring out in more striking contrast the normally unsettled state of the country. The -fierce independent spirit of the Georgians that could not brook a foreign rule has -often exasperated well-nigh <span class="pageNum" id="pb98">[<a href="#pb98">98</a>]</span>to madness the fury of their Muhammadan neighbours, when they failed to impose upon -them either their civil authority or their religion. It is this circumstance—that -a change of faith implied loss of political independence—which explains in a great -measure the fact that the Georgian Church inscribes the names of so many martyrs in -her calendar, while the annals of the Greek Church during the same period have no -such honoured roll to show. -</p> -<p>It was not until after Georgia had been overrun by the devastating armies of the Mongols, -leaving ruined churches and monasteries and pyramids of human heads to mark the progress -of their destroying hosts, and consequently the spiritual wants of the people had -remained long unprovided for, owing to the decline in the numbers and learning of -the clergy—that Christianity began to lose ground.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2071src" href="#xd31e2071">205</a> Even among those who still remained Christian, some added to the sufferings of the -clergy by plundering the property of the Church and appropriating to their own use -the revenues of churches and monasteries, and thus hastened the decay of the Christian -faith.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2074src" href="#xd31e2074">206</a> -</p> -<p>In 1400 the invasion of Tīmūr added a crowning horror to the sufferings of Georgia, -and though for a brief period the rule of Alexander I (1414–1442) delivered the country -from the foreign yoke and drove out all the Muhammadans—after his death it was again -broken up into a number of petty princedoms, from which the Turks and the Persians -wrested the last shreds of independence. But the Muhammadans always found Georgia -to be a turbulent and rebellious possession, ever ready to break out into open revolt -at the slightest opportunity. Both Turks and Persians sought to secure the allegiance -of these troublesome subjects by means of conversion to Islam. After the fall of Constantinople -and the increase of Turkish power in Asia Minor, the inhabitants of Akhaltsikhé and -other districts to the west of it became Muhammadans.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2079src" href="#xd31e2079">207</a> In 1579 two Georgian princes—brothers—came on an embassy to Constantinople with a -large retinue of about two hundred <span class="pageNum" id="pb99">[<a href="#pb99">99</a>]</span>persons: here the younger brother together with his attendants became a Musalman, -in the hope (it was said) of thereby supplanting his elder brother.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2084src" href="#xd31e2084">208</a> At a rather later date, the conquests of the Turks brought some of the districts -in the very centre of Georgia into their power, the inhabitants of which embraced -the creed of the conquerors.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2087src" href="#xd31e2087">209</a> From this period Samtzkhé, the most western portion of Georgia, recognised the suzerainty -of Turkey: its rulers and people were allowed to continue undisturbed in the Christian -faith, but from 1625 the ruling dynasty became Muhammadan and many of the chiefs and -the aristocracy followed their example. -</p> -<p>Christianity retained its hold upon the peasants much longer, but when the clergy -of Samtzkhé refused allegiance to the Katholikos of Karthli, there ceased to be regular -provision made for supplying the spiritual needs of the people: the nobles, even before -their conversion, had taken to plundering the estates of the Church, and after becoming -Musalmans they naturally ceased to assist it with their offerings, and the churches -and monasteries falling into decay were replaced by mosques.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2092src" href="#xd31e2092">210</a> -</p> -<p>The rest of Georgia had submitted to Persia, and when Tavernier visited this part -of the country, about the middle of the seventeenth century, he found it divided into -two kingdoms, which were provinces of the Persian empire, and were governed by native -Georgian princes who had to turn Muhammadan before being advanced to this dignity.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2103src" href="#xd31e2103">211</a> One of the first of such princes was the Tsarevitch Constantine, son of King Alexander -II of Kakheth, who had been brought up at the Persian court and had there embraced -Islam, at the beginning of the seventeenth century.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2106src" href="#xd31e2106">212</a> The first Muhammadan king of Karthli, the Tsarevitch Rustam (1634–1658), had also -been brought up in Persia, and he and his successors to the end of the century were -all Muhammadans.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2109src" href="#xd31e2109">213</a> -</p> -<p>Tavernier describes the Georgians as being very ignorant in matters of religion and -the clergy as unlettered and vicious; some of the heads of the Church actually sold -the <span class="pageNum" id="pb100">[<a href="#pb100">100</a>]</span>Christian boys and girls as slaves to the Turks and Persians.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2116src" href="#xd31e2116">214</a> From this period there seems to have been a widespread apostasy, especially among -the higher classes and those who sought to win the favour of the Persian court.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2119src" href="#xd31e2119">215</a> In 1701 the occupant of the throne of Georgia, Wakhtang VI, was a Christian: for -the first seven years of his reign he was a prisoner in Ispahan, where great efforts -were made to induce him to become a Muhammadan; when he declared that he preferred -to lose his throne rather than purchase it at the price of apostasy, it is said that -his younger brother, although he was the Patriarch of Georgia, offered to abandon -Christianity and embrace Islam, if the crown were bestowed upon him, but though invested -by the Persians with the royal power, the Georgians refused to accept him as their -ruler, and drove him out of the kingdom.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2128src" href="#xd31e2128">216</a> -</p> -<p>Towards the close of the eighteenth century, the king of Georgia placed his people -under the protection of the Russian crown. Hitherto their intense patriotic feeling -had helped to keep the Christian faith alive among them so long as their foreign invaders -had been Musalmans, but now that the foreign power that sought to rob them of their -independence was Christian, this same feeling operated in some of the districts north -of the Caucasus to the advantage of Islam. In Daghistan a certain Darvīsh Manṣūr endeavoured -to unite the different tribes of the Caucasus to oppose the Russians; preaching the -faith of Islam he succeeded in converting the princes and nobles of Ubichistan and -Daghistan, who have remained faithful to Islam ever since; many of the Circassians, -too, were converted by his preaching, and preferred exile to submitting to the Russian -rule.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2139src" href="#xd31e2139">217</a> But in 1791 he was taken prisoner, and in 1800 Georgia was formally incorporated -in the Russian empire. -</p> -<p>Darvīsh Manṣūr was not alone in his efforts to convert the Circassians. When the treaty -of Kūchak-Qaïnarji in 1774 had recognised the independence of the Crimea and <span class="pageNum" id="pb101">[<a href="#pb101">101</a>]</span>opened the Black Sea to Russian vessels, the Turkish government became alarmed at -the prospect of a further movement of Russian domination along the eastern coast of -the Black Sea and resolved to make an attempt to stir the Circassians to resistance. -A Turkish officer, named Faraḥ ʻAlī, was sent in 1782 to establish a military colony -at Anāpa, near the outlet of the sea of Azov, and to enter into relations with the -Circassian tribes. Faraḥ ʻAlī’s first care was to seek the hand of a daughter of one -of the Circassian beys, offering rich presents of arms, horses, etc., to her father; -the marriage was celebrated with great pomp and ceremony, and Faraḥ ʻAlī encouraged -his soldiers to follow his example, by promising to defray the expenses of their nuptials. -The result was that a number of Circassian women joined the little colony and accepted -the religion of their husbands, and with the zeal of new converts won over to Islam -their fathers and brothers. An active movement of proselytism began, and the Circassians -who came in contact with the Turkish colony appear readily to have abandoned their -pagan beliefs for the religion of the Qurʼān, the mollas were kept busy in instructing -the new Muslims, and help had to be sought from Constantinople to deal with the increasing -number of conversions.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2146src" href="#xd31e2146">218</a> But the work of Faraḥ ʻAlī was short-lived; he died in 1785 and his tomb was reverenced -as that of a saint, but his work perished with him. Anāpa passed into the hands of -the Russians in 1812, and when the resistance of the Circassians was finally overcome -in 1864, more than half a million Circassian Muhammadans migrated into Turkish territory. -</p> -<p>Under Russian law conversions to any faith other than that of the Orthodox Church -were illegal, and the further progress of Islam was stayed until the promulgation -of the edict of toleration in 1905. One of the results of this in the Caucasus was -a large accession to Islam from among the Abkhazes, who had long been nominal converts -to Christianity, but now became Muhammadans in such numbers that the Orthodox clergy -became alarmed and founded a special society for the distribution of religious tracts -among them, in the hope of combating Muhammadan influences.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2152src" href="#xd31e2152">219</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb102">[<a href="#pb102">102</a>]</span> </p> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1010"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1010src">1</a></span> Döllinger, pp. 5–6. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1010src" title="Return to note 1 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1017" lang="it"> -<p class="footnote" lang="it"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1017src">2</a></span> Caetani, Studi di Storia Orientale, I, p. 365 sqq. (Milano, 1911.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1017src" title="Return to note 2 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1020"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1020src">3</a></span> This interpretation of the Arab conquests as the last of the great Semitic migrations -has been worked out in a masterly manner by Caetani, vol. ii. pp. 831–61. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1020src" title="Return to note 3 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1025"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1025src">4</a></span> Caetani, vol. ii. p. 455; vol. v. p. 521. (“<span lang="it">In Madīnah si formò un considerevole nucleo religioso, composto d’elementi eterogenei, -ma forse in maggioranza madinesi, i quali presero l’Islām molto sul serio e cercarono -sinceramente di osservare la nuova dottrina, per la convinzione che, così agendo facevan -bene, ed in devoto omaggio alla volontà del Profeta.</span>”) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1025src" title="Return to note 4 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1033"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1033src">5</a></span> Masʻūdī, tome iv. p. 238. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1033src" title="Return to note 5 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1039"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1039src">6</a></span> Muir’s Caliphate, pp. 121–2. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1039src" title="Return to note 6 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1042"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1042src">7</a></span> Caetani, vol. iii. p. 814 (§ 323). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1042src" title="Return to note 7 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1049"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1049src">8</a></span> Caetani, vol. ii. pp. 260, 299, 351. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1049src" title="Return to note 8 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1052"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1052src">9</a></span> Id. pp. 792–3; vol. iii. p. 253 (§ 8). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1052src" title="Return to note 9 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1055"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1055src">10</a></span> Id. pp. 1112–15. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1055src" title="Return to note 10 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1068"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1068src">11</a></span> Muir<span class="corr" id="xd31e1070" title="Source: :">,</span> Caliphate, pp. 90–4. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1068src" title="Return to note 11 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1079"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1079src">12</a></span> Caetani, vol. ii. p. 299. Wellhausen, iv. p. 156 (<i>n.</i> 5). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1079src" title="Return to note 12 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1084"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1084src">13</a></span> Ṭabarī, Prima Series, p. 2482. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1084src" title="Return to note 13 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1087"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1087src">14</a></span> For an exhaustive study of the jizyah, with a masterly array and critical examination -of all the available historical materials, see Caetani, vol. v. p. 319 sqq.; for Egypt -during the first century of Muslim rule, see Bell, p. 167 sqq., and Becker, <span lang="de">Beiträge zur Geschichte Aegyptens unter dem Islam</span>, p. 81 sqq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1087src" title="Return to note 14 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1096"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1096src">15</a></span> Caetani (vol. iv. p. 227) believes that this story is the invention of a later epoch, -to explain the fiscal anomaly of a Christian tribe being treated as if it were Muslim. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1096src" title="Return to note 15 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1099"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1099src">16</a></span> The few meagre notices of this tribe in the works of Arabic historians have been admirably -summarised by Lammens: Le Chantre des Omiades. (J. A., ix. sér., tome iv. pp. 97–9, -438–59.) See also Caetani, vol. iv. p. 227 sqq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1099src" title="Return to note 16 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1105"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1105src">17</a></span> Caetani, vol. ii. p. 1180. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1105src" title="Return to note 17 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1111"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1111src">18</a></span> Barhebræus (3), pp. 134–5. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1111src" title="Return to note 18 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1115"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1115src">19</a></span> Caetani, vol. ii. p. 828. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1115src" title="Return to note 19 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1122"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1122src">20</a></span> Ṭabarī, i. p. 2041. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1122src" title="Return to note 20 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1127"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1127src">21</a></span> Masʻūdī, tome iv. p. 256. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1127src" title="Return to note 21 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1135"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1135src">22</a></span> “<span lang="it">Gli Arabi nei primi anni non perseguitarono invece alcuno per ragioni di fede, non -si diedero pena alcuna per convertire chicchessia, sicchè sotto l’Islām, dopo le prime -conquiste, i cristiani Semiti goderno d’una tolleranza religiosa quale non si era -mai vista da varie generazioni.</span>” (Caetani, vol. v. p. 4.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1135src" title="Return to note 22 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1141"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1141src">23</a></span> Sir Henry Layard: Early Adventures in Persia, Susiana and Babylonia, vol. i. p. 100. -(London, 1887); R. Hartmann: <span lang="de">Die Herrschaft von al-Karak. (Der Islam, vol. ii. p. 137.)</span> <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1141src" title="Return to note 23 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1146"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1146src">24</a></span> Burckhardt (2), p. 564. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1146src" title="Return to note 24 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1151"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1151src">25</a></span> W. G. Palgrave: Essays on Eastern Questions, pp. 206–8. (London, 1872.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1151src" title="Return to note 25 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1160"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1160src">26</a></span> I. A. Dorner: A System of Christian Doctrine, vol. iii. pp. 215–16. (London, 1885.) -J. C. Robertson: History of the Christian Church, vol. ii. p. 226. (London, 1875.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1160src" title="Return to note 26 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1169"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1169src">27</a></span> That such fears were not wholly groundless may be judged from the emperor’s intolerant -behaviour towards many of the Monophysite party in his progress through Syria after -the defeat of the Persians in 627. (See Michael the Elder, vol. ii. p. 412, and Caetani, -vol. ii. p. 1049.) For the outrages committed by the Byzantine soldiers on their co-religionists -in the reign of Constans II (642–668), see Michael the Elder, vol. ii. p. 443. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1169src" title="Return to note 27 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1176"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1176src">28</a></span> Michael the Elder, vol. ii. pp. 412–13. Barhebræus, about a century later, wrote in -a similar strain. (<span lang="la">Chronicon Ecclesiasticum</span>, ed. J. B. Abbeloos et Lamy, p. 474.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1176src" title="Return to note 28 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1184"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1184src">29</a></span> Azdī, p. 97. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1184src" title="Return to note 29 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1187"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1187src">30</a></span> Balād͟hurī, p. 137. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1187src" title="Return to note 30 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1192" lang="it"> -<p class="footnote" lang="it"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1192src">31</a></span> Caetani, vol. iii. p. 813; vol. v. p. 394. (“Gli abitanti accettarono con non celato -favore il mutamento di governo, appena ebbero compreso che gli Arabi avrebbero rispettato -i loro diritti individuali, ed avrebbero lasciata completa libertà di coscienza in -materia religiosa. In Siria, città ed interi distretti si affrettarono a trattare -con gli Arabi anche prima della rotta finale dei Greci. Nel Sawād si lasciarono passivamente -sopraffare accettando il nuovo dominio senza pattuire condizioni di sorta; è probabile -che anche in Siria questo fosse il caso per molte regioni remote dalle grandi vie -di comunicazioni.”) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1192src" title="Return to note 31 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1198"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1198src">32</a></span> Gottheil has brought together a valuable collection of documentary evidence as to -the condition of the protected peoples under Muslim rule in his “Dhimmīs and Moslems -in Egypt.” <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1198src" title="Return to note 32 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1201"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1201src">33</a></span> Balād͟hurī, pp. 74 (<i>ad fin.</i>), 116, 121 (<i>med.</i>). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1201src" title="Return to note 33 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1211"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1211src">34</a></span> For a discussion of this document, see Caetani, vol. iii. p. 952 sqq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1211src" title="Return to note 34 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1214"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1214src">35</a></span> Ṭabarī, i. p. 2405. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1214src" title="Return to note 35 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1221"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1221src">36</a></span> Balād͟hurī, p. 129. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1221src" title="Return to note 36 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1224"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1224src">37</a></span> Ibn Sʻad, III, i. p. 246. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1224src" title="Return to note 37 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1229" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1229src">38</a></span> Mémoire sur la conquête de la Syrie, p. 143 sq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1229src" title="Return to note 38 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1232"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1232src">39</a></span> <span lang="it">Annali dell’Islām</span>, vol. iii. p. 957. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1232src" title="Return to note 39 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1237"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1237src">40</a></span> Some authorities on Muhammadan law held that this rule did not extend to villages -and hamlets, in which the construction of churches was not to be prevented. (Hidāyah, -vol. ii. p. 219.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1237src" title="Return to note 40 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1242"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1242src">41</a></span> “The ʻUlamāʼ are divided in opinion on the question of the teaching of the Qurʼān: -the sect of Mālik forbids it: that of Abū Ḥanīfah allows it; and Shāfiʻī has two opinions -on the subject: on the one hand, he countenances the study of it, as indicating a -leaning towards Islam; and on the other hand, he forbids it, because he fears that -the unbeliever who studies the Qurʼān being still impure may read it solely with the -object of turning it to ridicule, since he is the enemy of God and the Prophet who -wrote the book; now as these two statements are contradictory, Shāfiʻī has no formally -stated opinion on this matter.” (Belin, p. 508.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1242src" title="Return to note 41 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1246"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1246src">42</a></span> Such as the forms of greeting, etc., that are only to be used by Muslims to one another. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1246src" title="Return to note 42 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1249"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1249src">43</a></span> Abū Yūsuf (p. 82) says that Christians were to be allowed to go in procession once -a year with crosses, but not with banners; outside the city, not inside where the -mosques were. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1249src" title="Return to note 43 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1252"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1252src">44</a></span> The nāqūs, lit. an oblong piece of wood, struck with a rod. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1252src" title="Return to note 44 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1257"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1257src">45</a></span> Gottheil, pp. 382–4, where references are given to the various versions of this document. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1257src" title="Return to note 45 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1262"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1262src">46</a></span> There is evidence to show that the Arab conquerors left unchanged the fiscal system -that they found prevailing in the lands they conquered from the Byzantines, and that -the explanation of jizyah as a capitation-tax is an invention of later jurists, ignorant -of the true condition of affairs in the early days of Islam. (Caetani, vol. iv. p. -610 (§ 231); vol. v. p. 449.) H. Lammens: Ziād ibn Abīhi. (<span lang="it">Rivista degli Studi Orientali</span>, vol. iv. p. 215.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1262src" title="Return to note 46 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1268"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1268src">47</a></span> Goldziher, vol. i. pp. 50–7, 427–30. Caetani, vol. v. p. 311 sqq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1268src" title="Return to note 47 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1273"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1273src">48</a></span> Caetani, vol. v. pp. 424 (§ 752), 432. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1273src" title="Return to note 48 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1278"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1278src">49</a></span> Balād͟hurī, pp. 124–5. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1278src" title="Return to note 49 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1281"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1281src">50</a></span> A. von Kremer (1), vol. i. pp. 60, 436. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1281src" title="Return to note 50 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1287"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1287src">51</a></span> A dirham is about fivepence. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1287src" title="Return to note 51 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1290"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1290src">52</a></span> Bell, pp. xxv, 173. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1290src" title="Return to note 52 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1294"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1294src">53</a></span> Abū Yūsuf, pp. 69–71. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1294src" title="Return to note 53 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1301"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1301src">54</a></span> Ṭabarī, Prima Series, p. 2055. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1301src" title="Return to note 54 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1304"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1304src">55</a></span> Id. p. 2050. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1304src" title="Return to note 55 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1307"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1307src">56</a></span> Abū Yūsuf, p. 81. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1307src" title="Return to note 56 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1314"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1314src">57</a></span> Balād͟hurī, p. 159. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1314src" title="Return to note 57 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1320"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1320src">58</a></span> Ṭabarī, Prima Series, p. 2665. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1320src" title="Return to note 58 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1325"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1325src">59</a></span> Marsigli, vol. i. p. 86 (he calls them “Musellim”). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1325src" title="Return to note 59 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1328"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1328src">60</a></span> Finlay, vol. vi. pp. 30, 33. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1328src" title="Return to note 60 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1333"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1333src">61</a></span> Lazăr, p. 56. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1333src" title="Return to note 61 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1336"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1336src">62</a></span> De la Jonquière, p. 14. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1336src" title="Return to note 62 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1339"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1339src">63</a></span> Thomas Smith, p. 324. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1339src" title="Return to note 63 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1342"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1342src">64</a></span> Dorostamus, p. 326. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1342src" title="Return to note 64 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1348"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1348src">65</a></span> De la Jonquière, p. 265. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1348src" title="Return to note 65 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1355"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1355src">66</a></span> Lammens, p. 13. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1355src" title="Return to note 66 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1358"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1358src">67</a></span> Ibn Abī Usaybiʻah, vol. i. p. 164. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1358src" title="Return to note 67 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1365"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1365src">68</a></span> Michael the Elder, vol. ii. p. 475. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1365src" title="Return to note 68 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1368"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1368src">69</a></span> Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 71 (l. 16). Abū Nūḥ al-Anbārī wrote a refutation of the Qurʼān -and other theological works (Wright, p. 191 n. 3). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1368src" title="Return to note 69 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1373"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1373src">70</a></span> Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 84. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1373src" title="Return to note 70 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1376"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1376src">71</a></span> Hilāl al-Ṣābī, p. 95. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1376src" title="Return to note 71 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1381"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1381src">72</a></span> Ibn al-At͟hīr, vol. ix. p. 16. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1381src" title="Return to note 72 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1384"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1384src">73</a></span> Von Kremer (1), vol. i. pp. 167–8. Lammens, p. 11. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1384src" title="Return to note 73 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1387"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1387src">74</a></span> Renaudot, pp. 430, 540. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1387src" title="Return to note 74 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1390"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1390src">75</a></span> Von Kremer (1), vol. ii. pp. 180–1. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1390src" title="Return to note 75 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1396"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1396src">76</a></span> Von Kremer (1), vol. i. p. 183. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1396src" title="Return to note 76 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1401"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1401src">77</a></span> Caetani, vol. iii. pp. 350 sq., 387 sqq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1401src" title="Return to note 77 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1408"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1408src">78</a></span> Gottheil, pp. 360–1. Goldziher: <span lang="de">Zur Literatur des Ichtilâf al-maḏâhib</span>, ZDMG., vol. 38, pp. 673–4. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1408src" title="Return to note 78 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1414"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1414src">79</a></span> On this theoretical character of much of Muslim legal literature, see Snouck <span class="corr" id="xd31e1416" title="Source: Hurgonje">Hurgronje</span>: <span lang="de">Mohammedanisches Recht in Theorie und Wirklichkeit</span>. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1414src" title="Return to note 79 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1423"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1423src">80</a></span> Gottheil, p. 363. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1423src" title="Return to note 80 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1426"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1426src">81</a></span> Gottheil, pp. 358–9, however, doubts whether there is evidence for attributing this -intolerance to ʻUmar II. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1426src" title="Return to note 81 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1430"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1430src">82</a></span> Journal Asiatique, IV<sup>me</sup> série, tome xviii. (1851), pp. 433, 450. Ṭabarī, III, p. 1419. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1430src" title="Return to note 82 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1436"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1436src">83</a></span> Michael the Elder, vol. ii. p. 476. Renaudot, p. 189. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1436src" title="Return to note 83 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1439"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1439src">84</a></span> Eutychius, II, p. 41 init. Severus (p. 139) says “two churches.” <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1439src" title="Return to note 84 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1445"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1445src">85</a></span> Von Kremer (1), vol. ii. p. 175. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1445src" title="Return to note 85 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1454"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1454src">86</a></span> Michael the Elder, vol. ii. pp. 490, 491. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1454src" title="Return to note 86 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1457"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1457src">87</a></span> Ibn K͟hallikān, vol. i. p. 485. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1457src" title="Return to note 87 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1460"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1460src">88</a></span> Elias of Nisibis, p. 128. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1460src" title="Return to note 88 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1463"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1463src">89</a></span> A. J. Butler: The Ancient Coptic Churches of Egypt, vol. i. p. 181. (Oxford, 1884.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1463src" title="Return to note 89 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1466"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1466src">90</a></span> Yāqūt, vol. ii. p. 662. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1466src" title="Return to note 90 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1470"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1470src">91</a></span> Yāqūt, vol. ii. p. 670. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1470src" title="Return to note 91 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1473"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1473src">92</a></span> Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 73. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1473src" title="Return to note 92 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1476"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1476src">93</a></span> Ishok of Romgla, p. 266. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1476src" title="Return to note 93 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1479"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1479src">94</a></span> Eutychius, II, p. 58. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1479src" title="Return to note 94 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1485"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1485src">95</a></span> Von Kremer (1), vol. ii. pp. 175–6. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1485src" title="Return to note 95 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1491"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1491src">96</a></span> Butler: Ancient Coptic Churches of Egypt, vol. i. p. 76. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1491src" title="Return to note 96 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1494"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1494src">97</a></span> Renaudot, p. 399. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1494src" title="Return to note 97 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1497"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1497src">98</a></span> Ishok of Romgla, p. 333. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1497src" title="Return to note 98 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1500"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1500src">99</a></span> Abū Ṣāliḥ, p. 92. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1500src" title="Return to note 99 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1505"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1505src">100</a></span> A Dominican monk from Florence, by name Ricoldus de Monte Crucis, who visited the -East about the close of the thirteenth and the beginning of the fourteenth century, -speaks of the toleration the Nestorians had enjoyed under Muhammadan rule right up -to his time: “<span lang="la">Et ego inveni per antiquas historias et autenticas aput Saracenos, quod ipsi Nestorini -amici fuerunt Machometi et confederati cum eo, et quod ipse Machometus mandauit suis -posteris, quod Nestorinos maxime conseruarent. Quod usque hodie diligenter obseruant -ipsi Sarraceni.</span>” (Laurent, p. 128.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1505src" title="Return to note 100 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1511"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1511src">101</a></span> J. Labourt: <span lang="la">De Timotheo I, Nestorianorum Patriarcha</span>, p. 37 sqq. (Paris, 1904.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1511src" title="Return to note 101 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1519"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1519src">102</a></span> E. von Dobschütz, p. 390–1. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1519src" title="Return to note 102 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1524"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1524src">103</a></span> Michael the Elder, vol. ii. p. 439–40. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1524src" title="Return to note 103 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1527"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1527src">104</a></span> Makīn, p. 12. J. Labourt: Le Christianisme sous la dynastie sassanide, p. 139 sq. -(Paris, 1904.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1527src" title="Return to note 104 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1530"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1530src">105</a></span> Renaudot, p. 169. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1530src" title="Return to note 105 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1535"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1535src">106</a></span> Von Kremer well remarks: “<span lang="de">Wir verdanken dem unermüdlichen Sammelfleiss der arabischen Chronisten unsere Kenntniss -der politischen und militärischen Geschichte jener Zeiten, welche so genau ist als -dies nur immer auf eine Entfernung von zwölf Jahrhunderten der Fall sein kann; allein -gerade die innere Geschichte jener denkwürdigen Epoche, die Geschichte des Kampfes -einer neuen, rohen Religion gegen die alten hochgebildeten, zum Theile überbildeten -Culte ist kaum in ihren allgemeinsten Umrissen bekannt.</span>” (Von Kremer (2), pp. 1–2.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1535src" title="Return to note 106 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1541"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1541src">107</a></span> Thomas of Margā, vol. ii. p. 309 sq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1541src" title="Return to note 107 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1546"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1546src">108</a></span> Thomas of Margā, vol. ii. pp. 310, 324 sq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1546src" title="Return to note 108 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1551"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1551src">109</a></span> Cf. in addition to the passages quoted below, MʻClintoch & Strong’s Cyclopædia, sub -art. Mohammedanism, vol. vi. p. 420. James Freeman Clarke: Ten Great Religions, Part -ii. p. 75. (London, 1883.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1551src" title="Return to note 109 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1554"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1554src">110</a></span> Thus the Emperor Heraclius is represented by the Muhammadan historian as saying, “Their -religion is a new religion which gives them new zeal.” (Ṭabarī, p. 2103.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1554src" title="Return to note 110 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1557"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1557src">111</a></span> History of Latin Christianity, vol. ii. pp. 216–17. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1557src" title="Return to note 111 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1562"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1562src">112</a></span> Caetani, vol. ii. pp. 1045–6. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1562src" title="Return to note 112 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1567"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1567src">113</a></span> A paper read before the Church Congress at Wolverhampton, October 7th, 1887. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1567src" title="Return to note 113 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1570"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1570src">114</a></span> For the oppressive fiscal system under the Byzantine empire, see Gfrörer: <span lang="de">Byzantinische Geschichten</span>, vol. ii. pp. 337–9, 389–91, 450. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1570src" title="Return to note 114 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1581" lang="de"> -<p class="footnote" lang="de"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1581src">115</a></span> “Der Islam war ein Rückstoss gegen den Missbrauch, welchen Justinian mit der Menschheit, -besonders aber mit der christlichen Religion trieb, deren oberstes geistliches und -weltliches Haupt er zu sein behauptete. Dass der Araber Mahomed, welcher 571 der christlichen -Zeitrechnung, sechs Jahre nach dem Tode Justinians, das Licht der Welt erblickte, -mit seiner Lehre unerhörtes Glück machte, verdankte er grossentheils dem Abscheu, -welchen die im Umkreise des byzantinischen Reiches angesessenen Völker, wie die benachbarten -Nationen, über die von dem Basileus begangenen Greuel empfanden.” (Gfrörer: Byzantinische -Geschichten, vol. ii. p. 437.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1581src" title="Return to note 115 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1584"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1584src">116</a></span> Id. vol. ii. pp. 296–306, 337. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1584src" title="Return to note 116 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1587"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1587src">117</a></span> Id. vol. ii. pp. 442–4. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1587src" title="Return to note 117 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1590"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1590src">118</a></span> Id. vol. ii. p. 445. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1590src" title="Return to note 118 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1602"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1602src">119</a></span> Masʻūdī, vol. ii. p. 387. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1602src" title="Return to note 119 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1609"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1609src">120</a></span> Von Kremer (2), p. 8. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1609src" title="Return to note 120 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1612"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1612src">121</a></span> Id. p. 54 and (3), p. 32. Nicholson, p. 231. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1612src" title="Return to note 121 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1615"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1615src">122</a></span> Among the Muʻtazilite philosophers, Muḥammad b. al-Huzayl, the teacher of al-Maʼmūn, -is said to have converted more than three thousand persons to Islam. (Aḥmad b. Yaḥyạ̄ -b. al-Murtaḍạ̄, p. 26, l. 7.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1615src" title="Return to note 122 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1618"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1618src">123</a></span> Von Kremer (2), pp. 3, 7–8. C. H. Becker: <span lang="de">Christliche Polemik und islamische Dogmenbildung (Zeitschrift für Assyriologie, xxvi. -1912)</span>. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1618src" title="Return to note 123 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1625"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1625src">124</a></span> Ibn K͟hallikān, vol. i. p. 45. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1625src" title="Return to note 124 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1633"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1633src">125</a></span> Wüstenfeld, p. 103. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1633src" title="Return to note 125 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1638"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1638src">126</a></span> Michael the Elder, vol. ii. pp. 412–13. Caetani, vol. v. p. 508. (“<span lang="it">Le vittorie sui Greci e sui Persiani non solamente erano il trionfo della razza araba -sulle popolazioni delle provincie conquistate, ma nella mente orientale che vede in -tutto la mano di Dio, costituivano un trionfo del principio islamico su quello cristiano -e mazdeista, ma sovrattutto sul cristiano.</span>”) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1638src" title="Return to note 126 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1646"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1646src">127</a></span> Goldziher, vol. i. chaps. 3 and 4. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1646src" title="Return to note 127 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1653"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1653src">128</a></span> The last of these was prompted by the discovery of an attempt on the part of the Christians -to burn the city of Cairo. (De Guignes, vol. iv. pp. 204–5.) Gottheil, p. 359, Journal -Asiatique, IV<sup>me</sup> série, tome xviii. (1851), pp. 454, 455, 463, 484, 491. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1653src" title="Return to note 128 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1659"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1659src">129</a></span> Assemani, tom. iii. pars. 2, p. c. Renaudot, pp. 432, 603, 607. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1659src" title="Return to note 129 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1664"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1664src">130</a></span> Muir: The Caliphate, p. 475. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1664src" title="Return to note 130 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1669"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1669src">131</a></span> Von Kremer (3), p. 246. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1669src" title="Return to note 131 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1672"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1672src">132</a></span> Muir (1), pp. 508, 516–17. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1672src" title="Return to note 132 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1677"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1677src">133</a></span> Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 79 sq. Ṣalībā b. Yuḥannā, p. 71. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1677src" title="Return to note 133 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1685"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1685src">134</a></span> Gottheil, p. 364 sqq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1685src" title="Return to note 134 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1688"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1688src">135</a></span> Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 114 (ll. 14–16). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1688src" title="Return to note 135 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1691"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1691src">136</a></span> This tradition appears in several forms, e.g. “Whoever wrongs one with whom a compact -has been made (i.e. a d͟himmī) and lays on him a burden beyond his strength, I will -be his accuser.” (Balād͟hurī, p. 162, fin.) (Yaḥyā b. Ādam, p. 54 (fin<span class="corr" id="xd31e1693" title="Not in source">.</span>), adds the words, “till the day of judgment.”) “Whoever does violence to a d͟himmī -who has paid his jizyah and evidenced his submission—his enemy am I.” (Usd al-G͟hāba, -quoted by Goldziher, in the Jewish Encyclopædia, vol. vi. p. 655.) The Christian historian -al-Makīn (p. 11) gives, “Whoever torments the d͟himmīs, torments me.” <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1691src" title="Return to note 136 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1698"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1698src">137</a></span> Journal Asiatique, IV<sup>me</sup> série, tome xix. p. 109. (Paris, 1852.) See also R. Gottheil: A Fetwa on the appointment -of D͟himmīs to office. (<span lang="de">Zeitschrift für Assyriologie</span>, vol. xxvi. p. 203 sqq.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1698src" title="Return to note 137 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1708"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1708src">138</a></span> Belin, pp. 435–40, 442, 448, 456, 459–61, 479–80. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1708src" title="Return to note 138 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1711"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1711src">139</a></span> Id. p. 435, n. 2. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1711src" title="Return to note 139 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1714"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1714src">140</a></span> Id. p. 478. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1714src" title="Return to note 140 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1721"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1721src">141</a></span> Mārī b. Sulaymān (p. 115, ll. 1–2) offers this explanation of the defections that -followed the persecution towards the close of the tenth century<span class="corr" id="xd31e1724" title="Source: .">:</span> <span lang="ar" class="arab">واسلم خلق كثير وكان اصل ذلك تجوّز الناس في اديانہم وقبح سيرة الكہنة في المذبح والبيع -ونيوت المقدس</span> <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1721src" title="Return to note 141 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1735"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1735src">142</a></span> The Caliph of Egypt, al-Ḥākim (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 996–1020), did in fact order all the Jews and Christians to leave Egypt and emigrate -into the Byzantine territory, but yielded to their entreaties to revoke his orders. -(Maqrīzī (1), p. 91.) It would have been quite possible, however, for him to have -enforced its execution as it would have been for the ferocious Salīm I (1512–1520), -who with the design of putting an end to all religious differences in his dominions -caused 40,000 Shīʻahs to be massacred, to have completed this politic scheme by the -extermination of the Christians also. But in allowing himself to be dissuaded from -this design, he most certainly acted in accordance with the general policy adopted -by Muhammadan rulers towards their Christian subjects. (Finlay, vol. v. pp. 29–30.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1735src" title="Return to note 142 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1743"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1743src">143</a></span> Silbernagl, p. 268. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1743src" title="Return to note 143 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1746"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1746src">144</a></span> Id. p. 354. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1746src" title="Return to note 144 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1749"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1749src">145</a></span> Id. pp. 307, 360. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1749src" title="Return to note 145 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1752"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1752src">146</a></span> Id. p. 25–6. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1752src" title="Return to note 146 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1755"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1755src">147</a></span> Id. p. 335. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1755src" title="Return to note 147 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1759"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1759src">148</a></span> Id. p. 384. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1759src" title="Return to note 148 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1764"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1764src">149</a></span> See A. von Kremer (1), vol. ii. pp. 490–2. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1764src" title="Return to note 149 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1767"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1767src">150</a></span> The sack of Constantinople by the Crusaders in 1204 may be taken as a type of the -treatment that the Eastern Christians met with at the hands of the Latins. Barhebræus -complains that the monastery of Harran was sacked and plundered by Count Goscelin, -Lord of Emessa, in 1184, just as though he had been a Saracen or a Turk. (Barhebræus -(1), vol. ii. pp. 506–8.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1767src" title="Return to note 150 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1772"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1772src">151</a></span> H. H. Milman, vol. ii. p. 218. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1772src" title="Return to note 151 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1777"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1777src">152</a></span> A. von Kremer (1), vol. i. p. 172. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1777src" title="Return to note 152 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1784"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1784src">153</a></span> Assemani, tom. iii. Pars Prima, pp. 130–1. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1784src" title="Return to note 153 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1792"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1792src">154</a></span> Ibn Saʻd, Ṭabaqāt, vol. v. p. 258. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1792src" title="Return to note 154 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1796"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1796src">155</a></span> Id. p. 285. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1796src" title="Return to note 155 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1799"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1799src">156</a></span> Maḥbūb al-Manbijī, p. 358 (ll. 2–3). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1799src" title="Return to note 156 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1805"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1805src">157</a></span> Ibn Saʻd, Ṭabaqāt, vol. v. p. 262. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1805src" title="Return to note 157 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1808"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1808src">158</a></span> August Müller, vol. i. p. 440. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1808src" title="Return to note 158 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1815"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1815src">159</a></span> Migne: Patr. Gr., tom. 96, pp. 1336–48. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1815src" title="Return to note 159 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1820"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1820src">160</a></span> Migne: Patr. Gr., tom. 97, pp. 1528–9, 1548–61. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1820src" title="Return to note 160 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1823"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1823src">161</a></span> Id. p. 1557. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1823src" title="Return to note 161 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1827"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1827src">162</a></span> ʻAmr b. Mattai, p. 65. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1827src" title="Return to note 162 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1830"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1830src">163</a></span> Id. p. 72. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1830src" title="Return to note 163 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1835"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1835src">164</a></span> Risālah ʻAbd Allāh b. Ismāʻīl al-Hāshimī ilạ̄ ʻAbd al-Masīḥ b. Isḥāq al-Kindī, pp. -1–37. (London, 1885.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1835src" title="Return to note 164 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1840"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1840src">165</a></span> Appendix I. For an account of Muslim controversial literature, see Appendix II. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1840src" title="Return to note 165 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1843"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1843src">166</a></span> Kindī, pp. 111–13. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1843src" title="Return to note 166 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1848"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1848src">167</a></span> Balād͟hurī, pp. 430. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1848src" title="Return to note 167 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1851"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1851src">168</a></span> It is very probable that the occasion of this visit of Yazdānbak͟ht to Bag͟hdād was -the summoning of a great assembly of the leaders of all the religious bodies of the -period, by al-Maʼmūn, when it had come to his ears that the enemies of Islam declared -that it owed its success to the sword and not to the power of argument: in this meeting, -the Muslim doctors defended their religion against this imputation, and the unbelievers -are said to have acknowledged that the Muslims had satisfactorily proved their point. -(Aḥmad b. Yaḥyā b. al-Murtaḍạ̄: Al-munyah wa’l-amal fī sharḥ kitāb al-milal wa’l-niḥal. -British Museum, Or. 3937, fol. 53 (b), ll. 9–11.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1851src" title="Return to note 168 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1854"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1854src">169</a></span> Kitāb al-Fihrist, vol. i. p. 338. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1854src" title="Return to note 169 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1860"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1860src">170</a></span> Barhebræus (1), vol. iii. p. 194. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1860src" title="Return to note 170 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1863"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1863src">171</a></span> Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 101 (ll. 3–4). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1863src" title="Return to note 171 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1868"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1868src">172</a></span> Barhebræus (1), vol. iii. p. 230. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1868src" title="Return to note 172 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1874"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1874src">173</a></span> Id., (1), vol. iii. p. 248. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1874src" title="Return to note 173 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1877"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1877src">174</a></span> All the Jacobite Patriarchs assumed the name of Ignatius; before his consecration -he was called Mark bar Qīqī. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1877src" title="Return to note 174 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1880"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1880src">175</a></span> Barhebræus (1), vol. iii. pp. 288–90. Elias of Nisibis, pp. 153–4. He returned to -the Christian faith, however, before his death, which took place about twenty years -later. Two similar cases are recorded in the annals of the Jacobite Patriarchs of -Antioch in the sixteenth century: of these one, named Joshua, became a Muhammadan -in 1517, but afterwards recanting fled to Cyprus (at that time in the hands of the -Venetians), where prostrate at the door of a church in penitential humility he suffered -all who went in or out to tread over his body; the other, Niʻmat Allāh (flor. 1560), -having abjured Christianity for Islam, sought absolution of Pope Gregory XIII in Rome. -(Barhebræus (1), vol. ii. pp. 847–8.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1880src" title="Return to note 175 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1884"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1884src">176</a></span> In fact Elias of Nisibis, the contemporary chronicler of the conversion of the Jacobite -Patriarch, makes no mention of such a failing, nor does Mārī b. Sulaymān (pp. 115–16), -the historian of the rival Nestorian Church, <span class="pageNum" id="pb87n">[<a href="#pb87n">87</a>]</span>though he accuses him of plundering the sacred vessels and ornaments of the churches. -As Wright (Syriac Literature, p. 192) says of Joseph of Merv, “We need not believe -all the evil that Barhebræus tells us of this unhappy man.” <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1884src" title="Return to note 176 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1891"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1891src">177</a></span> Barhebræus (1), vol. ii. p. 518. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1891src" title="Return to note 177 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1894"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1894src">178</a></span> Id. vol. ii. p. 712 sq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1894src" title="Return to note 178 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1901" lang="la"> -<p class="footnote" lang="la"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1901src">179</a></span> Historia Orientalis, C. 15 (p. 45). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1901src" title="Return to note 179 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1907" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1907src">180</a></span> De Guignes, tome ii. (Seconde Partie), p. 15. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1907src" title="Return to note 180 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1917" lang="la"> -<p class="footnote" lang="la"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1917src">181</a></span> Odo de Diogilo. (De Ludovici vii. Itinere. Migne, Patr. Lat., tom. cxcv. p. 1243.) -“Vitantes igitur sibi crudeles socios fidei, inter infideles sibi compatientes ibant -securi, et sicut audivimus plusquam tria millia iuvenum sunt illis recedentibus sociati. -O pietas omni proditione crudelior! Dantes panem fidem tollebant, quamvis certum sit -quia, contenti servitio, neminem negare cogebant.” <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1917src" title="Return to note 181 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1924" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1924src">182</a></span> Guizot: Histoire de la civilisation en Europe, p. 234. (Paris, 1882.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1924src" title="Return to note 182 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1927"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1927src">183</a></span> Usāma b. Munqid͟h, p. 99. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1927src" title="Return to note 183 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1930"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1930src">184</a></span> Prutz, pp. 266–7. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1930src" title="Return to note 184 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1933" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1933src">185</a></span> Assises de la Cour des Bourgeois. (Recueil des historiens des Croisades, Assises de -Jérusalem, tome ii. p. 325.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1933src" title="Return to note 185 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1940"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1940src">186</a></span> Bahā al-Dīn, p. 25. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1940src" title="Return to note 186 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1948"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1948src">187</a></span> Roger Hoveden, vol. ii. p. 307. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1948src" title="Return to note 187 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1951"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1951src">188</a></span> Benedict of Peterborough, vol. ii. pp. 11–12. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1951src" title="Return to note 188 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1954"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1954src">189</a></span> Id., vol. ii. pp. 20–1. Roger Hoveden, vol. ii. pp. 316, 322. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1954src" title="Return to note 189 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1962"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1962src">190</a></span> Abū Shāmah, p. 150. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1962src" title="Return to note 190 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1967"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1967src">191</a></span> <span lang="la">Itinerarium Peregrinorum et Gesta Regis Richardi</span>, p. 131. (Chronicles and Memorials of the reign of Richard I. Edited by William Stubbs.) -(London, 1864.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1967src" title="Return to note 191 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1977"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1977src">192</a></span> Joinville, p. 238. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1977src" title="Return to note 192 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1980"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1980src">193</a></span> Id. p. 262. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1980src" title="Return to note 193 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1983"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1983src">194</a></span> Mas Latrie (1), vol. ii. p. 72. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1983src" title="Return to note 194 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1989"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1989src">195</a></span> Ludolf de Suchem, p. 71. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1989src" title="Return to note 195 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e1994"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e1994src">196</a></span> Lionardo Frescobaldi, quoted in the preface of Defrémery and Sanguinetti’s edition -of Ibn Baṭūṭah, vol. i. p. xl. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e1994src" title="Return to note 196 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2004" lang="la"> -<p class="footnote" lang="la"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2004src">197</a></span> Christophori Füreri ab Haimendorf Itinerarium Ægypti, p. 42. (Norimbergæ, 1620.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2004src" title="Return to note 197 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2011" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2011src">198</a></span> Le Voyage en Ethiopie entrepris par le Père Aymard Guérin. (Rabbath, pp. 17–18.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2011src" title="Return to note 198 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2016"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2016src">199</a></span> “<span lang="la">Notandum autem in rei veritate, licet quidam contrarium senciant, qui ea volunt asserere, -que non viderunt, quod oriens totus ultra mare Yndiam et Ethiopiam nomen Christi confitetur -et predicat, preter solos Sarracenos et quosdam Turcomannos, qui in Cappadocia sedem -habent, ita quod pro certo assero, sicut per memet ipsum vidi et ab aliis, quibus -notum erat, audivi, quod semper in omni loco et regno preterquam in Egypto et Arabia, -ubi plurimum habitant Sarraceni et alii Machometum sequentes, pro uno Sarraceno triginta -vel amplius invenies Christianos. Verum tamen, quod Christiani omnes transmarini natione -sunt orientales, qui licet sint Christiani, quia tamen usum armorum non habent multum, -cum impugnantur a Sarracenis, Tartaris, vel aliis quibuscumque, subiciuntur eis et -tributis pacem et quietem emunt, et Sarraceni sive alii, qui eis dominantur, balivos -suos et exactores in terris illis ponunt. Et inde contigit, quod regnum illud dicitur -esse Sarracenorum, cum tamen in rei veritate sunt omnes Christiani preter ipsos balivos -et exactores et aliquos de familia ipsorum, sicut oculis meis vidi in Cilicia et Armenia -minori, que est subdita dominio Tartarorum.</span>” (<span lang="la">Burchardi de Monte Sion<span class="corr" id="xd31e2023" title="Not in source">,</span> Descriptio Terræ Sanctæ</span>, p. 90.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2016src" title="Return to note 199 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2029" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2029src">200</a></span> Recueil des historiens des Croisades. (Assises de Jérusalem, tome i. p. 325.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2029src" title="Return to note 200 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2035"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2035src">201</a></span> Prutz, pp. 146–7, 150. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2035src" title="Return to note 201 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2041"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2041src">202</a></span> The prelates of the Holy Land wrote as follows, in 1244, concerning the invasion of -the K͟hwarizmians, whom Sultan Ayyūb had called in to assist him in driving out the -Crusaders:—“<span lang="la">Per totam terram usque ad partes Nazareth et Saphet libere nullo resistente discurrunt, -occupantes eandem, et inter se quasi propriam dividentes, per villas et cazalia Christianorum -legatos et bajulos præficiunt, suscipientes a rusticis redditus et tributa, quæ Christianis -præstare solebant, qui jam Christianis hostes effecti et rebelles dictis Corosminis -universaliter adhæserunt.</span>” (<span lang="la">Matthei Parisiensis Chronica Majora</span>, ed. H. R. Luard, vol. iv. p. 343.) (London, 1872–83.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2041src" title="Return to note 202 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2052"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2052src">203</a></span> Finlay, vol. iii. pp. 358–9. J. H. Krause: <span lang="de">Die Byzantiner des Mittelalters</span>, p. 276. (Halle, 1869.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2052src" title="Return to note 203 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2062"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2062src">204</a></span> Tavernier (1), p. 174. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2062src" title="Return to note 204 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2071"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2071src">205</a></span> Joselian, p. 125. All the Abkhazes, Djikhethes, Ossetes, Kabardes and Kisthethes fell -away from the Christian faith about this time. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2071src" title="Return to note 205 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2074"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2074src">206</a></span> Id. p. 127. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2074src" title="Return to note 206 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2079"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2079src">207</a></span> Id. p. 143. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2079src" title="Return to note 207 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2084"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2084src">208</a></span> David Chytræus, p. 49. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2084src" title="Return to note 208 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2087"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2087src">209</a></span> Joselian, p. 157. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2087src" title="Return to note 209 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2092" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2092src">210</a></span> Brosset, II<sup>e</sup> partie, I<sup>re</sup> livraison, pp. 227–35. Description géographique de la Géorgie par le Tsarévitch Wakhoucht, -p. 79. (St. Petersburg, 1842.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2092src" title="Return to note 210 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2103"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2103src">211</a></span> The Six Voyages, p. 123. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2103src" title="Return to note 211 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2106"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2106src">212</a></span> Joselian, p. 149. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2106src" title="Return to note 212 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2109"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2109src">213</a></span> Id. pp. 160–1. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2109src" title="Return to note 213 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2116"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2116src">214</a></span> Tavernier (1), pp. 124, 126. He estimates the number of Muhammadans at about twelve -thousand. (Id. p. 123.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2116src" title="Return to note 214 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2119" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2119src">215</a></span> Brosset, II<sup>e</sup> partie, I<sup>re</sup> livraison, pp. 85, 181. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2119src" title="Return to note 215 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2128" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2128src">216</a></span> Documens originaux sur les relations diplomatiques de la Géorgie avec la France vers -la fin du <span class="corr" id="xd31e2130" title="Source: regne">règne</span> de Louis XIV, recueillis par M. Brosset jeune. (J. A. 2<sup>me</sup> série, tome ix. (1832), pp. 197, 451.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2128src" title="Return to note 216 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2139"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2139src">217</a></span> Mackenzie, p. 7. Garnett, p. 194. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2139src" title="Return to note 217 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2146"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2146src">218</a></span> Barbier de Meynard, p. 45 sqq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2146src" title="Return to note 218 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2152"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2152src">219</a></span> R. du M. M., VII, p. 320 (1909). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2152src" title="Return to note 219 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch4" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pageNum">[<a href="#xd31e310">Contents</a>]</span><div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">CHAPTER IV.</h2> -<h2 class="main">THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS OF AFRICA.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Islam was first introduced into Africa by the Arab army that invaded Egypt under the -command of ʻAmr b. al-ʻĀṣ in <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 640. Three years later the withdrawal of the Byzantine troops abandoned the vast -Christian population into the hands of the Muslim conquerors. The rapid success of -the Arab invaders was largely due to the welcome they received from the native Christians, -who hated the Byzantine rule not only for its oppressive administration, but also—and -chiefly—on account of the bitterness of theological rancour. The Jacobites, who formed -the majority of the Christian population, had been very roughly handled by the Orthodox -adherents of the court and subjected to indignities that have not been forgotten by -their children even to the present day.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2166src" href="#xd31e2166">1</a> Some were tortured and then thrown into the sea; many followed their Patriarch into -exile to escape from the hands of their persecutors, while a large number disguised -their real opinions under a pretended acceptance of the Council of Chalcedon.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2169src" href="#xd31e2169">2</a> To these Copts, as the Jacobite Christians of Egypt are called, the Muhammadan conquest -brought a freedom of religious life such as they had not enjoyed for a century. On -payment of the tribute, ʻAmr left them in undisturbed possession of their churches -and guaranteed to them autonomy in all ecclesiastical matters, thus delivering them -from the continual interference that had been so grievous a burden under <span class="pageNum" id="pb103">[<a href="#pb103">103</a>]</span>the previous rule; he laid his hands on none of the property of the churches and committed -no act of spoliation or pillage.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2174src" href="#xd31e2174">3</a> In the early days of the Muhammadan rule then, the condition of the Copts seems to -have been fairly tolerable,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2178src" href="#xd31e2178">4</a> and there is no evidence of their widespread apostasy to Islam being due to persecution -or unjust pressure on the part of their new rulers. Even before the conquest was complete, -while the capital, Alexandria, still held out, many of them went over to Islam,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2187src" href="#xd31e2187">5</a> and a few years later the example these had set was followed by many others.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2190src" href="#xd31e2190">6</a> In the reign of ʻUt͟hmān (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 643–655), the revenue derived from Egypt amounted to twelve millions; a few years -later, in the reign of Muʻāwiyah (661–679), it had fallen to five millions owing to -the enormous number of conversions: under ʻUmar II (717–720) it fell still lower, -so that the governor of Egypt<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2199src" href="#xd31e2199">7</a> proposed that in future the converts should not be exempted from the payment of the -capitation-tax, but this the pious caliph refused to allow, saying that God had sent -Muḥammad to call men to a knowledge of the truth and not to be a collector of taxes.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2204src" href="#xd31e2204">8</a> -</p> -<p>But later rulers recognised that for fiscal reasons such a policy was ruinous to the -state, and insisted on the converts continuing to pay taxes as before; there was, -however, no continuity in such a policy, and individual governors acted in an arbitrary -and irregular manner.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2209src" href="#xd31e2209">9</a> When Ḥafṣ b. al-Walīd, who was governor of Egypt in <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 744, promised that all those who became Muslims would be exempted <span class="pageNum" id="pb104">[<a href="#pb104">104</a>]</span>from the payment of jizyah, as many as 24,000 Christians are reported to have accepted -Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2220src" href="#xd31e2220">10</a> A similar proclamation is said to have been made by al-Saffāḥ, the first of the ʻAbbāsid -caliphs, soon after his accession in <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 750, for “he wrote to the whole of his dominions saying that every one who embraced -his religion and prayed according to his fashion, should be quit of the jizyah, and -many, both rich and poor, denied the faith of Christ by reason of the magnitude of -the taxation and the burdens imposed upon them.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2227src" href="#xd31e2227">11</a> In fact many of the Christians of Egypt seem to have abandoned Christianity as lightly -and as rapidly as, in the beginning of the fourth century, they had embraced it. Prior -to that period, a very small section of the population of the valley of the Nile was -Christian, but the sufferings of the martyrs in the persecution of Diocletian, the -stories of the miracles they performed, the national feeling excited by the sense -of their opposition to the dictates of the foreign government,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2230src" href="#xd31e2230">12</a> the assurance that a paradise of delights was opened to the martyr who died under -the hands of his tormentors,—all these things stirred up an enthusiasm that resulted -in an incredibly rapid spread of the Christian faith. “Instead of being converted -by preaching, as the other countries of the East were, Egypt embraced Christianity -in a fit of wild enthusiasm, without any preaching, or instruction being given, with -hardly any knowledge of the new religion beyond the name of Jesus, the Messiah, who -bestowed a life of eternal happiness on all who confessed Him.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2233src" href="#xd31e2233">13</a> -</p> -<p>In the seventh century Christianity had probably very little hold on a great mass -of the people of Egypt. The theological catchwords that their leaders made use of, -to stir up in them feelings of hatred and opposition to the Byzantine government, -could have been intelligible to a very few, and the rapid spread of Islam in the early -days of the Arab occupation was probably due less to definite efforts to attract than -to the inability of such a Christianity to retain. The theological basis for the existence -of the <span class="pageNum" id="pb105">[<a href="#pb105">105</a>]</span>Jacobites as a separate sect, the tenets that they had so long and at so great a cost -struggled to maintain, were embodied in doctrines of the most abstruse and metaphysical -character, and many doubtless turned in utter perplexity and weariness from the interminable -controversies that raged around them, to a faith that was summed up in the simple, -intelligible truth of the Unity of God and the mission of His Prophet, Muḥammad. Even -within the Coptic Church itself at a later period, we find evidence of a movement -which, if not distinctly Muslim, was at least closely allied thereto, and in the absence -of any separate ecclesiastical organisation in which it might find expression, probably -contributed to the increase of the converts to Islam. In the beginning of the twelfth -century, there was in the monastery of St. Anthony (near Iṭfīḥ on the Nile), a monk -named Balūṭus, “learned in the doctrines of the Christian religion and the duties -of the monastic life, and skilled in the rules of the canon-law. But Satan caught -him in one of his nets; for he began to hold opinions at variance with those taught -by the Three Hundred and Eighteen (of Nicæa); and he corrupted the minds of many of -those who had no knowledge or instruction in the Orthodox faith. He announced with -his impure mouth, in his wicked discourses, that Christ our Lord—to Whom be glory—was -like one of the prophets. He associated with the lowest among the followers of his -religion, clothed as he was in the monastic habit. When he was questioned as to his -religion and his creed, he professed himself a believer in the Unity of God. His doctrines -prevailed during a period which ended in the year 839 of the Righteous Martyrs (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1123); then he died, and his memory was cut off for ever.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2243src" href="#xd31e2243">14</a> -</p> -<p>Further, a theory of the Christian life that found its highest expression in asceticism -of the grossest type<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2248src" href="#xd31e2248">15</a> could offer little attraction, in the face of the more human morality of Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2251src" href="#xd31e2251">16</a> On account of the large numbers of Copts that <span class="pageNum" id="pb106">[<a href="#pb106">106</a>]</span>from time to time have become Muhammadans, they have come to be considered by the -followers of the Prophet as much more inclined to the faith of Islam than any other -Christian sect, and though they have had to endure the most severe oppression and -persecution on many occasions, yet the Copts that have been thus driven to abandon -their faith are said to have been few in comparison with those who have changed their -religion voluntarily,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2256src" href="#xd31e2256">17</a> and even in the nineteenth century, when Egypt was said to be the most tolerant of -all Muhammadan countries, there were yearly conversions of the Copts to the Muslim -faith.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2259src" href="#xd31e2259">18</a> Still, persecution and oppression have undoubtedly played a very large part in the -reduction of the numbers of the Copts, and the story of the sufferings of the Jacobite -Church of Egypt,—persecuted alike by their fellow Christians<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2263src" href="#xd31e2263">19</a> and by the followers of the dominant faith, is a very sad one, and many abandoned -the religion of their fathers in order to escape from burdensome taxes and unendurable -indignities. The vast difference in this respect between their condition and that -of the Christians of Syria, Palestine and Spain at the same period finds its explanation -in the turbulent character of the Copts themselves. Their long struggle against the -civil and theological despotism of Byzantium seems to have welded the zealots into -a national party that could as little brook the foreign rule of the Arabs as, before, -that of the Greeks. The rising of the Copts against their new masters in 646, when -they drove the Arabs for a time out of Alexandria and opened the gates of the city -to the Byzantine troops (who, however, treated the unfortunate Copts as enemies, <span class="pageNum" id="pb107">[<a href="#pb107">107</a>]</span>not having yet forgotten the welcome they had before given to the Muhammadan invaders), -was the first of a long series of risings and insurrections,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2268src" href="#xd31e2268">20</a>—excited frequently by excessive taxation,—which exposed them to terrible reprisals, -and caused the lot of the Jacobite Christians of Egypt to be harder to bear than that -of any other Christian sect in this or other countries under Muhammadan rule. But -the history of these events belongs rather to a history of Muhammadan persecution -and intolerance than to the scope of the present work. It must not, however, be supposed -that the condition of the Copts was invariably that of a persecuted sect; on the contrary -there were times when they rose to positions of great affluence and importance in -the state. They filled the posts of secretaries and scribes in the government offices,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2271src" href="#xd31e2271">21</a> farmed the taxes,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2274src" href="#xd31e2274">22</a> and in some cases amassed enormous wealth.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2277src" href="#xd31e2277">23</a> The annals of their Church furnish us with many instances of ecclesiastics who were -held in high favour and consideration by the reigning princes of the country, under -the rule of many of whom the Christians enjoyed the utmost tranquillity.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2281src" href="#xd31e2281">24</a> To such a period of the peace of the Church belongs an incident that led to the absorption -of many Christians into the body of the faithful. -</p> -<p>During the reign of Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn (Saladin) (1169–1193) over Egypt, the condition of -the Christians was very happy under the auspices of this tolerant ruler; the taxes -that had been imposed upon them were lightened and several swept away altogether; -they crowded into the public offices as secretaries, accountants and registrars; and -for nearly a century under the successors of Saladin, they enjoyed the same toleration -and favour, and had nothing to complain of except the corruption and degeneracy of -their own clergy. Simony had become terribly rife among them; the priesthood was sold -to ignorant and vicious persons, while postulants for the sacred office who were unable -to pay the sums demanded for ordination, were repulsed with scorn, in spite of their -<span class="pageNum" id="pb108">[<a href="#pb108">108</a>]</span>being worthy and fit persons. The consequence was that the spiritual and moral training -of the people was utterly neglected and there was a lamentable decay of the Christian -life.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2288src" href="#xd31e2288">25</a> So corrupt had the Church become that when, on the death of John, the seventy-fourth -Patriarch of the Jacobites, in 1216, a successor was to be elected, the contending -parties who pushed the claims of rival candidates, kept up a fierce and irreconcilable -dispute for nearly twenty years, and all this time cared less for the grievous scandal -and the harmful consequences of their shameless quarrels than for the maintenance -of their dogged and obstinately factious spirit. On more than one occasion the reigning -sultan tried to make peace between the contending parties, refused the enormous bribes -of three, five, and even ten thousand gold pieces that were offered in order to induce -him to secure the election of one of the candidates by the pressure of official influence, -and even offered to remit the fee that it was customary for a newly-elected Patriarch -to pay, if only they would put aside their disputes and come to some agreement,—but -all to no purpose. Meanwhile many episcopal sees fell vacant and there was no one -to take the place of the bishops and priests that died in this interval; in the monastery -of St. Macarius alone there were only four priests left as compared with over eighty -under the last Patriarch.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2291src" href="#xd31e2291">26</a> So utterly neglected were the Christians of the western dioceses, that they all became -Muslims.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2294src" href="#xd31e2294">27</a> To this bald statement of the historian of the Coptic Church, we unfortunately have -no information to add, of the positive efforts made by the Musalmans to bring these -Christians over to their faith. That such there were, there can be very little doubt, -especially as we know that the Christians held public disputations and engaged in -written controversies on the respective merits of the rival creeds.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2297src" href="#xd31e2297">28</a> That these <span class="pageNum" id="pb109">[<a href="#pb109">109</a>]</span>conversions were not due to persecution, we know from direct historical evidence that -during this vacancy of the patriarchate, the Christians had full and complete freedom -of public worship, were allowed to restore their churches and even to build new ones, -were freed from the restrictions that forbade them to ride on horses or mules, and -were tried in law-courts of their own, while the monks were exempted from the payment -of tribute and granted certain privileges.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2303src" href="#xd31e2303">29</a> -</p> -<p>How far this incident is a typical case of conversion to Islam among the Copts it -is difficult to say; a parallel case of neglect is mentioned by two Capuchin missionaries -who travelled up the Nile to Luxor in the seventeenth century, where they found that -the Copts of Luxor had no priest, and some of them had not gone to confession or communion -for fifty years.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2308src" href="#xd31e2308">30</a> Under such circumstances the decay of their numbers can readily be understood. -</p> -<p>A similar neglect probably contributed to the decay of the Nubian Church which recognised -the primacy of the Jacobite Patriarch of Alexandria, as do the Abyssinians to the -present day. The Nubians had been converted to Christianity about the middle of the -sixth century, and retained their independence when Egypt was conquered by the Arabs; -a treaty was made according to which the Nubians were to send every year three hundred -and sixty slaves, with forty more for the governor of Egypt, while the Arabs were -to furnish them with corn, oil and raiment.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2313src" href="#xd31e2313">31</a> In the reign of al-Muʻtaṣim (833–842), ambassadors were sent by the caliph renewing -this treaty, and the king of Nubia visited the capital, where he was received with -great magnificence and dismissed with costly presents.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2316src" href="#xd31e2316">32</a> In the twelfth century they were still all Christian,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2321src" href="#xd31e2321">33</a> and retained their old independence in spite of the frequent expeditions sent against -them from Egypt.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2324src" href="#xd31e2324">34</a> In 1275 the nephew of the then king of Nubia obtained from the sultan of Egypt a -body of troops to assist him in his revolt against his uncle, <span class="pageNum" id="pb110">[<a href="#pb110">110</a>]</span>whom he by their help succeeded in deposing; in return for this assistance he had -to cede the two northernmost provinces of Nubia to the sultan, and as the inhabitants -elected to retain their Christian faith, an annual tribute of one dīnār for each male -was imposed upon them.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2333src" href="#xd31e2333">35</a> But this Muhammadan overlordship was temporary only, and the Nubians of the ceded -provinces soon reasserted their independence.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2336src" href="#xd31e2336">36</a> -</p> -<p>But settlements of Arabs had been established in Nubia for several centuries earlier -and the Arabs on the Blue Nile had so increased in number and wealth in the tenth -century that they were able to ask permission to build a mosque in Soba,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2341src" href="#xd31e2341">37</a> the capital of the Christian kingdom.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2344src" href="#xd31e2344">38</a> In the thirteenth and especially from the beginning of the fourteenth century there -began a general process of interpenetration through the migration into Nubia of Arabs, -especially of the Juhaynah tribe, who intermarried with the women of the land and -gradually succeeded in breaking up the power of the Nubian princes.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2347src" href="#xd31e2347">39</a> In the latter half of the fourteenth century Ibn Baṭūṭah<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2350src" href="#xd31e2350">40</a> tells us that the Nubians were still Christians, though the king of their chief city, -Dongola,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2353src" href="#xd31e2353">41</a> had embraced Islam in the reign of Nāṣir (probably Nāṣir b. Qulāūn, one of the <span class="corr" id="xd31e2357" title="Source: Mamluk">Mamlūk</span> sultans of Egypt, who died <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1340); the repeated expeditions of the Muslims so late as the fifteenth century had -not succeeded in pushing their conquests south of the first cataract, near which was -their last fortified place,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2363src" href="#xd31e2363">42</a> while Christianity seems to have extended as far up the Nile as Sennaar. -</p> -<p>The Christian Nubian kingdom appears to have come to an end partly through internal -dissensions and partly <span class="pageNum" id="pb111">[<a href="#pb111">111</a>]</span>through the attacks of Arab and Negro tribes on its borders, and finally by the establishment -of the powerful Fūnj empire in the fifteenth century.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2373src" href="#xd31e2373">43</a> -</p> -<p>But it is probable that the progress of Islam in the country was all this time being -promoted by the Muhammadan merchants and others that frequented it. Maqrīzī (writing -in the early part of the fifteenth century) quotes one of those missionary anecdotes -which occur so rarely in the works of Arabic authors; it is told by Ibn Salīm al-Aswāni, -and is of interest as giving us a living picture of the Muslim propagandist at work. -Though the convert referred to is neither a Christian nor a Nubian, still the story -shows that there was such a thing as conversion to Islam in Nubia in the fifteenth -century. Ibn Salīm says that he once met a man at the court of the Nubian chief of -Muqurrah, who told him that he came from a city that lay three months’ journey from -the Nile. When asked about his religion, he replied, “My Creator and thy Creator is -God; the Creator of the universe and of all men is One, and his dwelling-place is -in Heaven.” When there was a dearth of rain, or when pestilence attacked them or their -cattle, his fellow-countrymen would climb up a high mountain and there pray to God, -who accepted their prayers and supplied their needs before even they came down again. -When he acknowledged that God had never sent them a prophet, Ibn Salīm recounted to -him the story of the prophets Moses and Jesus and Muḥammad, and how by the help of -God they had been enabled to perform many miracles. And he answered, “The truth must -indeed have been with them, when they did these things; and if they performed these -deeds, I believe in them.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2379src" href="#xd31e2379">44</a> -</p> -<p>Very slowly and gradually the Nubians seem to have drifted from Christianity into -Muhammadanism.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2384src" href="#xd31e2384">45</a> The spiritual life of their Church had sunk to the lowest ebb, and as no movement -of reform sprang up in their midst, and as they had lost touch with the Christian -Churches beyond their borders, it was only natural that they should seek for an expression -of their spiritual aspirations in the <span class="pageNum" id="pb112">[<a href="#pb112">112</a>]</span>religion of Islam, whose followers had so long borne witness to its living power among -them, and had already won over some of their countrymen to the acceptance of it. A -Portuguese priest, who travelled in Abyssinia from 1520–1527, has preserved for us -a picture of the Nubians in this state of transition; he says that they were neither -Christians, Jews nor Muhammadans, but had come to be without faith and without laws; -but still “they lived with the desire of being Christians.” Through the fault of their -clergy they had sunk into the grossest ignorance, and now there were no bishops or -priests left among them; accordingly they sent an embassy of six men to the king of -Abyssinia, praying him to send priests and monks to instruct them, but this the king -refused to do without the permission of the Patriarch of Alexandria, and as this could -not be obtained, the unfortunate ambassadors returned unsuccessful to their own country.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2389src" href="#xd31e2389">46</a> The same writer was informed by a Christian who had travelled in Nubia, that he had -found 150 churches there, in each of which were still to be seen the figures of the -crucified Christ, of the Virgin Mary, and other saints painted on the walls. In all -the fortresses, also, that were scattered throughout the country, there were churches.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2392src" href="#xd31e2392">47</a> Before the close of the following century, Christianity had entirely disappeared -from Nubia “for want of pastors,” but the closed churches were to be found still standing -throughout the whole country.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2395src" href="#xd31e2395">48</a> The Nubians had yielded to the powerful Muhammadan influences that surrounded them, -to which the proselytising efforts of the Muslims who had travelled in Nubia for centuries -past no doubt contributed a great deal; on the north were Egypt and the Arab tribes -that had made their way up the Nile and extended their authority along the banks of -that river;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2399src" href="#xd31e2399">49</a> on the south, the Muhammadan state of the Belloos, separating them from Abyssinia. -<span class="pageNum" id="pb113">[<a href="#pb113">113</a>]</span>These Belloos, in the early part of the sixteenth century, were, in spite of their -Muslim faith, tributaries of the Christian king of Abyssinia;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2404src" href="#xd31e2404">50</a> and—if they may be identified with the Baliyyūn, who, together with their neighbours, -the Bajah (the inhabitants of the so-called island of Meroe), are spoken of by Idrīsī, -in the twelfth century, as being Jacobite Christians,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2407src" href="#xd31e2407">51</a>—it is probable that they had only a few years before been converted to Islam, at -the same time as the Bajah, who had been incorporated into the Muhammadan empire of -the Fūnj, when these latter extended their conquests in 1499–1530 from the south up -to the borders of Nubia and Abyssinia and founded the powerful state of Sennaar. When -the army of Aḥmad Grāñ invaded Abyssinia and made its way right through the country -from south to north, it effected a junction about 1534 with the army of the sultan -of Maseggia or Mazaga, a province under Muhammadan rule but tributary to Abyssinia, -lying between that country and Sennaar; in the army of this sultan there were 15,000 -Nubian soldiers who, from the account given of them, appear to have been Musalmans.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2410src" href="#xd31e2410">52</a> Fragmentary and insufficient as these data of the conversion of the Nubians are, -we may certainly conclude from all we know of the independent character of this people -and the tenacity with which they clung to the Christian faith, so long as it was a -living force among them, that their change of religion was a gradual one, extending -through several centuries. -</p> -<p>Let us now pass to the history of Islam among the Abyssinians, who had received Christianity -two centuries before the Nubians, and like them belonged to the Jacobite Church. -</p> -<p>The tide of Arab emigration does not seem to have set across the Red Sea, the western -shores of which formed part of the Abyssinian kingdom, until many centuries after -Arabia had accepted the faith of the prophet. Up to the tenth century only a few Muhammadan -families were to be found residing in the coast towns of Abyssinia, but at the end -of the twelfth century the foundation of an Arab dynasty alienated some of the coast-lands -from the Abyssinian kingdom. In 1300 a missionary, named Abū ʻAbd Allāh Muḥammad, -made his way into Abyssinia, calling <span class="pageNum" id="pb114">[<a href="#pb114">114</a>]</span>on the people to embrace Islam, and in the following year, having collected around -him 200,000 men, he attacked the ruler of Amhara in several engagements.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2418src" href="#xd31e2418">53</a> King Saifa Arʻād (1342–1370) took energetic measures against the Muhammadans in his -kingdom, putting to death or driving into exile all those who refused to embrace Christianity.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2424src" href="#xd31e2424">54</a> At the close of the same century the disturbed state of the country, owing to the -civil wars that distracted it, made it possible for the various Arab settlements along -the coast to make themselves masters of the entire seaboard and drive the Abyssinians -into the interior, and the king, Baʼeda Māryām (1468–1478), is said to have spent -the greater part of his reign in fighting against the Muhammadans on the eastern border -of his kingdom.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2427src" href="#xd31e2427">55</a> In the early part of the sixteenth century, while the powerful Muhammadan kingdom -of Adal, between Abyssinia and the southern extremity of the Red Sea, and some others -were bitterly hostile to the Christian power, there were others again that formed -peaceful tributaries of “Prester John”; e.g. in Massowah there were Arabs who kept -the flocks of the Abyssinian seigniors, wandering about in bands of thirty or forty -with their wives and children, each band having its Christian “captain.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2430src" href="#xd31e2430">56</a> Some Musalmans are also mentioned as being in the service of the king and being entrusted -by him with important posts;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2434src" href="#xd31e2434">57</a> while some of these remained faithful to Islam, others embraced the prevailing religion -of the country. What was implied in the fact of these Muhammadan communities being -tributaries of the king of Abyssinia, it is difficult to determine. The Musalmans -of Ḥadya had along with other tribute to give up every year to the king a maiden who -had to become a Christian; this custom was in accordance with an ancient treaty, which -the king of Abyssinia has always made them observe, “because he was the stronger”; -besides this, they were forbidden to carry arms or put on war-apparel, and, if they -rode, their horses were not to be saddled; “these orders,” they said, “we have always -obeyed, so that the <span class="pageNum" id="pb115">[<a href="#pb115">115</a>]</span>king may not put us to death and destroy our mosques. When the king sends his people -to fetch the maiden and the tribute, we put her on a bed, wash her and cover her with -a cloth, and recite the prayers for the dead over her and give her up to the people -of the king; and thus did our fathers and our grandfathers before us.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2439src" href="#xd31e2439">58</a> -</p> -<p>These Muhammadan tributaries were chiefly to be found in the low-lying countries that -formed the northern boundary of Abyssinia, from the Red Sea westward to Sennaar,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2444src" href="#xd31e2444">59</a> and on the south and the south-east of the kingdom.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2447src" href="#xd31e2447">60</a> What influence these Muhammadans had on the Christian populations with which they -were intermingled, and whether they made converts to Islam as in the present century, -is matter only of conjecture. Certain it is, however, that when the independent Muhammadan -ruler of Adal, Aḥmad Grāñ—himself said to have been the son of a Christian priest -of Aijjo, who had left his own country and adopted Islam in that of the Adals<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2450src" href="#xd31e2450">61</a>—invaded Abyssinia from 1528 to 1543, many Abyssinian chiefs with their followers -joined his victorious army and became Musalmans, and though the Christian populations -of some districts preferred to pay jizyah,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2453src" href="#xd31e2453">62</a> others embraced the religion of the conqueror.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2456src" href="#xd31e2456">63</a> But the contemporary Muslim historian himself tells us that in some cases this conversion -was the result of fear, and that suspicions were entertained of the genuineness of -the allegiance of the new converts.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2460src" href="#xd31e2460">64</a> But such apparently was not universally the case, and the widespread character of -the conversions in several districts give the impression of a popular movement. The -Christian chiefs who went over to Islam made use of their personal influence in inducing -their troops to follow their example. They were, as we are told, in some cases very -ignorant of their own religion,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2463src" href="#xd31e2463">65</a> and thus the change of faith was a less difficult matter. Particularly instrumental -in conversions of this kind were those Muhammadan chiefs who had previously entered -the service of the king of Abyssinia, and those renegades who took the opportunity -of the invasion of the country by a conquering Musalman <span class="pageNum" id="pb116">[<a href="#pb116">116</a>]</span>army to throw off their allegiance at once to Christianity and the Christian king -and declare themselves Muhammadans once more.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2468src" href="#xd31e2468">66</a> -</p> -<p>One of these in 1531 wrote the following letter to Aḥmad Grāñ:—“I was formerly a Muslim -and the son of a Muslim, was taken prisoner by the polytheists and made a Christian -by force; but in my heart I have always clung to the true faith and now I seek the -protection of God and of His Prophet and of thee. If thou wilt accept my repentance -and punish me not for what I have done, I will return in penitence to God; and I will -devise means whereby the troops of the king, that are with me, may join thee and become -Muslims;”—and in fact the greater part of his army elected to follow their general; -including the women and children their numbers are said to have amounted to 20,000 -souls.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2473src" href="#xd31e2473">67</a> -</p> -<p>But with the help of the Portuguese, the Abyssinians succeeded in shaking off the -yoke of their Muhammadan conquerors and Aḥmad Grāñ himself was slain in 1543. Islam -had, however, gained a footing in the country, which the troublous condition of affairs -during the remainder of the sixteenth and the following century enabled it to retain, -the rival Christian Churches being too busily engaged in contending with one another, -to devote much attention to their common enemy. For the successful proselytising of -the Jesuits and other Roman Catholic missionaries and the active interference of the -Portuguese in all civil and political matters, excited violent opposition in the mass -of the Abyssinian Christians;—indeed so bitter was this feeling that some of the chiefs -openly declared that they would rather submit to a Muhammadan ruler than continue -their alliance with the Portuguese;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2478src" href="#xd31e2478">68</a>—and the semi-religious, semi-patriotic movement set on foot thereby, rapidly assumed -such vast proportions as to lead (about 1632) to the expulsion of the Portuguese and -the exclusion of all foreign Christians from the country. The condition of Abyssinia -then speedily became one of terrible confusion and anarchy, of which some tribes of -the Galla race took <span class="pageNum" id="pb117">[<a href="#pb117">117</a>]</span>advantage, to thrust their way right into the very centre of the country, where their -settlements remain to the present day. -</p> -<p>The progress achieved by Islam during this period may be estimated from the testimony -of a traveller of the seventeenth century, who tells us that in his time the adherents -of this faith were scattered throughout the whole of Abyssinia and formed a third -of the entire population.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2489src" href="#xd31e2489">69</a> During the following century the faith of the Prophet seems steadily to have increased -by means of the conversion of isolated individuals here and there. The absence of -any strong central government in the country favoured the rise of petty independent -chieftains, many of whom had strong Muhammadan sympathies, though (in accordance with -a fundamental law of the state) all the Abyssinian princes had to belong to the Christian -faith; the Muhammadans, too, aspiring to the dignity of the Abyssinian aristocracy, -abjured the faith in which they had been born and pretended conversion to Christianity -in order to get themselves enrolled in the order of the nobles, and as governors of -Christian provinces made use of all their influence towards the spread of Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2492src" href="#xd31e2492">70</a> One of the chief reasons of the success of this faith seems to have been the moral -superiority of the Muslims as compared with that of the Christian population of Abyssinia. -Rüppell says that he frequently noticed in the course of his travels in Abyssinia -that when a post had to be filled which required that a thoroughly honest and trustworthy -person should be selected, the choice always fell upon a Muhammadan. In comparison -with the Christians, he says that they were more active and energetic; that every -Muhammadan had his sons taught to read and write, whereas Christian children were -only educated when they were intended for the priesthood.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2498src" href="#xd31e2498">71</a> This moral superiority of the Muhammadans of <span class="pageNum" id="pb118">[<a href="#pb118">118</a>]</span>Abyssinia over the Christian population goes far to explain the continuous though -slow progress made by Islam during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries; the degradation -and apathy of the Abyssinian clergy and the interminable feuds of the Abyssinian chiefs, -have left Muhammadan influences free to work undisturbed. Mr. Plowden, who was English -consul in Abyssinia from 1844 to 1860, speaking of the Ḥabāb, three Tigrē tribes dwelling -between 16° and 17° 30′ lat., the north-west of Massowah, says that they have become -Muhammadan “within the last 100 years, and all, save the latest generation, bear Christian -names. They have changed their faith, through the constant influence of the Muhammadans -with whom they trade, and through the gradual and now entire abandonment of the country -by the Abyssinian chiefs, too much occupied in ceaseless wars with their neighbours.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2503src" href="#xd31e2503">72</a> They have a tradition that one of their chiefs named Jāwej rejected Christianity -for Islam, in the belief that the latter faith brought good luck and long life; he -then said to his priest, “Break in pieces the Tābōt”;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2507src" href="#xd31e2507">73</a> the priest answered, “I dare not break in pieces the Tābōt of Mary”; so Jāwej seized -the Tābōt with his own hands and cut it in pieces with an axe; the Christian priests -then adopted Islam, and all their descendants are shayk͟hs of the tribe to the present -day.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2510src" href="#xd31e2510">74</a> -</p> -<p>Other sections of the population of the northern districts of the country were similarly -converted to Islam during the same period, because the priests had abandoned these -districts and the churches had been suffered to fall into ruins,—apparently entirely -through neglect, as the Muhammadans here are said to have been by no means fanatical -nor to have borne any particular enmity to Christianity.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2515src" href="#xd31e2515">75</a> Similar testimony to the progress of Islam in the early part of the nineteenth century -is given by other travellers,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2518src" href="#xd31e2518">76</a> who found numbers of Christians to be continually passing over to that faith. The -Muhammadans were especially favoured by Ras ʻAlī, one of the vice-regents of Abyssinia -and practically master of the country before the accession <span class="pageNum" id="pb119">[<a href="#pb119">119</a>]</span>of King Theodore in 1853. Though himself a Christian, he distributed posts and even -the spoils of the churches among the followers of Islam, and during his reign one -half of the population of the central provinces of Abyssinia embraced the faith of -the Prophet.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2523src" href="#xd31e2523">77</a> Such deep roots had this faith now struck in Abyssinia that its followers had in -their hands all the commerce as well as all the petty trade of the country, enjoyed -vast possessions, were masters of large towns and central markets, and had a firm -hold upon the mass of the people. Indeed, a Christian missionary who lived for thirty-five -years in this country, rated the success and the zeal of the Muslim propagandists -so high as to say that were another Aḥmad Grāñ to arise and unfurl the banner of the -Prophet, the whole of Abyssinia would become Muhammadan.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2526src" href="#xd31e2526">78</a> Embroilments with the Egyptian government (with which Abyssinia was at war from 1875 -to 1882) brought about a revulsion of feeling against Muhammadanism: hatred of the -foreign Muslim foe reacted upon their co-religionists within the border. In 1878, -King John summoned a Convocation of the Abyssinian clergy, who proclaimed him supreme -arbiter in matters of faith and ordained that there should be but one religion throughout -the whole kingdom. Christians of all sects other than the Jacobite were given two -years in which to become reconciled to the national Church; the Muhammadans were to -submit within three, and the heathen within five, years. A few days later the king -promulgated an edict that showed how little worth was the three years’ grace allowed -to the Muhammadans; for not only did he order them to build Christian churches wherever -they were needed and to pay tithes to the priests resident in their respective districts, -but also gave three months’ notice to all Muhammadan officials to either receive baptism -or resign their posts. Such compulsory conversion (consisting as it did merely of -the rite of baptism and the payment of tithes) was naturally of the most ineffectual -character, and while outwardly conforming, the Muslims in secret protested their loyalty -to their old faith. Massaja saw some such go straight from the church <span class="pageNum" id="pb120">[<a href="#pb120">120</a>]</span>in which they had been baptised to the mosque, in order to have this enforced baptism -wiped off by some holy man of their own faith.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2532src" href="#xd31e2532">79</a> These mass conversions were rendered the more ineffectual by being confined to the -men, for as the royal edict had made no mention of the women they were in no way molested,—a -circumstance that probably proved to be of considerable significance in the future -history of Islam in Abyssinia, as Massaja bears striking testimony to the important -part the Muhammadan women have played in the diffusion of their faith in this country.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2535src" href="#xd31e2535">80</a> By 1880 King John is said to have compelled about 50,000 Muhammadans to be baptised, -as well as 20,000 members of one of the pagan tribes and half a million of Gallas,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2538src" href="#xd31e2538">81</a> but as their conversion went no further than baptism and the payment of tithes, it -is not surprising to learn that the only result of these violent measures was to increase -the hatred and hostility of both the Muslim and the heathen Abyssinians towards the -Christian faith.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2541src" href="#xd31e2541">82</a> The king of the petty state of Kafa (which had almost always acknowledged the supremacy -of Abyssinia),—Sawo-Teheno,—took advantage of the embarrassment of King John, who -was threatened at once by the Italians and the followers of the Mahdī, to assert his -independence, and became a Musalman, in order to do so more effectively. He successfully -resisted all attacks until 1897, when his state was reconquered and he himself taken -prisoner by the Emperor Menelik, the former king of Shoa, who had established his -authority over the whole of Abyssinia after the death of King John in 1889. Christianity -was re-established as the state religion throughout Kafa and Christian worship renewed -in the churches, which had been left uninjured, being either shut up or turned into -mosques.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2544src" href="#xd31e2544">83</a> But these violent measures taken in the interests of the Christian faith have failed -to arrest the growing power of Islam during the nineteenth century. Whole tribes that -were once Christian and still bear Christian names, such as Taklēs (“Plant of Jesus”), -Hebtēs (“Gift of Jesus”) <span class="pageNum" id="pb121">[<a href="#pb121">121</a>]</span>and Temāryām (“Gift of Mary”), have become Muslim. The two Mänsaʻ tribes which were -entirely Christian about the middle of the nineteenth century had become Muslim, for -the most part, at the beginning of the twentieth century; the propagandist efforts -of the Muslims who converted them appear to have been facilitated through the ignorance -of the Christian clergy. A similar Muhammadanising process has been going on for some -time among other tribes also.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2550src" href="#xd31e2550">84</a> -</p> -<p>We must return now to the history of Africa in the seventh century, when the Arabs -were pushing their conquests from East to West along the north coast. The comparatively -easy conquest of Egypt, where so many of the inhabitants assisted the Arabs in bringing -the Byzantine rule to an end, found no parallel in the bloody campaigns and the long-continued -resistance that here barred their further progress, and half a century elapsed before -the Arabs succeeded in making themselves complete masters of the north coast from -Egypt to the Atlantic Ocean. It was not till 698 that the fall of Carthage brought -the Roman rule in Africa to an end for ever, and the subjugation of the Berbers made -the Arabs supreme in the country. -</p> -<p>The details of these campaigns it is no part of our purpose to consider, but rather -to attempt to discover in what way Islam was spread among the Christian population. -Unfortunately the materials available for such a purpose are lamentably sparse and -insufficient. What became of that great African Church that had given such saints -and theologians to Christendom? The Church of Tertullian, St. Cyprian and St. Augustine, -which had emerged victorious out of so many persecutions, and had so stoutly championed -the cause of Christian orthodoxy, seems to have faded away like a mist. -</p> -<p>In the absence of definite information, it has been usual to ascribe the disappearance -of the Christian population to fanatical persecutions and forced conversions on the -part of the Muslim conquerors. But there are many considerations that militate against -such a rough and ready settlement of this question. First of all, there is the absence -<span class="pageNum" id="pb122">[<a href="#pb122">122</a>]</span>of definite evidence in support of such an assertion. Massacres, devastation and all -the other accompaniments of a bloody and long-protracted war, there were in horrible -abundance, but of actual religious persecution we have little mention, and the survival -of the native Christian Church for more than eight centuries after the Arab conquest -is a testimony to the toleration that alone could have rendered such a survival possible. -</p> -<p>The causes that brought about the decay of Christianity in North Africa must be sought -for elsewhere than in the bigotry of Muhammadan rulers. But before attempting to enumerate -these, it will be well to realise how very small must have been the number of the -Christian population at the end of the seventh century—a circumstance that renders -its continued existence under Muhammadan rule still more significant of the absence -of forced conversion, and leaves such a hypothesis much less plausibility than would -have been the case had the Arabs found a large and flourishing Christian Church there -when they commenced their conquest of northern Africa. -</p> -<p>The Roman provinces of Africa, to which the Christian population was confined, never -extended far southwards; the Sahara forms a barrier in this direction, so that the -breadth of the coast seldom exceeds 80 or 100 miles.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2563src" href="#xd31e2563">85</a> Though there were as many as 500 bishoprics just before the Vandal conquest, this -number can serve as no criterion of the number of the faithful, owing to the practice -observed in the African Church of appointing bishops to the most inconsiderable towns -and very frequently to the most obscure villages,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2566src" href="#xd31e2566">86</a> and it is doubtful whether Christianity ever spread far inland among the Berber tribes.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2569src" href="#xd31e2569">87</a> When the power of the Roman Empire declined in the fifth century, different tribes -of this great race, known to the Romans under the names of Moors, Numidians, Libyans, -etc., swarmed up from the south to ravage and destroy the wealthy cities of the coast. -These invaders were certainly heathen. The Libyans, whose devastations are so pathetically -bewailed <span class="pageNum" id="pb123">[<a href="#pb123">123</a>]</span>by Synesius of Cyrene, pillaged and burnt the churches and carried off the sacred -vessels for their own idolatrous rites,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2577src" href="#xd31e2577">88</a> and this province of Cyrenaica never recovered from their devastations, and Christianity -was probably almost extinct here at the time of the Muslim invasion. The Moorish chieftain -in the district of Tripolis, who was at war with the Vandal king Thorismund (496–524), -but respected the churches and clergy of the orthodox, who had been ill-treated by -the Vandals, declared his heathenism when he said, “I do not know who the God of the -Christians is, but if he is so powerful as he is represented, he will take vengeance -on those who insult him, and succour those who do him honour.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2581src" href="#xd31e2581">89</a> There is some probability that the nomads of Mauritania also were very largely heathen. -</p> -<p>But whatever may have been the extent of the Christian Church, it received a blow -from the Vandal persecutions from which it never recovered. For nearly a century the -Arian Vandals persecuted the orthodox with relentless fury; sent their bishops into -exile, forbade the public exercise of their religion and cruelly tortured those who -refused to conform to the religion of their conquerors.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2586src" href="#xd31e2586">90</a> When in 534, Belisarius crushed the power of the Vandals and restored North Africa -to the Roman Empire, only 217 bishops met in the Synod of Carthage<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2589src" href="#xd31e2589">91</a> to resume the direction of the Christian Church. After the fierce and long-continued -persecution to which they had been subjected the number of the faithful must have -been very much reduced, and during the century that elapsed before the coming of the -Muhammadans, the inroads of the barbarian Moors, who shut the Romans up in the cities -and other centres of population, and kept the mountains, the desert and the open country -for themselves,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2592src" href="#xd31e2592">92</a> the prevalent disorder and ill-government, and above all the desolating plagues that -signalised the latter half of the sixth century, all combined to carry on the work -of destruction. Five millions of Africans are said to have been consumed by the wars -and government of the Emperor Justinian. The wealthier <span class="pageNum" id="pb124">[<a href="#pb124">124</a>]</span>citizens abandoned a country whose commerce and agriculture, once so flourishing, -had been irretrievably ruined. “Such was the desolation of Africa, that in many parts -a stranger might wander whole days without meeting the face either of a friend or -an enemy. The nation of the Vandals had disappeared; they once amounted to an hundred -and sixty thousand warriors, without including the children, the women, or the slaves. -Their numbers were infinitely surpassed by the number of Moorish families extirpated -in a relentless war; the same destruction was retaliated on the Romans and their allies, -who perished by the climate, their mutual quarrels, and the rage of the barbarians.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2597src" href="#xd31e2597">93</a> -</p> -<p>In 646, the year before the victorious Arabs advanced from Egypt to the subjugation -of the western province, the African Church that had championed so often the purity -of Christian doctrine, was stirred to its depths by the struggle against Monotheletism; -but when the bishops of the four ecclesiastical provinces in the archbishopric of -Carthage, viz. Mauritania, Numidia, Byzacena and Africa Proconsularis, held councils -to condemn Monotheletism, and wrote synodal letters to the Emperor and the Pope, there -were only sixty-eight bishops who assembled at Carthage to represent the last-mentioned -province, and forty-two for Byzacena. The numbers from the other two dioceses are -not given, but the Christian population had undoubtedly suffered much more in these -than in the two other dioceses which were nearer to the seat of government.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2602src" href="#xd31e2602">94</a> It is exceedingly unlikely that any of the bishops were absent on an occasion that -excited so much feeling, when zeal for Christian doctrine and political animosity -to the Byzantine court both combined in stimulating this movement, and when Africa -took the most prominent part in stirring up the opposition that led to the convening -of the great Lateran Council of 648. This diminution in the number of the African -bishops certainly points to a vast decrease in the Christian population, and in consideration -of the numerous causes contributing to a decay of the population, too great <span class="pageNum" id="pb125">[<a href="#pb125">125</a>]</span>stress even must not be laid upon the number of these, because an episcopal see may -continue to be filled long after the diocese has sunk into insignificance. -</p> -<p>From the considerations enumerated above, it may certainly be inferred that the Christian -population at the time of the Muhammadan invasion was by no means a large one. During -the fifty years that elapsed before the Arabs assured their victory, the Christian -population was still further reduced by the devastations of this long conflict. The -city of Tripolis, after sustaining a siege of six months, was sacked, and of the inhabitants -part were put to the sword and the rest carried off captive into Egypt and Arabia.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2609src" href="#xd31e2609">95</a> Another city, bordering on the Numidian desert, was defended by a Roman count with -a large garrison which bravely endured a blockade of a whole year; when at last it -was taken by storm, all the males were put to the sword and the women and children -carried off captive.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2612src" href="#xd31e2612">96</a> The number of such captives is said to have amounted to several hundreds of thousands.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2615src" href="#xd31e2615">97</a> Many of the Christians took refuge in flight,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2618src" href="#xd31e2618">98</a> some into Italy and Spain,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2621src" href="#xd31e2621">99</a> and it would almost seem that others even wandered as far as Germany, judging from -a letter addressed to the diocese of St. Boniface by Pope Gregory II.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2625src" href="#xd31e2625">100</a> In fact, many of the great Roman cities were quite depopulated, and remained uninhabited -for a long time or were even left to fall to ruins entirely,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2628src" href="#xd31e2628">101</a> while in several cases the conquerors chose entirely new sites for their chief towns.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2631src" href="#xd31e2631">102</a> -</p> -<p>As to the scattered remnants of the once flourishing Christian Church that still remained -in Africa at the end <span class="pageNum" id="pb126">[<a href="#pb126">126</a>]</span>of the seventh century, it can hardly be supposed that persecution is responsible -for their final disappearance, in the face of the fact that traces of a native Christian -community were to be found even so late as the sixteenth century. Idrīs, the founder -of the dynasty in Morocco that bore his name, is indeed said to have compelled by -force Christians and Jews to embrace Islam in the year <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 789, when he had just begun to carve out a kingdom for himself with the sword,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2660src" href="#xd31e2660">103</a> but, as far as I have been able to discover, this incident is without parallel in -the history of the native Church of North Africa.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2663src" href="#xd31e2663">104</a> -</p> -<p>The very slowness of its decay is a testimony to the toleration it must have received. -About 300 years after the Muhammadan conquest there were still nearly forty bishoprics -left,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2673src" href="#xd31e2673">105</a> and when in 1053 Pope Leo IX laments that only five bishops could be found to represent -the once flourishing African Church,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2676src" href="#xd31e2676">106</a> the cause is most probably to be sought for in the terrible bloodshed and destruction -wrought by the Arab hordes that had poured into the country a few years before and -filled it with incessant conflict <span class="pageNum" id="pb127">[<a href="#pb127">127</a>]</span>and anarchy.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2681src" href="#xd31e2681">107</a> In 1076, the African Church could not provide the three bishops necessary for the -consecration of an aspirant to the dignity of the episcopate, in accordance with the -demands of canon law, and it was necessary for Pope Gregory VII to consecrate two -bishops to act as coadjutors of the Archbishop of Carthage; but the numbers of the -faithful were still so large as to demand the creation of fresh bishops to lighten -the burden of the work, which was too heavy for these three bishops to perform unaided.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2684src" href="#xd31e2684">108</a> In the course of the next two centuries, the Christian Church declined still further, -and in 1246 the bishop of Morocco was the sole spiritual leader of the remnant of -the native Church.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2688src" href="#xd31e2688">109</a> Up to the same period traces of the survival of Christianity were still to be found -among the Kabils of Algeria;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2691src" href="#xd31e2691">110</a> these tribes had received some slight instruction in the tenets of Islam at an early -period, but the new faith had taken very little hold upon them, and as years went -by they lost even what little knowledge they had at first possessed, so much so that -they even forgot the Muslim formula of prayer. Shut up in their mountain fastnesses -and jealous of their independence, they successfully resisted the introduction of -the Arab element into their midst, and thus the difficulties in the way of their conversion -were very considerable. Some unsuccessful attempts to start a mission among them had -been made by the inmates of a monastery belonging to the Qādiriyyah order, Sāqiyah -al-ḥamrāʼ, but the honour of winning an entrance among them for the Muslim faith was -reserved for a number of Andalusian Moors who were driven out of Spain after the taking -of Granada in 1492. They had taken refuge in this monastery and were recognised by -the shayk͟h to be eminently fitted for the arduous task that had previously so completely -baffled the efforts of his disciples. Before dismissing them on this pious errand, -he thus addressed them: “It is a duty incumbent <span class="pageNum" id="pb128">[<a href="#pb128">128</a>]</span>upon us to bear the torch of Islam into these regions that have lost their inheritance -in the blessings of religion; for these unhappy Kabils are wholly unprovided with -schools, and have no shayk͟h to teach their children the laws of morality and the -virtues of Islam; so they live like the brute beasts, without God or religion. To -do away with this unhappy state of things, I have determined to appeal to your religious -zeal and enlightenment. Let not these mountaineers wallow any longer in their pitiable -ignorance of the grand truths of our religion; go and breathe upon the dying fire -of their faith and re-illumine its smouldering embers; purge them of whatever errors -may still cling to them from their former belief in Christianity; make them understand -that in the religion of our lord Muḥammad—may God have compassion upon him—dirt is -not, as in the Christian religion, looked upon as acceptable in the eyes of God.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2702src" href="#xd31e2702">111</a> I will not disguise from you the fact that your task is beset with difficulties, -but your irresistible zeal and the ardour of your faith will enable you, by the grace -of God, to overcome all obstacles. Go, my children, and bring back again to God and -His Prophet these unhappy people who are wallowing in the mire of ignorance and unbelief. -Go, my children, bearing the message of salvation, and may God be with you and uphold -you.” -</p> -<p>The missionaries started off in parties of five or six at a time in various directions; -they went in rags, staff in hand, and choosing out the wildest and least frequented -parts of the mountains, established hermitages in caves and clefts of the rocks. Their -austerities and prolonged devotions soon excited the curiosity of the Kabils, who -after a short time began to enter into friendly relations with them. Little by little -the missionaries gained the influence they desired through their knowledge of medicine, -of the mechanical arts, and other advantages of civilisation, and each hermitage became -a centre of Muslim teaching. <span class="pageNum" id="pb129">[<a href="#pb129">129</a>]</span>Students, attracted by the learning of the new-comers, gathered round them and in -time became missionaries of Islam to their fellow-countrymen, until their faith spread -throughout all the country of the Kabils and the villages of the Algerian Sahara.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2709src" href="#xd31e2709">112</a> -</p> -<p>The above incident is no doubt illustrative of the manner in which Islam was introduced -among such other sections of the independent tribes of the interior as had received -any Christian teaching, but whose knowledge of this faith had dwindled down to the -observance of a few superstitious rites;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2720src" href="#xd31e2720">113</a> for, cut off as they were from the rest of the Christian world and unprovided with -spiritual teachers, they could have had little in the way of positive religious belief -to oppose to the teachings of the Muslim missionaries. -</p> -<p>There is little more to add to these sparse records of the decay of the North African -Church. A Muhammadan traveller,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2725src" href="#xd31e2725">114</a> who visited al-Jarīd, the southern district of Tunis, in the early part of the fourteenth -century, tells us that the Christian churches, although in ruins, were still standing -in his day, not having been destroyed by the Arab conquerors, who had contented themselves -with building a mosque in front of each of these churches. Ibn K͟haldūn (writing towards -the close of the fourteenth century), speaks of some villages in the province of Qastīliyyah,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2728src" href="#xd31e2728">115</a> with a Christian population whose ancestors had lived there since the time of the -Arab conquest.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2731src" href="#xd31e2731">116</a> At the end of the following century there was still to be found in the city of Tunis -a small community of native Christians, living together in one of the suburbs, quite -distinct from that in which the foreign Christian merchants resided; far from being -oppressed or persecuted, they were employed as the bodyguard of the Sultan.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2734src" href="#xd31e2734">117</a> These were doubtless <span class="pageNum" id="pb130">[<a href="#pb130">130</a>]</span>the same persons as were congratulated on their perseverance in the Christian faith -by Charles V after the capture of Tunis in 1535.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2740src" href="#xd31e2740">118</a> -</p> -<p>This is the last we hear of the native Christian Church in North Africa. The very -fact of its so long survival would militate against any supposition of forced conversion, -even if we had not abundant evidence of the tolerant spirit of the Arab rulers of -the various North African kingdoms, who employed Christian soldiers,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2746src" href="#xd31e2746">119</a> granted by frequent treaties the free exercise of their religion to Christian merchants -and settlers,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2749src" href="#xd31e2749">120</a> and to whom Popes<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2752src" href="#xd31e2752">121</a> recommended the care of the native Christian population, while exhorting the latter -to serve their Muhammadan rulers faithfully.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2755src" href="#xd31e2755">122</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb131">[<a href="#pb131">131</a>]</span> </p> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2166"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2166src">1</a></span> Amélineau, p. 3; Caetani, vol. iv. p. 81 sq. Justinian is said to have had 200,000 -Copts put to death in the city of Alexandria, and the persecutions of his successors -drove many to take refuge in the desert. (Wansleben: The Present State of Egypt, p. -11.) (London, 1678.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2166src" title="Return to note 1 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2169"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2169src">2</a></span> Renaudot, p. 161. Severus, p. 106. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2169src" title="Return to note 2 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2174"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2174src">3</a></span> John, Jacobite bishop of Nikiu (second half of seventh century), p. 584. Caetani, -vol. iv. pp. 515–16. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2174src" title="Return to note 3 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2178"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2178src">4</a></span> Bell, p. xxxvii. But the exactions and hardships that, according to Maqrīzī, the Copts -had to endure about seventy years after the conquest hardly allow us to extend this -period so far as Von Ranke does: “<span lang="de">Von Aegypten weiss man durch die bestimmtesten Zeugnisse, dass sich die Einwohner -in den nächsten Jahrhunderten unter der arabischen Herrschaft in einem erträglichen -Zustand befunden haben.</span>” (<span lang="de">Weltgeschichte</span>, vol. v. p. 153, 4th ed.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2178src" title="Return to note 4 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2187"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2187src">5</a></span> John of Nikiu, p. 560. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2187src" title="Return to note 5 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2190"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2190src">6</a></span> Id. p. 585. “<span lang="fr">Or beaucoup des Égyptiens, qui étaient de faux chrétiens, renièrent la sainte religion -orthodoxe et le baptême qui donne la vie, embrassèrent la religion des Musulmans, -les ennemis de Dieu, et acceptèrent la détestable doctrine de ce monstre, c’est-à-dire -de Mahomet; ils partagèrent l’égarement de ces idolâtres et prirent les armes contre -les chrétiens.</span>” <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2190src" title="Return to note 6 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2199"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2199src">7</a></span> Qurra b. Sharīk (governor of Egypt from 709 to 714), or his predecessor, appears to -have insisted on the converts continuing to pay jizyah. (Becker<span class="corr" id="xd31e2201" title="Not in source">,</span> Papyri Schott-Reinhardt, p. 18.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2199src" title="Return to note 7 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2204"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2204src">8</a></span> Ibn Saʻd, Ṭabaqāt, vol. v. p. 283. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2204src" title="Return to note 8 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2209"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2209src">9</a></span> Caetani, vol. iv<span class="corr" id="xd31e2211" title="Source: ,">.</span> p. 618; vol. v. pp. 384–5. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2209src" title="Return to note 9 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2220"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2220src">10</a></span> Severus, pp. 172–3. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2220src" title="Return to note 10 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2227"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2227src">11</a></span> Id. pp. 205–6. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2227src" title="Return to note 11 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2230" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2230src">12</a></span> “Sans aucun doute il y eut dans la multiplicité des martyrs une sorte de résistance -nationale contre les gouverneurs étrangers.” (Amélineau, p. 58.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2230src" title="Return to note 12 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2233"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2233src">13</a></span> Amélineau, pp. 57–8. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2233src" title="Return to note 13 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2243"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2243src">14</a></span> Abū Ṣāliḥ, pp. 163–4. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2243src" title="Return to note 14 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2248"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2248src">15</a></span> Amélineau, pp. 53–4, 69–70. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2248src" title="Return to note 15 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2251"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2251src">16</a></span> Abū Ṣāliḥ gives an account of some monks who embraced the faith of the Prophet, and -these are probably representative of a larger number of whom the historian has left -no record, as lacking the peculiar circumstances of loss to the monastery or of recantation -that made such instances of interest to him (pp. 128, 142). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2251src" title="Return to note 16 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2256"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2256src">17</a></span> Lane, pp. 546, 549. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2256src" title="Return to note 17 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2259"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2259src">18</a></span> Lüttke (1), vol. i. pp. 30, 35. Dr. Andrew Watson writes: “No year has passed during -my residence of forty-four years in the Nile valley without my hearing of several -instances of defection. The causes are, chiefly, the hope of worldly gain of various -kinds, severe and continued persecution, exposure to the cruelty and rapacity of Moslem -neighbours, and personal indignities as well as political disabilities of various -kinds.” (Islam in Egypt: Mohammedan World, p. 24.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2259src" title="Return to note 18 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2263"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2263src">19</a></span> Severus, pp. 122, 126, 143. One of the very first occasions on which they had to complain -of excessive taxation was when Menas, the Christian prefect of Lower Egypt, extorted -from the city of Alexandria 32,057 pieces of gold, instead of 22,000 which ʻAmr had -fixed as the amount to be levied. (John of Nikiu, p. 585.) Renaudot (p. 168) says -that after the restoration of the Orthodox hierarchy, about seventy years after the -Muhammadan conquest, the Copts suffered as much at its hands as at the hands of the -Muhammadans themselves. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2263src" title="Return to note 19 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2268"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2268src">20</a></span> Maqrīzī mentions five other risings of the Copts that had to be crushed by force of -arms, within the first century of the Arab domination. (Maqrīzī (2), pp. 76–82.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2268src" title="Return to note 20 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2271"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2271src">21</a></span> Renaudot, pp. 189, 374, 430, 540. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2271src" title="Return to note 21 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2274"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2274src">22</a></span> Id. p. 603. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2274src" title="Return to note 22 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2277"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2277src">23</a></span> Id. pp. 432, 607. Nāṣir-i-K͟husrau: Safar-nāmah, ed. Schefer, pp. 155–6. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2277src" title="Return to note 23 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2281"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2281src">24</a></span> Renaudot, pp. 212, 225, 314, 374, 540. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2281src" title="Return to note 24 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2288"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2288src">25</a></span> Renaudot, p. 388. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2288src" title="Return to note 25 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2291"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2291src">26</a></span> Id. pp 567, 571, 574–5. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2291src" title="Return to note 26 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2294"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2294src">27</a></span> Wansleben, p. 30. Wansleben mentions another instance (under different circumstances) -of the decay of the Coptic Church, in the island of Cyprus, which was formerly under -the jurisdiction of the Coptic Patriarch: here they were so persecuted by the Orthodox -clergy, who enjoyed the protection of the Byzantine emperors, that the Patriarch could -not induce priests to go there, and consequently all the Copts on the island either -accepted Islam or the Council of Chalcedon, and their churches were all shut up. (Id. -p. 31.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2294src" title="Return to note 27 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2297"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2297src">28</a></span> Renaudot, p. 377. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2297src" title="Return to note 28 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2303"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2303src">29</a></span> Renaudot, p. 575. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2303src" title="Return to note 29 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2308" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2308src">30</a></span> Relation du voyage du Sayd ou de la Thebayde fait en 1668, par les PP. Protais et -Charles-François d’Orleans, Capuchins Missionaires, p. 3. (Thevenot, vol. ii.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2308src" title="Return to note 30 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2313"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2313src">31</a></span> Caetani, vol. iv. p. 520. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2313src" title="Return to note 31 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2316"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2316src">32</a></span> Ishok<span id="xd31e2318"></span> of Romgla, pp. 272–3. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2316src" title="Return to note 32 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2321"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2321src">33</a></span> Idrīsī, p. 32. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2321src" title="Return to note 33 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2324" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2324src">34</a></span> Maqrīzī (2), tome i. 2<sup>me</sup> partie, p. 131. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2324src" title="Return to note 34 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2333"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2333src">35</a></span> Maqrīzī, pp. 128–30. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2333src" title="Return to note 35 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2336"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2336src">36</a></span> Burckhardt (1), p. 494. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2336src" title="Return to note 36 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2341"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2341src">37</a></span> About twelve miles above the modern Khartum. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2341src" title="Return to note 37 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2344"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2344src">38</a></span> Artin, pp. 62, 144. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2344src" title="Return to note 38 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2347" lang="de"> -<p class="footnote" lang="de"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2347src">39</a></span> Becker, Geschichte des östlichen Sūdān, p. 160. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2347src" title="Return to note 39 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2350"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2350src">40</a></span> Vol. iv. p. 396. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2350src" title="Return to note 40 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2353"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2353src">41</a></span> Slatin Pasha records a tradition current among the Danagla Arabs that this town was -founded by their ancestor, Dangal, who called it after his own name. (This however -is impossible, inasmuch as Dongola was in existence in ancient Egyptian times, and -is mentioned on the monuments. See Vivien de Saint-Martin, vol. ii. p. 85.) According -to their tradition, this Dangal, though a slave, rose to be ruler of Nubia, but paid -tribute to Bahnesa, the Coptic bishop of the entire district lying between the present -Sarras and Debba. (Fire and Sword in the Sudan, p. 13.) (London, 1896.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2353src" title="Return to note 41 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2363"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2363src">42</a></span> Ibn Salīm al-Aswānī, quoted by Maqrīzī: Kitāb al-K͟hiṭaṭ, vol. i. p. 190. (Cairo, -<span class="asc">A.H.</span> 1270.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2363src" title="Return to note 42 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2373"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2373src">43</a></span> Budge, vol. ii. p. 199. Artin, p. 144. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2373src" title="Return to note 43 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2379"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2379src">44</a></span> Maqrīzī: Kitāb al-K͟hiṭaṭ, vol. i. p. 193. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2379src" title="Return to note 44 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2384"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2384src">45</a></span> Morié, vol. i. pp. 417–18. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2384src" title="Return to note 45 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2389"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2389src">46</a></span> Lord Stanley of Alderley in his translation of Alvarez’ Narrative from the original -Portuguese, gives the answer of the king as follows: “He said to them that he had -his Abima from the country of the Moors, that is to say from the Patriarch of Alexandria; -… how then could he give priests and friars since another gave them” (p. 352). (London, -1881.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2389src" title="Return to note 46 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2392" lang="it"> -<p class="footnote" lang="it"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2392src">47</a></span> Viaggio nella Ethiopia al Prete Ianni fatto par Don Francesco Alvarez Portughese (1520–1527). -(Ramusio, tom. i. pp. 200, 250.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2392src" title="Return to note 47 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2395"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2395src">48</a></span> Wansleben, p. 30. For descriptions of the ruins that still remain, see Budge, vol. -ii. p. 299 sqq., and G. S. Nileham, Churches in Lower Nubia. (Philadelphia, 1910.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2395src" title="Return to note 48 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2399"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2399src">49</a></span> Burckhardt (1), p. 133. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2399src" title="Return to note 49 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2404"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2404src">50</a></span> Alvarez, p. 250. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2404src" title="Return to note 50 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2407"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2407src">51</a></span> Idrīsī, p. 32. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2407src" title="Return to note 51 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2410"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2410src">52</a></span> ʻArabfaqīh, p. 323. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2410src" title="Return to note 52 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2418" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2418src">53</a></span> Maqrīzī (2), tome ii. 2<sup>me</sup> partie, p. 183. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2418src" title="Return to note 53 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2424"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2424src">54</a></span> Basset, p. 240. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2424src" title="Return to note 54 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2427"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2427src">55</a></span> Id., p. 247. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2427src" title="Return to note 55 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2430"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2430src">56</a></span> Alvarez. (Ramusio, tom. i. pp. 218, 242, 249.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2430src" title="Return to note 56 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2434"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2434src">57</a></span> ʻArabfaqīh, pp. 83, 191. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2434src" title="Return to note 57 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2439"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2439src">58</a></span> ʻArabfaqīh, p. 275–6. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2439src" title="Return to note 58 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2444"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2444src">59</a></span> Id. pp. 319, 324. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2444src" title="Return to note 59 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2447"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2447src">60</a></span> Id. pp. 28, 129, 275. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2447src" title="Return to note 60 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2450"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2450src">61</a></span> Plowden, p. 36. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2450src" title="Return to note 61 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2453"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2453src">62</a></span> ʻArabfaqīh, pp. 321, 335, 343. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2453src" title="Return to note 62 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2456"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2456src">63</a></span> Id. passim. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2456src" title="Return to note 63 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2460"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2460src">64</a></span> Id. pp. 175, 195, 248. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2460src" title="Return to note 64 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2463"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2463src">65</a></span> Id. p. 178. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2463src" title="Return to note 65 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2468"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2468src">66</a></span> ʻArabfaqīh, pp. 34–5, 120–1, 182–3, 244, 327. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2468src" title="Return to note 66 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2473"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2473src">67</a></span> ʻArabfaqīh, pp. 181–2, 186. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2473src" title="Return to note 67 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2478"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2478src">68</a></span> <span lang="la">Iobi Ludolfi ad suam Historiam Æthiopicam Commentarius</span>, p. 474. <span class="corr" id="xd31e2482" title="Not in source">(</span>Frankfurt a. M., 1691.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2478src" title="Return to note 68 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2489" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2489src">69</a></span> Histoire de la Haute Ethiopie, par le R. P. Manoel d’Almeïda, p. 7. (Thevenot, vol. -ii.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2489src" title="Return to note 69 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2492"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2492src">70</a></span> Massaja, vol. ii. pp. 205–6. “<span lang="it">Ognuno comprende che movente di queste conversioni essendo la sete di regnare, nel -fatto non si riducevano che ad una formalità esterna, restando poi i nuovi convertiti -veri mussulmani nei cuori e nei costumi. E perciò accadeva che, elevati alla dignità -di Râs, si circondavano di mussulmani, dando ad essi la maggior parte degli impieghi -e colmandoli di titoli, ricchezze e favori: e così l’Abissinia cristiana invasa e -popolata da questa pessima razza, passò coll’andar del tempo sotto il giogo dell’islamismo.</span>” (Id. p. 206.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2492src" title="Return to note 70 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2498"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2498src">71</a></span> Rüppell, vol. i. pp. 328, 366. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2498src" title="Return to note 71 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2503"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2503src">72</a></span> Plowden, p. 15. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2503src" title="Return to note 72 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2507"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2507src">73</a></span> Tābōt, the ark of the covenant. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2507src" title="Return to note 73 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2510"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2510src">74</a></span> Littmann, pp. 69–70. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2510src" title="Return to note 74 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2515"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2515src">75</a></span> Plowden, pp. 8–9. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2515src" title="Return to note 75 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2518"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2518src">76</a></span> Beke, pp. 51–2. Isenberg, p. 36. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2518src" title="Return to note 76 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2523"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2523src">77</a></span> Reclus, vol. x. p. 247. Massaja, vol. xi. p. 125. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2523src" title="Return to note 77 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2526"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2526src">78</a></span> Massaja, vol. xi. p. 124. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2526src" title="Return to note 78 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2532"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2532src">79</a></span> Massaja, vol. xi. pp. 77–8. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2532src" title="Return to note 79 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2535"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2535src">80</a></span> Id. pp. 124, 125. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2535src" title="Return to note 80 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2538"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2538src">81</a></span> Oppel, p. 307. Reclus, tome x. p. 247. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2538src" title="Return to note 81 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2541"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2541src">82</a></span> Massaja, vol. xi. pp. 79, 81. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2541src" title="Return to note 82 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2544"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2544src">83</a></span> Morié, vol. ii. p. 449. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2544src" title="Return to note 83 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2550"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2550src">84</a></span> Littmann, pp. 68–70. K. Cederquist: Islam and Christianity in Abyssinia, p. 154 (The -Moslem World, vol. ii.). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2550src" title="Return to note 84 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2563"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2563src">85</a></span> Gibbon, vol. i. p. 161. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2563src" title="Return to note 85 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2566"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2566src">86</a></span> Id. vol. ii. p. 212. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2566src" title="Return to note 86 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2569"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2569src">87</a></span> C. O. Castiglioni: <span lang="fr">Recherches sur les Berbères atlantiques</span>, pp. 96–7. (Milan, 1826.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2569src" title="Return to note 87 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2577"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2577src">88</a></span> Synesii Catastasis. (Migne: Patr. Gr., tom. lxvi. p. 1569.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2577src" title="Return to note 88 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2581"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2581src">89</a></span> Neander (2), p. 320. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2581src" title="Return to note 89 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2586"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2586src">90</a></span> Gibbon, vol. iv. pp. 331–3. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2586src" title="Return to note 90 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2589"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2589src">91</a></span> Id. vol. v. p. 115. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2589src" title="Return to note 91 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2592"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2592src">92</a></span> Tijānī, p. 201. Gibbon, vol. v. p. 122. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2592src" title="Return to note 92 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2597"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2597src">93</a></span> Gibbon, vol. v. p. 214. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2597src" title="Return to note 93 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2602"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2602src">94</a></span> Neander (1), vol. v. pp. 254–5. J. E. T. Wiltsch: Hand-book of the geography and statistics -of the Church, vol. i. pp. 433–4. (London, 1859.) J. Bournichon: L’Invasion musulmane -en Afrique, pp. 32–3. (Tours, 1890.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2602src" title="Return to note 94 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2609"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2609src">95</a></span> Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 70, D.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2609src" title="Return to note 95 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2612" lang="it"> -<p class="footnote" lang="it"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2612src">96</a></span> “Deusen, una città antichissima edificata da Romani dove confina il regno di Buggia -col diserto di Numidia.” (Id. p. 75, F.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2612src" title="Return to note 96 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2615"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2615src">97</a></span> Pavy, vol. i. p. iv. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2615src" title="Return to note 97 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2618" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2618src">98</a></span> “Tous ceux qui ne se convertirent pas à l’islamisme, ou qui (conservant leur foi) -ne voulurent pas s’obliger à payer la capitation, durent prendre la fuite devant les -armées musulmanes.” (Tijānī, p. 201.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2618src" title="Return to note 98 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2621"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2621src">99</a></span> Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 7.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2621src" title="Return to note 99 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2625" lang="la"> -<p class="footnote" lang="la"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2625src">100</a></span> “Afros passim ad ecclesiasticos ordines (procedentes) prætendentes nulla ratione suscipiat -(Bonifacius), quia aliqui eorum Manichæi, aliqui rebaptizati sæpius sunt probati.” -Epist. iv. (Migne: Patr. Lat., tom. lxxxix, p. 502.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2625src" title="Return to note 100 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2628"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2628src">101</a></span> Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, pp. 65, 66, 68, 69, 76.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2628src" title="Return to note 101 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2631"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2631src">102</a></span> Qayrwān or Cairoan, founded <span class="asc">A.H.</span> 50; Fez, founded <span class="asc">A.H.</span> 185; al-Mahdiyyah, founded <span class="asc">A.H.</span> 303; Masīlah, founded <span class="asc">A.H.</span> 315; Marocco, founded <span class="asc">A.H.</span> 424. (<span class="corr" id="xd31e2649" title="Source: Abū-l Fidā">Abū’l-Fidā</span>, tome ii. pp. 198, 186, 200, 191, 187.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2631src" title="Return to note 102 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2660"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2660src">103</a></span> Ibn Abī Zarʻ, p. 16. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2660src" title="Return to note 103 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2663"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2663src">104</a></span> A doubtful case of forced conversion is attributed to ʻAbd al-Muʼmin, who conquered -Tunis in 1159. See De Mas Latrie (2), pp. 77–8. “<span lang="fr">Deux auteurs arabes, Ibn-al-Athir, contemporain, mais vivant à Damas au milieu de -l’exaltation religieuse que provoquaient les victoires de Saladin, l’autre El-Tidjani, -visitant l’Afrique orientale au quatorzième siècle, ont écrit que le sultan, maître -de Tunis, força les chrétiens et les juifs établis dans cette ville à embrasser l’islamisme, -et que les réfractaires furent impitoyablement massacrés. Nous doutons de la réalité -de toutes ces mesures. Si l’arrêt fatal fut prononcé dans l’emportement du triomphe -et pour satisfaire quelques exigences momentanées, il dut être éludé ou révoqué, tant -il était contraire au principe de la liberté religieuse respecté jusque-là par tous -les princes maugrebins. Ce qu’il y a de certain, c’est que les chrétiens et les juifs -ne tardèrent pas à reparaître à Tunis et qu’on voit les chrétiens avant la fin du -règne d’Abd-el-Moumen établis à Tunis et y jouissant comme par le passé de la liberté, -de leurs établissements, de leur commerce et de leur religion.… ‘Accompagné ainsi -par Dieu même dans sa marche, dit un ancien auteur maugrebin, il traversa victorieusement -les terres du Zab et de l’Ifrikiah, conquérant le pays et les villes, accordant l’aman -à ceux qui le demandaient et tuant <i>les récalcitrants</i>.’ Ces derniers mots confirment notre sentiment sur sa politique à l’égard des chrétiens -qui acceptèrent l’arrêt fatal de la destinée.</span>” <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2663src" title="Return to note 104 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2673"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2673src">105</a></span> De Mas Latrie (2), pp. 27–8. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2673src" title="Return to note 105 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2676"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2676src">106</a></span> S. Leonis IX. Papæ Epist. lxxxiii. (Migne: Patr. Lat., tom. cxliii. p. 728.) This -letter deals with a quarrel for precedence between the bishops of Gummi and Carthage, -and it is quite possible that the disordered condition of Africa at the time may have -kept the African bishops ignorant of the condition of other sees besides their own -and those immediately adjacent, and that accordingly the information supplied to the -Pope represented the number of the bishops as being smaller than it really was. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2676src" title="Return to note 106 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2681"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2681src">107</a></span> A. Müller, vol. ii. pp. 628–9. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2681src" title="Return to note 107 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2684" lang="la"> -<p class="footnote" lang="la"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2684src">108</a></span> S. Gregorii VII. Epistola xix. (Liber tertius). (Migne: Patr. Lat., tom. cxlviii. -p. 449.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2684src" title="Return to note 108 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2688"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2688src">109</a></span> De Mas Latrie, p. 226. A number of Spanish Christians, whose ancestors had been deported -to Morocco in 1122, were to be found there as late as 1386, when they were allowed -to return to Seville through the good offices of the then sultan of Morocco. (Whishaw, -pp. 31–4.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2688src" title="Return to note 109 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2691"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2691src">110</a></span> C. Trumelet: <span lang="fr">Les <span class="corr" id="xd31e2695" title="Source: Saintes">Saints</span> de l’Islam</span>, p. xxxiii. (Paris, 1881.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2691src" title="Return to note 110 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2702"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2702src">111</a></span> Compare the articles published by a Junta held at Madrid in 1566, for the reformation -of the Moriscoes; one of which runs as follows: “That neither themselves, their women, -nor any other persons should be permitted to wash or bathe themselves either at home -or elsewhere; and that all their bathing houses should be pulled down and demolished.” -(J. Morgan, vol. ii. p. 256.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2702src" title="Return to note 111 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2709"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2709src">112</a></span> C. Trumelet: <span lang="fr">Les Saints de l’Islam</span>, pp. <span class="corr" id="xd31e2714" title="Source: xxviii–xxxvi">xxvi–xxxvii</span>. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2709src" title="Return to note 112 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2720"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2720src">113</a></span> Leo Africanus says that at the end of the fifteenth century all the mountaineers of -Algeria and of Buggia, though Muhammadans, painted black crosses on their cheeks and -palms of the hand (Ramusio, i. p. 61); similarly the Banū Mzab to the present day -still keep up some religious observances corresponding to excommunication and confession -(Oppel, p. 299), and some nomad tribes of the Sahara observe the practice of a kind -of baptism and use the cross as a decoration for their stuffs and weapons. (De Mas -Latrie (2), p. 8.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2720src" title="Return to note 113 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2725"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2725src">114</a></span> Tijānī, p. 203. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2725src" title="Return to note 114 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2728"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2728src">115</a></span> The modern Touzer, in Tunis. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2728src" title="Return to note 115 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2731"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2731src">116</a></span> Taʼrīk͟h al-duwal al-islāmiyyah biʼl mag͟hrib, I. p. 146. (ed. De Slane. Alger, 1847.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2731src" title="Return to note 116 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2734"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2734src">117</a></span> Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 67.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2734src" title="Return to note 117 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2740"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2740src">118</a></span> Pavy, vol. i. p. vii. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2740src" title="Return to note 118 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2746"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2746src">119</a></span> De Mas Latrie (2), pp. 61–2, 266–7. L. del Marmol-Caravajal: De l’Afrique, tome ii. -p. 54. (Paris, 1667.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2746src" title="Return to note 119 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2749"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2749src">120</a></span> De Mas Latrie (2), p. 192. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2749src" title="Return to note 120 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2752"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2752src">121</a></span> e.g. Innocent III, Gregory VII, Gregory IX and Innocent IV. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2752src" title="Return to note 121 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2755"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2755src">122</a></span> De Mas Latrie (2), p. 273. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2755src" title="Return to note 122 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch5" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pageNum">[<a href="#xd31e320">Contents</a>]</span><div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">CHAPTER V.</h2> -<h2 class="main">THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIANS OF SPAIN.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">In 711 the victorious Arabs introduced Islam into Spain: in 1502 an edict of Ferdinand -and Isabella forbade the exercise of the Muhammadan religion throughout the kingdom. -During the centuries that elapsed between these two dates, Muslim Spain had written -one of the brightest pages in the history of mediæval Europe. Her influence had passed -through Provence into the other countries of Europe, bringing into birth a new poetry -and a new culture, and it was from her that Christian scholars received what of Greek -philosophy and science they had to stimulate their mental activity up to the time -of the Renaissance. But these triumphs of the civilised life—art and poetry, science -and philosophy—we must pass over here and fix our attention on the religious condition -of Spain under the Muslim rule. -</p> -<p>When the Muhammadans first brought their religion into Spain they found Catholic Christianity -firmly established after its conquest over Arianism. The sixth Council of Toledo had -enacted that all kings were to swear that they would not suffer the exercise of any -other religion but the Catholic, and would vigorously enforce the law against all -dissentients, while a subsequent law forbade any one under pain of confiscation of -his property and perpetual imprisonment, to call in question the Holy Catholic and -Apostolic Church, the Evangelical Institutions, the definitions of the Fathers, the -decrees of the Church, and the Holy Sacraments. The clergy had gained for their order -a preponderating influence in the affairs of the state;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2767src" href="#xd31e2767">1</a> the bishops and chief <span class="pageNum" id="pb132">[<a href="#pb132">132</a>]</span>ecclesiastics sat in the national councils, which met to settle the most important -business of the realm, ratified the election of the king and claimed the right to -depose him if he refused to abide by their decrees. The Christian clergy took advantage -of their power to persecute the Jews, who formed a very large community in Spain; -edicts of a brutally severe character were passed against such as refused to be baptised;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2772src" href="#xd31e2772">2</a> and they consequently hailed the invading Arabs as their deliverers from such cruel -oppression, they garrisoned the captured cities on behalf of the conqueror and opened -the gates of towns that were being besieged.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2775src" href="#xd31e2775">3</a> -</p> -<p>The Muhammadans received as warm a welcome from the slaves, whose condition under -the Gothic rule was a very miserable one, and whose knowledge of Christianity was -too superficial to have any weight when compared with the liberty and numerous advantages -they gained, by throwing in their lot with the Muslims. -</p> -<p>These down-trodden slaves were the first converts to Islam in Spain. The remnants -of the heathen population of which we find mention as late as <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 693,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2784src" href="#xd31e2784">4</a> probably followed their example. Many of the Christian nobles, also, whether from -genuine conviction or from other motives, embraced the new creed.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2787src" href="#xd31e2787">5</a> Many converts were won, too, from the lower and middle classes, who may well have -embraced Islam, not merely outwardly, but from genuine conviction, turning to it from -a religion whose ministers had left them ill-instructed and uncared for, and busied -with worldly ambitions had plundered and oppressed their flocks.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2790src" href="#xd31e2790">6</a> Having once become Muslims, these Spanish converts showed themselves zealous adherents -of their adopted faith, and they and their children joined themselves to the Puritan -party of the rigid Muhammadan theologians as against the careless and luxurious life -of the Arab aristocracy.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2793src" href="#xd31e2793">7</a> -</p> -<p>At the time of the Muhammadan conquest the old Gothic virtues are said by Christian -historians to have declined <span class="pageNum" id="pb133">[<a href="#pb133">133</a>]</span>and given place to effeminacy and corruption, so that the Muhammadan rule appeared -to them to be a punishment sent from God on those who had gone astray into the paths -of vice;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2800src" href="#xd31e2800">8</a> but such a statement is too frequent a commonplace of the ecclesiastical historian -to be accepted in the absence of contemporary evidence.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2815src" href="#xd31e2815">9</a> -</p> -<p>But certainly as time went on, matters do not seem to have mended themselves; and -when Christian bishops took part in the revels of the Muhammadan court, when episcopal -sees were put up to auction and persons suspected to be atheists appointed as shepherds -of the faithful, and these in their turn bestowed the office of the priesthood on -low and unworthy persons,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2820src" href="#xd31e2820">10</a> we may well suppose that it was not only in the province of Elvira<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2823src" href="#xd31e2823">11</a> that Christians turned from a religion, the corrupt lives of whose ministers had -brought it into discredit,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2826src" href="#xd31e2826">12</a> and sought a more congenial atmosphere for the moral and spiritual life in the pale -of Islam. -</p> -<p>Had ecclesiastical writers cared to chronicle them, Spain would doubtless be found -to offer instances of many a man leaving the Christian Church like Bodo, a deacon -at the French court in the reign of Louis the Pious, who in <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 838 became a Jew, in order that (as he said), forsaking his sinful life, he might -“abide steadfast in the law of the Lord.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2834src" href="#xd31e2834">13</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb134">[<a href="#pb134">134</a>]</span></p> -<p>It is very possible, too, that the lingering remains of the old Gothic Arianism—of -which, indeed, there had been some slight revival in the Spanish Church just before -the Arab conquest<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2843src" href="#xd31e2843">14</a>—may have predisposed men’s minds to accept the new faith whose Christology was in -such close agreement with Arian doctrine,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2846src" href="#xd31e2846">15</a> and a later age may have witnessed parallels to that change of faith which is the -earliest recorded instance of conversion to Islam in western Europe and occurred before -the Arab invasion of Spain—namely the conversion of a Greek named Theodisclus, who -succeeded St. Isidore (ob. <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 636) as Archbishop of Seville; he was accused of heresy, for maintaining that Jesus -was not one God in unity with the Father and the Holy Spirit, but was rather Son of -God by adoption; he was accordingly condemned by an ecclesiastical synod, deprived -of his archbishopric and degraded from the priesthood. Whereupon he went over to the -Arabs and embraced Islam among them.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2852src" href="#xd31e2852">16</a> -</p> -<p>Of forced conversion or anything like persecution in the early days of the Arab conquest, -we hear nothing. Indeed, it was probably in a great measure their tolerant attitude -towards the Christian religion that facilitated their rapid acquisition of the country. -The only complaint that the Christians could bring against their new rulers for treating -them differently to their non-Christian subjects, was that they had to pay the usual -capitation-tax of forty-eight dirhams for the rich, twenty-four for the middle classes, -and twelve for those who made their living by manual labour: this, as being in lieu -of military service, was levied only on the able-bodied males, for women, children, -monks, the halt, and the blind, and the sick, mendicants and slaves were exempted -therefrom;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2857src" href="#xd31e2857">17</a> it must moreover have appeared <span class="pageNum" id="pb135">[<a href="#pb135">135</a>]</span>the less oppressive as being collected by the Christian officials themselves.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2862src" href="#xd31e2862">18</a> -</p> -<p>Except in the case of offences against the Muslim religious law, the Christians were -tried by their own judges and in accordance with their own laws.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2868src" href="#xd31e2868">19</a> They were left undisturbed in the exercise of their religion;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2871src" href="#xd31e2871">20</a> the sacrifice of the mass was offered, with the swinging of censers, the ringing -of the bell, and all the other solemnities of the Catholic ritual; the psalms were -chanted in the choir, sermons preached to the people, and the festivals of the Church -observed in the usual manner. They do not appear to have been condemned, like their -co-religionists in Syria and Egypt, to wear a distinctive dress as sign of their humiliation, -and in the ninth century at least, the Christian laity wore the same kind of costume -as the Arabs.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2889src" href="#xd31e2889">21</a> They were at one time even allowed to build new churches.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2892src" href="#xd31e2892">22</a> -</p> -<p>We read also of the founding<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2902src" href="#xd31e2902">23</a> of several fresh monasteries in addition to the numerous convents both for monks -and nuns that flourished undisturbed by the Muhammadan rulers. The monks could appear -publicly in the woollen robes of their order and the priest had no need to conceal -the mark of his sacred office,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2905src" href="#xd31e2905">24</a> nor at the same time did their religious profession prevent the Christians from being -entrusted with high offices at court,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2908src" href="#xd31e2908">25</a> or serving in the Muslim armies.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2911src" href="#xd31e2911">26</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb136">[<a href="#pb136">136</a>]</span></p> -<p>Certainly those Christians who could reconcile themselves to the loss of political -power had little to complain of, and it is very noticeable that during the whole of -the eighth century we hear of only one attempt at revolt on their part, namely at -Beja, and in this they appear to have followed the lead of an Arab chief.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2917src" href="#xd31e2917">27</a> Those who migrated into French territory in order that they might live under a Christian -rule, certainly fared no better than the co-religionists they had left behind. In -812 Charlemagne interfered to protect the exiles who had followed him on his retreat -from Spain from the exactions of the imperial officers. Three years later Louis the -Pious had to issue another edict on their behalf, in spite of which they had soon -again to complain against the nobles who robbed them of the lands that had been assigned -to them. But the evil was only checked for a little time to break out afresh, and -all the edicts passed on their behalf did not avail to make the lot of these unfortunate -exiles more tolerable, and in the Cagots (i.e. <i lang="la">canes Gothi</i>), a despised and ill-treated class of later times, we probably meet again the Spanish -colony that fled away from Muslim rule to throw themselves upon the mercy of their -Christian co-religionists.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2923src" href="#xd31e2923">28</a> -</p> -<p>The toleration of the Muhammadan government towards its Christian subjects in Spain -and the freedom of intercourse between the adherents of the two religions brought -about a certain amount of assimilation in the two communities. Inter-marriages became -frequent;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2928src" href="#xd31e2928">29</a> Isidore of Beja, who fiercely inveighs against the Muslim conquerors, records the -marriage of ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz, the son of Mūsạ̄, with the widow of King Roderic, without -a word of blame.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2934src" href="#xd31e2934">30</a> Many of the Christians adopted Arab names, and in outward observances imitated to -some extent their Muhammadan neighbours, e.g. many were circumcised,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2937src" href="#xd31e2937">31</a> and in matters <span class="pageNum" id="pb137">[<a href="#pb137">137</a>]</span>of food and drink followed the practice of the “unbaptized pagans.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2942src" href="#xd31e2942">32</a> -</p> -<p>The very term Muzarabes (i.e. mustʻaribīn or Arabicised) applied to the Spanish Christians -living under Arab rule, is significant of the tendencies that were at work. The study -of Arabic very rapidly began to displace that of Latin throughout the country,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2947src" href="#xd31e2947">33</a> so that the language of Christian theology came gradually to be neglected and forgotten. -Even some of the higher clergy rendered themselves ridiculous by their ignorance of -correct Latinity.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2950src" href="#xd31e2950">34</a> It could hardly be expected that the laity would exhibit more zeal in such a matter -than the clergy, and in 854 a Spanish writer brings the following complaint against -his Christian fellow-countrymen:—“While we are investigating their (i.e. the Muslim) -sacred ordinances and meeting together to study the sects of their philosophers—or -rather philobraggers—not for the purpose of refuting their errors, but for the exquisite -charm and for the eloquence and beauty of their language—neglecting the reading of -the Scriptures, we are but setting up as an idol the number of the beast. (Apoc. xiii. -18.) Where nowadays can we find any learned layman who, absorbed in the study of the -Holy Scriptures, cares to look at the works of any of the Latin Fathers? Who is there -with any zeal for the writings of the Evangelists, or the Prophets, or Apostles? Our -Christian young men, with their elegant airs and fluent speech, are showy in their -dress and carriage, and are famed for the learning of the gentiles; intoxicated with -Arab eloquence they greedily handle, eagerly devour and zealously discuss the books -of the Chaldeans (i.e. Muhammadans), and make them known by praising them with every -flourish of rhetoric, knowing nothing of the beauty of the Church’s literature, and -looking down with contempt on the streams of the Church that flow forth from Paradise; -alas! the Christians are so ignorant <span class="pageNum" id="pb138">[<a href="#pb138">138</a>]</span>of their own law, the Latins pay so little attention to their own language, that in -the whole Christian flock there is hardly one man in a thousand who can write a letter -to inquire after a friend’s health intelligibly, while you may find a countless rabble -of all kinds of them who can learnedly roll out the grandiloquent periods of the Chaldean -tongue. They can even make poems, every line ending with the same letter, which display -high flights of beauty and more skill in handling metre than the gentiles themselves -possess.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2961src" href="#xd31e2961">35</a> -</p> -<p>In fact the knowledge of Latin so much declined in one part of Spain that it was found -necessary to translate the ancient Canons of the Spanish Church and the Bible into -Arabic for the use of the Christians.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2966src" href="#xd31e2966">36</a> -</p> -<p>While the brilliant literature of the Arabs exercised such a fascination and was so -zealously studied, those who desired an education in Christian literature had little -more than the materials that had been employed in the training of the barbaric Goths, -and could with difficulty find teachers to induct them even into this low level of -culture. As time went on this want of Christian education increased more and more. -In 1125 the Muzarabes wrote to King Alfonso of Aragon: “We and our fathers have up -to this time been brought up among the gentiles, and having been baptised, freely -observe the Christian ordinances; but we have never had it in our power to be fully -instructed in our divine religion; for, subject as we are to the infidels who have -long oppressed us, we have never ventured to ask for teachers from Rome or France; -and they have never come to us of their own accord on account of the barbarity of -the heathen whom we obey.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2971src" href="#xd31e2971">37</a> -</p> -<p>From such close intercourse with the Muslims and so diligent a study of their literature—when -we find even so bigoted an opponent of Islam as Alvar<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2976src" href="#xd31e2976">38</a> acknowledging that the Qurʼān was composed in such eloquent and beautiful language -that even Christians could not help reading and <span class="pageNum" id="pb139">[<a href="#pb139">139</a>]</span>admiring it—we should naturally expect to find signs of a religious influence: and -such indeed is the case. Elipandus, bishop of Toledo (ob. 810), an exponent of the -heresy of Adoptionism—according to which the Man Christ Jesus was Son of God by adoption -and not by nature—is expressly said to have arrived at these heretical views through -his frequent and close intercourse with the Muhammadans.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2981src" href="#xd31e2981">39</a> This new doctrine appears to have spread quickly over a great part of Spain, while -it was successfully propagated in Septimania, which was under French protection, by -Felix, bishop of Urgel in Catalonia.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2984src" href="#xd31e2984">40</a> Felix was brought before a council, presided over by Charlemagne, and made to abjure -his error, but on his return to Spain he relapsed into his old heresy, doubtless (as -was suggested by Pope Leo III at the time) owing to his intercourse with the pagans -(meaning thereby the Muhammadans) who held similar views.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2987src" href="#xd31e2987">41</a> When prominent churchmen were so profoundly influenced by their contact with Muhammadans, -we may judge that the influence of Islam upon the Christians of Spain was very considerable, -indeed in <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 936 a council was held at Toledo to consider the best means of preventing this intercourse -from contaminating the purity of the Christian faith.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e2994src" href="#xd31e2994">42</a> -</p> -<p>It may readily be understood how these influences of Islamic thought and practice—added -to definite efforts at conversion<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3002src" href="#xd31e3002">43</a>—would lead to much more than a mere approximation and would very speedily swell the -number of the converts to Islam so that their descendants, the so-called Muwallads—a -term denoting those not of Arab blood—soon formed a large and important party in the -state, indeed the majority of the population of the country,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3008src" href="#xd31e3008">44</a> and as early <span class="pageNum" id="pb140">[<a href="#pb140">140</a>]</span>as the beginning of the ninth century we read of attempts made by them to shake off -the Arab rule, and on several occasions later they come forward actively as a national -party of Spanish Muslims. -</p> -<p>We have little or no details of the history of the conversion of these New-Muslims. -Instances appeared to have occurred right up to the last days of Muslim rule, for -when the army of Ferdinand and Isabella captured Malaga in 1487, it is recorded that -all the renegade Christians found in the city were tortured to death with sharp-pointed -reeds, and in the capitulation that secured the submission of Purchena two years later, -an express promise was made that renegades would not be forced to return to Christianity.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3015src" href="#xd31e3015">45</a> Some few apostatised to escape the payment of some penalty inflicted by the law-courts.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3018src" href="#xd31e3018">46</a> But the majority of the converts were no doubt won over by the imposing influence -of the faith of Islam itself, presented to them as it was with all the glamour of -a brilliant civilisation, having a poetry, a philosophy and an art well calculated -to attract the reason and dazzle the imagination: while in the lofty chivalry of the -Arabs there was free scope for the exhibition of manly prowess and the knightly virtues—a -career closed to the conquered Spaniards that remained true to the Christian faith. -Again, the learning and literature of the Christians must have appeared very poor -and meagre when compared with that of the Muslims, the study of which may well by -itself have served as an incentive to the adoption of their religion. Besides, to -the devout mind Islam in Spain could offer the attractions of a pious and zealous -Puritan party with the orthodox Muslim theologians at its head, which at times had -a preponderating influence in the state and struggled earnestly towards a reformation -of faith and morals. -</p> -<p>Taking into consideration the ardent religious feeling that animated the mass of the -Spanish Muslims and the provocation that the Christians gave to the Muhammadan government -through their treacherous intrigues with their co-religionists over the border, the -history of Spain under Muhammadan rule is singularly free from persecution. <span class="pageNum" id="pb141">[<a href="#pb141">141</a>]</span>With the exception of three or four cases of genuine martyrdom, the only approach -to anything like persecution during the whole period of the Arab rule is to be found -in the severe measures adopted by the Muhammadan government to repress the madness -for voluntary martyrdom that broke out in Cordova in the ninth century. At this time -a fanatical party came into existence among the Christians in this part of Spain (for -apparently the Christian Church in the rest of the country had no sympathy with the -movement), which set itself openly and unprovokedly to insult the religion of the -Muslims and blaspheme their Prophet, with the deliberate intention of incurring the -penalty of death by such misguided assertion of their Christian bigotry. -</p> -<p>This strange passion for self-immolation displayed itself mainly among priests, monks -and nuns between the years 850 and 860. It would seem that brooding, in the silence -of their cloisters, over the decline of Christian influence and the decay of religious -zeal, they went forth to win the martyr’s crown—of which the toleration of their infidel -rulers was robbing them—by means of fierce attacks on Islam and its founder. Thus, -for example, a certain monk, by name Isaac, came before the Qāḍī and pretended that -he wished to be instructed in the faith of Islam; when the Qāḍī had expounded to him -the doctrines of the Prophet, he burst out with the words: “He hath lied unto you -(may the curse of God consume him!), who, full of wickedness, hath led so many men -into perdition, and doomed them with himself to the pit of hell. Filled with Satan -and practising Satanic jugglery, he hath given you a cup of deadly wine to work disease -in you, and will expiate his guilt with everlasting damnation. Why do ye not, being -endowed with understanding, deliver yourselves from such dangers? Why do ye not, renouncing -the ulcer of his pestilential doctrines, seek the eternal salvation of the Gospel -of the faith of Christ?”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3028src" href="#xd31e3028">47</a> On another occasion two Christians forced their way into a mosque and there reviled -the Muhammadan religion, which, they declared, would very speedily bring upon its -followers the destruction of hell-fire.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3031src" href="#xd31e3031">48</a> Though <span class="pageNum" id="pb142">[<a href="#pb142">142</a>]</span>the number of such fanatics was not considerable,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3038src" href="#xd31e3038">49</a> the Muhammadan government grew alarmed, fearing that such contempt for their authority -and disregard of their laws against blasphemy, argued a widespread disaffection and -a possible general insurrection, for in fact, in 853 Muḥammad I had to send an army -against the Christians at Toledo, who, incited by Eulogius, the chief apologist of -the martyrs, had risen in revolt on the news of the sufferings of their co-religionists.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3043src" href="#xd31e3043">50</a> He is said to have ordered a general massacre of the Christians, but when it was -pointed out that no men of any intelligence or rank among the Christians had taken -part in such doings<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3047src" href="#xd31e3047">51</a> (for Alvar himself complains that the majority of the Christian priests condemned -the martyrs<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3053src" href="#xd31e3053">52</a>), the king contented himself with putting into force the existing laws against blasphemy -with the utmost rigour. The moderate party in the Church seconded the efforts of the -government; the bishops anathematised the fanatics, and an ecclesiastical council -that was held in 852 to discuss the matter agreed upon methods of repression<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3059src" href="#xd31e3059">53</a> that eventually quashed the movement. One or two isolated cases of martyrdom are -recorded later—the last in 983, after which there was none as long as the Arab rule -lasted in Spain.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3065src" href="#xd31e3065">54</a> -</p> -<p>But under the Berber dynasty of the Almoravids at the <span class="pageNum" id="pb143">[<a href="#pb143">143</a>]</span>beginning of the twelfth century, there was an outburst of fanaticism on the part -of the theological zealots of Islam in which the Christians had to suffer along with -the Jews and the liberal section of the Muhammadan population—the philosophers, the -poets and the men of letters. But such incidents are exceptions to the generally tolerant -character of the Muhammadan rulers of Spain towards their Christian subjects. -</p> -<p>One of the Spanish Muhammadans who was driven out of his native country in the last -expulsion of the Moriscoes in 1610, while protesting against the persecutions of the -Inquisition, makes the following vindication of the toleration of his co-religionists: -“Did our victorious ancestors ever once attempt to extirpate Christianity out of Spain, -when it was in their power? Did they not suffer your forefathers to enjoy the free -use of their rites at the same time that they wore their chains? Is not the absolute -injunction of our Prophet, that whatever nation is conquered by Musalman steel, should, -upon the payment of a moderate annual tribute, be permitted to persevere in their -own pristine persuasion, how absurd soever, or to embrace what other belief they themselves -best approved of? If there may have been some examples of forced conversions, they -are so rare as scarce to deserve mentioning, and only attempted by men who had not -the fear of God, and the Prophet, before their eyes, and who, in so doing, have acted -directly and diametrically contrary to the holy precepts and ordinances of Islam which -cannot, without sacrilege, be violated by any who would be held worthy of the honourable -epithet of Musulman.… You can never produce, among us, any bloodthirsty, formal tribunal, -on account of different persuasions in points of faith, that anywise approaches your -execrable Inquisition. Our arms, it is true, are ever open to receive all who are -disposed to embrace our religion; but we are not allowed by our sacred Qurʼān to tyrannise -over consciences. Our proselytes have all imaginable encouragement, and have no sooner -professed God’s Unity and His Apostle’s mission but they become one of us, without -reserve; taking to wife our daughters, and being employed in posts of trust, honour -and profit; we <span class="pageNum" id="pb144">[<a href="#pb144">144</a>]</span>contenting ourselves with only obliging them to wear our habit, and to seem true believers -in outward appearance, without ever offering to examine their consciences, provided -they do not openly revile or profane our religion: if they do that, we indeed punish -them as they deserve; since their conversion was voluntarily, and was not by compulsion.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3076src" href="#xd31e3076">55</a> -</p> -<p>This very spirit of toleration was made one of the main articles in an account of -the “Apostacies and Treasons of the Moriscoes,” drawn up by the Archbishop of Valencia -in 1602 when recommending their expulsion to Philip III, as follows: “That they commended -nothing so much as that liberty of conscience, in all matters of religion, which the -Turks, and all other Muhammadans, suffer their subjects to enjoy.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3081src" href="#xd31e3081">56</a> -</p> -<p>What deep roots Islam had struck in the hearts of the Spanish people may be judged -from the fact that when the last remnant of the Moriscoes was expelled from Spain -in 1610, these unfortunate people still clung to the faith of their fathers, although -for more than a century they had been forced to outwardly conform to the Christian -religion, and in spite of the emigrations that had taken place since the fall of Granada, -nearly 500,000 are said to have been expelled at that time.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3086src" href="#xd31e3086">57</a> Whole towns and villages were deserted and the houses fell into ruins, there being -no one to rebuild them.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3089src" href="#xd31e3089">58</a> These Moriscoes were probably all descendants of the original inhabitants of the -country, with little or no admixture of Arab blood; the reasons that may be adduced -in support of this statement are too lengthy to be given here; one point only in the -evidence may be mentioned, derived from a letter written in 1311, in which it is stated -that of the 200,000 Muhammadans then living in the city of Granada, not more than -500 were of Arab descent, all the rest being descendants of converted Spaniards.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3092src" href="#xd31e3092">59</a> Finally, it is of interest to note that even up to the last days of its power in -Spain, Islam won converts to the faith, for the historian, when writing of events -that occurred in the year 1499, seven years after the fall of Granada, draws attention -to the fact that among the Moors were a few Christians who had lately embraced the -faith of the Prophet.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3095src" href="#xd31e3095">60</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb145">[<a href="#pb145">145</a>]</span> </p> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2767"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2767src">1</a></span> Baudissin, p. 22. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2767src" title="Return to note 1 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2772"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2772src">2</a></span> Helfferich, p. 68. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2772src" title="Return to note 2 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2775"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2775src">3</a></span> Makkarī, vol. i. pp. 280–2. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2775src" title="Return to note 3 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2784"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2784src">4</a></span> Baudissin, p. 7. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2784src" title="Return to note 4 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2787"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2787src">5</a></span> Dozy (2), tome ii. pp. 45–6. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2787src" title="Return to note 5 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2790"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2790src">6</a></span> A. Müller, vol. ii. p. 463. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2790src" title="Return to note 6 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2793"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2793src">7</a></span> Dozy (2), tome ii. pp. 44–6. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2793src" title="Return to note 7 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2800"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2800src">8</a></span> So St. Boniface (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 745, Epist. lxii.). “<span lang="la">Sicut aliis gentibus Hispaniæ et Provinciæ et Burgundionum populis contigit, quæ sic -a Deo recedentes fornicatæ sunt, donec index omnipotens talium criminum ultrices pœnas -per ignorantiam legis Dei et per Saracenos venire et sævire permisit.</span>” (Migne: Patr. Lat., tom. lxxxix. p. 761.) Eulogius: lib. i. § 30. “<span lang="la">In cuius (i.e. gentis Saracenicæ) ditione nostro compellente facinore sceptrum Hispaniæ -translatum est.</span>” (Migne: Patr. Lat., tom. cxv. p. 761.) Similarly Alvar (2), § 18. “<span lang="la">Et probare nostro vitio inlatum intentabo flagellum. Nostra hæc, fratres, nostra desidia -peperit mala, nostra impuritas, nostra levitas, nostra morum obscœnitas … unde tradidit -nos Dominus qui institiam diligit, et cuius vultus æquitatem decernit, ipsi bestiæ -conrodendos</span>” (pp. 531–2). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2800src" title="Return to note 8 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2815"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2815src">9</a></span> Dozy (3), tome i. pp. 15–20. Whishaw, pp. 38, 44. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2815src" title="Return to note 9 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2820"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2820src">10</a></span> Samson, pp. 377–8, 381. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2820src" title="Return to note 10 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2823"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2823src">11</a></span> Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 210. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2823src" title="Return to note 11 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2826"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2826src">12</a></span> Bishop Egila, who was sent to Southern Spain by Pope Hadrian I, towards the end of -the eighth century, on a mission to counteract the growing influence of Muslim thought, -denounces the Spanish priests who lived in concubinage with married women. (Helfferich, -p. 83.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2826src" title="Return to note 12 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2834"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2834src">13</a></span> Alvari Cordubensis, Epist. xix. “<span lang="la">Ob meritum æternæ retributionis devovi me sedulum in lege Domini consistere.</span>” (Migne: Patr. Lat., tom. cxxi. p. 512.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2834src" title="Return to note 13 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2843"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2843src">14</a></span> Helfferich, pp. 79–80. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2843src" title="Return to note 14 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2846" lang="de"> -<p class="footnote" lang="de"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2846src">15</a></span> “Bedenkt man nun, wie wichtig gerade die alttestamentliche Idee des Prophetenthums -in der Christologie des germanischen Arianismus nachklang und auch nach der Annahme -des katholischen Dogmas in dem religiösen Bewusstsein der Westgothen haften blieb, -so wird man es sehr erklärlich finden, dass unmittelbar nach dem Einfall der Araber -die verwandten Vorstellungen des Mohammedanismus unter den geknechteten Christen auftauchten.” -(Helfferich, p. 82.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2846src" title="Return to note 15 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2852" lang="la"> -<p class="footnote" lang="la"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2852src">16</a></span> Lucæ Diaconi Tudensis Chronicon Mundi. (Andreas Schottus: Hispaniæ Illustratæ, tom. -iv. p. 53.) (Francofurti, 1603–8.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2852src" title="Return to note 16 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2857"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2857src">17</a></span> Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 41. Whishaw, p. 17. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2857src" title="Return to note 17 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2862"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2862src">18</a></span> Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 39. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2862src" title="Return to note 18 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2868"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2868src">19</a></span> Baudissin, pp. 11–13, 196. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2868src" title="Return to note 19 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2871"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2871src">20</a></span> Eulogius: Mem. Sanct., lib. i. § 30, “<span lang="la">inter ipsos sine molestia fidei degimus</span>” (p. 761). Id., ib., lib. i. § 18, “<span lang="la">Quos nulla præsidialis violentia fidem suam negare compulit, nec a cultu sanctæ piæque -religionis amovit</span>” (p. 751). John of Gorz (who visited Spain about the middle of the tenth century) -§ 124, “<span lang="la">(Christiani), qui in regno eius libere divinis suisque rebus utebantur.</span>” -</p> -<p class="footnote cont">A Spanish bishop thus described the condition of the Christians to John of Gorz. “<span lang="la">Peccatis ad hæc devoluti sumus, ut paganorum subiaceamus ditioni. Resistere potestati -verbo prohibemur apostoli. Tantum hoc unum relictum est solatii, quod in tantæ calamitatis -malo legibus nos propriis uti non prohibent; qui quos diligentes Christianitatis viderint -observatores, colunt et amplectuntur, simul ipsorum convictu delectantur. Pro tempore -igitur hoc videmur tenere consilii, ut quia religionis nulla infertur iactura, cetera -eis obsequamur, iussisque eorum in quantum fidem non impediunt obtemperemus</span>” § 122 (p. 302). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2871src" title="Return to note 20 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2889"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2889src">21</a></span> Baudissin, pp. 16–17. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2889src" title="Return to note 21 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2892"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2892src">22</a></span> Eulogius, ob. 859 (Mem. Sanct. lib. iii. c<span class="corr" id="xd31e2894" title="Not in source">.</span> 3) speaks of churches recently erected (<span lang="la">ecclesias nuper structas</span>). The chronicle falsely ascribed to Luitprand records the erection of a church at -Cordova in 895 (p. 1113). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2892src" title="Return to note 22 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2902"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2902src">23</a></span> Eulogius: Mem. Sanct., lib. iii. c. 11 (p. 812). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2902src" title="Return to note 23 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2905"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2905src">24</a></span> Baudissin, p. 16. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2905src" title="Return to note 24 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2908"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2908src">25</a></span> Id. p. 21, and John of Gorz, § 128 (p. 306). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2908src" title="Return to note 25 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2911"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2911src">26</a></span> Whishaw, pp. 272, 301. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2911src" title="Return to note 26 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2917"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2917src">27</a></span> Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 42. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2917src" title="Return to note 27 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2923"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2923src">28</a></span> Baudissin, pp. 96–7. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2923src" title="Return to note 28 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2928"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2928src">29</a></span> See the letter of Pope Hadrian I to the Spanish bishops: “<span lang="la">Porro diversa capitula quæ ex illis audivimus partibus, id est, quod multi dicentes -se catholicos esse, communem vitam gerentes cum Iudæis et non baptizatis paganis, -tam in escis quamque in potu et in diversis erroribus nihil pollui se inquiunt: et -illud quod inhibitum est, ut nulli liceat iugum ducere cum infidelibus, ipsi enim -filias suas cum alio benedicent, et sic populo gentili tradentur.</span>” (Migne: Patr. Lat., tome xcviii. p. 385.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2928src" title="Return to note 29 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2934"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2934src">30</a></span> Isidori Pacensis Chronicon, § 42 (p. 1266). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2934src" title="Return to note 30 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2937"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2937src">31</a></span> Alvar: Indic. Lum., § 35 (p. 53). John of Gorz, § 123 (p. 303). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2937src" title="Return to note 31 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2942"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2942src">32</a></span> Letter of Hadrian I, p. 385. John of Gorz, § 123 (p. 303). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2942src" title="Return to note 32 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2947"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2947src">33</a></span> Some Arabic verses of a Christian poet of the eleventh century are still extant, which -exhibit considerable skill in handling the language and metre. (Von Schack, II. 95.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2947src" title="Return to note 33 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2950"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2950src">34</a></span> Abbot Samson gives us specimens of the bad Latin written by some of the ecclesiastics -of his time, e.g. “<span lang="la">Cum contempti essemus simplicitas christiana</span>,” but his correction is hardly much better, “<span lang="la">contenti essemus simplicitati christianæ</span>” (pp. 404, 406). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2950src" title="Return to note 34 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2961"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2961src">35</a></span> Alvar: Indic. Lum., § 35 (pp. 554–6). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2961src" title="Return to note 35 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2966"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2966src">36</a></span> Von Schack, vol. ii. p. 96. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2966src" title="Return to note 36 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2971"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2971src">37</a></span> Orderic Vitalis, p. 928. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2971src" title="Return to note 37 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2976" lang="la"> -<p class="footnote" lang="la"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2976src">38</a></span> Alvar: Ind. Lum., § 29. “Compositionem verborum, et preces omnium eius membrorum quotidie -pro eo eleganti facundia, et venusto confectas eloquio, nos hodie per eorum volumina -et oculis legimus et plerumque miramur.” (Migne: Patr. Lat., tome cxxi. p. 546.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2976src" title="Return to note 38 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2981"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2981src">39</a></span> Enhueber, § 26, p. 353. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2981src" title="Return to note 39 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2984"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2984src">40</a></span> Helfferich, p. 88. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2984src" title="Return to note 40 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2987" lang="la"> -<p class="footnote" lang="la"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2987src">41</a></span> “Postmodum transgressus legem Dei, fugiens ad paganos consentaneos, periuratus effectus -est.” Frobenii dissertatio de hæresi Elipandi et Felicis, § xxiv. (Migne: Patr. Lat., -tome ci. p. 313.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2987src" title="Return to note 41 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e2994"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e2994src">42</a></span> Pseudo-Luitprandi Chronicon, § 341 (p. 1115). “<span lang="la">Basilius Toletanum concilium contrahit; quo providetur, ne Christiani detrimentum -acciperent convictu Saracenorum.</span>” <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e2994src" title="Return to note 42 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3002"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3002src">43</a></span> There is little record of such, but they seem referred to in the following sentences -of Eulogius (Liber Apologeticus Martyrum, § 20), on Muḥammad: “<span lang="la">Cuius quidem erroris insaniam, prædicationis deliramenta, et impiæ novitatis præcepta -quisquis catholicorum cognoscere cupit, evidentius ab eiusdem sectæ cultoribus perscrutando -advertet. Quoniam sacrum se quidpiam tenere et credere autumantes, non modo privatis, -sed apertis vocibus vatis sui dogmata prædicant.</span>” (Migne: Patr. Lat., tome cxv. p. 862.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3002src" title="Return to note 43 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3008"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3008src">44</a></span> Dozy (2), tome ii. p. 53. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3008src" title="Return to note 44 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3015"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3015src">45</a></span> Lea, The Moriscos, pp. 17, 18. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3015src" title="Return to note 45 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3018"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3018src">46</a></span> Samson, p. 379. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3018src" title="Return to note 46 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3028"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3028src">47</a></span> Eulogius: Mem. Sanct. Pref., § 2. (Migne, tom. cxv. p. 737.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3028src" title="Return to note 47 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3031"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3031src">48</a></span> Id. c. xiii. (p. 794<span class="corr" id="xd31e3033" title="Source: ).">.)</span> <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3031src" title="Return to note 48 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3038"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3038src">49</a></span> The number of the martyrs is said not to have exceeded forty. (W. H. Prescott: History -of the Reign of Ferdinand and Isabella, vol. i. p. 342, n.) (London<span class="corr" id="xd31e3040" title="Not in source">,</span> 1846.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3038src" title="Return to note 49 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3043"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3043src">50</a></span> Dozy (2), tome ii. pp. 161–2. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3043src" title="Return to note 50 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3047"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3047src">51</a></span> Eulogius: Mem. Sanct. I, iii. c. vii. (p. 805). “<span lang="la">Pro eo quod nullus sapiens, nemo urbanus, nullusque procerum Christianorum huiusce -modi rem perpetrasset, idcirco non debere universos perimere asserebant, quos non -præit personalis dux ad prælium.</span>” <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3047src" title="Return to note 51 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3053"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3053src">52</a></span> Alvar: Ind. Lum., § 14. “<span lang="la">Nonne ipsi qui videbantur columnæ, qui putabantur Ecclesiæ petræ, qui credebantur -electi, nullo cogente, nemine provocante, iudicem adierunt, et in præsentia Cynicorum, -imo Epicureorum, Dei martyres infamaverunt? Nonne pastores Christi, doctores Ecclesiæ, -episcopi, abbates, presbyteri, proceres et magnati, hæreticos eos esse publice clamaverunt? -et publica professione sine desquisitione, absque interrogatione, quæ nec imminente -mortis sententia erant dicenda, spontanea voluntate, et libero mentis arbitrio, protulerunt?</span>” (Migne: tom. cxxi. p. 529.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3053src" title="Return to note 52 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3059"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3059src">53</a></span> Alvar: Indic. Lum., § 15. “<span lang="la">Quid obtendendum est de illis quos ecclesiastice interdiximus, et a quibus ne aliquando -ad martyrii surgerent palmam iuramentum extorsimus? quibus errores gentilium infringere -vetuimus, et maledictum ne maledictionibus impeterent? Evangelio et cruce educta vi -iurare improbiter fecimus, imo feraliter et belluino terrore coegimus, minantes inaudita -supplicia, et monstruosa promittentes truncationum membrorum varia et horrenda dictu -audituve flagella?</span>” (Migne: tom. cxxi. p. 530.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3059src" title="Return to note 53 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3065"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3065src">54</a></span> Baudissin, p. 199. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3065src" title="Return to note 54 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3076"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3076src">55</a></span> Morgan, vol. ii. pp. 297–8, 345. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3076src" title="Return to note 55 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3081"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3081src">56</a></span> Id. p. 310. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3081src" title="Return to note 56 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3086"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3086src">57</a></span> Lea, The Moriscos, p. 259. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3086src" title="Return to note 57 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3089"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3089src">58</a></span> Morgan, vol. ii. p. 337. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3089src" title="Return to note 58 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3092"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3092src">59</a></span> Id. p. 289. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3092src" title="Return to note 59 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3095"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3095src">60</a></span> Stirling-Maxwell, vol. i. p. 115. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3095src" title="Return to note 60 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch6" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pageNum">[<a href="#xd31e330">Contents</a>]</span><div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">CHAPTER VI.</h2> -<h2 class="main">THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE CHRISTIAN NATIONS IN EUROPE UNDER THE TURKS.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">We first hear of the Ottoman Turks at the commencement of the thirteenth century, -when fleeing before the Mongols, to the number of about 50,000, they came to the help -of the Sultan of Iconium, and in return for their services both against the Mongols -and the Greeks, had assigned to them a district in the north-west of Asia Minor. This -was the nucleus of the future Ottoman empire, which, increasing at first by the absorption -of the petty states into which the Saljūq Turks had split up, afterwards crossed over -into Europe, annexing kingdom after kingdom, until its victorious growth received -a check before the gates of Vienna in 1683.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3106src" href="#xd31e3106">1</a> -</p> -<p>From the earliest days of the extension of their kingdom in Asia Minor, the Ottomans -exercised authority over Christian subjects, but it was not until the ancient capital -of the Eastern empire fell into their hands in 1453 that the relations between the -Muslim Government and the Christian Church were definitely established on a fixed -basis. One of the first steps taken by Muḥammad II, after the capture of Constantinople -and the re-establishment of order in that <span class="pageNum" id="pb146">[<a href="#pb146">146</a>]</span>city, was to secure the allegiance of the Christians, by proclaiming himself the protector -of the Greek Church. Persecution of the Christians was strictly forbidden; a decree -was granted to the newly elected patriarch which secured to him and his successors -and the bishops under him, the enjoyment of the old privileges, revenues and exemptions -enjoyed under the former rule. Gennadios, the first patriarch after the Turkish conquest, -received from the hands of the Sultan himself the pastoral staff, which was the sign -of his office, together with a purse of a thousand golden ducats and a horse with -gorgeous trappings, on which he was privileged to ride with his train through the -city.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3113src" href="#xd31e3113">2</a> But not only was the head of the Church treated with all the respect he had been -accustomed to receive from the Christian emperors, but further he was invested with -extensive civil power. The patriarch’s court sat to decide all cases between Greek -and Greek: it could impose fines, imprison offenders in a prison provided for its -own special use, and in some cases even condemn to capital punishment: while the ministers -and officials of the government were directed to enforce its judgments. The complete -control of spiritual and ecclesiastical matters (in which the Turkish government, -unlike the civil power of the Byzantine empire, never interfered), was left entirely -in his hands and those of the grand Synod which he could summon whenever he pleased; -and hereby he could decide all matters of faith and dogma without fear of interference -on the part of the state. As a recognised officer of the imperial government, he could -do much for the alleviation of the oppressed, by bringing the acts of unjust governors -to the notice of the Sultan. The Greek bishops in the provinces in their turn were -treated with great consideration and were entrusted with so much jurisdiction in civil -affairs, that up to modern times they have acted in their dioceses almost as if they -were Ottoman prefects over the orthodox population, thus taking the place of the old -Christian aristocracy which had been exterminated by the conquerors, and we find that -the higher clergy were generally more active as Turkish agents than as Greek priests, -and they always taught their people that the Sultan <span class="pageNum" id="pb147">[<a href="#pb147">147</a>]</span>possessed a divine sanction, as the protector of the Orthodox Church. A charter was -subsequently published, securing to the orthodox the use of such churches as had not -been confiscated to form mosques, and authorising them to celebrate their religious -rites publicly according to their national usages.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3118src" href="#xd31e3118">3</a> -</p> -<p>Consequently, though the Greeks were numerically superior to the Turks in all the -European provinces of the empire, the religious toleration thus granted them, and -the protection of life and property they enjoyed, soon reconciled them to the change -of masters and led them to prefer the domination of the Sultan to that of any Christian -power. Indeed, in many parts of the country, the Ottoman conquerors were welcomed -by the Greeks as their deliverers from the rapacious and tyrannous rule of the Franks -and the Venetians who had so long disputed with Byzantium for the possession of the -Peloponnesos and some of the adjacent parts of Greece; by introducing into Greece -the feudal system, these had reduced the people to the miserable condition of serfs, -and as aliens in speech, race and creed, were hated by their subjects,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3126src" href="#xd31e3126">4</a> to whom a change of rulers, since it could not make their condition worse, would -offer a possible chance of improving it, and though their deliverers were likewise -aliens, yet the infidel Turk was infinitely to be preferred to the heretical Catholics.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3129src" href="#xd31e3129">5</a> The Greeks who lived under the immediate government of the Byzantine court, were -equally unlikely to be averse to a change of rulers. The degradation and tyranny that -characterised <span class="pageNum" id="pb148">[<a href="#pb148">148</a>]</span>the dynasty of the Palæologi are frightful to contemplate. “A corrupt aristocracy, -a tyrannical and innumerable clergy, the oppression of perverted law, the exactions -of a despicable government, and still more, its monopolies, its fiscality, its armies -of tax and custom collectors, left the degraded people neither rights nor institutions, -neither chance of amelioration nor hope of redress.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3134src" href="#xd31e3134">6</a> Lest such a judgment appear dictated by a spirit of party bias, a contemporary authority -may be appealed to in support of its correctness. The Russian annalists who speak -of the fall of Constantinople bring a similar indictment against its government. “Without -the fear of the law an empire is like a steed without reins. Constantine and his ancestors -allowed their grandees to oppress the people; there was no more justice in their law -courts; no more courage in their hearts; the judges amassed treasures from the tears -and blood of the innocent; the Greek soldiers were proud only of the magnificence -of their dress; the citizens did not blush at being traitors; the soldiers were not -ashamed to fly. At length the Lord poured out His thunder on these unworthy rulers, -and raised up Muḥammad, whose warriors delight in battle, and whose judges do not -betray their trust.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3137src" href="#xd31e3137">7</a> This last item of praise<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3141src" href="#xd31e3141">8</a> may sound strange in the ears of a generation that has constantly been called upon -to protest against Turkish injustice; but it is clearly and abundantly borne out by -the testimony of contemporary historians. The Byzantine historian who has handed down -to us the story of the capture of Constantinople tells us how even the impetuous Bāyazīd -was liberal and generous to his Christian subjects, and made himself extremely popular -among them by admitting them freely to his society.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3149src" href="#xd31e3149">9</a> Murād II distinguished himself by his attention to the administration of justice -and by his reforms of the abuses <span class="pageNum" id="pb149">[<a href="#pb149">149</a>]</span>prevalent under the Greek emperors, and punished without mercy those of his officials -who oppressed any of his subjects.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3154src" href="#xd31e3154">10</a> For at least a century after the fall of Constantinople a series of able rulers secured, -by a firm and vigorous administration, peace and order throughout their dominions, -and an admirable civil and judicial organisation, if it did not provide an absolutely -impartial justice for Muslims and Christians alike, yet caused the Greeks to be far -better off than they had been before. They were harassed by fewer exactions of forced -labour, extraordinary contributions were rarely levied, and the taxes they paid were -a trifling burden compared with the endless feudal obligations of the Franks and the -countless extortions of the Byzantines. The Turkish dominions were certainly better -governed and more prosperous than most parts of Christian Europe, and the mass of -the Christian population engaged in the cultivation of the soil enjoyed a larger measure -of private liberty and of the fruits of their labour, under the government of the -Sultan than their contemporaries did under that of many Christian monarchs.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3157src" href="#xd31e3157">11</a> A great impulse, too, was given to the <span class="corr" id="xd31e3166" title="Source: commerical">commercial</span> activity of the country, for the early Sultans were always ready to foster trade -and commerce among their subjects, and many of the great cities entered upon an era -of prosperity when the Turkish conquest had delivered them from the paralysing fiscal -oppression of the Byzantine empire, one of the first of them being Nicæa, which capitulated -to Urkhān in 1330 under the most favourable terms after a long-protracted siege.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3170src" href="#xd31e3170">12</a> Like the ancient Romans, the Ottomans were great makers of roads and bridges, and -thereby facilitated trade throughout their empire; and foreign states were compelled -to admit the Greek merchants into ports from which they had been excluded in the time -of the Byzantine emperors, but now sailing under the Ottoman <span class="pageNum" id="pb150">[<a href="#pb150">150</a>]</span>flag, they assumed the dress and manners of Turks, and thus secured from the nations -of Western Europe the respect and consideration which the Catholics had hitherto always -refused to the members of the Greek Church.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3175src" href="#xd31e3175">13</a> -</p> -<p>There is, however, one notable exception to this general good treatment and toleration, -viz. the tribute of Christian children, who were forcibly taken from their parents -at an early age and enrolled in the famous corps of Janissaries. Instituted by Urkhān -in 1330, it formed for centuries the mainstay of the despotic power of the Turkish -Sultans, and was kept alive by a regular contribution exacted every four years,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3180src" href="#xd31e3180">14</a> when the officers of the Sultan visited the districts on which the tax was imposed, -and made a selection from among the children about the age of seven. The Muhammadan -legists attempted to apologise for this inhuman tribute by representing these children -as the fifth of the spoil which the Qurʼān assigns to the sovereign,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3183src" href="#xd31e3183">15</a> and they prescribed that the injunction against forcible conversion<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3186src" href="#xd31e3186">16</a> should be observed with regard to them also, although the tender age at which they -were placed under the instruction of Muslim teachers must have made it practically -of none effect.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3189src" href="#xd31e3189">17</a> Christian Europe has always expressed its horror at such a barbarous tax, and travellers -in the Turkish dominions have painted touching pictures of desolated homes and of -parents weeping for the children torn from their arms. But when the corps was first -instituted, its numbers were rapidly swelled by voluntary accessions from among the -Christians themselves,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3198src" href="#xd31e3198">18</a> and the circumstances under which this tribute was first imposed may go far to explain -the apathy which the Greeks themselves appear to <span class="pageNum" id="pb151">[<a href="#pb151">151</a>]</span>have exhibited. The whole country had been laid waste by war, and families were often -in danger of perishing with hunger; the children who were thus adopted were in many -cases orphans, who would otherwise have been left to perish; further, the custom so -widely prevalent at that time of selling Christians as slaves may have made this tax -appear less appalling than might have been expected. This custom has, moreover, been -maintained to have been only a continuation of a similar usage that was in force under -the Byzantine emperors.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3204src" href="#xd31e3204">19</a> It has even been said that there was seldom any necessity of an appeal to force on -the part of the officers who collected the appointed number of children, but rather -that the parents were often eager to have their children enrolled in a service that -secured for them in many cases a brilliant career, and under any circumstances a well-cared-for -and comfortable existence, since these little captives were brought up and educated -as if they were the Sultan’s own children.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3210src" href="#xd31e3210">20</a> This institution appears in a less barbarous light if it be true that the parents -could often redeem their children by a money payment.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3213src" href="#xd31e3213">21</a> Metrophanes Kritopoulos, who was Patriarch of Constantinople and afterwards of Alexandria, -writing in 1625, mentions various devices adopted by the Christians for escaping from -the burden of this tax, e.g. they purchased Muhammadan boys and represented them to -be Christians, or they bribed the collectors to take Christian boys who were of low -birth or had been badly brought up or such as “deserved hanging.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3219src" href="#xd31e3219">22</a> <span class="pageNum" id="pb152">[<a href="#pb152">152</a>]</span>Thomas Smith, among others, speaks of the possibility of buying off the children, -so impressed: “Some of their parents, out of natural pity and out of a true sense -of religion, that they may not be thus robbed of their children, who hereby lie under -a necessity of renouncing their Christianity, compound for them at the rate of fifty -or a hundred dollars, as they are able, or as they can work upon the covetousness -of the Turks more or less.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3225src" href="#xd31e3225">23</a> The Christians of certain cities, such as Constantinople, and of towns and islands -that had made this stipulation at the time of their submission to the Turks, or had -purchased this privilege, were exempted from the operation of this cruel tax.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3228src" href="#xd31e3228">24</a> These extenuating circumstances at the outset, and the ease with which men acquiesce -in any established usage—though serving in no way as an excuse for so inhuman an institution—may -help us to understand what a traveller in the seventeenth century calls the “unaccountable -indifference”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3233src" href="#xd31e3233">25</a> with which the Greeks seem to have fallen in with this demand of the new government, -which so materially improved their condition. -</p> -<p>Further, the Christian subjects of the Turkish empire had to pay the capitation-tax, -in return for protection and in lieu of military service. The rates fixed by the Ottoman -law were 2½, 5 and 10 piastres a head for every full-grown male, according to his -income,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3238src" href="#xd31e3238">26</a> women and the clergy being exempt.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3244src" href="#xd31e3244">27</a> In the nineteenth century the rates were 15, 30 and 60 piastres, according to income.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3247src" href="#xd31e3247">28</a> Christian writers of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries generally speak of this -tax as being a ducat a head,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3250src" href="#xd31e3250">29</a> but it <span class="pageNum" id="pb153">[<a href="#pb153">153</a>]</span>is also variously described as amounting to 3, 5 or 5⅞ crowns or dollars.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3261src" href="#xd31e3261">30</a> The fluctuating exchange value of the Turkish coinage in the seventeenth century -is the probable explanation of the latter variations. To estimate with any exactitude -how far this tax was a burden to those who had to pay it, would require a lengthened -disquisition on the purchasing value of money at that period and a comparison with -other items of expenditure.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3264src" href="#xd31e3264">31</a> But by itself it could hardly have formed a valid excuse for a change of faith, as -Tournefort points out, when writing in 1700 of the conversion of the Candiots: “It -must be confessed, these Wretches sell their Souls a Pennyworth: all they get in exchange -for their Religion, is a Vest, and the Privilege of being exempt from the Capitation-Tax, -which is not above five Crowns a year.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3267src" href="#xd31e3267">32</a> Scheffler also, who is anxious to represent the condition of the Christians under -Turkish rule in as black colours as possible, admits that the one ducat a head was -a trifling matter, and has to lay stress on the extraordinary taxes, war contributions, -etc., that they were called upon to pay.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3270src" href="#xd31e3270">33</a> The land taxes were the <span class="pageNum" id="pb154">[<a href="#pb154">154</a>]</span>same both for Christians and Musalmans,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3278src" href="#xd31e3278">34</a> for the old distinction between lands on which tithe was paid by the Muhammadan proprietor, -and those on which k͟harāj was paid by the non-Muhammadan proprietor, was not recognised -by the Ottomans.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3285src" href="#xd31e3285">35</a> Whatever sufferings the Christians had to endure proceeded from the tyranny of individuals, -who took advantage of their official position to extort money from those under their -jurisdiction. Such acts of oppression were not only contrary to the Muhammadan law, -but were rare before the central government had grown weak and suffered the corruption -and injustice of local authorities to go unpunished.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3288src" href="#xd31e3288">36</a> There is a very marked difference between the accounts we have of the condition of -the Christians during the first two centuries of the Turkish rule in Europe and those -of a later date, when the period of decadence had fully set in. But it is noticeable -that in those very times in which the condition of the Christians had been most intolerable -there is least record of conversion to Islam. In the eighteenth century, when the -condition of the Christians was worse than at any other period, we find hardly any -mention of conversions at all, and the Turks themselves are represented as utterly -indifferent to the progress of their religion and considerably infected with scepticism -and unbelief.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3291src" href="#xd31e3291">37</a> A further proof that their sufferings have been due to misgovernment rather than -to religious persecution is the fact that Muslims and Christians suffered alike.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3294src" href="#xd31e3294">38</a> <span class="pageNum" id="pb155">[<a href="#pb155">155</a>]</span>The Christians would, however, naturally be more exposed to extortion and ill-treatment -owing to the difficulties that lay in the way of obtaining redress at law, and some -of the poorest may thus have sought a relief from their sufferings in a change of -faith. -</p> -<p>But if we except the tribute of the children, to which the conquered Greeks seem to -have submitted with so little show of resistance, and which owed its abolition, not -to any revolt or insurrection against its continuance, but to the increase of the -Turkish population and of the number of the renegades who were constantly entering -the Sultan’s service,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3313src" href="#xd31e3313">39</a>—the treatment of their Christian subjects by the Ottoman emperors—at least for two -centuries after their conquest of Greece—exhibits a toleration such as was at that -time quite unknown in the rest of Europe. The Calvinists of Hungary and Transylvania, -and the Unitarians of the latter country, long preferred to submit to the Turks rather -than fall into the hands of the fanatical house of Hapsburg;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3316src" href="#xd31e3316">40</a> <span class="pageNum" id="pb156">[<a href="#pb156">156</a>]</span>and the Protestants of Silesia looked with longing eyes towards Turkey, and would -gladly have purchased religious freedom at the price of submission to the Muslim rule.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3321src" href="#xd31e3321">41</a> It was to Turkey that the persecuted Spanish Jews fled for refuge in enormous numbers -at the end of the fifteenth century,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3324src" href="#xd31e3324">42</a> and the Cossacks who belonged to the sect of the Old Believers and were persecuted -by the Russian State Church, found in the dominions of the Sultan the toleration which -their Christian brethren denied them.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3328src" href="#xd31e3328">43</a> Well might Macarius, Patriarch of Antioch in the seventeenth century, congratulate -himself when he saw the fearful atrocities that the Catholic Poles inflicted on the -Russians of the Orthodox Eastern Church: “We all wept much over the thousands of martyrs -who were killed by those impious wretches, the enemies of the faith, in these forty -or fifty years. The number probably amounted to seventy or eighty thousand souls. -O you infidels! O you monsters of impurity! O you hearts of stone! What had the nuns -and women done? What the girls and boys and infant children, that you should murder -them?… And why do I pronounce them (the Poles) accursed? Because they have shown themselves -more debased and wicked than the corrupt worshippers of idols, by their cruel treatment -of Christians, thinking to abolish the very name of Orthodox. God perpetuate the empire -of the Turks for ever and ever! For they take their <span class="pageNum" id="pb157">[<a href="#pb157">157</a>]</span>impost, and enter into no account of religion, be their subjects Christians or Nazarenes, -Jews or Samarians: whereas these accursed Poles were not content with taxes and tithes -from the brethren of Christ, though willing to serve them; but they subjected them -to the authority of the enemies of Christ, the tyrannical Jews, who did not even permit -them to build churches, nor leave them any priests that knew the mysteries of their -faith.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3333src" href="#xd31e3333">44</a> Even in Italy there were men who turned longing eyes towards the Turks in the hope -that as their subjects they might enjoy the freedom and the toleration they despaired -of enjoying under a Christian government.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3336src" href="#xd31e3336">45</a> It would seem, then, that Islam was not spread by force in the dominion of the Sultan -of Turkey, and though the want of even-handed justice and the oppression of unscrupulous -officials in the days of the empire’s decline, may have driven some Christians to -attempt to better their condition by a change of faith, such cases were rare in the -first two centuries of the Turkish rule in Europe, to which period the mass of conversions -belong. It would have been wonderful indeed if the ardour of proselytising that animated -the Ottomans at this time had never carried them beyond the bounds of toleration established -by their own laws. Yet it has been said by one who was a captive among them for twenty-two -years that the Turks “compelled no one to renounce his faith.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3361src" href="#xd31e3361">46</a> Similar testimony is borne by others: an English gentleman who visited Turkey in -the early part of the seventeenth century, tells us that “There is seldom any compulsion -of conscience, and then not by death, where no criminal offence gives <span class="pageNum" id="pb158">[<a href="#pb158">158</a>]</span>occasion.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3367src" href="#xd31e3367">47</a> Writing about thirty years later (in 1663), the author<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3370src" href="#xd31e3370">48</a> of a <span lang="de">Türcken-Schrifft</span> says: “Meanwhile he (i.e. the Turk) wins (converts) by craft more than by force, -and snatches away Christ by fraud out of the hearts of men. For the Turk, it is true, -at the present time compels no country by violence to apostatise; but he uses other -means whereby imperceptibly he roots out Christianity.… What then has become of the -Christians? They are not expelled from the country, neither are they forced to embrace -the Turkish faith: then they must of themselves have been converted into Turks.” -</p> -<p>The Turks considered that the greatest kindness they could show a man was to bring -him into the salvation of the faith of Islam,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3378src" href="#xd31e3378">49</a> and to this end they left no method of persuasion untried: a Dutch traveller of the -sixteenth century, tells us that while he was admiring the great mosque of Santa Sophia, -some Turks even tried to work upon his religious feelings through his æsthetic sense, -saying to him, “If you become a Musalman, you will be able to come here every day -of your life.” About a century later, an English traveller<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3381src" href="#xd31e3381">50</a> had a similar experience: “Sometimes, out of an excess of zeal, they will ask a Christian -civilly enough, as I have been asked myself in the Portico of Sancta Sophia, why will -you not turn Musalman, and be as one of us?” The public rejoicings that hailed the -accession of a new convert to the faith, testify to the ardent love for souls which -made these men such zealous proselytisers. The new Muslim was set upon a horse and -led in triumph through the streets of the city. If he was known to be genuinely honest -in his change of faith and had voluntarily entered the pale of Islam, or if he was -a person of good position, he was received with high honour and some provision made -for his support.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3384src" href="#xd31e3384">51</a> There was certainly abundant evidence for saying that “The Turks are preposterously -zealous in praying for the conversion, or perversion rather, of Christians to their -irreligious religion: they pray heartily, and every day in their Temples, that Christians -may imbrace the <span class="pageNum" id="pb159">[<a href="#pb159">159</a>]</span>Alcoran, and become their Proselytes, in effecting of which they leave no means unassaied -by fear and flattery, by punishments and rewards.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3389src" href="#xd31e3389">52</a> -</p> -<p>These zealous efforts for winning converts were rendered the more effective by certain -conditions of Christian society itself. Foremost among these was the degraded condition -of the Greek Church. Side by side with the civil despotism of the Byzantine empire, -had arisen an ecclesiastical despotism which had crushed all energy of intellectual -life under the weight of a dogmatism that interdicted all discussion in matters of -morals and religion. The only thing that disturbed this lethargy was the fierce controversial -war waged against the Latin Church with all the bitterness of theological polemics -and race hatred. The religion of the people had degenerated into a scrupulous observance -of outward forms, and the intense fervour of their devotion found an outlet in the -worship of the Virgin and the saints, of pictures and relics. There were many who -turned from a Church whose spiritual life had sunk so low, and weary of interminable -discussions on such subtle points of doctrine as the Double Procession of the Holy -Spirit, and such trivialities as the use of leavened and unleavened bread in the Blessed -Sacrament, gladly accepted the clear and intelligible theistic teaching of Islam. -We are told<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3406src" href="#xd31e3406">53</a> of large numbers of persons being converted, not only from among the simple folk, -but also learned men of every class, rank and condition; of how the Turks made a better -provision for those monks and priests who embraced the Muslim creed, in order that -their example might lead others to be converted. While Adrianople was still the Turkish -capital (e.g. before <span class="pageNum" id="pb160">[<a href="#pb160">160</a>]</span>1453) the court was thronged with renegades, and they are said to have formed the -majority of the magnates there.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3411src" href="#xd31e3411">54</a> Byzantine princes and others often passed over to the side of the Muhammadans, and -received a ready welcome among them: one of the earliest of such cases dates from -1140 when a nephew of the emperor John Comnenes embraced Islam and married a daughter -of Masʻūd, the Sultan of Iconium.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3417src" href="#xd31e3417">55</a> After the fall of Constantinople, the upper classes of Christian society showed much -more readiness to embrace Islam than the mass of the Greeks; among the converts we -meet with several bearing the name of the late imperial family of the Palæologi, and -the learned George Amiroutzes of Trebizond abandoned Christianity in his declining -years, and the names of many other such individuals have found a record.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3423src" href="#xd31e3423">56</a> The new religion only demanded assent to its simple creed, “There is no god but God: -Muḥammad is the apostle of God”; as the above-mentioned writer<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3427src" href="#xd31e3427">57</a> says, “The whole difficulty lies in this profession of faith. For if only a man can -persuade himself that he is a worshipper of the One God, the poison of his error easily -infects him under the guise of religion. This is the rock of offence on which many -have struck and fallen into the snare that has brought perdition on their souls. This -is the mill-stone that hung about the necks of many has plunged them into the pit -of despair. For when these fools hear the Turks execrate idolatry and express their -horror of every image and picture as though it were the fire of hell, and so continually -profess and preach the worship of One God, there no longer remains any room for suspicion -in their minds.” -</p> -<p>The faith of Islam would now be the natural refuge for <span class="pageNum" id="pb161">[<a href="#pb161">161</a>]</span>those members of the Eastern Church who felt such yearnings after a purer and simpler -form of doctrine as had given rise to the Paulician heresy so fiercely suppressed -a few centuries before. This movement had been very largely a protest against the -superstitions of the Orthodox Church, against the worship of images, relics and saints, -and an effort after simplicity of faith and the devout life. As some adherents of -this heresy were to be found in Bulgaria even so late as the seventeenth century,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3434src" href="#xd31e3434">58</a> the Muhammadan conquerors doubtless found many who were dissatisfied with the doctrine -and practice of the Greek Church; and as all the conditions were unfavourable to the -formation of any such Protestant Churches as arose in the West, such dissentient spirits -would doubtless find a more congenial atmosphere in the religion of Islam. There is -every reason to think that such was the result of the unsuccessful attempt to Protestantise -the Greek Church in the beginning of the seventeenth century. The guiding spirit of -this movement was Cyril Lucaris, five times Patriarch of Constantinople, from 1621 -to 1638; as a young man he had visited the Universities of Wittenberg and Geneva, -for the purpose of studying theology in the seats of Protestant learning, and on his -return he kept up a correspondence with doctors of the reformed faith in Geneva, Holland -and England. But neither the doctrines of the Church of England nor of the Lutherans -attracted his sympathies so warmly as the teachings of John Calvin,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3437src" href="#xd31e3437">59</a> which he strove to introduce into the Greek Church; his efforts in this direction -were warmly supported by the Calvinists of Geneva, who sent a learned young theologian, -named Leger, to assist the work by translating into Greek the writings of Calvinist -theologians.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3440src" href="#xd31e3440">60</a> Cyril also found warm friends in the Protestant embassies at Constantinople, the -Dutch and English ambassadors especially assisting him liberally with funds; the Jesuits, -on the other hand, supported by the Catholic ambassadors, tried in every way to thwart -this attempt to Calvinise the Greek Church, and actively seconded the intrigues of -the party of opposition among the Greek clergy, who finally compassed the death <span class="pageNum" id="pb162">[<a href="#pb162">162</a>]</span>of the Patriarch. In 1629 Cyril published a Confession of Faith, the main object of -which seems to have been to present the doctrines of the Orthodox Church in their -opposition to Roman Catholicism in such a way as to imply a necessary accord with -Protestant teaching.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3446src" href="#xd31e3446">61</a> From Calvin he borrows the doctrines of Predestination and salvation by faith alone, -he denies the infallibility of the Church, rejects the authority of the Church in -the interpretation of Holy Scripture, and condemns the adoration of pictures: in his -account of the will and in many other questions, he inclines rather to Calvinism than -to the teachings of the Orthodox Church.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3449src" href="#xd31e3449">62</a> The promulgation of this Confession of Faith as representing the teaching of the -whole Church of which he was the spiritual head, excited violent opposition among -the mass of the Greek clergy, and a few weeks after Cyril’s death a synod was held -to condemn his opinions and pronounce him to be Anathema; in 1642 a second synod was -held at Constantinople for the same purpose, which after refuting each article of -Cyril’s Confession in detail, as the first had done, thus fulminated its curse upon -him and his followers:—“With one consent and in unqualified terms, we condemn this -whole Confession as full of heresies and utterly opposed to our orthodoxy, and likewise -declare that its compiler has nothing in common with our faith, but in calumnious -fashion has falsely charged his own Calvinism on us. All those who read and keep it -as true and blameless, and defend it by written word or speech, we thrust out of the -community of the faithful as followers and partakers of his heresy and corruptors -of the Christian Church, and command that whatever be their rank and station, they -be treated as heathen and publicans. Let them be laid under an anathema for ever and -cut off from the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost in this life and in the life to -come, accursed, excommunicated, be lost after death, and be partakers of everlasting -punishment.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3452src" href="#xd31e3452">63</a> In 1672 a third synod met at Jerusalem to repudiate the heretical articles of this -Confession of Faith and vindicate the orthodoxy of the Greek Church against those -<span class="pageNum" id="pb163">[<a href="#pb163">163</a>]</span>who represented her as infected with Calvinism. The attempt to Protestantise the Greek -Church thus completely failed to achieve success: the doctrines of Calvin were diametrically -opposed to her teachings, and indeed inculcated many articles of faith that were more -in harmony with the tenets of Muslim theologians than with those of the Orthodox Church, -and which moreover she had often attacked in her controversies with her Muhammadan -adversaries. It is this approximation to Islamic thought which gives this movement -towards Calvinism a place in a history of the spread of Islam: a man who inveighed -against the adoration of pictures, decried the authority and the very institution -of the priesthood, maintained the doctrines of absolute Predestination, denied freedom -to the human will and was in sympathy with the stern spirit of Calvinism that had -more in common with the Old than the New Testament—would certainly find a more congenial -atmosphere in Islam than in the Greek Church of the seventeenth century, and there -can be little doubt that among the numerous converts of Islam during that century -were to be found men who had been alienated from the Church of their fathers through -their leanings towards Calvinism.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3457src" href="#xd31e3457">64</a> We have no definite information as to the number of the followers of Cyril Lucaris -and the extent of Calvinistic influences in the Greek Church; the clergy, jealous -of the reputation of their Church, whose orthodoxy and immunity from heresy were so -boastfully vindicated by her children, and had thus been impugned through the suspicion -of Calvinism, wished to represent the heretical patriarch as standing alone in his -opinions.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3460src" href="#xd31e3460">65</a> But a following he undoubtedly had: his Confession of Faith had received the sanction -of a synod composed of his followers;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3464src" href="#xd31e3464">66</a> those who sympathised with his heresies were anathematised both by the second synod -of Constantinople (1642) and by the synod of Jerusalem (1672)<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3467src" href="#xd31e3467">67</a>—surely a meaningless repetition, had no such persons existed; moreover the names -of some few of these <span class="pageNum" id="pb164">[<a href="#pb164">164</a>]</span>have come down to us: Sophronius, Metropolitan of Athens, was a warm supporter of -the Reformation;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3472src" href="#xd31e3472">68</a> a monk named Nicodemus Metaras, who had brought a printing-press from London and -issued heretical treatises therefrom, was rewarded with a metropolitan see by Cyril -in return for his services;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3475src" href="#xd31e3475">69</a> the philosopher Corydaleus, a friend of Cyril, opened a Calvinistic school in Constantinople, -and another Greek, Gerganos, published a Catechism so as to introduce the teachings -of Calvin among his fellow-countrymen;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3478src" href="#xd31e3478">70</a> and Neophytus II, who was made Patriarch in 1636, while Cyril was in exile in the -island of Rhodes, was his disciple and adopted son; he recalled his master from banishment -and resigned the patriarchal chair in his favour.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3482src" href="#xd31e3482">71</a> In a letter to the University of Geneva (dated July, 1636), Cyril writes that Leger -had gained a large number of converts to Calvinism by his writings and preaching;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3485src" href="#xd31e3485">72</a> in another letter addressed to Leger, he describes how he had made his influence -felt in Candia.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3488src" href="#xd31e3488">73</a> His successor<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3491src" href="#xd31e3491">74</a> in the patriarchal chair was banished to Carthage and there strangled by the adherents -of Lucaris in 1639.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3494src" href="#xd31e3494">75</a> The Calvinists are said to have entertained hopes of Parthenius I (the successor -of Cyril II), but his untimely end (whether by poison or banishment is uncertain) -disappointed their expectations.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3497src" href="#xd31e3497">76</a> Parthenius II, who was Patriarch of Constantinople from 1644 to 1646, was at heart -a thorough Calvinist, and though he did not venture openly to teach the doctrines -of Calvin, still his known sympathy with them caused him to be deposed, sent into -exile and strangled.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3501src" href="#xd31e3501">77</a> Thus the influence of Calvinism was undoubtedly more widespread than the enemies -of Cyril Lucaris were willing to admit, and as stated above, those who refused to -bow to the anathemas of the synods that condemned their leader, had certainly more -in common with their Muhammadan neighbours than with the Orthodox clergy who cast -them out of their midst. There is no actual evidence, it is true, of Calvinistic influences -in Turkey <span class="pageNum" id="pb165">[<a href="#pb165">165</a>]</span>facilitating conversion to Islam,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3506src" href="#xd31e3506">78</a> but in the absence of any other explanation it certainly seems a very plausible conjecture -that such were among the factors that so enormously increased the number of the Greek -renegades towards the middle of the seventeenth century—a period during which the -number of renegades from among the middle and lower orders of society is said to have -been more considerable than at any other time.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3509src" href="#xd31e3509">79</a> Frequent mention is made of cases of apostasy from among the clergy, and even among -the highest dignitaries of the Church, such as a former Metropolitan of Rhodes.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3512src" href="#xd31e3512">80</a> In 1676 it is said that in Corinth some Christian people went over every day to “the -Turkish abomination,” and that three priests had become Musalmans the year before;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3515src" href="#xd31e3515">81</a> in 1679 is recorded the death of a renegade monk.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3519src" href="#xd31e3519">82</a> On the occasion of the circumcision of Muṣṭafā, son of Muḥammad IV, in 1675, there -were at least two hundred proselytes made during the thirteen days of public rejoicing,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3522src" href="#xd31e3522">83</a> and numerous other instances may be found in writings of this period. A contemporary -writer (1663) has well described the mental attitude of such converts. “When you mix -with the Turks in the ordinary intercourse of life and see that they pray and sing -even the Psalms of David; that they give alms and do other good works; that they think -highly of Christ, hold the Bible in great honour, and the like; that, besides, any -ass may become parish priest who plies the Bassa with presents, and he will <span class="pageNum" id="pb166">[<a href="#pb166">166</a>]</span>not urge Christianity on you very much; so you will come to think that they are good -people and will very probably be saved; and so you will come to believe that you too -may be saved, if you likewise become Turks. Herewith will the Holy Trinity and the -crucified Son of God, with many other mysteries of the faith, which seem quite absurd -to the unenlightened reason, easily pass out of your thoughts, and imperceptibly Christianity -will quite die out in you, and you will think that it is all the same whether you -be Christians or Turks.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3530src" href="#xd31e3530">84</a> -</p> -<p>Thomas Smith, who was in Constantinople in 1669, speaks of the number of Christian -converts about this period, but assigns baser motives. “’Tis sad to consider the great -number of wretched people, who turn Turks; some out of meer desperation; being not -able to support the burthen of slavery, and to avoid the revilings and insultings -of the Infidels; some out of a wanton light humour, to put themselves into a condition -of domineering and insulting over others … some to avoid the penalties and inflictions -due to their heinous crimes, and to enjoy the brutish liberties, that Mahomet consecrated -by his own example, and recommended to his followers. These are the great and tempting -arguments and motives of their apostasy, meer considerations of ease, pleasure and -prosperity, or else of vanity and guilt; for it cannot be presumed, that any through -conviction of mind should be wrought upon to embrace the dotages and impostures of -Turcisme.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3536src" href="#xd31e3536">85</a> Records of conversions after this period are rare, but Motraye gives an account of -several renegades, who became Muhammadans in Constantinople in 1703; among them was -a French priest and some other French Catholics, and some priests from Smyrna.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3539src" href="#xd31e3539">86</a> -</p> -<p>Another feature in the condition of the Greek Church that contributed to the decay -of its numbers, was the corruption and degradation of its pastors, particularly the -higher clergy. The sees of bishops and archbishops were put up to auction to the highest -bidders, and the purchasers sought to recoup <span class="pageNum" id="pb167">[<a href="#pb167">167</a>]</span>themselves by exacting levies of all kinds from their flocks; they burdened the unfortunate -Christians with taxes ordinary and extraordinary, made them purchase all the sacraments -at exorbitant rates, baptism, confession, holy communion, indulgences, and the right -of Christian burial. Some of the clergy even formed an unholy alliance with the Janissaries, -and several bishops had their names and those of their households inscribed on the -list of one of their Ortas or regiments, the better to secure an immunity for their -excesses and escape the punishment of their crimes under the protection of this corporation -which the weakness of the Ottoman rulers had allowed to assume such a powerful position -in the state.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3546src" href="#xd31e3546">87</a> The evidence of contemporary eye-witnesses to the oppressive behaviour of the Greek -clergy presents a terrible picture of the sufferings of the Christians. Tournefort -in 1700, after describing the election of a new Patriarch, says: “We need not at all -doubt but the new Patriarch makes the best of his time. Tyranny succeeds to Simony: -the first thing he does is to signify the Sultan’s order to all the Archbishops and -Bishops of his clergy: his greatest study is to know exactly the revenues of each -Prelate; he imposes a tax upon them, and enjoins them very strictly by a second letter -to send the sum demanded, otherwise their dioceses are adjudg’d to the highest bidder. -The Prelates being used to this trade, never spare their Suffragans; these latter -torment the Papas: the Papas flea the Parishioners and hardly sprinkle the least drop -of Holy Water, but what they are paid for beforehand. If afterwards the Patriarch -has occasion for money, he farms out the gathering of it to the highest bidder among -the Turks: he that gives most for it, goes into Greece to cite the Prelates. Usually -for twenty thousand crowns that the clergy is tax’d at, the Turk extorts two and twenty; -so that he has the two thousand crowns for his pains, besides having his charges borne -in every diocese. In virtue of the agreement he has made with the Patriarch, he deprives -and interdicts from all ecclesiastical functions, those prelates who refuse to pay -their tax.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3552src" href="#xd31e3552">88</a> The Christian <span class="pageNum" id="pb168">[<a href="#pb168">168</a>]</span>clergy are even said to have carried off the children of the parishioners and sold -them as slaves, to get money for their simoniacal designs.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3557src" href="#xd31e3557">89</a> -</p> -<p>The extortions practised in the seventeenth have found their counterpart in the nineteenth -century, and the sufferings of the Christians of the Greek Church in Bosnia, before -the Austrian occupation, exactly illustrate the words of Tournefort. The Metropolitan -of Serajevo used to wring as much as £10,000 a year from his miserable flock—a sum -exactly double the salary of the Turkish Governor himself—and to raise this enormous -sum the unfortunate parishioners were squeezed in every possible way, and the Turkish -authorities had orders to assist the clergy in levying their exactions; and whole -Christian villages suffered the fate of sacked cities, for refusing, or often being -unable, to comply with the exorbitant demands of Christian Prelates.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3562src" href="#xd31e3562">90</a> Such unbearable oppression on the part of the spiritual leaders who should protect -the Christian population, has often stirred it up to open revolt, whenever a favourable -opportunity has offered itself.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3574src" href="#xd31e3574">91</a> It is not surprising then to learn that many of the Christians went over to Islam, -to deliver themselves from such tyranny.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3577src" href="#xd31e3577">92</a> -</p> -<p>Ecclesiastical oppression of a rather different character is said to have been responsible -for the conversion of the ancestors of a small community of about 4000 Southern Rumanians, -at Noanta in the Meglen district of the vilayet of Salonika; they have a tradition -that in the eighteenth century the Patriarch of Constantinople persuaded the reigning -Sultan that only the Christians who spoke Greek could be loyal subjects of the Turkish -empire; the Sultan <span class="pageNum" id="pb169">[<a href="#pb169">169</a>]</span>thereupon forbade the Christians to speak anything but Greek, on pain of having their -tongues cut out; when the news of this reached Noanta, a part of the population fled -into the woods and founded fresh villages, but those who were left behind went over -to Islam, with their bishop at their head, in order thereby to retain their mother-tongue.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3584src" href="#xd31e3584">93</a> -</p> -<p>Though the mass of the parish clergy were innocent of the charges brought against -their superiors,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3589src" href="#xd31e3589">94</a> still they were very ignorant and illiterate. At the end of the seventeenth century, -there were said to be hardly twelve persons in the whole Turkish dominions thoroughly -skilled in the knowledge of the ancient Greek language; it was considered a great -merit in the clergy to be able to read, while they were quite ignorant of the meaning -of the words of their service-books.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3592src" href="#xd31e3592">95</a> -</p> -<p>While there was so much in the Christian society of the time to repel, there was much -in the character and life of the Turks to attract, and the superiority of the early -Ottomans as compared with the degradation of the guides and teachers of the Christian -Church would naturally impress devout minds that revolted from the selfish ambition, -simony and corruption of the Greek ecclesiastics. Christian writers constantly praise -these Turks for the earnestness and intensity of their religious life; their zeal -in the performance of the observances prescribed by their faith; the outward decency -and modesty displayed in their apparel and mode of living; the absence of ostentatious -display and the simplicity of life observable even in the great and powerful.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3597src" href="#xd31e3597">96</a> The annalist of the embassy from the Emperor Leopold I to the Ottoman Porte in 1665–1666, -especially eulogises the devoutness and regularity of the Turks in prayer, and he -even goes so far as to say, “<span lang="fr">Nous devons dire à la confusion des Chrêtiens, que les Turcs têmoignent beaucoup plus -de soin et de zèle à l’exercice de leur Religion: que les <span class="corr" id="xd31e3602" title="Source: Crêtiens">Chrêtiens</span> n’en font paroître à la pratique de la leur.… Mais ce qui passe tout ce que nous -experimentons de dévot entre les Chrêtiens: c’est que pendant le tems de la prière, -vous ne <span class="pageNum" id="pb170">[<a href="#pb170">170</a>]</span>voyez pas une personne distraite de ses yeux: vous n’en voyez pas une qui ne soit -attachée à l’objet de sa prière: et pas une qui n’ait toute la révérence extérieure -pour son Créateur, qu’on peut exiger de la Créature.</span>”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3608src" href="#xd31e3608">97</a> -</p> -<p>Even the behaviour of the soldiery receives its meed of praise. During the march of -an army the inhabitants of the country, we are told by the secretary to the Embassy -sent by Charles II to the Sultan, had no complaints to make of being plundered or -of their women being maltreated. All the taverns along the line of march were shut -up and sealed two or three days before the arrival of the army, and no wine was allowed -to be sold to the soldiers under pain of death.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3613src" href="#xd31e3613">98</a> -</p> -<p>Many a tribute of praise is given to the virtues of the Turks even by Christian writers -who bore them no love; one such who had a very poor opinion of their religion,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3618src" href="#xd31e3618">99</a> speaks of them as follows:—“Even in the dirt of the Alcoran you shall find some jewels -of Christian Virtues; and indeed if Christians will but diligently read and observe -the Laws and Histories of the Mahometans, they may blush to see how zealous they are -in the works of devotion, piety, and charity, how devout, cleanly, and reverend in -their Mosques, how obedient to their Priest, that even the great Turk himself will -attempt nothing without consulting his Mufti; how careful are they to observe their -hours of prayer five times a day wherever they are, or however employed? how constantly -do they observe their Fasts from morning till night a whole month together; how loving -and charitable the Muslemans are to each other, and how careful of strangers may be -seen by their Hospitals, both for the Poor and for Travellers; if we observe their -Justice, Temperance, and other moral Vertues, we may truly blush at our own coldness, -both in devotion and charity, at our injustice, intemperance, and oppression; doubtless -these Men will rise up in judgment against us; and surely their devotion, piety, <span class="pageNum" id="pb171">[<a href="#pb171">171</a>]</span>and works of mercy are main causes of the growth of Mahometism.” -</p> -<p>The same conclusion is drawn by a modern historian,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3625src" href="#xd31e3625">100</a> who writes:—“We find that many Greeks of high talent and moral character were so -sensible of the superiority of the Mohammedans, that even when they escaped being -drafted into the Sultan’s household as tribute-children, they voluntarily embraced -the faith of Mahomet. The moral superiority of Othoman society must be allowed to -have had as much weight in causing these conversions, which were numerous in the fifteenth -century, as the personal ambition of individuals.” -</p> -<p>A generation that has watched the decay of the Turkish power in Europe and the successive -curtailment of its territorial possessions, and is accustomed to hearing it spoken -of as the “sick man,” destined to a speedy dissolution, must find it difficult to -realise the feelings which the Ottoman empire inspired in the early days of its rise -in Europe. The rapid and widespread success of the Turkish arms filled men’s minds -with terror and amazement. One Christian kingdom after another fell into their hands: -Bulgaria, Servia, Bosnia, and Hungary yielded up their independence as Christian states. -The proud Republic of Venice saw one possession after another wrested from it, until -the Lion of St. Mark held sway on the shores of the Adriatic alone. Even the safety -of the Eternal City itself was menaced by the capture of Otranto. Christian literature -of the latter half of the fifteenth and of the sixteenth centuries is full of direful -forebodings of the fate that threatened Christian Europe unless the victorious progress -of the Turk was arrested; he is represented as a scourge in the hand of God for the -punishment of the sins and backslidings of His people,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3630src" href="#xd31e3630">101</a> or on the other hand as the unloosed power of the Devil working for the destruction -of Christianity under the hypocritical guise of religion. But—what is most important -to notice here—some men began to ask themselves, “Is it possible that God would allow -the Muhammadans to increase in such countless numbers without good reason? Is it conceivable -that so many thousands <span class="pageNum" id="pb172">[<a href="#pb172">172</a>]</span>are to be damned like one man? How can such multitudes be opposed to the true faith? -since truth is stronger than error and is more loved and desired by all men, it is -not possible for so many men to be fighting against it. How could they prevail against -truth, since God always helps and upholds the truth? How could their religion so marvellously -increase, if built upon the rotten foundation of error?”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3635src" href="#xd31e3635">102</a> Such thoughts, we are told, appealed strongly to the Christian peoples that lived -under the Turkish rule, and with especial force to the unhappy Christian captives -who watched the years drag wearily on without hope of release or respite from their -misery. Can we be surprised when we find such a one asking himself? “Surely if God -were pleased with the faith to which you have clung, He would not have thus abandoned -you, but would have helped you to gain your freedom and return to it again. But as -He has closed every avenue of freedom to you, perchance it is His pleasure that you -should leave it and join this sect and be saved therein.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3638src" href="#xd31e3638">103</a> -</p> -<p>The Christian slave who thus describes the doubts that arose in his mind as the slow-passing -years brought no relief, doubtless gives expression here to thoughts that suggested -themselves to many a hapless Christian captive with overwhelming persistency, until -at last he broke away from the ties of his old faith and embraced Islam. Many who -would have been ready to die as martyrs for the Christian religion if the mythical -choice between the Qurʼān and the sword had been offered them, felt more and more -strongly, after long years of captivity, the influence of Muhammadan thought and practice, -and humanity won converts where violence would have failed.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3643src" href="#xd31e3643">104</a> For though the lot of many of the Christian captives was a very pitiable one, others -who held positions in the households of private individuals, were often no worse off -than domestic servants in the rest of Europe. <span class="pageNum" id="pb173">[<a href="#pb173">173</a>]</span>As organised by the Muhammadan Law, slavery was robbed of many of its harshest features, -nor in Turkey at least does it seem to have been accompanied by such barbarities and -atrocities as in the pirate states of Northern Africa. The slaves, like other citizens, -had their rights, and it is even said that a slave might summon his master before -the Qāḍī for ill usage, and that if he alleged that their tempers were so opposite, -that it was impossible for them to agree, the Qāḍī could oblige his master to sell -him.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3651src" href="#xd31e3651">105</a> The condition of the Christian captives naturally varied with circumstances and their -own capabilities of adapting themselves to a life of hardship; the aged, the priests -and monks, and those of noble birth suffered most, while the physician and the handicraftsman -received more considerate treatment from their masters, as being servants that best -repaid the money spent upon them.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3657src" href="#xd31e3657">106</a> The galley-slaves naturally suffered most of all, indeed the kindest treatment could -have but little relieved the hardships incident to such an occupation.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3663src" href="#xd31e3663">107</a> Further, the lot of the slaves who were state property was more pitiable than that -of those who had been purchased by private individuals.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3667src" href="#xd31e3667">108</a> As a rule they were allowed the free exercise of their religion; in the state-prisons -at Constantinople, they had their own priests and chapels, and the clergy were allowed -to administer the consolations of religion to the galley-slaves.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3670src" href="#xd31e3670">109</a> The number of the Christian slaves who embraced Islam was enormous; some few cases -have been recorded of their being threatened <span class="pageNum" id="pb174">[<a href="#pb174">174</a>]</span>and ill-treated for the very purpose of inducing them to recant, but as a rule the -masters seldom forced them to renounce their faith,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3675src" href="#xd31e3675">110</a> and put the greatest pressure upon them during the first years of their captivity, -after which they let them alone to follow their own faith.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3681src" href="#xd31e3681">111</a> The majority of the converted slaves therefore changed their religion of their own -free choice; and when the Christian embassies were never sure from day to day that -some of their fellow-countrymen that had accompanied them to Constantinople as domestic -servants, might not turn Turk,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3693src" href="#xd31e3693">112</a> it can easily be understood that slaves who had lost all hope of return to their -native country, and found little in their surroundings to strengthen and continue -the teachings of their earlier years, would yield to the influences that beset them -and would feel few restraints to hinder them from entering a new society and a new -religion. An English traveller<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3700src" href="#xd31e3700">113</a> of the seventeenth century has said of them: “Few ever return to their native country; -and fewer have the courage and constancy of retaining the Christian Faith, in which -they were educated; their education being but mean, and their knowledge but slight -in the principles and grounds of it; whereof some are frightened into Turcism by their -impatience <span class="pageNum" id="pb175">[<a href="#pb175">175</a>]</span>and too deep resentments of the hardships of the servitude; others are enticed by -the blandishments and flatteries of pleasure the Mahometan Law allows, and the allurements -they have of making their condition better and more easy by a change of their Religion; -having no hope left of being redeemed, they renounce their Saviour and their Christianity, -and soon forget their original country, and are no longer looked upon as strangers, -but pass for natives.” -</p> -<p>Much of course depended upon the individual character of the different Christian slaves -themselves. The anonymous writer, so often quoted above, whose long captivity made -him so competent to speak on their condition, divides them into three classes:—first, -those who passed their days in all simplicity, not caring to trouble themselves to -learn anything about the religion of their masters; for them it was enough to know -that the Turks were infidels, and so, as far as their captive condition and their -yoke of slavery allowed, they avoided having anything to do with them and their religious -worship, fearing lest they should be led astray by their errors, and striving to observe -the Christian faith as far as their knowledge and power went. The second class consisted -of those whose curiosity led them to study and investigate the doings of the Turks: -if, by the help of God, they had time enough to dive into their secrets, and understanding -enough for the investigation of them and light of reason to find the interpretation -thereof, they not only came out of the trial unscathed, but had their own faith strengthened. -The third class includes those who, examining the Muslim religion without due caution, -fail to dive into its depths and find the interpretation of it and so are deceived; -believing the errors of the Turks to be the truth, they lose their own faith and embrace -the false religion of the Muslims, hereby not only compassing their own destruction, -but setting a bad example to others: of such men the number is infinite.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3708src" href="#xd31e3708">114</a> -</p> -<p>Conversion to Islam did not, as some writers have affirmed, release the slave from -his captivity and make him a free man,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3713src" href="#xd31e3713">115</a> <span class="pageNum" id="pb176">[<a href="#pb176">176</a>]</span>for emancipation was solely at the discretion of the master; who indeed often promised -to set any slave free, without the payment of ransom, if only he would embrace Islam;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3718src" href="#xd31e3718">116</a> but, on the other hand, would also freely emancipate the Christian slave, even though -he had persevered in his religion, provided he had proved himself a faithful servant, -and would make provision for his old age.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3721src" href="#xd31e3721">117</a> -</p> -<p>There were many others who, like the Christian slaves, separated from early surroundings -and associations, found themselves cut loose from old ties and thrown into the midst -of a society animated by social and religious ideals of an entirely novel character. -The crowds of Christian workmen that came wandering from the conquered countries in -the fifteenth century to Adrianople and other Turkish cities in search of employment, -were easily persuaded to settle there and adopt the faith of Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3726src" href="#xd31e3726">118</a> Similarly the Christian families that Muḥammad II transported from conquered provinces -in Europe into Asia Minor,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3729src" href="#xd31e3729">119</a> may well have become merged into the mass of the Muslim population by almost imperceptible -degrees, as was the case with the Armenians carried away into Persia by Shāh ʻAbbās -I (1587–1629), most of whom appear to have passed over to Islam in the second generation.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3732src" href="#xd31e3732">120</a> -</p> -<p>During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries there would seem to have been a decay -of the missionary spirit among the Turks, but the latter years of the reign of Sultan -ʻAbd al-Ḥamīd witnessed a renewed interest in Muslim propaganda, and Turkish newspapers -began to record instances of conversion. Among the most noteworthy of such converts -were some eighteen amīrs of the princely family of Shihāb in Mount Lebanon, which -had been Christian for about a century; they are said to claim descent from the Quraysh, -and the Turks made every effort to bring them back to the fold of Islam; those who -became <span class="pageNum" id="pb177">[<a href="#pb177">177</a>]</span>Muslims were appointed to lucrative posts in the Turkish civil service.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3739src" href="#xd31e3739">121</a> -</p> -<p>In the following pages it is proposed to give a more detailed and particular account -of the spread of Islam among the Christian populations of Albania, Servia, Bosnia -and Crete, as the history of each of these countries after its conquest by the Ottomans -presents some special features of interest in the history of the propagation of Islam. -</p> -<p>The Albanians, with the exception of some settlements in Greece,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3745src" href="#xd31e3745">122</a> inhabit the mountainous country that stretches along the east shore of the Adriatic -from Montenegro to the Gulf of Arta. They form one of the oldest and purest-blooded -races in Europe and are said to belong to the Pelasgic branch of the Aryan stock. -</p> -<p>Their country was first invaded by the Turks in 1387, but the Turkish forces soon -had to withdraw, and the authority of the Sultan was recognised for the first time -in 1423. For a short period Albania regained its independence under George Kastriota, -who is better known under his Muhammadan name of Scanderbeg or Sikandarbeg. Recent -investigations have established the falsity of the romantic fictions that had gathered -round the story of his early days—how that as a boy he had been surrendered as a hostage -to the Turks, had been brought up among them as a Muslim and had won the special favour -of the Sultan. The truth is, that the days of his youth were passed in his native -mountains and his warfare with the Turks began with the victory gained over them in -1444; for more than twenty years he maintained a vigorous and successful resistance -to their invading forces, but after his death in 1467, the Turks began again to take -possession of Albania. Krūya, the capital of the Kastriot dynasty, fell into their -hands eleven years later, and from this date there appears to have been no organised -resistance of the whole country, though revolts were frequent and the subjection of -the country was never complete. Some of the sea-port towns held out much longer; Durazzo -was captured in 1501, while Antivari, the northernmost point of the sea-coast of Albania, -did not <span class="pageNum" id="pb178">[<a href="#pb178">178</a>]</span>surrender until 1571. The terms of capitulation were that the city should retain its -old laws and magistrature, that there should be free and public exercise of the Christian -religion, that the churches and chapels should remain uninjured and might be rebuilt -if they fell into decay; that the citizens should retain all their movable and immovable -property and should not be burdened by any additional taxation. -</p> -<p>The Albanians under Turkish rule appear always to have maintained a kind of semi-autonomy, -and the several tribes and clans remained as essentially independent as they were -before the conquest. Though vassals of the Sultans, they would not brook the interference -of Turkish officials in their internal administration, and there is reason to believe -that the Turkish Government has never been able to appoint or confirm any provincial -governor who was not a native of Albania, and had not already established his influence -by his arms, policy or connections.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3754src" href="#xd31e3754">123</a> Their racial pride is intense, and to the present day, the Albanian, if asked what -he is, will call himself a Skipetar,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3757src" href="#xd31e3757">124</a> before saying whether he is a Christian or a Muhammadan—a very remarkable instance -of national feeling obliterating the fierce distinction between these two religions -that so forcibly obtrudes itself in the rest of the Ottoman empire. The Christian -and Muhammadan Albanians alike, just as they speak the same language, so do they cherish -the same traditions, and observe the same manners and customs; and pride in their -common nationality has been too strong a bond to allow differences of religious belief -to split the nation into separate communities on this basis.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3760src" href="#xd31e3760">125</a> Side by side they served in the <span class="pageNum" id="pb179">[<a href="#pb179">179</a>]</span>irregular troops, which soon after the Turkish conquest became the main dependence -of the government in all its internal administration, and both classes found the same -ready employment in the service of the local pashas, being accounted the bravest soldiers -in the empire. Christian Albanians served in the Ottoman army in the Crimean War,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3774src" href="#xd31e3774">126</a> and though they have perhaps been a little more quiet and agricultural than their -Muslim fellow-countrymen, still the difference has been small: they have always retained -their arms and military habits, have always displayed the same fierce, proud, untameable -spirit, and been animated with the same intense national feeling as their brethren -who had embraced the creed of the Prophet.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3778src" href="#xd31e3778">127</a> -</p> -<p>The consideration of these facts is of importance in tracing the spread of Islam in -Albania, for it appears to have been propagated very gradually by the people of the -country themselves, and not under pressure of foreign influences. The details that -we possess of this movement are very meagre, as the history of Albania from the close -of the fifteenth century to the rise of ʻAlī Pasha three hundred years later, is almost -a blank; what knowledge we have, therefore, of the slow but continuous accession of -converts to Islam during this period, is derived from the ecclesiastical chronicles -of the various dioceses,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3786src" href="#xd31e3786">128</a> and the reports sent in from time to time to the Pope and the Congregatio de Propaganda -Fide.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3789src" href="#xd31e3789">129</a> But it goes without saying that the very nature of these sources gives the information -derived from them the stamp of imperfection—especially in the matter of the motives -assigned for conversion. For an ecclesiastic of those times to have even entertained -the possibility of a conversion to Islam from genuine conviction—much less have openly -expressed such an opinion in writing to his superiors—is well-nigh inconceivable. -<span class="pageNum" id="pb180">[<a href="#pb180">180</a>]</span></p> -<p>During the sixteenth century, Islam appears to have made but little progress, though -the tide of conversion had already set in. In 1610 the Christian population exceeded -the Muhammadan in the proportion of ten to one,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3795src" href="#xd31e3795">130</a> and as most of the villages were inhabited by Christians, with a very small admixture -of Muhammadans,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3798src" href="#xd31e3798">131</a> the conversions appear to have been more frequent in the large towns. In Antivari, -for example, while many Christians elected to emigrate into the neighbouring Christian -countries, the majority of those who remained, both high-born and low, went over gradually -to the Muslim faith, so that the Christian population grew less and less day by day.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3801src" href="#xd31e3801">132</a> As the number of accessions to Islam increased, churches were converted into mosques—a -measure which, though contrary to the terms of the capitulation, seems justified by -the change in the religion of the people.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3804src" href="#xd31e3804">133</a> In 1610 two collegiate churches only remained in the hands of the Latin Christians, -but these appear to have sufficed for the needs of the community;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3807src" href="#xd31e3807">134</a> what this amounted to can only roughly be guessed from the words of Marco Bizzi: -“There are about 600 houses inhabited indiscriminately by Muhammadans and Christians—both -Latin and Schismatics (i.e. of the Orthodox Greek Church): the number of the Muhammadans -is a little in excess of the Christians, and that of the Latins in excess of the Schismatics.” -</p> -<p>In the accounts we have of the social relations between the Christians and the Muslims, -and in the absence of any sharp line of demarcation between the two communities, we -find some clue to the manner in which Muhammadan influences gradually gained converts -from among the Christian population in proportion as the vigour and the spiritual -life of the Church declined. -<span class="pageNum" id="pb181">[<a href="#pb181">181</a>]</span></p> -<p>It had become very common for Christian parents to give their daughters in marriage -to Muhammadans, and for Christian women to make no objection to such unions.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3822src" href="#xd31e3822">135</a> The male children born of these mixed marriages were brought up as Musalmans, but -the girls were allowed to follow the religion of their mother.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3825src" href="#xd31e3825">136</a> Such permission was rendered practically ineffective by the action of the Christian -ecclesiastics, who ordered the mothers to be excluded from the churches and from participation -in the sacraments;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3828src" href="#xd31e3828">137</a> and consequently (though the parish priests often disregarded the commands of their -superiors) many of these women embraced the faith of their husbands. But even then -they kept up a superstitious observance of the rite of baptism, which was supposed -to be a sovereign specific against leprosy, witches and wolves,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3831src" href="#xd31e3831">138</a> and Christian priests were found ready to pander to this superstition for any Muhammadan -woman who wished to have her children baptised.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3834src" href="#xd31e3834">139</a> This good feeling between the members of the two religions<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3841src" href="#xd31e3841">140</a> is similarly illustrated by the attendance of Muhammadans at the festivals of Christian -saints; e.g. Marco Bizzi says that on the feast-day of St. Elias (for whom the Albanians -appear to have had a special devotion) there were as many Muhammadans present in the -church as Christians.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3847src" href="#xd31e3847">141</a> Even to the present day we are told that Albanian Muhammadans revere the Virgin Mary -and the Christian saints, and make pilgrimages to their shrines, <span class="pageNum" id="pb182">[<a href="#pb182">182</a>]</span>while Christians on the other hand resort to the tombs of Muslim saints for the cure -of ailments or in fulfilment of vows.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3852src" href="#xd31e3852">142</a> In the town of Calevacci, where there were sixty Christian and ten Muhammadan households, -the followers of the Prophet contributed towards the support of the parish priest, -as the majority of them had Christian wives.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3855src" href="#xd31e3855">143</a> Under such circumstances it is hardly surprising to learn that many openly professed -Islam, while satisfying their consciences by saying that they professed Christianity -in their hearts.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3858src" href="#xd31e3858">144</a> Marco Bizzi has three explanations to offer for such a lapse—the attraction of worldly -advantage, the desire to avoid the payment of tribute, and the want of a sufficiently -large number of intelligent clergy to supply the spiritual needs of the country.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3864src" href="#xd31e3864">145</a> Conversions are frequently ascribed to the pressure of the burden of taxation imposed -upon the Christians, and whole villages are said to have apostatised to avoid payment -of the tribute. As no details are given, it is impossible to judge whether there was -really sufficient ground for the complaint, or whether this was not the apology for -their conduct alleged by the renegades in order to make some kind of excuse to their -former co-religionists—or indeed an exaggeration on the part of ecclesiastics to whom -a genuine conversion to Islam on rational grounds seemed an absolute impossibility. -A century later (in 1703) the capitation-tax was six reals a head for each male and -this (with the exception of a tax, termed sciataraccio, of three reals a year) was -the only burden imposed on the Christians exclusively.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3867src" href="#xd31e3867">146</a> Men must have had very little attachment to their religion to abandon it merely in -order to be quit of so slight a penalty, and with no other motive; and the very existence -of so large a body of Christians in Albania at the present time shows that the burden -could not have been so heavy as to force them into apostasy without any other alternative. -</p> -<p>If only we had something more than vague general complaints against the “Turkish tyranny,” -we should be better able to determine how far this could have had such a <span class="pageNum" id="pb183">[<a href="#pb183">183</a>]</span>preponderating influence as is ascribed to it: but the evidence alleged seems hardly -to warrant such a conclusion. The vicious practice followed by the Ottoman Court of -selling posts in the provinces to the highest bidder and the uncertainty of the tenure -of such posts, often resulted in the occupants trying to amass as large a fortune -as possible by extortions of every kind. But such burdens are said to have weighed -as heavily on Muhammadans as Christians.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3874src" href="#xd31e3874">147</a> Though certainly an avaricious and unjust official may have found it easier to oppress -the Christians than the Muslims, especially when the former were convicted of treasonable -correspondence with the Venetians and other Christian states and were suspected of -a wish to revolt. -</p> -<p>However this may have been, there can be little doubt of the influence exerted by -the zealous activity and vigorous life of Islam in the face of the apathetic and ignorant -Christian clergy. If Islam in Albania had many such exponents as the Mullā, whose -sincerity, courtesy and friendliness are praised by Marco Bizzi, with whom he used -to discuss religious questions, it may well have made its way.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3879src" href="#xd31e3879">148</a> The majority of the Christian clergy appear to have been wholly unlettered: most -of them, though they could read a little, did not know how to write, and were so ignorant -of the duties of their sacred calling that they could not even repeat the formula -of absolution by heart.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3882src" href="#xd31e3882">149</a> Though they had to recite the mass and other services in Latin, there were very few -who could understand any of it, as they were ignorant of any language but their mother -tongue, and they had only a vague, traditionary knowledge of the truths of their religion.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3885src" href="#xd31e3885">150</a> Marco Bizzi considered the inadequate episcopate of the country responsible for these -evils, as for the small numbers of the clergy, and their ignorance of their sacred -calling, and for the large number of Christians who grew old and even died without -being confirmed, and apostatised almost everywhere;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3888src" href="#xd31e3888">151</a> and unless this were <span class="pageNum" id="pb184">[<a href="#pb184">184</a>]</span>remedied he prophesied a rapid decay of Christianity in the country.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3894src" href="#xd31e3894">152</a> Several priests were also accused of keeping concubines, and of drunkenness.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3897src" href="#xd31e3897">153</a> -</p> -<p>It may here be observed that the Albanian priests were not the repositories of the -national aspirations and ideals, as were the clergy of the Orthodox Church in other -provinces of the Turkish empire, who in spite of their ignorance kept alive among -their people that devotion to the Christian faith which formed the nucleus of the -national life of the Greeks.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3902src" href="#xd31e3902">154</a> On the contrary, the Albanians cherished a national feeling that was quite apart -from religious belief, and with regard to the Turks, considered, in true feudal spirit, -that as they were the masters of the country they ought to be obeyed whatever commands -they gave.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3905src" href="#xd31e3905">155</a> -</p> -<p>There is a curious story of conversion which is said to have taken place owing to -a want of amicable relations between a Christian priest and his people, as follows: -“Many years since, when all the country was Christian, there stood in the city of -Scutari a beautiful image of the Virgin Mary, to whose shrine thousands flocked every -year from all parts of the country to offer their gifts, perform their devotions, -and be healed of their infirmities. For some cause or other, however, it fell out -that there was dissension between the priest and the people, and one day the latter -came to the church in great crowds, declaring that unless the priest yielded to them -they would then and there abjure the faith of Christ and embrace in its stead that -of Muḥammad. The priest, whether right or wrong, still remaining firm, his congregation -tore the rosaries and crosses from their necks, trampled them under their feet, and -going to the nearest mosque, were received by the Mollah into the fold of the True -Believers.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3916src" href="#xd31e3916">156</a> -</p> -<p>Through the negligence and apathy of the Christian clergy <span class="pageNum" id="pb185">[<a href="#pb185">185</a>]</span>many abuses and irregularities had been allowed to creep into the Christian society; -in one of which, namely the practice of contracting marriages without the sanction -of the Church or any religious ceremony, we find an approximation to the Muhammadan -law, which makes marriage a civil contract. In order to remedy this evil, the husband -and wife were to be excluded from the Church, until they had conformed to the ecclesiastical -law and gone through the service in the regular manner.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3923src" href="#xd31e3923">157</a> -</p> -<p>In the course of the seventeenth century, the social conditions and other factors, -indicated above, bore fruit abundantly, and the numbers of the Christian population -began rapidly to decline. In the brief space of thirty years, between 1620 and 1650, -about 300,000 Albanians are said to have gone over to Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3928src" href="#xd31e3928">158</a> In 1624 there were only 2000 Catholics in the whole diocese of Antivari, and in the -city itself only one church; at the close of the century, even this church was no -longer used for Christian worship, as there were only two families of Roman Catholics -left.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3931src" href="#xd31e3931">159</a> In the whole country generally, the majority of the Christian community in 1651 was -composed of women, as the male population had apostatised in such large numbers to -Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3934src" href="#xd31e3934">160</a> Matters were still worse at the close of the century, the Catholics being then fewer -in number than the Muhammadans, the proportions being about 1 to 1⅓,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3937src" href="#xd31e3937">161</a> whereas less than a hundred years before, they had outnumbered the Muhammadans in -the proportion of 10 to 1;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3940src" href="#xd31e3940">162</a> in the Archbishopric of Durazzo the Christian population had decreased by about half -in twenty years,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3944src" href="#xd31e3944">163</a> in another town (in the diocese of Kroia) the entire population passed from Christianity -to Islam in the course of thirty years.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3947src" href="#xd31e3947">164</a> In spite of the frequent protests and regulations made by their ecclesiastical superiors, -the parish priests continued to countenance the open profession of Islam along with -a secret adherence to Christianity, on the part of many male members of their flocks, -by administering to them the Blessed Sacrament; the result of which was that the children -<span class="pageNum" id="pb186">[<a href="#pb186">186</a>]</span>of such persons, being brought up as Muhammadans, were for ever lost to the Christian -Church.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3952src" href="#xd31e3952">165</a> Similarly, Christian parents still gave their daughters in marriage to Muhammadans, -the parish priests countenancing such unions by administering the sacrament to such -women,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3955src" href="#xd31e3955">166</a> in spite of the fulminations of the higher clergy against such indulgence.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3958src" href="#xd31e3958">167</a> Such action on the part of the lower clergy can hardly, however, be taken as indicating -any great zeal on behalf of the spiritual welfare of their flocks, in the face of -the accusations brought against them; the majority of them are accused of being scandalous -livers, who very seldom went to confession and held drunken revels in their parsonages -on festival days; they sold the property of the Church, frequently absented themselves -from their parishes, and when censured, succeeded in getting off by putting themselves -under the protection of the Turks.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3962src" href="#xd31e3962">168</a> The Reformed Franciscans and the Observants who had been sent to minister to the -spiritual wants of the people did nothing but quarrel and go to law with one another; -much to the scandal of the laity and the neglect of the mission.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3965src" href="#xd31e3965">169</a> In the middle of the seventeenth century five out of the twelve Albanian sees were -vacant; the diocese of Pullati had not been visited by a bishop for thirty years, -and there were only two priests to 6348 souls.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3968src" href="#xd31e3968">170</a> In some parishes in the interior of the country, there had been no priests for more -than forty years; and this was in no way due to the oppression of the “Turkish tyrant,” -for when at last four Franciscan missionaries were sent, they reported that they could -go through the country and exercise their sacred office without any hindrance whatever.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3971src" href="#xd31e3971">171</a> The bishop of Sappa, to the great prejudice of his diocese, had been long resident -in Venice, where he is said to have lived a vicious life, and had appointed as his -vicar an ignorant priest who was a notorious evil-liver: this man had 12,400 souls -under his charge, and, says the ecclesiastical visitor, “through the absence of the -bishop there is danger of his losing his own <span class="pageNum" id="pb187">[<a href="#pb187">187</a>]</span>soul and compassing the destruction of the souls under him and of the property of -the Church.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3977src" href="#xd31e3977">172</a> The bishop of Scutari was looked upon as a tyrant by his clergy and people, and only -succeeded in keeping his post through the aid of the Turks;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3981src" href="#xd31e3981">173</a> and Zmaievich complains of the bishops generally that they burdened the parishes -in their diocese with forced contributions.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3984src" href="#xd31e3984">174</a> It appears that Christian ecclesiastics were authorised by the Sultan to levy contributions -on their flocks. Thus the Archbishop of Antivari (1599–1607) was allowed to “exact -and receive” two aspers from each Christian family, twelve for every first marriage -(and double the amount for a second, and quadruple for a third marriage), and one -gold piece from each parish annually, and it seems to have been possible to obtain -the assistance of the Turkish authorities in levying these contributions.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3987src" href="#xd31e3987">175</a> -</p> -<p>Throughout the whole of Albania there was not a single Christian school,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3992src" href="#xd31e3992">176</a> and the priests were profoundly ignorant: some were sent to study in Italy, but Marco -Crisio condemns this practice, as such priests were in danger of finding life in Italy -so pleasant that they refused to return to their native country. With a priesthood -so ignorant and so careless of their sacred duties, it is not surprising to learn -that the common people had no knowledge even of the rudiments of their faith, and -that numerous abuses and corruptions sprang up among them, which “wrought the utmost -desolation to this vineyard of the Lord.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3995src" href="#xd31e3995">177</a> Many Christians lived in open concubinage for years, still, however, being admitted -to the sacraments,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e3998src" href="#xd31e3998">178</a> while others had a plurality of wives.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4001src" href="#xd31e4001">179</a> In this latter practice we notice an assimilation between the habits of the two communities—the -Christian and the Muslim—which is further illustrated by the admission of Muhammadans -as sponsors at the baptism of Christian children, while the old superstitious custom -of baptising Muhammadan children was still sanctioned by the priests.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4004src" href="#xd31e4004">180</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb188">[<a href="#pb188">188</a>]</span></p> -<p>Such being the state of the Christian Church in Albania in the latter half of the -seventeenth century, some very trifling incentive would have been enough to bring -about a widespread apostasy; and the punishment inflicted on the rebellious Catholics -in the latter half of the century was a determining factor more than sufficient to -consummate the tendencies that had been drawing them towards Islam and to cause large -numbers of them to fall away from the Christian Church. The rebellious movement referred -to seems to have been instigated by George, the thirty-ninth Archbishop of Antivari -(1635–1644), who through the bishops of Durazzo, Scodra and Alessio tried to induce -the leaders of the Christian community to conspire against the Turkish rule and hand -over the country to the neighbouring Christian power, the Republic of Venice. As in -his time Venice was at peace with the Turks a fitting opportunity for the hatching -of this plot did not occur, but in 1645 war broke out between Turkey and the Republic, -and the Venetians made an unsuccessful attempt to capture the city of Antivari, which -before the Turkish conquest had been in their possession for more than three centuries -(1262–1571). The Albanian Catholics who had sided with the enemy and secretly given -them assistance were severely punished and deprived of their privileges, while the -Greek Christians (who had everything to fear in the event of the restoration of the -Venetian rule and had remained faithful to the Turkish government) were liberally -rewarded and were lauded as the saviours of their country. Many of the Catholics either -became Muhammadans or joined the Greek Church. The latter fact is very significant -as showing that there was no persecution of the Christians <i>as such</i>, nor any attempt to <i>force</i> the acceptance of Islam upon them. The Catholics who became Muhammadans did so to -avoid the odium of their position after the failure of their plot, and could have -gained the same end and have at the same time retained their Christian faith by joining -the Greek Church, which was not only officially recognised by the Turkish government -but in high favour in Antivari at this time: so that those who neglected to do so, -could have had very little attachment to the Christian religion. The same remark holds -good of the numerous conversions <span class="pageNum" id="pb189">[<a href="#pb189">189</a>]</span>to Islam in the succeeding years: Zmaievich attributes them in some cases to the desire -to avoid the payment of tribute, but, from what has been said above, it is very unlikely -that this was the sole determining motive. -</p> -<p>In 1649 a still more widespread insurrection broke out, an Archbishop of Antivari, -Joseph Maria Bonaldo (1646–1654), being again the main instigator of the movement; -and the leading citizens of Antivari, Scodra and other towns conspired to throw open -their gates to the army of the Venetian Republic. But this plot also failed and the -insurrection was forcibly crushed by the Turkish troops, aided by the dissensions -that arose among the Christians themselves. Many Albanians whose influence was feared -were transported from their own country into the interior of the Turkish dominions; -a body of 3000 men crossed the border into Venetian territory; those who remained -were overawed by the erection of fortresses and the marching of troops through the -disaffected districts, while heavy fines were imposed upon the malcontents.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4019src" href="#xd31e4019">181</a> -</p> -<p>Unfortunately the Christian writers who complain of the “unjust tributes and vexations” -with which the Turks oppressed the Albanians, so that they apostatised to Islam,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4024src" href="#xd31e4024">182</a> make use only of general expressions, and give us no details to enable us to judge -whether or not such complaints were justified by the facts. Zmaievich prefaces his -account of the apostasy of 2000 persons with an enumeration of the taxes and other -burdens the Christians had to bear, but all these, he says, were common also to the -Muhammadans, with the exception of the capitation-tax of six reals a year for each -male, and another tax, termed sciataraccio, of three reals a year.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4027src" href="#xd31e4027">183</a> He concludes with the words: “The nation, wounded by these taxes in its weakest part, -namely, worldly interest, to the consideration of which it has a singular leaning -either by nature or by necessity, has given just cause for lamenting the deplorable -loss of about 2000 souls who apostatised from the true faith so as not to be subject -to the tribute.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4030src" href="#xd31e4030">184</a> There is nothing in his report to show that <span class="pageNum" id="pb190">[<a href="#pb190">190</a>]</span>the taxes the Catholics had to pay constituted so intolerable a burden as to force -them to renounce their creed, and though he attributes many conversions to Islam to -the desire of escaping the tribute, he says expressly that these apostasies from the -Christian faith are mainly to be ascribed to the extreme ignorance of the clergy,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4035src" href="#xd31e4035">185</a> in great measure also to their practice of admitting to the sacraments those who -openly professed Islam while in secret adhering to the Christian faith:<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4039src" href="#xd31e4039">186</a> in another place he says, speaking of the clergy who were not fit to be parish priests -and their practice of administering the sacraments to apostates and secret Christians: -“These are precisely the two causes from which have come all the losses that the Christian -Church has sustained in Albania.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4042src" href="#xd31e4042">187</a> There is very little doubt that the widespread apostasy at this time was the result -of a long series of influences similar to those mentioned in the preceding pages, -and that the deliverance from the payment of the tribute was the last link in the -chain. -</p> -<p>What active efforts Muhammadans themselves were making to gain over the Christians -to Islam, we can hardly expect to learn from the report of an ecclesiastical visitor. -But we find mention of a district, the inhabitants of which, from their intercourse -with the Turks, had “contracted the vices of these infidels,” and one of the chief -causes of their falling away from the Christian faith was their contracting marriages -with Turkish women.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4048src" href="#xd31e4048">188</a> There were no doubt strong Muhammadan influences at work here, as also in the two -parishes of Biscascia and Basia, whose joint population of nearly a thousand souls -was “exposed to the obvious risk of apostatising through lack of any pastor,” and -were “much tempted in their faith, and needed to be strengthened in it by wise and -zealous pastors.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4051src" href="#xd31e4051">189</a> -</p> -<p>Zmaievich speaks of one of the old noble Christian families in the neighbourhood of -Antivari which was represented at that time by two brothers; the elder of these had -been “wheedled” by the prominent Muhammadans of the place, who were closely related -to him, into denying his <span class="pageNum" id="pb191">[<a href="#pb191">191</a>]</span>faith; the younger wished to study for the priesthood, in which office “he would be -of much assistance to the Christian Church through the high esteem in which the Turks -held his family; which though poor was universally respected.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4058src" href="#xd31e4058">190</a> This indeed is another indication of the fact that the Muhammadans did not ill-treat -the Christians, merely as such, but only when they showed themselves to be politically -disaffected. Zmaievich, who was himself an Albanian, and took up his residence in -his diocese instead of in Venetian territory, as many of the Archbishops of Antivari -seem to have done,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4061src" href="#xd31e4061">191</a> was received with “extraordinary honours” and with “marvellous courtesy,” not only -by the Turkish officials generally, but also by the Supreme Pasha of Albania himself, -who gave him the place of honour in his Divan, always accompanying him to the door -on his departure and receiving him there on his arrival.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4064src" href="#xd31e4064">192</a> This “barbarian” who “showed himself more like a generous-hearted Christian than -a Turk,” gave more substantial marks of good feeling towards the Christians by remitting—at -the Archbishop’s request—the tribute due for the ensuing year from four separate towns.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4067src" href="#xd31e4067">193</a> If any of the Christian clergy were roughly treated by the Turks, it seems generally -to have been due to the suspicion of treasonable correspondence with the enemies of -the Turks; ecclesiastical visits to Italy seem also to have excited—and in many cases, -justly—such suspicions. Otherwise the Christian clergy seem to have had no reason -to complain of the treatment they received from the Muslims; Zmaievich even speaks -of one parish priest being “much beloved by the principal Turks,”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4071src" href="#xd31e4071">194</a> and doubtless there were parallels in Albania to the case of a priest in the diocese -of Trebinje in Herzegovina, who in the early part of the eighteenth century was suspected, -on account of his familiar intercourse with Muhammadans, of having formed an intention -to embrace Islam, and was accordingly sent by his bishop to Rome under safe custody.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4074src" href="#xd31e4074">195</a> -</p> -<p>No subsequent period of Albanian history appears to <span class="pageNum" id="pb192">[<a href="#pb192">192</a>]</span>have witnessed such widespread apostasy as the seventeenth century, but there have -been occasional accessions to Islam up to more recent times. In Southern Albania, -the country of the Tosks, the preponderance of the Muhammadan population placed the -Christians at a disadvantage, and a story is told of the Karamurtads, inhabitants -of thirty-six villages near Pogoniani, that up to the close of the eighteenth century -they were Christians, but finding themselves unable to repel the continual attacks -of the neighbouring Muhammadan population of Leskoviki, they met in a church and prayed -that the saints might work some miracle on their behalf; they swore to fast till Easter -in expectation of the divine assistance; but Easter came and no miracle was wrought, -so the whole population embraced Islam; soon afterwards they obtained the arms they -required and massacred their old enemies in Leskoviki and took possession of their -lands.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4081src" href="#xd31e4081">196</a> Community of faith in Albania is never allowed to stand in the way of a tribal feud. -Even up to the nineteenth century Albanian tribes and villages have changed their -religion for very trivial reasons; part of one Christian tribe is said to have turned -Muhammadan because their priest, who served several villages and visited them first, -insisted on saying mass at an unreasonably early hour.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4084src" href="#xd31e4084">197</a> -</p> -<p>At the present day the Muhammadans in Albania are said to number about 1,000,000 and -the Christians 480,000, but the accuracy of these figures is not certain. The Mirdites -are entirely Christian; they submitted to the Sultan on condition that no Muslim would -be allowed to settle in their territory, but adherents of both the rival creeds are -found in almost all the other tribes. Central Albania is said to be almost entirely -Muhammadan, and the followers of Islam form about sixty per cent. of the population -of Northern Albania; the Christian population attains its largest proportion in Southern -Albania, especially in the districts bordering upon Greece. -</p> -<p>The kingdom of Servia first paid tribute to the Ottomans in 1375 and lost its independence -after the disastrous defeat of Kossovo (1389), where both the king of Servia and the -<span class="pageNum" id="pb193">[<a href="#pb193">193</a>]</span>Turkish sultan were left dead upon the field. The successors of the two sovereigns -entered into a friendly compact, the young Servian prince, Stephen, acknowledged the -suzerainty of Turkey, gave his sister in marriage to the new sultan, Bāyazīd, and -formed with him a league of brotherhood. At the battle of Nikopolis (1394), which -gave to the Turks assured possession of the whole Balkan peninsula, except the district -surrounding Constantinople, the Servian contingent turned the wavering fortune of -the battle and gave the victory to the Turks. On the field of Angora (1402), when -the Turkish power was annihilated and Bāyazīd himself taken prisoner by Tīmūr, Stephen -was present with his Servian troops and fought bravely for his brother-in-law, and -instead of taking this opportunity of securing his independence, remained faithful -to his engagement, and stood by the sons of Bāyazīd until they recovered their father’s -throne. Under the successor of Stephen, George Brankovich, Servia enjoyed a semi-independence, -but when in 1438 he raised the standard of revolt, his country was again overrun by -the Turks. Then for a time Servia had to acknowledge the suzerainty of Hungary, but -the defeat of John Hunyady at Varna in 1444 brought her once more under tribute, and -in 1459 she finally became a Turkish province. -</p> -<p>It is not impossible that the Servians who had embraced Islam after the battle of -Kossovo had knowledge of the fate of the little Muslim community that had been rooted -out of Hungary about a century before, and therefore preferred the domination of the -Turks to that of the Hungarians. Yāqūt gives the following account of his meeting, -about the year 1228, with some members of this group of followers of the Prophet in -mediæval Europe, who had owed their conversion to Muslims who had settled among them. -“In the city of Aleppo, I met a large number of persons called Bashkirs, with reddish -hair and reddish faces. They were studying law according to the school of Abū Ḥanīfah -(may God be well pleased with him!) I asked one of them who seemed to be an intelligent -fellow for information concerning their country and their condition. He told me, ‘Our -country is situated on the other side of Constantinople, in a kingdom of a people -of the Franks called the Hungarians. <span class="pageNum" id="pb194">[<a href="#pb194">194</a>]</span>We are Muslims, subjects of their king, and live on the border of his territory, occupying -about thirty villages, which are almost like small towns. But the king of the Hungarians -does not allow us to build walls round any of them, lest we should revolt against -him. We are situated in the midst of Christian countries, having the land of the Slavs -on the north, on the south, that of the Pope, i.e. Rome (now the Pope is the head -of the Franks, the vicar of the Messiah in their eyes, like the commander of the faithful -in the eyes of the Muslims; his authority extends over all matters connected with -religion among the whole of them); on the west, Andalusia; on the east, the land of -the Greeks, Constantinople and its provinces.’ He added, ‘Our language is the language -of the Franks, we dress after their fashion, we serve with them in the army, and we -join them in attacking all their enemies, because they only go to war with the enemies -of Islam.’ I then asked him how it was they had adopted Islam in spite of their dwelling -in the midst of the unbelievers. He answered, ‘I have heard several of our forefathers -say that a long time ago seven Muslims came from Bulgaria and settled among us. In -kindly fashion they pointed out to us our errors and directed us into the right way, -the faith of Islam. Then God guided us and (praise be to God!) we all became Muslims -and God opened our hearts to the faith. We have come to this country to study law; -when we return to our own land, the people will do us honour and put us in charge -of their religious affairs.’ ”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4096src" href="#xd31e4096">198</a> Islam kept its ground among the Bashkirs of Hungary until 1340, when King Charles -Robert compelled all his subjects that were not yet Christians to embrace the Christian -faith or quit the country.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4099src" href="#xd31e4099">199</a> -</p> -<p>The Servian Muslims may, therefore, well have been pleased to escape from the rule -of Hungary, like their Christian fellow-countrymen, for when these were given the -choice between the Roman Catholic rule of Hungary and the Muslim rule of the Turks, -the devotion of the Servians to the Greek Church led them to prefer the tolerance -of the Muhammadans to the uncompromising proselytising <span class="pageNum" id="pb195">[<a href="#pb195">195</a>]</span>spirit of the Latins. An old legend thus represents their feelings at this time:—The -Turks and the Hungarians were at war; George Brankovich sought out John Hunyady and -asked him, “If you are victorious, what will you do?” “Establish the Roman Catholic -faith,” was the answer. Then he sought out the sultan and asked him, “If you come -out victorious, what will you do with our religion?” “By the side of every mosque -shall stand a church, and every man shall be free to pray in whichever he chooses.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4106src" href="#xd31e4106">200</a> The treachery of some Servian priests forced the garrison of Belgrade to capitulate -to the Turks;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4109src" href="#xd31e4109">201</a> similarly the Servians of Semendria, on the Danube, welcomed the Turkish troops who -in 1600 delivered them from the rule of their Catholic neighbours.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4112src" href="#xd31e4112">202</a> -</p> -<p>The spread of Islam among the Servians began immediately after the battle of Kossovo, -when a large part of the old feudal nobility, such as still remained alive and did -not take refuge in neighbouring Christian countries, went over voluntarily to the -faith of the Prophet, in order to keep their old privileges undisturbed.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4117src" href="#xd31e4117">203</a> In these converted nobles the sultans found the most zealous propagandists of the -new faith.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4120src" href="#xd31e4120">204</a> But the majority of the Servian people clung firmly to their old religion through -all their troubles and sufferings, and only in Stara Serbia or Old Servia,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4123src" href="#xd31e4123">205</a> which now forms the north-eastern portion of modern Albania, has there been any very -considerable number of conversions. Even here the spread of Muhammadanism proceeded -very slowly until the seventeenth century, when the Austrians induced the Servians -to rise in revolt and, after the ill-success of this rising, the then Patriarch, Arsenius -III Tsernoïevich, in 1690 emigrated with 40,000 Servian families across the border -into Hungary; another exodus in 1739 of 15,000 families under the leadership of Arsenius -IV Jovanovich, well nigh denuded this part of the country of its original Servian -population.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4126src" href="#xd31e4126">206</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb196">[<a href="#pb196">196</a>]</span></p> -<p>Albanian colonists from the south pressed into the country vacated by the fugitives: -these Albanians at the time of their arrival were Roman Catholics for the most part, -but after they settled in Old Servia they gradually adopted Islam and at the present -time the remnant of Roman Catholic Albanians is but small, though from time to time -it is recruited by fresh arrivals from the mountains: the new-comers, however, usually -follow the example of their predecessors, and after a while become Muhammadans.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4132src" href="#xd31e4132">207</a> -</p> -<p>After this Albanian immigration, Islam began to spread more rapidly among the remnant -of the Servian population. The Servian clergy were very ignorant and unlettered, they -could only manage with difficulty to read their service-books and hardly any had learned -to write; they neither preached to the people nor taught them the catechism, consequently -in whole villages scarcely a man could be found who knew the Lord’s Prayer or how -many commandments there were; even the priests themselves were quite as ignorant.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4137src" href="#xd31e4137">208</a> After the insurrection of 1689, the Patriarch of Ipek, the ecclesiastical capital -of Servia, was appointed by the Porte, but in 1737, as the result of another rebellion, -the Servian Patriarchate was entirely suppressed and the Servian Church made dependent -upon the Greek Patriarch of Constantinople. The churches were filled with Greek bishops, -who made common cause with the Turkish Beys and Pashas in bleeding the unfortunate -Christians: their national language was proscribed and the Old Slavonic service-books, -etc., were collected and sent off to Constantinople.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4140src" href="#xd31e4140">209</a> With such a clergy it is not surprising that the Christian faith should decline: -e.g. in the commune of Gora (in the district of Prizren), which had begun to become -Muhammadanised soon after the great exodus of 1690, the Servians that still clung -to the Christian faith, appealed again and again to the Greek bishop of Prizren to -send them priests, at least occasionally, but all in vain; their children remained -unbaptised, weddings and burials were conducted without the blessing of the Church, -and the consecrated buildings fell into decay.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4143src" href="#xd31e4143">210</a> In the neighbouring district <span class="pageNum" id="pb197">[<a href="#pb197">197</a>]</span>of Opolje, similarly, the present Muslim population of 9500 souls is probably for -the most part descended from the original Slav inhabitants of the place.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4148src" href="#xd31e4148">211</a> At the beginning of the seventeenth century, Bizzi found in the city of Jagnevo, -120 Roman Catholic households, 200 Greek and 180 Muhammadan;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4152src" href="#xd31e4152">212</a> less than a hundred years later, every house in the city was looked upon as Muhammadan, -as the head of each family professed this faith and the women only, with some of the -children, were Christian.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4155src" href="#xd31e4155">213</a> About the middle of the eighteenth century, the village of Ljurs was entirely Catholic; -in 1863 there were 90 Muslim and 23 Christian families, but at the present day this -village, together with the surrounding villages, has wholly given up Christianity.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4158src" href="#xd31e4158">214</a> Until recently some lingering survivals of their old Christian faith, such as the -burning of the Yule-log at Christmas, etc., were still to be met with in certain villages, -but such customs are now fast dying out. -</p> -<p>After the battle of Kossovo and the downfall of the Servian empire, the wild highlands -of Montenegro afforded a refuge to those Servians who would not submit to the Turks -but were determined to maintain their independence. It is not the place here to relate -the history of the heroic struggles of this brave people against overwhelming odds, -how through centuries of continual warfare, under the rule of their prince-bishops,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4163src" href="#xd31e4163">215</a> they have kept alive a free Christian state when all their brethren of the same race -had been compelled to submit to Muhammadan rule. While the very basis of their separate -existence as a nation was their firm adherence to the Christian faith it could hardly -have been expected that Islam would have made its way among them, but in the seventeenth -century many Montenegrins in the frontier districts became Muhammadans and took service -with the neighbouring Pashas. But in 1703, Daniel Petrovich, the then reigning bishop, -called the tribes together and told them that the only hope for their country and -their faith lay in the destruction of the Muhammadans living among them. Accordingly, -on Christmas Eve, all <span class="pageNum" id="pb198">[<a href="#pb198">198</a>]</span>the converted Montenegrins who would not forswear Islam and embrace Christianity were -massacred in cold blood.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4168src" href="#xd31e4168">216</a> -</p> -<p>To pass now to Bosnia:—in this country the religious and social conditions of the -people, before the Turkish conquest, merit especial attention. The majority of the -population belonged to a heretical Christian sect, called Bogomiles, who from the -thirteenth century had been exposed to the persecution of the Roman Catholics and -against whom Popes had on several occasions preached a Crusade.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4174src" href="#xd31e4174">217</a> In 1325, Pope John XXII wrote thus to the king of Bosnia: “To our beloved son and -nobleman, Stephen, Prince of Bosnia,—knowing that thou art a faithful son of the Church, -we therefore charge thee to exterminate the heretics in thy dominion, and to render -aid and assistance to Fabian, our Inquisitor, forasmuch as a large multitude of heretics -from many and divers parts collected hath flowed together into the principality of -Bosnia, trusting there to sow their obscene errors and dwell there in safety. These -men, imbued with the cunning of the Old Fiend, and armed with the venom of their falseness, -corrupt the minds of Catholics by outward show of simplicity and the sham assumption -of the name of Christians; their speech crawleth like a crab, and they creep in with -humility, but in secret they kill, and are wolves in sheep’s clothing, covering their -bestial fury as a means to deceive the simple sheep of Christ.” In the fifteenth century, -the sufferings of the Bogomiles became so intolerable that they appealed to the Turks -to deliver them from their unhappy condition, for the king of Bosnia and the priests -were pushing the persecution of the Bogomiles to an extreme which perhaps it had never -reached before; as many as forty thousand of them fled from Bosnia and took refuge -in neighbouring countries; others who did not succeed in making their escape, were -sent in chains to Rome. But even these violent measures did little to diminish the -strength of the Bogomiles in Bosnia, as in 1462 we are told that heresy was as powerful -as ever in this country. The following year, when Bosnia was invaded by Muḥammad II, -the Catholic <span class="pageNum" id="pb199">[<a href="#pb199">199</a>]</span>king found himself deserted by his subjects: the keys of the principal fortress, the -royal city of Bobovatz, were handed over to the Turks by the Bogomile governor; the -other fortresses and towns hastened to follow this example, and within a week seventy -cities passed into the hands of the Sultan, and Muḥammad II added Bosnia to the number -of his numerous conquests.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4179src" href="#xd31e4179">218</a> -</p> -<p>From this time forth we hear but little of the Bogomiles; they seem to have willingly -embraced Islam in large numbers immediately after the Turkish conquest, and the rest -seem to have gradually followed later, while the Bosnian Roman Catholics emigrated -into the neighbouring territories of Hungary and Austria. It has been supposed by -some<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4184src" href="#xd31e4184">219</a> that a large proportion of the Bogomiles, at least in the earlier period of the conquest, -embraced Islam with the intention of returning to their faith when a favourable opportunity -presented itself; as, being constantly persecuted they may have learnt to deny their -faith for the time being; but that, when this favourable opportunity never arrived, -this intention must have gradually been lost sight of and at length have been entirely -forgotten by their descendants. Such a supposition is, however, a pure conjecture -and has no direct evidence to support it. We may rather find the reason for the willingness -of the Bogomiles to allow themselves to be merged in the general mass of the Musalman -believers, in the numerous points of likeness between their peculiar beliefs and the -tenets of Islam. They rejected the worship of the Virgin Mary, the institution of -Baptism and every form of priesthood.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4187src" href="#xd31e4187">220</a> They abominated the cross as a religious symbol, and considered it idolatry to bow -down before religious pictures and the images and relics of the saints. Their houses -of prayer were very simple and unadorned, in contrast to the gaudily decorated Roman -Catholic churches, and they shared the Muhammadan dislike of bells, which they styled -“the devil’s trumpets.” They believed that <span class="pageNum" id="pb200">[<a href="#pb200">200</a>]</span>Christ was not himself crucified but that some phantom was substituted in his place: -in this respect agreeing partially with the teaching of the Qurʼān.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4192src" href="#xd31e4192">221</a> Their condemnation of wine and the general austerity of their mode of life and the -stern severity of their outward demeanour would serve as further links to bind them -to Islam,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4195src" href="#xd31e4195">222</a> for it was said of them: “You will see heretics quiet and peaceful as lambs without, -silent, and wan with hypocritical fasting, who do not speak much nor laugh loud, who -let their beard grow, and leave their person incompt.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4208src" href="#xd31e4208">223</a> They prayed five times a day and five times a night, repeating the Lord’s Prayer -with frequent kneelings,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4211src" href="#xd31e4211">224</a> and would thus find it very little change to join in the services of the mosque. -I have brought together here the many points of likeness to the teachings of Islam, -which we find in this Bogomilian heresy, but there were, of course, some doctrines -of a distinctly Christian character which an orthodox Muslim could not hold; still, -with so much in common, it can easily be understood how the Bogomiles may gradually -have been persuaded to give up those doctrines that were repugnant to the Muslim faith. -Their Manichæan dualism was equally irreconcilable with Muslim theology, but Islam -has always shown itself tolerant of such theological speculations provided that they -did not issue in a schism and that a general assent and consent were given to the -main principles of its theory and practice. -</p> -<p>The Turks, as was their usual custom, offered every advantage to induce the Bosnians -to accept their creed. All who embraced Islam were allowed to retain their lands and -possessions, and their fiefs were exempt from all taxation,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4216src" href="#xd31e4216">225</a> and it is probable that many rightful heirs of ancient houses who had been dispossessed -for heretical opinions by the Catholic faction among the nobility, now embraced the -opportunity of regaining their old position by submission to the dominant creed. The -Bosnian Muhammadans <span class="pageNum" id="pb201">[<a href="#pb201">201</a>]</span>retained their nationality and still for the most part bear Serb names and speak only -their national tongue;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4221src" href="#xd31e4221">226</a> at the same time they have always evinced a lively zeal for their new faith, and -by their military prowess, their devotion to Islam and the powerful influence they -exercised, the Bosnian nobility rapidly rose into high favour in Constantinople and -many were entrusted with important offices of state, e.g. between the years 1544 and -1611 nine statesmen of Bosnian origin filled the post of Grand Vizier. -</p> -<p>The latest territorial acquisition of the Ottoman conquests was the island of Crete, -which in 1669 was wrested from the hands of the Venetian Republic by the capture of -the city of Candia after a long and desperate siege of nearly three years, which closed -a struggle of twenty-five years between these rival powers for the possession of the -island. -</p> -<p>This was not the first time that Crete had come under Muslim rule. Early in the ninth -century the island was suddenly seized by a band of Saracen adventurers from Spain, -and it remained in their power for nearly a century and a half (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 825–961).<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4230src" href="#xd31e4230">227</a> During this period well nigh the whole population of the island had become Muslim, -and the churches had either fallen into ruins or been turned into mosques; but when -the authority of the Byzantine empire was once re-established here, the people were -converted again to their ancient faith through the skilful preaching of an Armenian -monk, and the Christian religion became the only one professed on the island.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4233src" href="#xd31e4233">228</a> In the beginning of the thirteenth century, the Venetians purchased the island from -Boniface, Duke of Montserrat, to whose lot it had fallen after the partition of the -Byzantine empire, and they ruled it with a heavy hand, apparently looking upon it -only in the light of a purchase that was to be exploited for the benefit of the home -government and its colonists. Their administration was so oppressive and tyrannical -as to excite several revolts, which were crushed with pitiless severity; on one of -these occasions whole cantons in the provinces of Sfakia and Lassiti were depopulated, -and it was forbidden under pain of death to sow any corn there, so that these districts -remained barren <span class="pageNum" id="pb202">[<a href="#pb202">202</a>]</span>and uncultivated for nearly a century.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4238src" href="#xd31e4238">229</a> The terrific cruelty with which the Venetian senate suppressed the last of these -attempts at the beginning of the sixteenth century added a crowning horror to the -miserable condition of the unhappy Cretans. How terrible was their lot at this time -we learn from the reports of the commissioners sent by the Venetian senate in the -latter part of the same century, in order to inquire into the condition of the islanders. -The peasants were said to be crushed down by the cruelest oppression and tyranny on -the part of the Venetian nobles, their feudal lords, being reduced to a worse condition -than that of slaves, so that they never dared even to complain of any injustice. Each -peasant had to do twelve days’ forced labour for his feudal lord every year without -payment, and could then be compelled to go on working for as long as his lord required -his services at the nominal rate of a penny a day; his vineyards were mulcted in a -full third of their produce, but fraud and force combined generally succeeded in appropriating -as much as two-thirds; his oxen and mules could be seized for the service of the lord, -who had a thousand other devices for squeezing the unfortunate peasant.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4242src" href="#xd31e4242">230</a> The protests of these commissioners proved ineffectual to induce the Venetian senate -to alleviate the unhappy condition of the Cretans and put a stop to the cruelty and -tyranny of the nobles: it preferred to listen to the advice of Fra Paolo Sarpi who -in 1615 thus addressed the Republic on the subject of its Greek colonies: “If the -gentlemen of these Colonies do tyrannize over the villages of their dominion, the -best way is not to seem to see it, that there may be no kindness between them and -their subjects.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4245src" href="#xd31e4245">231</a> -</p> -<p>It is not surprising to learn from the same sources that the Cretans longed for a -change of rulers, and that “they would not much stick at submitting to the Turk, having -the example of all the rest of their nation before their eyes.” Indeed, many at this -time fled into Turkey to escape the intolerable burden of taxation, following in the -footsteps of countless others, who from time to time had taken refuge <span class="pageNum" id="pb203">[<a href="#pb203">203</a>]</span>there.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4252src" href="#xd31e4252">232</a> Large numbers of them also emigrated to Egypt, where many embraced Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4255src" href="#xd31e4255">233</a> Especially galling to the Cretans were the exactions of the Latin clergy who appropriated -the endowments that belonged of right to the Greek ecclesiastics, and did everything -they could to insult the Christians of the Greek rite, who constituted nine-tenths -of the population of the island.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4258src" href="#xd31e4258">234</a> The Turks, on the other hand, conciliated their good-will by restoring the Greek -hierarchy. This, according to a Venetian writer, was brought about in the following -manner: “A certain papas or priest of Canea went to Cusseim the Turkish general, and -told him that if he desired to gain the good-will of the Cretan people, and bring -detestation upon the name of Venice, it was necessary for him to bear in mind that -the staunchest of the links which keep civilised society from falling asunder is religion. -It would be needful for him to act in a way different from the line followed by the -Venetians. These did their utmost to root out the Greek faith and establish that of -Rome in its place, with which interest they had made an injunction that there should -be no Greek bishops in the island. By thus removing these venerated and authoritative -shepherds, they thought the more easily to gain control over the scattered flocks. -This prohibition had caused such distress in the minds of the Cretans that they were -ready to welcome with joy and obedience any sovereignty that would lend its will to -the re-institution of this order in their hierarchy—an order so essential for the -proper exercise of their divine worship. He added, that it would be a further means -of conciliating the people if they were assured that they would not only be confirmed -in the old privileges of their religion, but that new privileges would be granted -them. These arguments seemed to Cusseim so plausible that he wrote at once to Constantinople -with a statement of them. Here they were approved, and the Greek Patriarch was bidden -to institute an archbishop who should be metropole of the Province of Candia. Under -the metropolitan seven other bishops were also to be nominated.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4261src" href="#xd31e4261">235</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb204">[<a href="#pb204">204</a>]</span></p> -<p>The Turkish conquest seems to have been very rapidly followed by the conversion of -large numbers of the Cretans to Islam. It is not improbable that the same patriotism -as made them cling to their old faith under the foreign domination of the Venetians -who kept them at arm’s length and regarded any attempt at assimilation as an unpardonable -indignity,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4268src" href="#xd31e4268">236</a> and always tried to impress on their subjects a sense of their inferiority—may have -led them to accept the religion of their new masters, which at once raised them from -the position of subjects to that of equals and gave them a share in the political -life and government of their country. Whatever may have been the causes of the widespread -conversion of the Cretans, it seems almost incredible that violence should have changed -the religion of a people who had for centuries before clung firmly to their old faith -despite the persecution of a hostile and a foreign creed. Whatever may have been the -means by which the ranks of Islam were filled, thirty years after the conquest we -are told that the majority of the Muslims were renegades or the children of renegades,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4271src" href="#xd31e4271">237</a> and in little more than a century half the population of Crete had become Muhammadan. -From one end of the island to the other, not only in the towns but also in the villages, -in the inland districts and in the very heart of the mountains, were (and are still) -found Cretan Muslims who in figure, habits and speech are thoroughly Greek. There -never has been, and to the present day there is not, any other language spoken on -the island of Crete except Greek; even the few Turks to be found here had to adopt -the language of the country and all the firmans of the Porte and decrees of the Pashas -were read and published in Greek.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4274src" href="#xd31e4274">238</a> The bitter feelings between the Christians and Muhammadans of Crete that have made -the history of this island during the nineteenth century so sad a one, was by no means -so virulent before the outbreak of the Greek revolution, in days when the Cretan Muslims -were very generally in the habit of taking as their wives Christian maidens, the children -of their Christian friends.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4277src" href="#xd31e4277">239</a> The social communication between the two communities was further signified by their -common dress, <span class="pageNum" id="pb205">[<a href="#pb205">205</a>]</span>as the Cretans of both creeds dressed so much alike that the distinction was often -not even recognised by residents of long standing or by Greeks of the neighbouring -islands.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4283src" href="#xd31e4283">240</a> -</p> -<p>Recent political events have brought about a considerable diminution in the Muhammadan -population of Crete. In 1881 the number of Muhammadans in the island was 73,234; in -1909, in consequence of continual emigrations, it had been reduced to 33,496.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4288src" href="#xd31e4288">241</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb206">[<a href="#pb206">206</a>]</span> </p> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3106"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3106src">1</a></span> This is no place to give a history of these territorial acquisitions, which may be -briefly summed up thus. In 1353 the Ottoman Turks first passed over into Europe and -a few years later Adrianople was made their European capital. Under Bāyazīd (1389–1402), -their dominions stretched from the Ægæan to the Danube, embracing all Bulgaria, Macedonia, -Thessaly and Thrace, with the exception of Chalkidike and the district just round -Constantinople. Murād II (1421–1451) occupied Chalkidike and pushed his conquests -to the Adriatic. Muḥammad II (1451–1481) by the overthrow of Constantinople, Albania, -Bosnia and Servia, became master of the whole South-Eastern peninsula, with the exception -of the parts of the coast held by Venice and Montenegro. Sulaymān II (1520–1566) added -Hungary and made the Ægæan an Ottoman sea. In the seventeenth century Crete was won -and Podolia ceded by Poland. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3106src" title="Return to note 1 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3113"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3113src">2</a></span> Phrantzes, pp. 305–6. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3113src" title="Return to note 2 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3118"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3118src">3</a></span> Finlay, vol. iii. p. 522. Pitzipios, <span lang="fr">seconde partie</span>, p. 75. M. d’Ohsson, vol. iii. p. 52–4. Arminjon, vol. i. p. 16. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3118src" title="Return to note 3 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3126"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3126src">4</a></span> A traveller who visited Cyprus in 1508 draws the following picture of the tyranny -of the Venetians in their foreign possessions: “All the inhabitants of Cyprus are -slaves to the Venetians, being obliged to pay to the state a third part of all their -increase or income, whether the product of their ground or corn, wine, oil, or of -their cattle, or any other thing. Besides, every man of them is bound to work for -the state two days of the week wherever they shall please to appoint him: and if any -shall fail, by reason of some other business of their own, or for indisposition of -body, then they are made to pay a fine for as many days as they are absent from their -work: and which is more, there is yearly some tax or other imposed on them, with which -the poor common people are so flead and pillaged that they hardly have wherewithal -to keep soul and body together.” (The Travels of Martin Baumgarten, p. 373.) See also -the passages quoted by Hackett, History of the Orthodox Church of Cyprus, p. 183. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3126src" title="Return to note 4 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3129"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3129src">5</a></span> Finlay, vol. iii. p. 502. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3129src" title="Return to note 5 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3134"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3134src">6</a></span> Urquhart, quoted by Clark: Races of European Turkey, p. 82. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3134src" title="Return to note 6 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3137"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3137src">7</a></span> Karamsin, vol. v. p. 437. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3137src" title="Return to note 7 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3141"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3141src">8</a></span> Martin Crusius writes in the same spirit: “<span lang="la">Et mirum est, inter barbaros, in tanta tantæ urbis colluvie, nullas cædes audiri, -vim iniustam non ferri, ius cuivis dici. Ideo Constantinopolin Sultanus, Refugium -totius orbis scribit: quod omnes miseri, ibi tutissime latent: quodque omnibus (tam -infimis quam summis: tam Christianis quam infidelibus) iustitia administretur.</span>” <span lang="la">(Turcogræcia, p. 487.) (Basileæ, 1584.)</span> <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3141src" title="Return to note 8 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3149"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3149src">9</a></span> Phrantzes, p. 81. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3149src" title="Return to note 9 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3154"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3154src">10</a></span> Phrantzes, p. 92. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3154src" title="Return to note 10 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3157"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3157src">11</a></span> Finlay, vol. v. pp. 5, 123. Adeney, p. 311. Gerlach, writing in the year 1577, says: -“<span lang="de">Wo Christen oder Juden in den Orten wohnen, da es Kadi oder Richter und Subbassi oder -Vögte hat, dass die gemeinen Türcken nicht ihres Gefallens mit ihnen umbgehen dörffen, -sind sie viel lieber unter den Türcken, dann unter den Christen. Wann sie Jährlich -ihren Tribut geben, sind sie hernach frey. Aber in der Christenheit ist das gantze -Jahr des Gebens kein Ende.</span>” (<span lang="de">Tage-Buch</span>, p. 413.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3157src" title="Return to note 11 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3170"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3170src">12</a></span> Hertzberg, pp. 467, 646, 650. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3170src" title="Return to note 12 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3175"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3175src">13</a></span> Finlay, vol. v. pp. 156–7. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3175src" title="Return to note 13 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3180"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3180src">14</a></span> This interval was, however, not a fixed one; at first, the levy took place every seven -or five years, but later at more frequent intervals according to the exigencies of -the state. (Menzel, p. 52.) Metrophanes Kritopoulos, writing in 1625, states that -the collectors came to the cities every seventh year and that each city had to contribute -three or four, or at least two boys (p. 205). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3180src" title="Return to note 14 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3183"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3183src">15</a></span> Qurʼān, viii. 42. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3183src" title="Return to note 15 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3186"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3186src">16</a></span> Id. x. 99. 100. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3186src" title="Return to note 16 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3189"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3189src">17</a></span> “<span lang="fr">On ne forçait cependant pas les jeunes Chrétiens à changer de foi. Les principes du -gouvernement s’y opposaient aussi bien que les préceptes du Cour’ann; et si des officiers, -mus par leur fanatisme, usaient quelquefois de contrainte, leur conduite à cet égard -pouvait bien être <span class="corr" id="xd31e3193" title="Source: tolerée">tolérée</span>; mais elle n’était jamais autorisée par les chefs.</span>” (M. d’Ohsson, tome iii. pp. 397–8.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3189src" title="Return to note 17 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3198"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3198src">18</a></span> Hertzberg, p. 472. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3198src" title="Return to note 18 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3204"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3204src">19</a></span> “<span lang="la">Sed hoc tristissimum est, quod, ut olim Christiani imperatores, ex singulis oppidis, -certum numerum liberorum, in quibus egregia indoles præ cæteris elucebat, delegerunt: -quos ad publica officia militiæ togatæ et bellicæ in Aula educari curarunt: ita Turci, -occupato Græcorum imperio, idem ius eripiendi patribus familias liberos ingeniis eximiis -præditos, usurpant.</span>” (David Chytræus, pp. 12–14.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3204src" title="Return to note 19 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3210"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3210src">20</a></span> Creasy, p. 99. M. d’Ohsson, tome iii. p. 397. Menzel, p. 53. Thomas Smith, speaking -of such parents, says: “Others, to the great shame and dishonour of the Religion, -Christians only in name, part with them freely and readily enough, not only because -they are rid of the trouble and charge of them, but in hopes they may, when they are -grown up, get some considerable command in the government.” (An Account of the Greek -Church, p. 12. London, 1680.) In the reign of Murād I, Christian troops were employed -in collecting this tribute of Christian children. (Finlay, vol. v. p. 45.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3210src" title="Return to note 20 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3213"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3213src">21</a></span> “<span lang="la">Verum tamen hos (liberos) pecunia redimere a conquisitoribus sæpe parentibus licet.</span>” (David Chytræus, p. 13.) De la Guilletière mentions it in 1669 as one of the privileges -of the Athenians. (An Account of a Late Voyage to Athens, p. 272. London, 1676.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3213src" title="Return to note 21 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3219" lang="la"> -<p class="footnote" lang="la"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3219src">22</a></span> Confessio, p. 205. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3219src" title="Return to note 22 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3225"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3225src">23</a></span> An Account of the Greek Church, p. 12. (London, 1680.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3225src" title="Return to note 23 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3228"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3228src">24</a></span> Menzel, p. 52. Thomas Smith: <span lang="la">De Moribus ac Institutis Turcarum, p. 81. (Oxonii, 1672.)</span> <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3228src" title="Return to note 24 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3233"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3233src">25</a></span> Hill, p. 174. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3233src" title="Return to note 25 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3238"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3238src">26</a></span> Joseph von Hammer (2), vol. ii. p. 151. Hans Schiltberger, who was captured by the -Turks in 1396 and returned home to Munich after thirty-two years’ captivity, states -that the tax the Christians had to pay did not amount to more than two pfennig a month. -(<span lang="de">Reisebuch</span>, p. 92.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3238src" title="Return to note 26 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3244" lang="de"> -<p class="footnote" lang="de"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3244src">27</a></span> Soli Sacerdotes, quasi in honorem sacri illius, quo funguntur, Deo ita ordinante, -ministerii hoc factum sit, una cum fœminis, ab hoc tributo pendendo immunes habentur. -(De Græcæ Hodierno Statu Epistola, authore Thoma Smitho, p. 12.) (Trajecti ad Rhenum, -1698.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3244src" title="Return to note 27 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3247"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3247src">28</a></span> Silbernagl, p. 60. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3247src" title="Return to note 28 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3250"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3250src">29</a></span> Martin Crusius, p. 487; Sansovino, p. 67; Georgieviz, p. 98–9; Scheffler, § 56; Hertzberg, -p. 648; De la Jonquière, p. 267. A work published in London in 1595, entitled “The -Estate of Christians living <span class="pageNum" id="pb153n">[<a href="#pb153n">153</a>]</span>under the subjection of the Turke,” states the capitation-tax for male children to -have been eight shillings (p. 2). Michel Baudin says one sequin a head for every male. -(<span lang="fr">Histoire du Serrail</span>, p. 7. Paris, 1662.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3250src" title="Return to note 29 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3261"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3261src">30</a></span> Georgirenes, p. 9; Tournefort, vol. i. p. 91; Tavernier (3), p. 11. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3261src" title="Return to note 30 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3264"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3264src">31</a></span> In a work published by Joseph Georgirenes, Archbishop of Samos, in 1678, during a -visit to London, he gives us an account of the income of his own see, the details -of which are not likely to have been considered extortionate, as they were here set -down for the benefit of English readers: in comparing the sums here mentioned, it -should be borne in mind that he speaks of the capitation-tax as being three crowns -or dollars (pp. 8–9). “At his (i.e. the Archbishop’s) first coming, the Papas or Parish -Priest of the Church of his Residence presents him fifteen or twenty dollers, they -of the other Churches according to their Abilities. The first year of his coming, -every Parish Priest pays him four dollers, and the following year two. Every Layman -pays him forty-eight aspers”—(In the commercial treaty with England, concluded in -the year 1675, the value of the dollar was fixed at eighty aspers (Finlay, v. 28))—“and -the following years twenty-four. The Samians pay one Doller for a Licence; all Strangers -two; but he that comes after first marriage for a Licence for a second or third, pays -three or four” (pp. 33–4). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3264src" title="Return to note 31 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3267"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3267src">32</a></span> Tournefort, vol. i. p. 91. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3267src" title="Return to note 32 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3270"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3270src">33</a></span> Scheffler, § 56. “<span lang="de">Was aber auch den Ducaten anbelangt, so werdet ihr mit demselben in eurem Sinn ebener -massen greulich betrogen. Denn es ist zwar wahr, dass der Türckische Käyser ordentlich -nicht mehr nimt als vom Haupt einen Ducaten: aber wo bleiben die Zölle und ausserordentliche -Anlagen? nehmen dann seine Königliche Verweser und Hauptleute nichts? muss man zu -Kriegen nichts ausser ordentlich geben?… Was aber die ausser ordentliche Anlagen betrifft; -die steigen und fallen nach den bösen Zeiten, und müssen von den Türckischen Unterthanen -so wohl gegeben werden als bey uns.</span>” <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3270src" title="Return to note 33 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3278"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3278src">34</a></span> Finlay, vol. v. pp. 24–5. H. von Moltke: <span lang="de">Brief über Zustände und Begebenheiten in der Türkei aus den Jahren 1835 bis 1839</span>, pp. 274, 354. (5th ed., Berlin, 1891.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3278src" title="Return to note 34 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3285"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3285src">35</a></span> Hammer (2), vol. i. p. 346. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3285src" title="Return to note 35 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3288"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3288src">36</a></span> “The hard lot of the Christian subjects of the Sultan has at all times arisen from -the fact that the central authority at Constantinople has but little real authority -throughout the Empire of Turkey. It is the petty tyranny of the village officials, -sharpened by personal hatred, which has instigated those acts of atrocity to which, -both in former times, and still more at the present day, the Christians in Turkey -are subjected. In the days of a nation’s greatness justice and even magnanimity towards -a subject race are possible; these, however, are rarely found to exist in the time -of a nation’s decay.” (Rev. W. Denton: Servia and the Servians, p. 15. London, 1862.) -Gerlach, pp. 49, 52. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3288src" title="Return to note 36 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3291"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3291src">37</a></span> Businello, pp. 43–4. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3291src" title="Return to note 37 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3294"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3294src">38</a></span> “The central government of the Sultan has generally treated its Mussulman subjects -with as much cruelty and injustice as the conquered Christians. The sufferings of -the Greeks were caused by the insolence and oppression of the ruling class and the -corruption that reigned in the Othoman administration, rather than by the direct exercise -of the Sultan’s power. In his private affairs, a Greek had a better chance of obtaining -justice from <span class="pageNum" id="pb155n">[<a href="#pb155n">155</a>]</span>his bishop and the elders of his district than a Turk from the cadi or the voivode.” -(Finlay, vol. vi. pp. 4–5.) -</p> -<p class="footnote cont">“It would be a mistake to suppose that the Christians are the only part of the population -that is oppressed and miserable. Turkish misgovernment is uniform, and falls with -a heavy hand upon all alike. In some parts of the kingdom the poverty of the Mussulmans -may be actually worse than the poverty of the Christians, and it is <i>their</i> condition which most excites the pity of the traveller.” (William Forsyth: The Slavonic -Provinces South of the Danube, pp. 157–8. London, 1876.) -</p> -<p class="footnote cont">“All this oppression and misery (i.e. in the north of Asia Minor) falls upon the Mohammedan -population equally with the Christian.” (James Bryce: Transcaucasia and Ararat, p. -381.) -</p> -<p lang="fr" class="footnote cont">“L’Europe s’imagine que les chrétiens seuls sont soumis, en Turquie, à l’arbitraire, -aux souffrances, aux avilissements de toute nature, qui naissent de l’oppression; -il n’en est rien! Les musulmans, précisément parce que nulle puissance étrangère ne -s’intéresse à eux, sont peut-être plus indignement spoliés, plus courbés sous le joug -que ceux qui méconnaissent le prophète.” (De la Jonquière, p. 507.) -</p> -<p class="footnote cont">“To judge from what we have already observed, the lowest order of Christians are not -in a worse condition in Asia Minor than the same class of Turks; and if the Christians -of European Turkey have some advantages arising from the effects of the superiority -of their numbers over the Turks, those of Asia have the satisfaction of seeing that -the Turks are as much oppressed by the men in power as they are themselves; and they -have to deal with a race of Mussulmans generally milder, more religious, and better -principled than those of Europe.” (W. M. Leake: Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor, p. -7. London, 1824.) -</p> -<p class="footnote cont">Cf. also Laurence Oliphant: The Land of Gilead, pp. 320–3, 446. (London, 1880.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3294src" title="Return to note 38 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3313"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3313src">39</a></span> It was in the sixteenth century that the tribute of children fell into desuetude, -and the last recorded example of its exaction was in the year 1676. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3313src" title="Return to note 39 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3316"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3316src">40</a></span> De la Jonquière, p. 333. Scheffler, § 45–6. Gasztowtt, p. 51. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3316src" title="Return to note 40 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3321" lang="de"> -<p class="footnote" lang="de"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3321src">41</a></span> “Denn ich höre mit grosser Verwunderung und Bestürtzung, dass nicht allein unter den -gemeinen Pövel Reden im Schwange gehn, es sey unter dem Türcken auch gut wohnen: wann -man einen Ducaten von Haupt gebe, so wäre man frey; Item er liesse die Religion frey; -man würde die Kirchen wieder bekommen; und was vergleichen: sondern dass auch andre, -die es wol besser verstehen sollten, sich dessen erfreuen, und über ihr eigen Unglück -frolocken! welches nicht allein Halssbrüchige, sondern auch Gottlose Vermessenheiten -seynd, die aus keinem andrem Grunde, als aus dem Geist der Ketzerey, der zum Auffruhr -und gäntzlicher Ausreitung des Christenthumbs geneigt ist, herkommen.” (Scheffler, -§ 48.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3321src" title="Return to note 41 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3324"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3324src">42</a></span> Hertzberg, p. 650. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3324src" title="Return to note 42 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3328"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3328src">43</a></span> De la Jonquière, p. 34. A similar contrast was made in 1605 by Richard Staper, an -English merchant who had been in Turkey as early as 1578: “And notwithstanding that -the Turks in general be a most wicked people, walking in the works of darkness … yet -notwithstanding do they permit all Christians, both Greeks and Latins, to live in -their religion and freely to use to their conscience, allowing them churches for their -divine service, both in Constantinople and very many other places, whereas to the -contrary by proof of twelve years’ residence in Spain I can truly affirm, we are not -only forced to observe their popish ceremonies, but in danger of life and goods” (M. -Epstein: The Early History of the Levant Company, p. 57. London, 1908.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3328src" title="Return to note 43 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3333"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3333src">44</a></span> Macarius, vol. i. pp. 183, 165. Cf. the memorial presented by Polish refugees from -Russia to the Sublime Porte, in 1853. (Gasztowtt, p. 217.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3333src" title="Return to note 44 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3336"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3336src">45</a></span> “<span lang="la">Alii speciem sibi quandam confixerunt stultam libertatis … quod quum sub Christiano -consequuturos se desperent, ideo vel Turcam mallent: quasi is benignior sit in largienda -libertate hac, quam Christianus.</span>” (<span lang="la">Ioannis Ludovici Vivis De Conditione Vitæ Christianorum sub Turca</span>, pp. 220, 225.) (Basileæ, 1538.) “<span lang="la">Quidam obganniunt, liberam esse sub Turca fidem.</span>” (<span lang="la">Othonis Brunfelsii ad Principes et Christianos omnes Oratio</span>, p. 133.) (Basileæ, 1538.) Ubertus Folieta, a noble of Genoa, writing about 1577, -says, “<span lang="la">Sæpe mecum quaesivi … qua re fiat, ut tot de nostris hominibus ad illos continenter -transfugiant, Christianaque religione eiurata Mahumetanæ sectæ nomina dent.</span>” (<span lang="la">De Causis Magnitudinis Turcarum Imperii</span>, col. 1209.) (<span lang="la">Thesaurus Antiquitatum et Historiarum Italiæ, curâ Joannis Georgii Grævii, tom. i. -Lugduni Batavorum</span>, 1725.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3336src" title="Return to note 45 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3361"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3361src">46</a></span> Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xvii. (a). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3361src" title="Return to note 46 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3367"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3367src">47</a></span> Blount, vol. i. p. 548. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3367src" title="Return to note 47 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3370"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3370src">48</a></span> Scheffler, §§ 51, 53. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3370src" title="Return to note 48 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3378"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3378src">49</a></span> Dousa, p. 38. Busbecq, p. 190. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3378src" title="Return to note 49 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3381"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3381src">50</a></span> Thomas Smith, p. 32. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3381src" title="Return to note 50 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3384"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3384src">51</a></span> Thomas Smith, p. 42. Blount, vol. i. p. 548. Georgieviz, p. 20. Schiltberger, pp. -83–4. Baudier, pp. 149, 313. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3384src" title="Return to note 51 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3389"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3389src">52</a></span> Alexander Ross, p. ix. Baudier, p. 317. Cf. also Rycaut, vol. i. p. 276. “<span lang="fr">On croit meriter beaucoup que de faire un Proselyte, il n’y a personne assez riche -pour avoir un esclave qui n’en veüille un jeune, qui soit capable de recevoir sans -peine toutes sortes d’impressions, et qu’il puisse appeller son converti, afin de -meriter l’honneur d’avoir augmenté le nombre des fidèles.</span>” Thomas Smith relates how the old man who showed him the tomb of Urkhān at Brusa -“<span lang="la">ingenti cum fervore, oculis ad Cælum elevatis, Deum precatus est ut nos ad fidem Musulmannicam -suo tempore tandem convertere dignaretur: Hoc nimirum est summum erga nos affectus -testimonium, qui ex isto falso et imperitissimo zelo solet profluere.</span>” (<span lang="la">Epistolæ duae, quarum altera De Moribus ac Institutis Turcarum agit</span>, p. 20.) (<span lang="la">Oxonii</span>, 1672.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3389src" title="Return to note 52 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3406"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3406src">53</a></span> By an anonymous writer who was a captive in Turkey from 1436 to 1458. Turchicæ Spurcitiæ -Suggillatio, fol. xvii. (a). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3406src" title="Return to note 53 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3411"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3411src">54</a></span> Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xi. (b). Lionardo of Scio, Archbishop of Mitylene, -who was present at the taking of Constantinople, speaks of the large number of renegades -in the besieging army: “<span lang="it">Chi circondò la città, e chi insegnò a’ turchi l’ordine, se non i pessimi christiani? -Io son testimonio, che i Greci, ch’i Latini, che i Tedeschi, che gli Ungari, e che -ogni altra generation di christiani, mescolati co’ turchi impararono l’opere e la -fede loro, i quali domenticatisi della fede christiana, espugnavano la città. O empij -che rinegasti Christo. O settatori di antichristo, dannati alle pene infernali, questo -è hora il vostro tempo.</span>” (Sansovino, p. 258.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3411src" title="Return to note 54 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3417"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3417src">55</a></span> J. H. Krause: <span lang="de">Die Byzantiner des Mittelalters</span>, pp. 385–6. (Halle, 1869.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3417src" title="Return to note 55 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3423"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3423src">56</a></span> Hertzberg, p. 616. Finlay, vol. v. p. 118. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3423src" title="Return to note 56 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3427" lang="la"> -<p class="footnote" lang="la"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3427src">57</a></span> Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xix. (a). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3427src" title="Return to note 57 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3434"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3434src">58</a></span> Rycaut, vol. i. pp. 710–11. Bizzi, fol. 49 (b). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3434src" title="Return to note 58 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3437"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3437src">59</a></span> Pichler, pp. 164, 172. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3437src" title="Return to note 59 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3440"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3440src">60</a></span> Id. p. 143. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3440src" title="Return to note 60 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3446"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3446src">61</a></span> Pichler, p. 148. It is doubtful, however, whether Cyril was really the author of this -document bearing his name. (Kyriakos, p. 100.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3446src" title="Return to note 61 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3449"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3449src">62</a></span> Id. pp. 183–9. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3449src" title="Return to note 62 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3452"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3452src">63</a></span> Id. p 226. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3452src" title="Return to note 63 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3457"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3457src">64</a></span> As regards the Christian captives the Protestants certainly had the reputation among -the Turks of showing a greater inclination towards conversion than the Catholics. -(Gmelin, p. 21.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3457src" title="Return to note 64 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3460"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3460src">65</a></span> Pichler, pp. 211, 227. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3460src" title="Return to note 65 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3464"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3464src">66</a></span> Id. pp. 181, 228. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3464src" title="Return to note 66 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3467"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3467src">67</a></span> Id. pp. 222, 226. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3467src" title="Return to note 67 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3472"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3472src">68</a></span> Pichler, p. 173. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3472src" title="Return to note 68 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3475"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3475src">69</a></span> Id. pp. 128, 132, 143. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3475src" title="Return to note 69 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3478"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3478src">70</a></span> Id. p. 143. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3478src" title="Return to note 70 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3482" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3482src">71</a></span> Le Quien, tom. i. col. 334. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3482src" title="Return to note 71 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3485"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3485src">72</a></span> Pichler, p. 172. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3485src" title="Return to note 72 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3488"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3488src">73</a></span> Hefele, vol. i. p. 473. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3488src" title="Return to note 73 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3491"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3491src">74</a></span> Cyril II of Berrhœa. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3491src" title="Return to note 74 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3494" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3494src">75</a></span> Le Quien, tom. i. col. 335. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3494src" title="Return to note 75 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3497"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3497src">76</a></span> Id. tom. i. col. 336. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3497src" title="Return to note 76 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3501"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3501src">77</a></span> Id. tom. i. col. 337. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3501src" title="Return to note 77 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3506"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3506src">78</a></span> However, in an earlier attempt made by the Protestant theologians of Tübingen (1573–77) -to introduce the doctrines of the Reformed Church into the Eastern Church, the Vaivode -Quarquar of Samtskheth in Georgia embraced the Confession of Augsburg, but in 1580 -became a Muslim. (Joselian, p. 140.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3506src" title="Return to note 78 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3509"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3509src">79</a></span> Scheffler, §§ 53–6. Finlay, vol. v. pp. 118–19. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3509src" title="Return to note 79 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3512"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3512src">80</a></span> Hammer (1), vol. vi. p. 94. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3512src" title="Return to note 80 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3515"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3515src">81</a></span> Spon, vol. ii. p. 57. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3515src" title="Return to note 81 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3519"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3519src">82</a></span> Hammer (1), vol. vi. p. 364. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3519src" title="Return to note 82 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3522"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3522src">83</a></span> Early Voyages and Travels in the Levant, edited by J. Theodore Bent, p. 210. (London, -1893.) Similarly, Michel Baudier concludes his description of the festivities in Constantinople -on the occasion of the circumcision of Muḥammad III in the latter part of the sixteenth -century, with an account of the conversion of a large number of Christians. “During -the spectacles of this solemnity, the wretched Grecians ran by troupes in this place -to make themselves Mahometans; Some abandoned Christianitie to avoid the oppression -of the Turkes, others for the hope of private profit.… The number of these cast-awayes -was found to be above foure thousand soules.” (The History of the Serrail, and of -the Court of the Grand Seigneur Emperour of the Turkes, pp. 93–4. (London, 1635.) -<span lang="fr">Histoire generale du Serrail, et de la Cour du Grand Seigneur, Empereur des Turcs</span>, pp. 89–90. (Paris, 1631.)) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3522src" title="Return to note 83 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3530"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3530src">84</a></span> Scheffler, § 55. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3530src" title="Return to note 84 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3536"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3536src">85</a></span> Thomas Smith: An Account of the Greek Church, pp. 15–16. (London, 1680.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3536src" title="Return to note 85 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3539"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3539src">86</a></span> A. de la Motraye: Voyages en Europe, Asie et Afrique, vol. i. pp. 306, 308. (La Haye, -1727.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3539src" title="Return to note 86 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3546"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3546src">87</a></span> Pitzipios, <span lang="fr">Seconde Partie</span>, pp. 83–7. Pichler, p. 29. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3546src" title="Return to note 87 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3552"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3552src">88</a></span> Tournefort, vol. i. p. 107. Spon uses much the same language, vol. i. p. 56. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3552src" title="Return to note 88 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3557"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3557src">89</a></span> Gaultier de Leslie, p. 137. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3557src" title="Return to note 89 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3562"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3562src">90</a></span> A. J. Evans, p. 267. Similarly Mackenzie and Irby say: “In most parts of Old Serbia -the idea we found associated with a bishop, was that of a person who carried off what -few paras the Turks had left” (p. 258). A similar account of the clergy of the Greek -Church is given by a writer in the <i lang="fr">Revue des Deux Mondes</i> (tome 97, p. 336), who narrates the following story: “<span lang="fr">Au début de ce siècle, à Tirnova, un certain pope du nom de Joachim, adoré de ses -ouailles, détesté de son évêque, reçut l’ordre, un jour, de faire la corvée du fumier -dans l’écurie <span class="corr" id="xd31e3569" title="Source: episcopale">épiscopale</span>. Il se rebiffa: aussitôt la valetaille l’assaillit à coups de fourche. Mais notre -homme était vigoureux: il se débattit, et, laissant sa tunique en gage, s’en fut tout -chaud chez le cadi. Le soleil n’était pas couché qu’il devenait bon Musulman.</span>” <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3562src" title="Return to note 90 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3574" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3574src">91</a></span> Pitzipios, Seconde Partie, p. 87. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3574src" title="Return to note 91 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3577" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3577src">92</a></span> Id. Seconde Partie, p. 87. Pichler, p. 29. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3577src" title="Return to note 92 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3584"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3584src">93</a></span> Lazăr, p. 223. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3584src" title="Return to note 93 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3589"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3589src">94</a></span> Finlay, vol. iv. pp. 153–4. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3589src" title="Return to note 94 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3592"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3592src">95</a></span> Tournefort, vol. i. p. 104. Cf. Pichler, pp. 29, 31. Spon, vol. i. p. 44. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3592src" title="Return to note 95 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3597"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3597src">96</a></span> Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xiii. (b); fol. xv. (b); fol. xvii. (b); fol. -xx. (a). Veniero, pp. 32, 36. Busbecq, p. 174. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3597src" title="Return to note 96 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3608"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3608src">97</a></span> Gaultier de Leslie, pp. 180, 182. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3608src" title="Return to note 97 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3613"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3613src">98</a></span> Rycaut, vol. i. p. 689. See also Georgieviz, pp. 53–4, and Menavino, p. 73. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3613src" title="Return to note 98 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3618"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3618src">99</a></span> Alexander Ross, p. ix.; he calls the Qurʼān a “gallimaufry of Errors (a Brat as deformed -as the Parent, and as full of Heresies, as his scald head was of scurf),”—“a hodg -podge made up of these four Ingredients. 1. Of Contradictions. 2. Of Blasphemy. 3. -Of ridiculous Fables. 4. Of Lyes.” <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3618src" title="Return to note 99 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3625"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3625src">100</a></span> Finlay, vol. v. p. 29. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3625src" title="Return to note 100 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3630"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3630src">101</a></span> Schiltberger, p. 96. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3630src" title="Return to note 101 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3635"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3635src">102</a></span> Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xii. (b), xiii. (a). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3635src" title="Return to note 102 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3638"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3638src">103</a></span> Id. fol. xxvii. (a). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3638src" title="Return to note 103 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3643" lang="la"> -<p class="footnote" lang="la"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3643src">104</a></span> “Dum corpora exterius fovendo sub pietatis specie non occidit: interius fidem auferendo -animas sua diabolica astutia occidere intendit. Huius rei testimonium innumerabilis -multitudo fidelium esse potest. Quorum multi promptissimi essent pro fide Christi -et suarum animarum salute in fide Christi mori: quos tamen conservando a morte corporali: -et ductos in captivitatem per successum temporis suo infectos veneno fidem Christi -turpiter negare facit.” Turchicæ <span class="corr" id="xd31e3645" title="Source: Spurctiæ">Spurcitiæ</span> Suggillatio, fol. i.; cf. fol. vi. (a). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3643src" title="Return to note 104 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3651"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3651src">105</a></span> Menavino, p. 96. John Harris: <span lang="la">Navigantium atque Itinerantium Bibliotheca</span>, vol. ii. p. 819. (London, 1764.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3651src" title="Return to note 105 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3657"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3657src">106</a></span> “<span lang="de">Dieses muss man den Türken nachsagen, dass sie die Diener und Sclaven, durch deren -Fleiss und Bemühung sie sich einen Nutzen schaffen können, sehr wol und oft besser, -als die Christian die ihrige, halten … und wann ein Knecht in einer Kunst erfahren -ist, gehet ihm nichts anders als die Freyheit ab, ausser welche er alles andere hat, -was ein freyer Mensch sich nur wünschen kan.</span>” (G. C. von den Driesch, p. 132.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3657src" title="Return to note 106 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3663"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3663src">107</a></span> Sir William Stirling-Maxwell says of these: “The poor wretches who tugged at the oar -on board a Turkish ship of war lived a life neither more nor less miserable than the -galley-slaves under the sign of the Cross. Hard work, hard fare, and hard knocks were -the lot of both. Ashore, a Turkish or Algerine prison was, perhaps, more noisome in -its filth and darkness than a prison at Naples or Barcelona; but at sea, if there -were degrees of misery, the Christian in Turkish chains probably had the advantage; -for in the Sultan’s vessels the oar-gang was often the property of the captain, and -the owner’s natural tenderness for his own was sometimes supposed to interfere with -the discharge of his duty.” (Vol. i. pp. 102–3.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3663src" title="Return to note 107 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3667"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3667src">108</a></span> Gmelin, p. 16. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3667src" title="Return to note 108 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3670"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3670src">109</a></span> Id. p. 23. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3670src" title="Return to note 109 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3675"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3675src">110</a></span> John Harris: <span lang="la">Navigantium atque Itinerantium Bibliotheca</span>, vol. ii. p. 810. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3675src" title="Return to note 110 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3681"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3681src">111</a></span> “<span lang="de">Die ersten Jahre sind für solche unglückliche Leute am beschwehrlichsten, absonderlich -wenn sie noch jung, weil die Türken selbige entweder mit Schmeicheln, oder, wann dieses -nichts verfangen will, mit der Schärfe zu ihren Glauben zu bringen suchen; wann aber -dieser Sturm überwunden, wird man finden, dass die Gefangenschaft nirgend erträglicher -als bey den Türken seye.</span>” (G. C. von den Driesch, p. 132.) Moreover Georgieviz says that those who persevered -in the Christian faith were set free after a certain fixed period. “<span lang="la">Si in Christiana fide perseveraverint, statuitur certum tempus serviendi, quo elapso -liberi fiunt … Verum illis qui nostram religionem abiurarunt, nec certum tempus est -serviendi, ned ullum ius in patriam redeundi, spes libertatis solummodo pendet a domini -arbitrio</span>” (p. 87). Similarly Menavino, p. 65. Cantacuzenos gives this period as seven years:—“<span lang="it">Grata è la compagnia che essi fanno a gli schiavi loro, percioche Maumetto gli ha -fra l’altre cose comandato che egli non si possa tener in servitù uno schiavo più -che sette anni, et perciò nessuno o raro è colui che a tal comandamento voglia contrafare</span>” (p. 128). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3681src" title="Return to note 111 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3693"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3693src">112</a></span> “<span lang="de">Fromme Christen, die nach der Türkei oder in andere muhamedanische Länder kamen, hatten -Anlass genug zur Trauer über die Häufigkeit des Abfalls ihrer Glaubensgenossen, und -besonders die Schriften der Ordensgeistlichen sind voll von solchen Klagen. Bei den -Sclaven konnte sich immer noch ein Gefühl des Mitleids dem der Missbilligung beimischen, -aber oft genug musste man die bittersten Erfahrungen auch an freien Landsleuten machen. -Die christlichen Gesandten waren keinen Tag sicher, ob ihnen nicht Leute von ihrem -Gefolge davon liefen, und man that gut daran, den Tag nicht vor dem Abend zu loben.</span>” (Gmelin, p. 22.) Cf. Von den Driesch, p. 161. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3693src" title="Return to note 112 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3700"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3700src">113</a></span> Thomas Smith, pp. 144–5. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3700src" title="Return to note 113 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3708"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3708src">114</a></span> Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xxxv. (a). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3708src" title="Return to note 114 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3713"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3713src">115</a></span> M. d’Ohsson, vol. iii. p. 133. Georgieviz, p. 87 (quoted above). Menavino, p. 95. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3713src" title="Return to note 115 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3718"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3718src">116</a></span> Von den Driesch, p. 250. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3718src" title="Return to note 116 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3721"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3721src">117</a></span> Id. p. 131–2. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3721src" title="Return to note 117 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3726"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3726src">118</a></span> Turchicæ Spurcitiæ Suggillatio, fol. xi. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3726src" title="Return to note 118 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3729"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3729src">119</a></span> Hertzberg, p. 621. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3729src" title="Return to note 119 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3732"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3732src">120</a></span> “The old People dying, the young ones generally turn Mahumetans: so that now (1655) -you can hardly meet with two Christian Armenians in all those fair Plains, which their -fathers were sent to manure.” Tavernier (1), p. 16. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3732src" title="Return to note 120 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3739"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3739src">121</a></span> H. H. Jessup: Fifty-three Years in Syria, vol. ii. p. 658. (New York, 1910.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3739src" title="Return to note 121 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3745"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3745src">122</a></span> For a list of these, see Finlay, vol. vi. pp. 28–9. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3745src" title="Return to note 122 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3754"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3754src">123</a></span> Leake, p. 250. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3754src" title="Return to note 123 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3757"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3757src">124</a></span> The name by which the Albanians always call themselves, lit. rock-dwellers. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3757src" title="Return to note 124 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3760"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3760src">125</a></span> One of themselves, an Albanian Christian, speaking of the enmity existing between -the Christians and Muhammadans of Bulgaria, says: “<span lang="de">Aber für Albanien liegen die <span class="corr" id="xd31e3764" title="Source: Dachen">Sachen</span> ganz anders. Die Muselmänner sind Albanesen, wie die Christen; sie sprechen dieselbe -Sprache, sie haben dieselben Sitten, sie folgen denselben Gebräuchen, sie haben dieselben -Traditionen; sie und die Christen haben sich niemals gehasst, zwischen ihnen herrscht -keine Jahrhunderte alte Feindschaft. Der Unterschied der Religion war niemals ein -zu einer systematischen Trennung treibendes Motiv; Muselmänner und Christen haben -stets, mit wenigen Ausnahmen, auf gleichem Fusse gelebt, sich der gleichen Rechte -erfreuend, dieselben Pflichten erfüllend.</span>” (Wassa Effendi: <span lang="de">Albanien und die Albanesen</span>, p. 59.) (Berlin, 1879.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3760src" title="Return to note 125 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3774"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3774src">126</a></span> Finlay, vol. v. p. 46. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3774src" title="Return to note 126 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3778"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3778src">127</a></span> Clark, pp. 175–7. The Mirdites, who are very fanatical Roman Catholics (in the diocese -of Alessio), will not suffer a Muhammadan to live in their mountains, and no member -of their tribe has ever abjured his faith; were any Mirdite to attempt to do so, he -would certainly be put to death, unless he succeeded in making good his escape from -Albania. (Hecquard: <span lang="fr">Histoire de la Haute Albanie</span>, p. 224.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3778src" title="Return to note 127 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3786"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3786src">128</a></span> Published in Farlati’s Illyricum Sacrum. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3786src" title="Return to note 128 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3789"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3789src">129</a></span> Alessandro Comuleo, 1593. Bizzi, 1610. Marco Crisio, 1651. Fra Bonaventura di S. Antonio, -1652. Zmaievich, 1703. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3789src" title="Return to note 129 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3795"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3795src">130</a></span> Bizzi, fol. 60, b. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3795src" title="Return to note 130 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3798"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3798src">131</a></span> Bizzi, fol. 35, a. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3798src" title="Return to note 131 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3801"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3801src">132</a></span> Farlati, vol. vii. pp. 104, 107. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3801src" title="Return to note 132 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3804"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3804src">133</a></span> It is also complained that the Archbishop’s palace was appropriated by the Muhammadans, -but it had been left unoccupied for eight years, as Archbishop Ambrosius (flor. 1579–1598) -had found it prudent to go into exile, having attacked Islam “with more fervour than -caution, inveighing against Muḥammad and damning his Satanic doctrines.” (Farlati, -vol. vii. p. 107.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3804src" title="Return to note 133 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3807"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3807src">134</a></span> Bizzi, fol. 9<span class="corr" id="xd31e3809" title="Source: .">,</span> where he says, “<span lang="it">E comunicai quella mattina quasi tutta la Christianità latina.</span>” From a comparison with statistics given by Zmaievich (fol. 227) I would hazard the -conjecture that the Latin Christian community at this time amounted to rather over -a thousand souls. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3807src" title="Return to note 134 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3822"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3822src">135</a></span> Bizzi, fol. 27, b; 38, b. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3822src" title="Return to note 135 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3825"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3825src">136</a></span> Veniero, fol. 34. This was also the custom in some villages of Albania as late as -the beginning of the nineteenth century; see W. M. Leake: Travels in Northern Greece, -vol. i. p. 49. (London, 1835): “In some villages, Mahometans are married to Greek -women, the sons are educated as Turks, and the daughters as Christians; and pork and -mutton are eaten at the same table.” <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3825src" title="Return to note 136 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3828"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3828src">137</a></span> Bizzi, fol. 38, b. Farlati, tom. vii. p. 158. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3828src" title="Return to note 137 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3831"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3831src">138</a></span> Bizzi, fol. 10, b. Veniero, fol. 34. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3831src" title="Return to note 138 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3834"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3834src">139</a></span> Shortly after Marco Bizzi’s arrival at Antivari a Muhammadan lady of high rank wished -to have her child baptised by the Archbishop himself, who tells us that she complained -bitterly to one of the leading Christians of the city that “<span lang="it">io non mi fossi degnato di far a lei questo piacere, il qual quotidianamente vien -fatto dai miei preti a richiesta di qualsivoglia plebeo</span>” (fol. 10, b). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3834src" title="Return to note 139 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3841"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3841src">140</a></span> For modern instances of the harmonious relations subsisting between the followers -of the two faiths living together in the same village, see Hyacinthe Hecquard: <span lang="fr">Histoire et description de la Haute Albanie</span> (pp. 153, 162, 200). (Paris, 1858.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3841src" title="Return to note 140 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3847"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3847src">141</a></span> Bizzi, fol. 38, a. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3847src" title="Return to note 141 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3852"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3852src">142</a></span> Garnett, p. 267. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3852src" title="Return to note 142 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3855"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3855src">143</a></span> Bizzi, fol. 36, b. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3855src" title="Return to note 143 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3858"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3858src">144</a></span> Id. fol. 38, b<span id="xd31e3860"></span>; 37, a. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3858src" title="Return to note 144 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3864"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3864src">145</a></span> Bizzi, fol. 38, b; 61, a; 37, a; 33, b. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3864src" title="Return to note 145 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3867"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3867src">146</a></span> Zmaievich, fol. 5. The Venetian real in the eighteenth century was equal to a Turkish -piastre. (Businello, p. 94.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3867src" title="Return to note 146 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3874"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3874src">147</a></span> Bizzi, fol. 12–13. Zmaievich, fol. 5. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3874src" title="Return to note 147 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3879"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3879src">148</a></span> Bizzi, fol. 10–11. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3879src" title="Return to note 148 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3882"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3882src">149</a></span> Id. fol. 31, b. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3882src" title="Return to note 149 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3885"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3885src">150</a></span> Id. fol. 60, b. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3885src" title="Return to note 150 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3888" lang="it"> -<p class="footnote" lang="it"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3888src">151</a></span> Id. fol. 33, b. “Qui deriva il puoco numero de Sacerdoti in quelle parti e la puoca -loro intelligenza in quel mestiero; il gran numero de’ Christiani, che invecchiano, -et anco morono senza il sacramento della Confermatione et apostatano della fede quasi -per tutto.” <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3888src" title="Return to note 151 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3894" lang="it"> -<p class="footnote" lang="it"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3894src">152</a></span> “Se l’Albania non riceverà qualche maggior agiuto in meno di anni anderà a male quasi -tutta quella Christianità per il puoco numero dei Vescovi e dei Sacerdoti di qualche -intelligenza.” (Id. fol. 61, a.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3894src" title="Return to note 152 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3897"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3897src">153</a></span> Id. fol. 36, a. Id. fol. 64, b. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3897src" title="Return to note 153 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3902"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3902src">154</a></span> Finlay, vol. v. pp. 153–4. Clark, p. 290. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3902src" title="Return to note 154 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3905"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3905src">155</a></span> “<span lang="it">E quei miseri hanno fermata la conscientia in creder di non peccar per simil coniuntioni</span> (i.e. the giving of Christian girls in marriage to Muhammadans) <span lang="it">per esser i turchi signori del paese, e che però non si possa, nè devea far altro -che obbedirli quando comandano qualsivoglia cosa.</span>” (Bizzi, fol. 38, b.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3905src" title="Return to note 155 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3916"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3916src">156</a></span> Garnett, p. 268. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3916src" title="Return to note 156 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3923"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3923src">157</a></span> Bizzi, fol. 38, b; 63, a. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3923src" title="Return to note 157 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3928"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3928src">158</a></span> Kyriakos, p. 12. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3928src" title="Return to note 158 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3931"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3931src">159</a></span> Farlati, tom. vii. pp. 124, 141. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3931src" title="Return to note 159 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3934"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3934src">160</a></span> Marco Crisio, p. 202. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3934src" title="Return to note 160 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3937"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3937src">161</a></span> Zmaievich, fol. 227. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3937src" title="Return to note 161 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3940"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3940src">162</a></span> Bizzi, fol. 60, b. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3940src" title="Return to note 162 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3944"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3944src">163</a></span> Zmaievich, fol. 137. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3944src" title="Return to note 163 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3947"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3947src">164</a></span> Zmaievich, fol. 157. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3947src" title="Return to note 164 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3952"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3952src">165</a></span> Zmaievich, fol. 11, 159. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3952src" title="Return to note 165 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3955"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3955src">166</a></span> Zmaievich, fol. 13. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3955src" title="Return to note 166 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3958"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3958src">167</a></span> Bizzi, fol. 38, b. Farlati, vol. vii. p. 158. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3958src" title="Return to note 167 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3962"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3962src">168</a></span> Zmaievich, fol. 13–14. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3962src" title="Return to note 168 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3965" lang="it"> -<p class="footnote" lang="it"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3965src">169</a></span> Informatione circa la missione d’Albania, fol. 196. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3965src" title="Return to note 169 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3968"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3968src">170</a></span> Crisio, fol. 204. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3968src" title="Return to note 170 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3971"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3971src">171</a></span> Fra Bonaventura, fol. 201<span class="corr" id="xd31e3973" title="Not in source">.</span> <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3971src" title="Return to note 171 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3977"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3977src">172</a></span> Marco Crisio, fol. 202, 205. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3977src" title="Return to note 172 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3981"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3981src">173</a></span> Id. fol. 205. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3981src" title="Return to note 173 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3984"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3984src">174</a></span> Zmaievich, fol. 13. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3984src" title="Return to note 174 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3987"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3987src">175</a></span> Farlati, tom. vii. p. 109. Bizzi, fol. 19, b. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3987src" title="Return to note 175 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3992"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3992src">176</a></span> Marco Crisio, fol. 205. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3992src" title="Return to note 176 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3995"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3995src">177</a></span> Zmaievich, fol. 11. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3995src" title="Return to note 177 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e3998"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e3998src">178</a></span> Id. fol. 32. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e3998src" title="Return to note 178 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4001"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4001src">179</a></span> Crisio, fol. 204. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4001src" title="Return to note 179 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4004"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4004src">180</a></span> Zmaievich, fol. 11. Farlati, vol. vii. p. 151. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4004src" title="Return to note 180 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4019"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4019src">181</a></span> Farlati, vol. vii. pp. 126–32. Zmaievich, fol. 4–5, fol. 20. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4019src" title="Return to note 181 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4024" lang="la"> -<p class="footnote" lang="la"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4024src">182</a></span> “Plerique, ut se iniquis tributis et vexationibus eximerent, paullatim a Christiana -religione deficere coeperunt.” (Farlati, tom. vii. p. 311.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4024src" title="Return to note 182 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4027"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4027src">183</a></span> Zmaievich fol. 5. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4027src" title="Return to note 183 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4030"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4030src">184</a></span> Id. fol. 5. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4030src" title="Return to note 184 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4035"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4035src">185</a></span> Zmaievich, fol. 15, 197. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4035src" title="Return to note 185 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4039"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4039src">186</a></span> Id. fol. 11. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4039src" title="Return to note 186 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4042"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4042src">187</a></span> Id. fol. 137. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4042src" title="Return to note 187 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4048"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4048src">188</a></span> Id. fol. 149. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4048src" title="Return to note 188 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4051"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4051src">189</a></span> Id. fol. 143–4. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4051src" title="Return to note 189 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4058"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4058src">190</a></span> Zmaievich, fol. 22. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4058src" title="Return to note 190 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4061"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4061src">191</a></span> Farlati, tom. vii. p. 141. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4061src" title="Return to note 191 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4064"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4064src">192</a></span> Zmaievich, fol. 7, 17. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4064src" title="Return to note 192 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4067"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4067src">193</a></span> Id. fol. 9. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4067src" title="Return to note 193 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4071"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4071src">194</a></span> Id. fol. 141. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4071src" title="Return to note 194 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4074"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4074src">195</a></span> Farlati, vol. vi. p. 317. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4074src" title="Return to note 195 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4081"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4081src">196</a></span> Eliot, p. 401. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4081src" title="Return to note 196 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4084"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4084src">197</a></span> Id. p. 392. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4084src" title="Return to note 197 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4096"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4096src">198</a></span> Yāqūt, vol. i. p. 469 sq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4096src" title="Return to note 198 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4099" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4099src">199</a></span> Géographie d’Aboulféda, traduite par M. Reinaud, tome ii. pp 294–5. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4099src" title="Return to note 199 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4106" lang="es"> -<p class="footnote" lang="es"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4106src">200</a></span> Enrique Dupuy de Lôme: Los Esclavos y Turquía, pp. 17–18. (Madrid, 1877.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4106src" title="Return to note 200 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4109"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4109src">201</a></span> De la Jonquière, p. 215. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4109src" title="Return to note 201 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4112"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4112src">202</a></span> Id. p. 290. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4112src" title="Return to note 202 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4117"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4117src">203</a></span> Kanitz, p. 37. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4117src" title="Return to note 203 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4120"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4120src">204</a></span> Id. pp. 37–8. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4120src" title="Return to note 204 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4123"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4123src">205</a></span> A map of this country is given by Mackenzie and Irby (p. 243): it contains Prizren, -the old Servian capital, Ipek, the seat of the Servian Patriarch, and the battle-field -of Kossovo. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4123src" title="Return to note 205 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4126"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4126src">206</a></span> Kanitz, p. 37. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4126src" title="Return to note 206 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4132"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4132src">207</a></span> Mackenzie and Irby, pp. 250–1. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4132src" title="Return to note 207 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4137"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4137src">208</a></span> Farlati, vol. vii. pp. 127–8. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4137src" title="Return to note 208 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4140"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4140src">209</a></span> Mackenzie and Irby, pp. 374–5. Kanitz, p. 39. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4140src" title="Return to note 209 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4143"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4143src">210</a></span> Id. pp. 39–40. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4143src" title="Return to note 210 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4148"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4148src">211</a></span> Kanitz, p. 38. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4148src" title="Return to note 211 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4152"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4152src">212</a></span> Bizzi, fol. 48, b. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4152src" title="Return to note 212 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4155"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4155src">213</a></span> Zmaievich, fol. 182. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4155src" title="Return to note 213 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4158"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4158src">214</a></span> Kanitz, p. 38. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4158src" title="Return to note 214 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4163"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4163src">215</a></span> Montenegro was ruled by bishops from 1516 to 1852. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4163src" title="Return to note 215 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4168"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4168src">216</a></span> E. L. Clark, pp. 362–3. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4168src" title="Return to note 216 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4174"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4174src">217</a></span> Honorius III in 1221, Gregory IX in 1238, Innocent IV in 1246, Benedict XII in 1337. -The Inquisition was established in 1291. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4174src" title="Return to note 217 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4179"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4179src">218</a></span> Asboth, pp. 42–95. Evans, pp. xxxvi–xlii. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4179src" title="Return to note 218 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4184"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4184src">219</a></span> Asboth, pp. 96–7. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4184src" title="Return to note 219 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4187"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4187src">220</a></span> “They revile the ceremonies of the church and all church dignitaries, and they call -orthodox priests blind Pharisees, and bay at them as dogs at horses. As to the Lord’s -Supper, they assert that it is not kept according to God’s commandment, and that it -is not the body of God, but ordinary bread.” (Kosmas, quoted by Evans, pp. xxx–xxxi.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4187src" title="Return to note 220 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4192"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4192src">221</a></span> Sūrah iv. 156. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4192src" title="Return to note 221 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4195"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4195src">222</a></span> Cf. the admiration of the Turks for Charles XII of Sweden. “<span lang="fr">Son opiniâtreté à s’abstenir du vin, et sa régularité à assister deux fois par jour -aux prières publiques, leur <span class="corr" id="xd31e4199" title="Source: fesaient">faisaient</span> dire: C’est un vrai musulman.</span>” (<span lang="fr">Œuvres de Voltaire, tome 23</span>, p. 200.) (Paris, 1785.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4195src" title="Return to note 222 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4208"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4208src">223</a></span> Kosmas, quoted by Evans, p. xxxi. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4208src" title="Return to note 223 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4211" lang="de"> -<p class="footnote" lang="de"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4211src">224</a></span> Asboth, p. 36. Wetzer und Welte, vol. ii. p. 975. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4211src" title="Return to note 224 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4216"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4216src">225</a></span> Olivier, pp. 17–18. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4216src" title="Return to note 225 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4221"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4221src">226</a></span> Olivier, p. 113. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4221src" title="Return to note 226 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4230"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4230src">227</a></span> Amari, vol. i. p. 163; vol. ii. p. 260. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4230src" title="Return to note 227 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4233"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4233src">228</a></span> Cornaro, vol. i. pp. 205–8. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4233src" title="Return to note 228 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4238"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4238src">229</a></span> Perrot, p. 151. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4238src" title="Return to note 229 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4242"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4242src">230</a></span> Pashley, vol. i. p. 30; vol. ii. pp. 284, 291–2. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4242src" title="Return to note 230 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4245"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4245src">231</a></span> Id. vol. ii. p. 298. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4245src" title="Return to note 231 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4252"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4252src">232</a></span> Pashley, vol. ii. p. 285. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4252src" title="Return to note 232 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4255"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4255src">233</a></span> Id. vol. i. p. 319. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4255src" title="Return to note 233 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4258"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4258src">234</a></span> Perrot, p. 151. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4258src" title="Return to note 234 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4261"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4261src">235</a></span> Charles Edwardes: Letters from Crete, pp. 90–2. (London, 1887.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4261src" title="Return to note 235 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4268"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4268src">236</a></span> Pashley, vol. ii. pp. 151–2. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4268src" title="Return to note 236 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4271"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4271src">237</a></span> Id. vol. i. p. 9. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4271src" title="Return to note 237 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4274"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4274src">238</a></span> Perrot, p. 159. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4274src" title="Return to note 238 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4277"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4277src">239</a></span> Pashley, vol. i. pp. 10, 195. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4277src" title="Return to note 239 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4283"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4283src">240</a></span> T. A. B. Spratt: Travels and Researches in Crete, vol. i. p. 47. (London, 1865.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4283src" title="Return to note 240 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4288"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4288src">241</a></span> R. du M. M. vii. p. 99. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4288src" title="Return to note 241 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch7" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pageNum">[<a href="#xd31e341">Contents</a>]</span><div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">CHAPTER VII.</h2> -<h2 class="main">THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN PERSIA AND CENTRAL ASIA.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">In order to follow the course of the spread of Islam <span class="corr" id="xd31e4299" title="Source: westward">eastward</span> into Central Asia, we must retrace our steps to the period of the first Arab conquests. -By the middle of the seventh century, the great dynasty of the Sāsānids had fallen, -and the vast empire of Persia that for four centuries had withstood the might of Rome -and Byzantium, now became the heritage of the Muslims. When the armies of the state -had been routed, the mass of the people offered little resistance; the reigns of the -last representatives of the Sāsānid dynasty had been marked by terrible anarchy, and -the sympathies of the people had been further alienated from their rulers on account -of the support they gave to the persecuting policy of the state religion of Zoroastrianism. -The Zoroastrian priests had acquired an enormous influence in the state; they were -well-nigh all-powerful in the councils of the king and arrogated to themselves a very -large share in the civil administration. They took advantage of their position to -persecute all those religious bodies—(and they were many)—that dissented from them. -Besides the numerous adherents of older forms of the Persian religion, there were -Christians, Jews, Sabæans and numerous sects in which the speculations of Gnostics, -Manichæans and Buddhists found expression. In all of these, persecution had stirred -up feelings of bitter hatred against the established religion and the dynasty that -supported its oppressions, and so caused the Arab conquest to appear in the light -of a deliverance.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4302src" href="#xd31e4302">1</a> The followers of all these varied forms of faith could breathe again under a rule -that granted them religious freedom and exemption from military service, on <span class="pageNum" id="pb207">[<a href="#pb207">207</a>]</span>payment of a light tribute. For the Muslim law granted toleration and the right of -paying jizyah not only to the Christians and Jews, but to Zoroastrians and Sabæans, -to worshippers of idols, of fire and of stone.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4307src" href="#xd31e4307">2</a> It was said that the Prophet himself had distinctly given directions that the Zoroastrians -were to be treated exactly like “the people of the book,” i.e. the Jews and Christians, -and that jizyah might also be taken from them in return for protection,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4310src" href="#xd31e4310">3</a>—a tradition that probably arose in the second century of the Hijrah, when apostolic -sanction was sought for the toleration that had been extended to all the followers -of the various faiths that Arabs had found in the countries they had conquered, whether -such non-Muslims came under the category Ahl al-Kitāb or not.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4314src" href="#xd31e4314">4</a> -</p> -<p>To the distracted Christian Church in Persia the change of government brought relief -from the oppression of the Sāsānid kings, who had fomented the bitter struggles of -Jacobites and Nestorians and added to the confusion of warring sects. Some reference -has already<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4319src" href="#xd31e4319">5</a> been made to earlier persecutions, and even during the expiring agony of the Sāsānid -dynasty, <span class="corr" id="xd31e4322" title="Source: Khusrau">K͟husrau</span> II, exasperated at the defeat he had suffered at the hands of the Christian emperor, -Heraclius, ordered a fresh persecution of the Christians within his dominions, a persecution -from which all the various Christian sects alike had to suffer. These terrible conditions -may well have prepared men’s minds for that revulsion of feeling that facilitates -a change of faith. “Side by side with the political chaos in the state was the moral -confusion that filled the minds of the Christians; distracted by such an accumulation -of disasters and by the moral agony wrought by the furious conflict of so many warring -doctrines among them, they tended towards that peculiar frame of mind in which a new -doctrine finds it easy to take root, making a clean sweep of such a bewildering babel -and striving to reconstruct faith and society on a new basis. In other words the people -of Persia, and especially the Semitic races, were just in the very mental condition -calculated to make them <span class="pageNum" id="pb208">[<a href="#pb208">208</a>]</span>welcome the Islamic revolution and urge them on to enthusiastically embrace the new -and rugged creed, which with its complete and virile simplicity swept away at one -stroke all those dark mists, opened the soul to new, alluring and tangible hopes, -and promised immediate release from a miserable state of servitude.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4327src" href="#xd31e4327">6</a> -</p> -<p>But the Muslim creed was most eagerly welcomed by the townsfolk, the industrial classes -and the artisans, whose occupations made them impure according to the Zoroastrian -creed, because in the pursuance of their trade or occupations they defiled fire, earth -or water, and who thus, outcasts in the eyes of the law and treated with scant consideration -in consequence, embraced with eagerness a creed that made them at once free men, and -equal in a brotherhood of faith.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4332src" href="#xd31e4332">7</a> Nor were the conversions from Zoroastrianism itself less striking: the fabric of -the National Church had fallen with a crash in the general ruin of the dynasty that -had before upheld it; having no other centre round which to rally, the followers of -this creed would find the transition to Islam a simple and easy one, owing to the -numerous points of similarity in the old creed and the new. For the Persian could -find in the Qurʼān many of the fundamental doctrines of his old faith, though in a -rather different form: he would meet again Ahuramazda and Ahriman under the names -of Allāh and Iblīs; the creation of the world in six periods; the angels and the demons; -the story of the primitive innocence of man; the resurrection of the body and the -doctrine of heaven and hell.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4337src" href="#xd31e4337">8</a> Even in the details of daily worship there were similarities to be found and the -followers of Zoroaster when they adopted Islam were enjoined by their new faith to -pray five times a day just as they had been by the Avesta.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4340src" href="#xd31e4340">9</a> Those tribes in the north of Persia that had stubbornly resisted the ecclesiastical -organisation of the state religion, on the ground that each man was a priest in his -own household and had no need of any other, and believing in a supreme being and the -immortality of the soul, taught that a man should love his neighbour, conquer his -passions, and strive patiently after a better life—such <span class="pageNum" id="pb209">[<a href="#pb209">209</a>]</span>men could have needed very little persuasion to induce them to accept the faith of -the Prophet.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4345src" href="#xd31e4345">10</a> Islam had still more points of contact with some of the heretical sects of Persia, -that had come under the influence of Christianity. -</p> -<p>In addition to the causes above enumerated of the rapid spread of Islam in Persia, -it should be remembered that the political and national sympathies of the conquered -race were also enlisted on behalf of the new religion through the marriage of Ḥusayn, -the son of ʻAlī with Shāhbānū, one of the daughters of Yazdagird, the last monarch -of the Sāsānid dynasty. In the descendants of Shāhbānū and Ḥusayn the Persians saw -the heirs of their ancient kings and the inheritors of their national traditions, -and in this patriotic feeling may be found the explanation of the intense devotion -of the Persians to the ʻAlid faction and the first beginnings of Shīʻism as a separate -sect.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4350src" href="#xd31e4350">11</a> -</p> -<p>That this widespread conversion was not due to force or violence is evidenced by the -toleration extended to those who still clung to their ancient faith. Even to the present -day there are some small communities of fire-worshippers to be found in certain districts -of Persia, and though these have in later years often had to suffer persecution,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4359src" href="#xd31e4359">12</a> their ancestors in the early centuries of the Hijrah enjoyed a remarkable degree -of toleration, their fire-temples were respected, and we even read of a Muhammadan -general (in the reign of al-Muʻtaṣim, <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 833–842), who ordered an imām and a muʼad͟hd͟hin to be flogged because they had destroyed -a fire-temple in Sug͟hd and built a mosque in its place.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4368src" href="#xd31e4368">13</a> In the tenth century, three centuries after the conquest of the country, fire-temples -were to be found in ʻIrāq, Fārs, Kirmān, Sijistān, K͟hurāsān, Jibāl, Ād͟harbayjān -and Arrān, i.e. in almost every province of Persia.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4371src" href="#xd31e4371">14</a> In Fārs <span class="pageNum" id="pb210">[<a href="#pb210">210</a>]</span>itself there were hardly any cities or districts in which fire-temples and Magians -were not to be found.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4377src" href="#xd31e4377">15</a> <span class="corr" id="xd31e4382" title="Source: Al-Sharastānī">Al-Shahrastānī</span> also (writing as late as the twelfth century), makes mention of a fire-temple at -Isfīniyā, in the neighbourhood of Bag͟hdād itself.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4385src" href="#xd31e4385">16</a> -</p> -<p>In the face of such facts, it is surely impossible to attribute the decay of Zoroastrianism -entirely to violent conversions made by the Muslim conquerors. The number of Persians -who embraced Islam in the early days of the Arab rule was probably very large from -the various reasons given above, but the late survival of their ancient faith and -the occasional record of conversions in the course of successive centuries, render -it probable that the acceptance of Islam was both peaceful and voluntary. About the -close of the eighth century, Sāmān, a noble of Balk͟h, having received assistance -from Asad b. ʻAbd-Allāh, the governor of K͟hurāsān, renounced Zoroastrianism, embraced -Islam and named his son Asad after his protector: it is from this convert that <span class="corr" id="xd31e4390" title="Not in source">the </span>dynasty of the Sāmānids (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 874–999) took its name. About the beginning of the ninth century, Karīm b. Shahriyār -was the first king of the Qābūsiyyah dynasty who became a Musalman, and in 873 a large -number of fire-worshippers were converted to Islam in Daylam through the influence -of Nāṣir al-Ḥaqq Abū Muḥammad. In the following century, about <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 912, Ḥasan b. ʻAlī, of the ʻAlid dynasty on the southern shore of the Caspian Sea, -who is said to have been a man of learning and intelligence and well acquainted with -the religious opinions of different sects, invited the inhabitants of Ṭabaristān and -Daylam, who were partly idolaters and partly Magians, to accept Islam; many of them -responded to his call, while others persisted in their former state of unbelief.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4398src" href="#xd31e4398">17</a> In the year <span class="asc">A.H.</span> 394 (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1003–1004), a famous poet, Abu’l Ḥasan Mihyār, a native of Daylam, who had been a -fire-worshipper, was converted to Islam by a still more famous poet, the Sharīf al-Riḍā, -who was his master in the poetic art.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4408src" href="#xd31e4408">18</a> -</p> -<p>It was probably about the same period that the grandfather <span class="pageNum" id="pb211">[<a href="#pb211">211</a>]</span>of the great geographer, Ibn K͟hūrdādbih, was converted through the influence of one -of the Barmecides,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4415src" href="#xd31e4415">19</a> whose ancestor had been likewise a Magian and high priest of the great Fire Temple -of Nawbahār at Balk͟h. -</p> -<p>Scanty as these notices of conversion are, they appear to have been voluntary, and -the Zoroastrians would seem to have enjoyed on the whole toleration for the exercise -of their religion up to the close of the <span class="corr" id="xd31e4420" title="Source: ʻAbbasid">ʻAbbāsid</span> period. With the Mongol invasion a darker period in their history begins, and the -miseries which the Persian Muslims themselves suffered seems to have generated in -them a spirit of fanatical intolerance which exposed the Zoroastrians at times to -cruel sufferings.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4423src" href="#xd31e4423">20</a> -</p> -<p>In the middle of the eighth century, Persia gave birth to a movement that is of interest -in the missionary history of Islam, viz. the sect of the Ismāʻīlians. This is not -the place to enter into a history of this sect or of the theological position taken -up by its followers, or of the social and political factors that lent it strength, -but it demands attention here on account of the marvellous missionary organisation -whereby it was propagated. The founder of this organisation—which rivals that of the -Jesuits for the keen insight into human nature it displays and the consummate skill -with which the doctrines of the sect were accommodated to varying capacities and prejudices—was -a certain ʻAbd Allāh b. Maymūn, who early in the ninth century infused new life into -the Ismāʻīlians. He sent out his missionaries in all directions under various guises, -very frequently as ṣūfīs but also as merchants and traders and the like; they were -instructed to be all things to all men and to win over different classes of men to -allegiance to the grandmaster of their sect, by speaking to each man, as it were, -in his own language, and accommodating their teaching to the varying capacities and -opinions of their hearers. They captivated the ignorant multitude by the performance -of marvels that were taken for miracles and by mysterious utterances that excited -their curiosity. To the devout they appeared as <span class="pageNum" id="pb212">[<a href="#pb212">212</a>]</span>models of virtue and religious zeal; to the mystics they revealed the hidden meaning -of popular teachings and initiated them into various grades of occultism according -to their capacity. Taking advantage of the eager looking-forward to a deliverer that -was common to so many faiths of the time, they declared to the Musalmans the approaching -advent of the Imām Mahdī, to the Jews that of the Messiah, and to the Christians that -of the Comforter, but taught that the aspirations of each could alone be realised -in the coming of ʻAlī as the great deliverer. With the Shīʻah, the Ismāʻīlian missionary -was to put himself forward as the zealous partisan of all the Shīʻah doctrine, was -to dwell upon the cruelty and injustice of the Sunnīs towards ʻAlī and his sons, and -liberally abuse the Sunnī K͟halīfahs; having thus prepared the way, he was to insinuate, -as the necessary completion of the Shīʻah system of faith, the more esoteric doctrines -of the Ismāʻīlian sect. In dealing with the Jew, he was to speak with contempt of -both Christians and Muslims and agree with his intended convert in still looking forward -to a promised Messiah, but gradually lead him to believe that this promised Messiah -could be none other than ʻAlī, the great Messiah of the Ismāʻīlian system. If he sought -to win over the Christian, he was to dwell upon the obstinacy of the Jews and the -ignorance of the Muslims, to profess reverence for the chief articles of the Christian -creed, but gently hint that they were symbolic and pointed to a deeper meaning, to -which the Ismāʻīlian system alone could supply the key; he was also cautiously to -suggest that the Christians had somewhat misinterpreted the doctrine of the Paraclete -and that it was in ʻAlī that the true Paraclete was to be found. Similarly the Ismāʻīlian -missionaries who made their way into India endeavoured to make their doctrines acceptable -to the Hindus, by representing ʻAlī as the promised tenth Avatār of Viṣṇu who was -to come from the West, i.e. (they averred) from Alamūt. They also wrote a Mahdī Purāṇa -and composed hymns in imitation of those of the Vāmācārins or left-hand Śāktas, whose -mysticism already predisposed their minds to the acceptance of the esoteric doctrines -of the Ismāʻīlians.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4433src" href="#xd31e4433">21</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb213">[<a href="#pb213">213</a>]</span></p> -<p>By such means as these an enormous number of persons of different faiths were united -together to push forward an enterprise, the real aim of which was known to very few. -The aspirations of ʻAbd Allāh b. Maymūn seem to have been entirely political, but -as the means he adopted were religious and the one common bond—if any—that bound his -followers together was the devout expectation of the coming of the Imām Mahdī, the -missionary activity connected with the history of this sect deserves this brief mention -in these pages.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4440src" href="#xd31e4440">22</a> -</p> -<p>The history of the spread of Islam in the countries of Central Asia to the north of -Persia presents little in the way of missionary activity. When Qutaybah b. Muslim -went to Samarqand, he found many idols there, whose worshippers maintained that any -man who dared outrage them would perish; the Muslim conqueror, undeterred by such -superstitious fears, set fire to the idols; whereupon a number of persons embraced -Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4445src" href="#xd31e4445">23</a> There is, however, but scanty record of such conversions in the early history of -the Muslim advance into Central Asia; moreover the people of this country seem often -to have pretended to embrace Islam for a time and then to have thrown off the mask -and renounced their allegiance to the caliph as soon as the conquering armies were -withdrawn,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4448src" href="#xd31e4448">24</a> and it was not until Qutaybah had forcibly occupied Buk͟hārā for the fourth time -that he succeeded in compelling the inhabitants to conform to the faith of their conquerors. -</p> -<p>In Buk͟hārā and Samarqand the opposition to the new faith was so violent and obstinate -that none but those who had embraced Islam were allowed to carry arms, and for many -years the Muslims dared not appear unarmed in the mosques or other public places, -while spies had to be set to keep a watch on the new converts. The conquerors made -various efforts to gain proselytes, and even tried to encourage attendance at the -Friday prayers in the mosques by rewards of money, and allowed the Qurʼān to be recited -in Persian instead of in Arabic, in order that it might be intelligible to all.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4453src" href="#xd31e4453">25</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb214">[<a href="#pb214">214</a>]</span></p> -<p>The progress of Islam in Transoxania was certainly very slow: some of the inhabitants -accepted the invitation of ʻUmar II (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 717–720) to embrace Islam,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4462src" href="#xd31e4462">26</a> and large numbers were converted through the preaching of a certain Abū Ṣaydā who -commenced this mission in Samarqand in the reign of Hishām (724–743),<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4465src" href="#xd31e4465">27</a> but it was not until the reign of Al-Muʻtaṣim (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 833–842) that Islam was generally adopted there,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4471src" href="#xd31e4471">28</a> one of the <span class="corr" id="xd31e4475" title="Source: reason">reasons</span> probably being the more intimate relations established at this time with the then -capital of the Muhammadan world, Bag͟hdād, through the enormous numbers of Turks that -had flocked in thousands to join the army of the caliph.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4478src" href="#xd31e4478">29</a> Islam having thus gained a footing among the Turkish tribes seems to have made but -slow progress until the middle of the tenth century, when the conversion of some of -their chieftains to Islam, like that of Clovis and other barbarian kings of Northern -Europe to Christianity, led their clansmen to follow their example in a body. -</p> -<p>Pious legends have grown up to supply the lack of sober historical record of such -conversions. The city of Khīva reveres as its national saint a Muslim wrestler—Pahlavān—who -was in the service of a heathen king of K͟hwārizm. The king of India, hearing of the -fame of this Pahlavān, sent his own court wrestler with a challenge to the king of -K͟hwārizm. A day was fixed for the trial of strength and the nobles and people of -Khīva were summoned to view the spectacle; the vanquished man was to have his head -cut off. On the day before, the saintly Pahlavān was praying in the mosque when he -overheard the prayer of an old woman: “O God, suffer not my son to be beaten by this -invincible Pahlavān, for I have no other child.” Touched with compassion for the mother, -Pahlavān lets the Indian wrestler win the day; the enraged king orders his head to -be cut off, but at that very moment the horse on which the king is sitting, bolts, -carrying his master straight towards a dangerous precipice. Pahlavān springs forward, -catches the horse and rescues the king from a horrible death. In gratitude the king -embraces the true faith, and the saintly <span class="pageNum" id="pb215">[<a href="#pb215">215</a>]</span>wrestler, full of joy, goes away into the desert and becomes a hermit.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4485src" href="#xd31e4485">30</a> -</p> -<p>A strange legend is told of the conversion of Sātūq Bug͟hrā K͟hān, the founder of -the Muhammadan dynasty of the Īlik-K͟hāns of Kāshgar, about the middle of the tenth -century. A prince of the Sāmānid house, K͟hwājah Abu’l-Naṣr Sāmānī, a man of great -piety and humility of character, finding no scope for the exercise of his talent for -administration, resolved to become a merchant, with the purpose of spreading the true -faith in the lands of the unbelievers. Instead of trying to acquire a fortune by his -commercial enterprises, he devoted all his gains to the furtherance of his proselytising -efforts. One night the Prophet appeared to him in a dream, saying: “Arise, and go -into Turkistan where the prince Sātūq Bug͟hrā K͟hān only awaits your coming to be -converted to Islam.” The young prince had in a similar manner been warned in a vision -to expect the arrival of an instructor in the faith, and when some days later he met -Abu’l-Naṣr Sāmānī he was prepared to accept his teaching and become a Musalman. This -legend would appear to have been based on the historic fact that Islam made its way -from the Sāmānid kingdom into the neighbouring country of Turkistan, and the example -of the ruler seems to have been followed by his subjects, for in <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 960 as many as 200,000 tents of the Turks, i.e. probably the greater part of the -Turkish population of Bug͟hrā K͟hān’s kingdom, professed the faith of Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4493src" href="#xd31e4493">31</a> Legend credits him with miraculous powers in his wars against the heathen, when a -devouring flame would issue from his mouth and the sword that he brandished would -become forty feet long. By the time he had reached the age of ninety-six, the terror -of his sword is said to have converted the unbelievers from the banks of the Oxus -in the south to Qurāquram in the north, and just before his death he is said to have -led his victorious army into China, and spread Islam as far as Turfan.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4496src" href="#xd31e4496">32</a> This picturesque account of <span class="pageNum" id="pb216">[<a href="#pb216">216</a>]</span>a dynastic struggle with the Buddhist kingdom of Khotan credits the hero with a measure -of success which was not really achieved until the fourteenth century. How limited -the success of Sātūq Bug͟hrā K͟hān really was, may be judged from the fact that when -his successors among the Īlik-K͟hāns sought in 1026 to contract matrimonial alliances -with princesses of the house of Maḥmūd of Ghazna, Maḥmūd replied that he was a Musalman, -while they were unbelievers, and that it was not the custom to give the sisters and -daughters of Musalmans in marriage to unbelievers, but that, if they would embrace -Islam, the matter would be considered.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4506src" href="#xd31e4506">33</a> A few years later, in 1041–1042, a number of Turks who were still heathen and living -in Tibetan territory sought permission from Arslān K͟hān b. Qadr K͟hān to settle in -his dominions, having heard of the justice and mildness of his rule; when they arrived -in the neighbourhood of Bālāsāg͟hūn<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4510src" href="#xd31e4510">34</a> he sent a message to them urging them to accept Islam; but they refused, and as he -found them to be peaceable and obedient subjects, he left them alone. There is no -record of their conversion, which probably ensued in course of time; but they can -hardly be identified with the group of ten thousand tents of infidel Turks who embraced -Islam in the following year, as these latter are expressly stated to have harried -and plundered the Musalmans before their conversion.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4513src" href="#xd31e4513">35</a> The invasion of the Qarā K͟hitāy into Turkistan<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4516src" href="#xd31e4516">36</a> dealt a severe blow to the power of Islam, and as late as the thirteenth century -the reports of European travellers show that there were still important groups of -Buddhists, Manichæans and Christians in these parts.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4519src" href="#xd31e4519">37</a> -</p> -<p>Of supreme importance to Islam was the conversion of the Saljūq Turks, but no record -of their conversion remains beyond the statement that in <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 956 Saljūq migrated from Turkistan with his clan to the province of Buk͟hārā, where -he and his people enthusiastically embraced Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4527src" href="#xd31e4527">38</a> This <span class="pageNum" id="pb217">[<a href="#pb217">217</a>]</span>was the origin of the famous Saljūq Turks, whose wars and conquests revived the fading -glory of the Muhammadan arms and united into one empire the Muslim kingdoms of Western -Asia. -</p> -<p>When at the close of the twelfth century, the Saljūq empire had lost all power except -in Asia Minor, and when Muḥammad G͟hūrī was extending his empire from K͟hurāsān eastward -across the north of India, there was a great revival of the Muslim faith among the -Afg͟hāns and their country was overrun by Arab preachers and converts from India, -who set about the task of proselytising with remarkable energy and boldness.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4534src" href="#xd31e4534">39</a> The traditions of the Afg͟hāns represent Islam as having been peaceably introduced -among them. They say that in the first century of the Hijrah they occupied the G͟hūr -country to the east of Herāt, and that K͟hālid b. Walīd came to them there with the -tidings of Islam and invited them to join the standard of the Prophet; he returned -to Muḥammad accompanied by a deputation of six or seven representative men of the -Afghan people, with their followers, and these, when they went back to their own country, -set to work to convert their fellow-tribesmen.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4537src" href="#xd31e4537">40</a> This tradition is, however, devoid of any historical foundation, and the earliest -authentic record of conversion to Islam from among the Afghans seems to be that of -a king of Kābul in the reign of al-Maʼmūn.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4540src" href="#xd31e4540">41</a> His successors, however, seem to have relapsed to Buddhism, for when Yaʻqūb b. Layt͟h, -the founder of the Ṣaffārid dynasty, extended his conquests as far as Kābul in 871, -he found the ruler of the land to be an “idolater,” and Kābul now became really Muhammadan -for the first time, the Afghans probably being quite willing to take service in the -army of so redoubtable a conqueror as Yaʻqūb b. Layt͟h,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4543src" href="#xd31e4543">42</a> but it was not until after the conquests of Sabaktigīn and Maḥmūd of Ghazna that -Islam became established throughout Afghanistan. -</p> -<p>Of the further history of Islam in Persia and Central Asia some details will be found -in the following chapter. -<span class="pageNum" id="pb218">[<a href="#pb218">218</a>]</span> </p> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4302"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4302src">1</a></span> Caetani, vol. ii. pp. 910–11. A. de Gobineau (1), pp. 55–6. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4302src" title="Return to note 1 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4307"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4307src">2</a></span> Abū Yūsuf: Kitāb al-K͟harāj, p. 73. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4307src" title="Return to note 2 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4310"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4310src">3</a></span> Id. p. 74 and Balād͟hurī, pp. 71 (fin.), 79, 80. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4310src" title="Return to note 3 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4314"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4314src">4</a></span> Caetani, vol. v. pp. 361 (§ 611 n. 1), 394–5, 457. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4314src" title="Return to note 4 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4319"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4319src">5</a></span> pp. 68–9. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4319src" title="Return to note 5 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4327"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4327src">6</a></span> Caetani, vol. ii. p. 910. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4327src" title="Return to note 6 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4332"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4332src">7</a></span> A<span class="corr" id="xd31e4334" title="Not in source">.</span> de Gobineau (2), pp. 306–10. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4332src" title="Return to note 7 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4337"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4337src">8</a></span> Dozy (1), p. 157. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4337src" title="Return to note 8 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4340"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4340src">9</a></span> Haneberg, p. 5. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4340src" title="Return to note 9 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4345"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4345src">10</a></span> Dozy (1), p. 191. A. de Gobineau (1), p. 55. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4345src" title="Return to note 10 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4350"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4350src">11</a></span> <span lang="fr">Les croyances Mazdéennes dans la religion Chiite, par Ahmed-Bey Agaeff.</span> (Transactions of the Ninth International Congress of Orientalists, vol. ii. pp. 509–11. -London, 1893.) For other points of contact, see Goldziher: <span lang="fr">Islamisme et Parsisme. (Revue de l’Histoire des Religions, xliii. p. 1. sqq.)</span> <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4350src" title="Return to note 11 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4359"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4359src">12</a></span> Dosabhai Framji Karaka: History of the Parsis, vol. i. pp. 56–9, 62–7. (London, 1884.) -Nicolas de Khanikoff says that there were 12,000 families of fire-worshippers in Kirmān -at the end of the 18th century. (<span lang="fr">Mémoire sur la partie méridionale de l’Asie centrale, p. 193. Paris, 1861.</span>) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4359src" title="Return to note 12 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4368"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4368src">13</a></span> Chwolsohn, vol. i. p. 287. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4368src" title="Return to note 13 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4371"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4371src">14</a></span> Masʻūdī, vol. iv. p. 86. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4371src" title="Return to note 14 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4377"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4377src">15</a></span> <span class="corr" id="xd31e4378" title="Source: Iṣtak͟hrī">Iṣṭak͟hrī</span>, pp. 100, 118. Ibn Ḥawqal, pp. 189–190. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4377src" title="Return to note 15 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4385"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4385src">16</a></span> Kitāb al-milal waʼl-niḥal, edited by Cureton, part i. p. 198. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4385src" title="Return to note 16 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4398"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4398src">17</a></span> Masʻūdī, vol. viii. p. 279; vol. ix. pp. 4–5. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4398src" title="Return to note 17 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4408"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4408src">18</a></span> Ibn K͟hallikān, vol. iii. p. 517. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4408src" title="Return to note 18 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4415"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4415src">19</a></span> Kitāb al-Fihrist, ed. Flügel, p. 149 (l. 2). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4415src" title="Return to note 19 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4423"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4423src">20</a></span> For a comprehensive sketch of their condition under Muslim rule, see D. Menant: <span lang="fr">Les Zoroastriens de Perse</span>. (R. du M. M. iii. pp. 193 sqq., p. 421 sqq.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4423src" title="Return to note 20 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4433"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4433src">21</a></span> Khojā Vrittānt, pp. 141–8. For a further account of Ismāʻīlian missionaries in India, -see chap. ix. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4433src" title="Return to note 21 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4440" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4440src">22</a></span> Le Bon Silvestre De Sacy: Exposé de la Religion des Druzes, tome i. pp. lxvii–lxxvi, -cxlviii–clxii. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4440src" title="Return to note 22 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4445"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4445src">23</a></span> Balād͟hurī, p. 421. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4445src" title="Return to note 23 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4448"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4448src">24</a></span> Narshak͟hī, p. 46. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4448src" title="Return to note 24 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4453"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4453src">25</a></span> Id. p. 47. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4453src" title="Return to note 25 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4462"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4462src">26</a></span> Balād͟hurī, p. 426. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4462src" title="Return to note 26 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4465"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4465src">27</a></span> Ṭabarī, ii. pp. 1507 sqq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4465src" title="Return to note 27 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4471"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4471src">28</a></span> Balād͟hurī, p. 431. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4471src" title="Return to note 28 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4478"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4478src">29</a></span> August Müller, vol. i. p. 520. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4478src" title="Return to note 29 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4485"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4485src">30</a></span> Cahun, p. 150. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4485src" title="Return to note 30 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4493"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4493src">31</a></span> Ibn al-At͟hīr, vol. viii. p. 396 (ll. 19–20.) Grenard, pp. 7 sq., 42–3. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4493src" title="Return to note 31 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4496"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4496src">32</a></span> Grenard, pp. 9–10. “<span lang="fr">D’une guerre d’ambition [la tradition] fait une guerre sainte, elle attribue à Satoḳ -Boghra Khân une conquête qui a été accomplie réellement par son douzième successeur; -par une confusion absurde, elle donne le nom de ce dernier à l’oncle infidèle de Satoḳ. -Non contente de réduire deux personnages en un seul, elle prête au même prince <span class="pageNum" id="pb216n">[<a href="#pb216n">216</a>]</span>une marche sur Tourfân, c’est-à-dire contre les Ouigour, qui est en effet l’œuvre -d’un troisième.</span>” (Id. p. 50.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4496src" title="Return to note 32 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4506"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4506src">33</a></span> Raverty, p. 905. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4506src" title="Return to note 33 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4510"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4510src">34</a></span> This was the capital of the K͟hāns of Turkistan during the tenth and eleventh centuries, -but the exact site is uncertain. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4510src" title="Return to note 34 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4513"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4513src">35</a></span> Narshak͟hī, pp. 234–5. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4513src" title="Return to note 35 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4516"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4516src">36</a></span> Raverty, pp. 925–7. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4516src" title="Return to note 36 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4519"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4519src">37</a></span> Grenard, p. 76. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4519src" title="Return to note 37 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4527"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4527src">38</a></span> Raverty, p. 117. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4527src" title="Return to note 38 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4534"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4534src">39</a></span> Bellew, p. 96. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4534src" title="Return to note 39 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4537"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4537src">40</a></span> Id. pp. 15–16. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4537src" title="Return to note 40 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4540"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4540src">41</a></span> Balād͟hurī, p. 402. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4540src" title="Return to note 41 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4543"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4543src">42</a></span> August Müller, vol. ii. p. 29. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4543src" title="Return to note 42 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch8" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pageNum">[<a href="#xd31e352">Contents</a>]</span><div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">CHAPTER VIII.</h2> -<h2 class="main">THE SPREAD OF ISLAM AMONG THE MONGOLS AND TATARS.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">There is no event in the history of Islam that for terror and desolation can be compared -to the Mongol conquest. Like an avalanche, the hosts of Chingīz K͟hān swept over the -centres of Muslim culture and civilisation, leaving behind them bare deserts and shapeless -ruins where before had stood the palaces of stately cities, girt about with gardens -and fruitful corn-land. When the Mongol army had marched out of the city of Herāt, -a miserable remnant of forty persons crept out of their hiding-places and gazed horror-stricken -on the ruins of their beautiful city—all that were left out of a population of over -100,000. In Buk͟hārā, so famed for its men of piety and learning, the Mongols stabled -their horses in the sacred precincts of the mosques and tore up the Qurʼāns to serve -as litter; those of the inhabitants who were not butchered were carried away into -captivity and their city reduced to ashes. Such too was the fate of Samarqand, Balk͟h -and many another city of Central Asia, which had been the glories of Islamic civilisation -and the dwelling-places of holy men and the seats of sound learning—such too the fate -of Bag͟hdād that for centuries had been the capital of the ʻAbbāsid dynasty. -</p> -<p>Well might the Muhammadan historian shudder to relate such horrors; when Ibn al-At͟hīr -comes to describe the inroads of the Mongols into the countries of Islam, “for many -years,” he tells us, “I shrank from giving a recital of these events on account of -their magnitude and my abhorrence. Even now I come reluctant to the task, for who -would deem it a light thing to sing the death-song of Islam and of the Muslims, or -find it easy to tell this tale? O that my <span class="pageNum" id="pb219">[<a href="#pb219">219</a>]</span>mother had not given me birth! ‘Oh, would that I had died ere this, and been a thing -forgotten, forgotten quite!’<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4559src" href="#xd31e4559">1</a> Many friends have urged me and still I stood irresolute; but I saw that it was of -no profit to forego the task and so I thus resume. I shall have to describe events -so terrible and calamities so stupendous that neither day nor night have ever brought -forth the like; they fell on all nations, but on the Muslims more than all; and were -one to say that since God created Adam the world has not seen the like, he would but -tell the truth, for history has nothing to relate that at all approaches it. Among -the greatest calamities in history is the slaughter that Nebuchadnezzar wrought among -the children of Israel and his destruction of the Temple; but what is Jerusalem in -comparison to the countries that these accursed ones laid waste, every town of which -was far greater than Jerusalem, and what were the children of Israel in comparison -to those they slew, since the inhabitants of one of the cities they destroyed were -greater in numbers than all the children of Israel? Let us hope that the world may -never see the like again.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4562src" href="#xd31e4562">2</a> But Islam was to rise again from the ashes of its former grandeur and through its -preachers win over these savage conquerors to the acceptance of the faith. This was -a task for the missionary energies of Islam that was rendered more difficult from -the fact that there were two powerful competitors in the field. The spectacle of Buddhism, -Christianity and Islam emulously striving to win the allegiance of the fierce conquerors -that had set their feet on the necks of adherents of these great missionary religions, -is one that is without parallel in the history of the world. -</p> -<p>Before entering on a recital of this struggle, it will be well in order to the comprehension -of what is to follow briefly to glance at the partition of the Mongol empire after -the death of Chingīz K͟hān, when it was split up into four sections and divided among -his sons. His third son, Ogotāy, succeeded his father as K͟hāqān and received as his -share the eastern portion of the empire, in which Qūbīlāy afterwards included the -whole of China. Chag͟hatāy the second son took the middle kingdom. Bātū, the son of -<span class="pageNum" id="pb220">[<a href="#pb220">220</a>]</span>his first-born Jūjī, ruled the western portion as K͟hān of the Golden Horde; Tulūy -the fourth son took Persia, to which Hūlāgū, who founded the dynasty of the Īlk͟hāns, -added a great part of Asia Minor. -</p> -<p>The primitive religion of the Mongols was Shamanism, which while recognising a supreme -God, offered no prayers to Him, but worshipped a number of inferior divinities, especially -the evil spirits whose powers for harm had to be deprecated by means of sacrifices, -and the souls of ancestors who were considered to exercise an influence on the lives -of their descendants. To propitiate these powers of the heaven and of the lower world, -recourse was had to the Shamans, wizards or medicine-men, who were credited with possessing -mysterious influence over the elements and the spirits of the departed. Their religion -was not one that was calculated to withstand long the efforts of a proselytising faith, -possessed of a systematic theology capable of satisfying the demands of the reason -and an organised body of religious teachers, when once the Mongols had been brought -into contact with civilised races, had responded to their civilising influences and -begun to pass out of their nomadic barbarism. It so happened that the civilised races -with which the conquest of the Mongols brought them in contact comprised large numbers -of Buddhists, Christians and Muhammadans, and the adherents of these three great missionary -faiths entered into rivalry with one another for the conversion of their conquerors. -When not carried away by the furious madness for destruction and insult that usually -characterised their campaigns, the Shamanist Mongols showed themselves remarkably -tolerant of other religions, whose priests were exempted from taxation and allowed -perfect freedom of worship. Buddhist priests held controversies with the Shamans in -the presence of Chingīz K͟hān; and at the courts of Mangū K͟hān and Qūbīlāy the Buddhist -and Christian priests and the Muslim Imāms alike enjoyed the patronage of the Mongol -prince.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4571src" href="#xd31e4571">3</a> In the reign of the latter monarch the Mongols in China began to yield to the powerful -influences of the surrounding Buddhism, and by the beginning of the fourteenth century -<span class="pageNum" id="pb221">[<a href="#pb221">221</a>]</span>the Buddhist faith seems to have gained a complete ascendancy over them.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4576src" href="#xd31e4576">4</a> It was the Lamas of Tibet who showed themselves most zealous in this work of conversion, -and the people of Mongolia to the present day cling to the same faith, as do the Kalmuks -who migrated to Russia in the seventeenth century. -</p> -<p>Although Buddhism made itself finally supreme in the eastern part of the empire, at -first the influence of the Christian Church was by no means inconsiderable and great -hopes were entertained of the conversion of the Mongols. The Nestorian missionaries -in the seventh century had carried the knowledge of the Christian faith from west -to east across Asia as far as the north of China, and scattered communities were still -to be found in the thirteenth century. The famous Prester John, around whose name -cluster so many legends of the Middle Ages, is supposed to have been the chief of -the Karaïts, a Christian Tartar tribe living to the south of Lake Baikal. When this -tribe was conquered by Chingīz K͟hān, he married one of the daughters of the then -chief of the tribe, while his son Ogotāy took a wife from the same family. Ogotāy’s -son, Kuyūk, although he did not himself become a Christian, showed great favour towards -this faith, to which his chief minister and one of his secretaries belonged. The Nestorian -priests were held in high favour at his court and he received an embassy from Pope -Innocent IV.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4581src" href="#xd31e4581">5</a> The Christian powers both of the East and the West looked to the Mongols to assist -them in their wars against the Musalmans. It was Hayton, the Christian King of Armenia, -who was mainly instrumental in persuading Mangū K͟hān to despatch the expedition that -sacked Bag͟hdād under the leadership of Hūlāgū,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4584src" href="#xd31e4584">6</a> the influence of whose Christian wife led him to show much favour to the Christians, -and especially to the Nestorians. Many of the Mongols who occupied the countries of -Armenia and Georgia were converted by the Christians of these countries and received -baptism.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4587src" href="#xd31e4587">7</a> The marvellous tales of the greatness and magnificence of Prester John, that fired -the imagination of mediæval Europe, had given rise <span class="pageNum" id="pb222">[<a href="#pb222">222</a>]</span>to a belief that the Mongols were Christians—a belief which was further strengthened -by the false reports that reached Europe of the conversion of various Mongol princes -and their zeal for the Christian cause. It was under this delusion that St. Louis -sent an ambassador, William of Rubruck, to exhort the great K͟hāqān to persevere in -his supposed efforts for the spread of the Christian faith. But these reports were -soon discovered to be without any foundation in fact, though William of Rubruck found -that the Christian religion was freely tolerated at the court of Mangū K͟hān, and -the adhesion of some few Mongols to this faith made the Christian priests hopeful -of still further conquests. But so long as Latins, Greeks, Nestorians and Armenians -carried their theological differences into the very midst of the Mongol camp, there -was very little hope of much progress being made, and it is probably this very want -of union among the preachers of Christianity that caused their efforts to meet with -so little success among the Mongols; so that while they were fighting among one another, -Buddhism and Islam were gaining a firm footing for themselves. The haughty pretensions -of the Roman Pontiff soon caused the proud conquerors of half the world to withdraw -from his emissaries what little favour they might at first have been inclined to show, -and many other circumstances contributed to the failure of the Roman mission.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4592src" href="#xd31e4592">8</a> -</p> -<p>As for the Nestorians, who had been first in the field, they appear to have been too -degraded and apathetic to take much advantage of their opportunities. Of the Nestorians -in China, William of Rubruck<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4597src" href="#xd31e4597">9</a> says that they were very ignorant and could not even understand their service books, -which were written in Syriac. He accuses them of drunkenness, polygamy and covetousness, -and makes an unfavourable comparison between their lives and those of the Buddhist -priests. Their bishop paid them very rare visits—sometimes only once in fifty years: -<span class="pageNum" id="pb223">[<a href="#pb223">223</a>]</span>on such occasions he would ordain all the male children, even the babies in their -cradles. The priests were eaten up with simony, made a traffic of the sacred rites -of their Church and concerned themselves more with money-making than with the propagation -of the faith.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4602src" href="#xd31e4602">10</a> -</p> -<p>In the western parts of the Mongol empire, where the Christians looked to the newly-risen -power to help them in their wars with the Musalmans and to secure for them the possession -of the Holy Land, the alliance between the Christians and the Īlk͟hāns of Persia was -short-lived, as the victories of Baybars, the Mamlūk Sultan of Egypt (1260–1277) and -his alliance with Baraka K͟hān, gave the Īlk͟hāns quite enough to do to look after -their own interests. The excesses that the Christians of Damascus and other cities -committed during the brief period in which they enjoyed the favour of this Mongol -dynasty of Persia, did much to discredit the Christian name in Western Asia.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4607src" href="#xd31e4607">11</a> -</p> -<p>In the course of the struggle, the adherents of either faith were at times guilty -of much brutality. One example may be taken from the middle of the thirteenth century -as told by al-Jūzjānī, who claims to have heard the story, while in Delhi, from the -lips of a certain Sayyid Ashraf al-Dīn who had come there from Samarqand. “The eminent -Sayyid thus related, that one of the Christians of Samarqand attained unto the felicity -of Islam, and the Musalmans of Samarqand, who are staunch in their faith, paid him -great honour and reverence, and conferred great benefits upon him. Unexpectedly, one -of the haughty Mongol infidels of China, who possessed power and influence, and the -inclinations of which accursed one were towards the Christian faith, arrived at Samarqand. -The Christians of that city repaired to that Mongol, and complained saying: ‘The Musalmans -are enjoining our children to turn away from the Christian faith and from serving -Jesus—on whom be peace—and calling upon them to follow the religion of Muṣṭafạ̄<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4615src" href="#xd31e4615">12</a>—on whom be peace—and, in case that gate becomes unclosed, the whole of our dependents -will turn away from the Christian faith. By <span class="pageNum" id="pb224">[<a href="#pb224">224</a>]</span>thy power and authority devise a settlement of our case.’ The Mongol commanded that -the youth, who had turned Musalman, should be produced, and they tried with blandishment -and kindness, and money and wealth to induce the newly-converted Musalman to recant, -but he refused to recant, and put not off from his heart and spirit that garment of -freshness—the Muslim faith. The Mongol ruler then turned over a leaf in his temper, -and began to speak of severe punishment; and every punishment, which it was in his -power to inflict, or his severity to devise, he inflicted upon the youth, who, from -his great zeal for the faith of Islam, did not recant, and did not in any way cast -away from his hand the sweet draught of religion through the blow of infidel perverseness. -As the youth continued firm in the true faith, and paid no heed to the promises and -threats of that depraved company, the accursed Mongol commanded that they should bring -the youth to public punishment; and he departed from the world in the felicity of -religion—may God reward and requite him!—and the Musalman community in Samarqand were -overcome with despondency and consternation in consequence. A petition was got up, -and was attested with the testimony of the chief men and credible persons of the Musalman -religion dwelling at Samarqand, and we proceeded with that petition to the camp of -Baraka K͟hān, and presented to him an account of the proceedings and disposition of -the Christians of that city. Zeal for the Muslim religion was manifested in the mind -of that monarch of exemplary faith, and the defence of the truth became predominant -in his disposition. After some days, he showed honour to this Sayyid, appointed a -body of Turks and confidential persons among the chief Musalmans, and commanded that -they should slaughter the Christian company who had committed that dire oppression, -and despatch them to hell. When that mandate had been obtained, it was preserved until -that wretched sect had assembled in the church, then they seized them all together, -and despatched the whole of them to hell, and reduced the church again to bricks.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4620src" href="#xd31e4620">13</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb225">[<a href="#pb225">225</a>]</span></p> -<p>For Islam to enter into competition with such powerful rivals as Buddhism and Christianity -were at the outset of the period of Mongol rule, must have appeared a well-nigh hopeless -undertaking. For the Muslims had suffered more from the storm of the Mongol invasions -than the others. Those cities that had hitherto been the rallying points of spiritual -organisation and learning for Islam in Asia, had been for the most part laid in ashes: -the theologians and pious doctors of the faith, either slain or carried away into -captivity.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4626src" href="#xd31e4626">14</a> Among the Mongol rulers—usually so tolerant towards all religions—there were some -who exhibited varying degrees of hatred towards the Muslim faith. Chingīz K͟hān ordered -all those who killed animals in the Muhammadan fashion to be put to death, and this -ordinance was revived by Qūbīlāy, who by offering rewards to informers set on foot -a sharp persecution that lasted for seven years, as many poor persons took advantage -of this ready means of gaining wealth, and slaves accused their masters in order to -gain their freedom.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4629src" href="#xd31e4629">15</a> During the reign of Kuyūk (1246–1248), who left the conduct of affairs entirely to -his two Christian ministers and whose court was filled with Christian monks, the Muhammadans -were made to suffer great severities.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4632src" href="#xd31e4632">16</a> -</p> -<p>A contemporary historian, al-Jūzjānī, gives the following account of the kind of treatment -to which a Muhammadan theologian might be exposed at the court of Kuyūk. “Trustworthy -persons have related that Kuyūk was constantly being incited by the Buddhist priests -to acts of oppression towards the Musalmans and the persecution of the faithful. There -was an Imām in that country, one of the men of learning among the Muslims … named -<span class="corr" id="xd31e4638" title="Source: Nūr-al-Dīn">Nūr al-Dīn</span>, al-K͟hwārazmī. A number of Christian laymen and priests and a band of idol-worshipping -Buddhist priests made a request to Kuyūk, asking him to summon that <span class="pageNum" id="pb226">[<a href="#pb226">226</a>]</span>Imām of the Musalmans that they might hold a controversy with him and get him to prove -the superiority of the faith of Muḥammad and his prophetic mission—otherwise, he should -be put to death. The K͟hān agreed, the Imām was sent for, and a discussion ensued -upon the claim of Muḥammad to be a prophet and the manner of his life as compared -with that of other prophets. At length, as the arguments of those accursed ones were -weak and devoid of the force of truth, they withdrew their hand from contradiction -and drew the mark of oppression and outrage on the pages of the business and asked -Kuyūk K͟hān to tell the Imām to perform two genuflexions in prayer, according to the -rites and ordinances of the Muhammadan law, in order that his unbecoming movements -in the performance of this act of worship might become manifest to them and to the -K͟hān.” Kuyūk gave the order accordingly, and the Imām and another Musalman who was -with him performed the ritual of the prayer according to the prescribed forms. “When -the godly Imām and the other Musalman who was with him, had placed their foreheads -on the ground in the act of prostration, some infidels whom Kuyūk had summoned, greatly -annoyed them and knocked their heads with force upon the ground, and committed other -abominable acts against them. But that godly Imām endured all this oppression and -annoyance and performed all the required forms and ceremonies of the prayer and in -no way curtailed it. When he had repeated the salutation, he lifted up his face towards -heaven and observed the form of ‘Invoke your Lord with humility and in secret,’ and -having asked permission to depart, he returned unto his own house.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4643src" href="#xd31e4643">17</a> -</p> -<p>Arghūn (1284–1291) the fourth Īlk͟hān persecuted the Musalmans and took away from -them all posts in the departments of justice and finance, and forbade them to appear -at his court.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4648src" href="#xd31e4648">18</a> -</p> -<p>In spite of all difficulties, however, the Mongols and the savage tribes that followed -in their wake<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4653src" href="#xd31e4653">19</a> were at length <span class="pageNum" id="pb227">[<a href="#pb227">227</a>]</span>brought to submit to the faith of those Muslim peoples whom they had crushed beneath -their feet. Unfortunately history sheds little light on the progress of this missionary -movement and only a few details relating to the conversion of the more prominent converts -have been preserved to us. Scattered up and down throughout the length and breadth -of the Mongol empire, there must have been many of the followers of the Prophet who -laboured successfully and unknown, to win unbelievers to the faith. In the reign of -Ogotāy (1229–1241), we read of a certain Buddhist governor of Persia, named Kurguz, -who in his later years abjured Buddhism and became a Musalman.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4658src" href="#xd31e4658">20</a> In the reign of Tīmūr K͟hān (1323–1328), Ānanda, a grandson of Qūbīlāy and viceroy -of Kan-Su, was a zealous Musalman and had converted a great many persons in Tangut -and won over a large number of the troops under his command to the same faith. He -was summoned to court and efforts were made to induce him to conform to Buddhism, -and on his refusing to abandon his faith he was cast into prison. But he was shortly -after set at liberty, for fear of an insurrection among the inhabitants of Tangut, -who were much attached to him.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4661src" href="#xd31e4661">21</a> -</p> -<p>The author of the Muntak͟hab al-Tawārīk͟h asserts that Ānanda built four mosques in -K͟hānbāligh (the modern Peking), which provided accommodation for 1,000,000 men at -the time of the Friday prayer; but no credence can be given to this or to his other -statements regarding the spread of Islam in China, in view of the fact that he represents -Ānanda to have been the successor of Tīmūr K͟hān on the imperial throne and gives -an entirely fictitious account of his descendants, several of whom are represented -as having professed Islam, though none of the five had any existence except in the -imagination of the writer.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4666src" href="#xd31e4666">22</a> -</p> -<p>The first Mongol ruling prince who professed Islam was Baraka K͟hān, who was chief -of the Golden Horde from 1256 to 1267.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4671src" href="#xd31e4671">23</a> According to Abu’l-G͟hāzī he was converted <span class="pageNum" id="pb228">[<a href="#pb228">228</a>]</span>after he had come to the throne. He is said one day to have fallen in with a caravan -coming from Buk͟hārā, and taking two of the merchants aside, to have questioned them -on the doctrines of Islam, and they expounded to him their faith so persuasively that -he became converted in all sincerity. He first revealed his change of faith to his -youngest brother, whom he induced to follow his example, and then made open profession -of his new belief.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4678src" href="#xd31e4678">24</a> But, according to al-Jūzjānī, Baraka K͟hān was brought up as a Musalman from infancy, -and, as soon as he was old enough to learn, was taught the Qurʼān by one of the ʻUlamā -of the city of K͟hujand.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4681src" href="#xd31e4681">25</a> The same author (who compiled his history during the lifetime of Baraka K͟hān), states -that the whole of his army was Musalman. “Trustworthy persons have also related that, -throughout his whole army, it is the etiquette for every horseman to have a prayer-carpet -with him, so that, when the time for prayer arrives, they may occupy themselves in -their devotions. Not a person in his whole army takes any intoxicating drink whatever; -and great ʻUlamā, consisting of commentators, traditionists, jurists, and disputants, -are in his society. He has a great number of religious books, and most of his receptions -and debates are with ʻUlamā. In his place of audience debates on ecclesiastical law -constantly take place; and, in his faith, as a Musalman, he is exceedingly strict -and orthodox.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4684src" href="#xd31e4684">26</a> Baraka K͟hān entered into a close alliance with the Mamlūk Sultan of Egypt, Rukn -al-Dīn Baybars. The initiative came from the latter, who had given a hospitable reception -to a body of troops, two hundred in number, belonging to the Golden Horde; these men, -observing the growing enmity between their K͟hān and Hūlāgū, the conqueror of Bag͟hdād, -in whose army they were serving, took flight into Syria, whence they were honourably -conducted to Cairo to the court of Baybars, who persuaded them to embrace Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4688src" href="#xd31e4688">27</a> Baybars himself was at war with Hūlāgū, whom he had recently defeated and driven -out of Syria. He sent <span class="pageNum" id="pb229">[<a href="#pb229">229</a>]</span>two of the Mongol fugitives, with some other envoys, to bear a letter to Baraka K͟hān. -On their return these envoys reported that each princess and amīr at the court of -Baraka K͟hān had an imām and a muʼad͟hd͟hin, and the children were taught the Qurʼān -in the schools.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4693src" href="#xd31e4693">28</a> These friendly relations between Baybars and Baraka K͟hān brought many of the Mongols -of the Golden Horde into Egypt, where they were prevailed upon to become Musalmans.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4696src" href="#xd31e4696">29</a> -</p> -<p>In Persia, where Hūlāgū founded the dynasty of the Īlk͟hāns, the progress of Islam -among the Mongols was much slower. In order to strengthen himself against the attacks -of Baraka K͟hān and the Sultan of Egypt, Hūlāgū accepted the alliance of the Christian -powers of the East, such as the king of Armenia and the Crusaders. His favourite wife -was a Christian and favourably disposed the mind of her husband towards her co-religionists, -and his son Abāqā K͟hān married the daughter of the Emperor of Constantinople. Though -Abāqā K͟hān did not himself become a Christian, his court was filled with Christian -priests, and he sent envoys to several of the princes of Europe—St. Louis of France, -King Charles of Sicily and King James of Aragon—to solicit their alliance against -the Muhammadans; to the same end also, an embassy of sixteen Mongols was sent to the -Council of Lyons in 1274, where the spokesman of this embassy embraced Christianity -and was baptised with some of his companions. Great hopes were entertained of the -conversion of Abāqā, but they proved fruitless. His brother Takūdār,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4701src" href="#xd31e4701">30</a> who succeeded him, was the first of the Īlk͟hāns who embraced Islam. He had been -brought up as a Christian, for (as a contemporary Christian writer<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4704src" href="#xd31e4704">31</a> tells us), “he was baptised when young and called by the name of Nicholas. But when -he was grown up, through his intercourse with Saracens of whom he was very fond, he -became a base Saracen, and, renouncing the Christian faith, wished to be called Muḥammad -K͟hān, and strove with all his might that the <span class="pageNum" id="pb230">[<a href="#pb230">230</a>]</span>Tartars should be converted to the faith and sect of Muḥammad, and when they proved -obstinate, not daring to force them, he brought about their conversion by giving them -honours and favours and gifts, so that in his time many Tartars were converted to -the faith of the Saracens.” This prince sent the news of his conversion to the Sultan -of Egypt in the following letter:—“By the power of God Almighty, the mandate of Aḥmad -to the Sultan of Egypt. God Almighty (praised be His name!) by His grace preventing -us and by the light of His guidance, hath guided us in our early youth and vigour -into the true path of the knowledge of His deity and the confession of His unity, -to bear witness that Muḥammad (on whom rest the highest blessings!) is the Prophet -of God, and to reverence His saints and His pious servants. ‘Whom God shall please -to guide, that man’s breast will He open to Islam.’<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4709src" href="#xd31e4709">32</a> We ceased not to incline our heart to the promotion of the faith and the improvement -of the condition of Islam and the Muslims, up to the time when the succession to the -empire came to us from our illustrious father and brother, and God spread over us -the glory of His grace and kindness, so that in the abundance of His favours our hopes -were realised, and He revealed to us the bride of the kingdom, and she was brought -forth to us a noble spouse. A Qūriltāy or general assembly was convened, wherein our -brothers, our sons, great nobles, generals of the army and captains of the forces, -met to hold council; and they were all agreed on carrying out the order of our elder -brother, viz. to summon here a vast levy of our troops whose numbers would make the -earth, despite its vastness, appear too narrow, whose fury and fierce onset would -fill the hearts of men with fear, being animated with a courage before which the mountain -peaks bow down, and a firm purpose that makes the hardest rocks grow soft. We reflected -on this their resolution which expressed the wish of all, and we concluded that it -ran counter to the aim we had in view—to promote the common weal, i.e. to strengthen -the ordinance of Islam; never, as far as lies in our power, to issue any order that -will not tend to prevent bloodshed, remove the ills of men, <span class="pageNum" id="pb231">[<a href="#pb231">231</a>]</span>and cause the breeze of peace and prosperity to blow on all lands, and the kings of -other countries to rest upon the couch of affection and benevolence, whereby the commands -of God will be honoured and mercy be shown to the people of God. Herein, God inspired -us to quench this fire and put an end to these terrible calamities, and make known -to those who advanced this proposal (of a levy) what it is that God has put into our -hearts to do, namely, to employ all possible means for the healing of all the sickness -of the world, and putting off what should only be appealed to as the last remedy. -For we desire not to hasten to appeal to arms, until we have first declared the right -path, and will permit it only after setting forth the truth and establishing it with -proofs. Our resolve to carry out whatever appears to us good and advantageous has -been strengthened by the counsels of the Shayk͟h al-Islām, the model of divines, who -has given us much assistance in religious matters. We have appointed our chief justice, -Qutb al-Dīn and the Atābak, Bahā al-Dīn, both trustworthy persons of this flourishing -kingdom, to make known to you our course of action and bear witness to our good intentions -for the common weal of the Muslims; and to make it known that God has enlightened -us, and that Islam annuls all that has gone before it, and that God Almighty has put -it into our hearts to follow the truth and those who practice it.… If some convincing -proof be required, let men observe our actions. By the grace of God, we have raised -aloft the standards of the faith, and borne witness to it in all our orders and our -practice, so that the ordinances of the law of Muḥammad may be brought to the fore -and firmly established in accordance with the principles of justice laid down by Aḥmad. -Whereby we have filled the hearts of the people with joy, have granted free pardon -to all offenders, and shown them indulgences, saying, ‘May God pardon the past!’ We -have reformed all matters concerning the pious endowments of Muslims given for mosques, -colleges, charitable institutions, and the rebuilding of caravanserais; we have restored -their incomes to those to whom they were due according to the terms laid down by the -donors.… We have ordered the pilgrims to be <span class="pageNum" id="pb232">[<a href="#pb232">232</a>]</span>treated with respect, provision to be made for their caravans and for securing their -safety on the pilgrim routes; we have given perfect freedom to merchants, travelling -from one country to another, that they may go wherever they please; and we have strictly -prohibited our soldiers and police from interfering with them in their comings or -goings.” He seeks the alliance of the Sultan of Egypt “so that these countries and -cities may again be populated, these terrible calamities be put down, the sword be -returned to the scabbard; that all peoples may dwell in peace and quietness, and the -necks of the Muslims be freed from the ills of humiliation and disgrace.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4717src" href="#xd31e4717">33</a> -</p> -<p>To the student of the history of the Mongols it is a relief to pass from the recital -of nameless horrors and continual bloodshed to a document emanating from a Mongol -prince and giving expression to such humane and benevolent sentiments, which sound -strange indeed coming from such lips. -</p> -<p>This conversion of their chief and the persecutions that he inflicted on the Christians -gave great offence to the Mongols, who, although not Christians themselves, had been -long accustomed to intercourse with the Christians, and they denounced their chief -to Qūbīlāy K͟hān as one who had abandoned the footsteps of his forefathers. A revolt -broke out against him, headed by his nephew Arghūn, who compassed his death and succeeded -him on the throne. During his brief reign (1284–1291), the Christians were once more -restored to favour, while the Musalmans had to suffer persecution in their turn, were -dismissed from their posts and driven away from the court.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4723src" href="#xd31e4723">34</a> -</p> -<p>The successors of Takūdār were all heathen, until, in 1295, G͟hāzān, the seventh and -greatest of the Īlk͟hāns, became a Musalman and made Islam the ruling religion of -Persia. During the last three reigns the Christians had entertained great hopes of -the conversion of the ruling family of Persia, who had shown them such distinguished -favour and entrusted them with so many important offices of state. His immediate predecessor, -the insurgent Baydū K͟hān, who occupied the throne for a few months only in <span class="pageNum" id="pb233">[<a href="#pb233">233</a>]</span>1295, carried his predilection for Christianity so far as to try to put a stop to -the spread of Islam among the Mongols, and accordingly forbade any one to preach the -doctrines of this faith among them.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4730src" href="#xd31e4730">35</a> -</p> -<p>G͟hāzān himself before his conversion had been brought up as a Buddhist and had erected -several Buddhist temples in K͟hurāsān, and took great pleasure in the company of the -priests of this faith, who had come into Persia in large numbers since the establishment -of the Mongol supremacy over that country.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4735src" href="#xd31e4735">36</a> He appears to have been naturally of a religious turn of mind, for he studied the -creeds of the different religions of his time, and used to hold discussions with the -learned doctors of each faith.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4738src" href="#xd31e4738">37</a> Rashīd al-Dīn, his learned minister and the historian of his reign, maintained the -genuineness of his conversion to Islam, the religious observances of which he zealously -kept throughout his whole reign, though his contemporaries (and later writers have -often re-echoed the imputation) represented him as having only yielded to the solicitations -of some Amīrs and Shayk͟hs.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4741src" href="#xd31e4741">38</a> “Besides, what interested motive,” asks his apologist, “could have led so powerful -a sovereign to change his faith: much less, a prince whose pagan ancestors had conquered -the world?” His conversion, however, certainly won over to his side the hearts of -the Persians, when he was contending with Baydū for the throne, and the Muhammadan -Mongols in the army of his rival deserted to support the cause of their co-religionist. -These were the very considerations that were urged upon G͟hāzān by Nawrūz, a Muhammadan -Amīr who had espoused his cause and who hailed him as the prince who, according to -a prophecy, was to appear about this time to protect the faith of Islam and restore -it to its former splendour: if he embraced Islam, he could become the ruler of Persia: -the Musalmans, delivered from the grievous yoke of the Pagan Mongols, would espouse -his cause, and God, recognising in him the saviour of the true faith from utter destruction, -would bless his arms with victory.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4744src" href="#xd31e4744">39</a> After hesitating a little, G͟hāzān <span class="pageNum" id="pb234">[<a href="#pb234">234</a>]</span>made a public profession of the faith, and his officers and soldiers followed his -example: he distributed alms to men of piety and learning and visited the mosques -and tombs of the saints and in every way showed himself an exemplary Muslim ruler. -His brother, Uljāytū, who succeeded him in 1304, under the name of Muḥammad K͟hudābandah, -had been brought up as a Christian in the faith of his mother and had been baptised -under the name of Nicholas, but after his mother’s death, while he was still a young -man, he became a convert to Islam through the persuasions of his wife.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4750src" href="#xd31e4750">40</a> Ibn Baṭūṭah says that his example exercised a great influence on the Mongols.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4758src" href="#xd31e4758">41</a> From this time forward Islam became the paramount faith in the kingdom of the Īlk͟hāns. -</p> -<p>The details that we possess of the progress of Islam in the Middle Kingdom, which -fell to the lot of Chag͟hatāy and his descendants, are still more meagre. Several -of the princes of this line had a Muhammadan minister in their service, but they showed -themselves unsympathetic to the faith of Islam. Chag͟hatāy harassed his Muhammadan -subjects by regulations that restricted their ritual observances in respect of the -killing of animals for food and of ceremonial washings. Al-Jūzjānī says that he was -the bitterest enemy of the Muslims among all the Mongol rulers and did not wish any -one to utter the word Musalman before him except with evil purpose.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4763src" href="#xd31e4763">42</a> Org͟hana, the wife of his grandson and successor, Qarā-Hūlāgū, brought up <span class="pageNum" id="pb235">[<a href="#pb235">235</a>]</span>her son as a Musalman, and under the name of Mubārak Shāh he came forward in 1264 -as one of the claimants of the disputed succession to the Chag͟hatāy K͟hānate; but -he was soon driven from the throne by his cousin Burāq K͟hān, and appears to have -exercised no influence on behalf of his faith, indeed judging from their names it -would not appear that any of his own children even adopted the religion of their father.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4768src" href="#xd31e4768">43</a> Burāq K͟hān is said to have “had the blessedness of receiving the light of the faith” -a few days before his death in 1270, and to have taken the name of Sulṭān G͟hiyāt͟h -al-Dīn,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4771src" href="#xd31e4771">44</a> but he was buried according to the ancient funeral rites of the Mongols, and not -as a Musalman, and those who had been converted during his reign relapsed into their -former heathenism. It was not until the next century that the conversion of Ṭarmāshīrīn -K͟hān, about 1326, caused Islam to be at all generally adopted by the Chag͟hatāy Mongols, -who when they followed the example of their chief this time remained true to their -new faith. But even now the ascendancy of Islam was not assured, for Būzun who was -K͟hān in the next decade—the chronology is uncertain—drove Ṭarmāshīrīn from his throne, -and persecuted the Muslims,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4774src" href="#xd31e4774">45</a> and it was not until some years later that we hear of the first Musalman king of -Kāshgar, which the break-up of the Chag͟hatāy dynasty had erected into a separate -kingdom. This prince, Tūqluq Tīmūr K͟hān (1347–1363), is said to have owed his conversion -to a holy man from Buk͟hārā, by name Shayk͟h Jamāl al-Dīn. This Shayk͟h, in company -with a number of travellers, had unwittingly trespassed on the game-preserves of the -prince, who ordered them to be bound hand and foot and brought before him. In reply -to his angry question, how they had dared interfere with his hunting, the Shayk͟h -pleaded that they were strangers and were quite unaware that they were trespassing -on forbidden ground. Learning that they were Persians, the prince said that a dog -was worth more than a Persian. “Yes,” replied the Shayk͟h, “if we had not the true -faith, we should indeed be worse than the dogs.” Struck with his reply, the K͟hān -ordered <span class="pageNum" id="pb236">[<a href="#pb236">236</a>]</span>this bold Persian to be brought before him on his return from hunting, and taking -him aside asked him to explain what he meant by these words and what was “faith.” -The Shayk͟h then set before him the doctrines of Islam with such fervour and zeal -that the heart of the K͟hān that before had been hard as a stone was melted like wax, -and so terrible a picture did the holy man draw of the state of unbelief, that the -prince was convinced of the blindness of his own errors, but said, “Were I now to -make profession of the faith of Islam, I should not be able to lead my subjects into -the true path. But bear with me a little; and when I have entered into the possession -of the kingdom of my forefathers, come to me again.” For the empire of Chag͟hatāy -had by this time been broken up into a number of petty princedoms, and it was many -years before Tūqluq Tīmūr succeeded in uniting under his sway the whole empire as -before. Meanwhile Shayk͟h Jamāl al-Dīn had returned to his home, where he fell dangerously -ill: when at the point of death, he said to his son Rashīd al-Dīn, “Tūqluq Tīmūr will -one day become a great monarch; fail not to go and salute him in my name and fearlessly -remind him of the promise he made me.” Some years later, when Tūqluq Tīmūr had re-won -the empire of his fathers, Rashīd al-Dīn made his way to the camp of the K͟hān to -fulfil the last wishes of his father, but in spite of all his efforts he could not -gain an audience of the K͟hān. At length he devised the following expedient: one day -in the early morning, he began to chant the call to prayers, close to the K͟hān’s -tent. Enraged at having his slumbers disturbed in this way, the prince ordered him -to be brought into his presence, whereupon Rashīd al-Dīn delivered his father’s message. -Tūqluq K͟hān was not unmindful of his promise, and said: “Ever since I ascended the -throne I have had it on my mind that I made that promise, but the person to whom I -gave the pledge never came. Now you are welcome.” He then repeated the profession -of faith and became a Muslim. “On that morn the sun of bounty rose out of the east -of divine favour and effaced the dark night of unbelief.… They then decided that for -the propagation of Islam they should interview the princes one by one, and it should -be <span class="pageNum" id="pb237">[<a href="#pb237">237</a>]</span>well for those who accepted the faith, but those who refused should be slain as heathens -and idolaters.” The first to be examined was a noble named Amīr Tūlik. The K͟hān asked -him, “Will you embrace Islam?” <span class="corr" id="xd31e4782" title="Source: Amir">Amīr</span> Tūlik burst into tears and said: “Three years ago I was converted by some holy men -at Kāshgar and became a Musalman, but from fear of you I did not openly declare it.” -Then Tūqluq K͟hān rose up and embraced him, and the three sat down again together. -In this manner they examined the princes one by one, and they all accepted Islam, -with the exception of one named Jarās, who suggested a trial of strength between the -Shayk͟h and his servant, an infidel who was above the ordinary stature of man and -so strong that he could lift a two-year-old camel. The Shayk͟h accepted the challenge, -saying: “If I do not throw him, I will not require you to become a Musalman. If it -is God’s wish that the Mongols become honoured with the blessed state of Islam, He -will doubtless give me sufficient power to overcome this man.” Tūqluq K͟hān and those -who had become Musalmans with him tried to dissuade the holy man, but he persisted -in his purpose. “A large crowd assembled, the infidel was brought in, and he and the -Shayk͟h advanced towards one another. The infidel, proud of his own strength, advanced -with a conceited air. The Shayk͟h looked very small and weak beside him. When they -came to blows, the Shayk͟h struck the infidel full in the chest, and he fell senseless. -After a little he came to again, and having raised himself, fell again at the feet -of the Shayk͟h, crying out and uttering words of belief. The people raised loud shouts -of applause, and on that day 160,000 persons cut off the hair of their heads and became -Musalmans. The K͟hān was circumcised, and the lights of Islam dispelled the shades -of unbelief.” From that time Islam became the established faith in the settled countries -under the rule of the descendants of Chag͟hatāy.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4785src" href="#xd31e4785">46</a> But many of the nomad Mongols appear to have remained outside the pale of Islam up -to the early part of the fifteenth century, judging from the violent methods adopted -for their conversion by Muḥammad K͟hān, who was K͟hān of <span class="pageNum" id="pb238">[<a href="#pb238">238</a>]</span>Mug͟halistān<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4790src" href="#xd31e4790">47</a> about 1416. “Muḥammad K͟hān was a wealthy prince and a good Musalman. He persisted -in following the road of justice and equity, and was so unremitting in his exertions, -that during his blessed reign most of the tribes of the Mongols became Musalmans. -It is well known what severe measures he had recourse to, in bringing the Mongols -to be believers in Islam. If, for instance, a Mongol did not wear a turban, a horseshoe -nail was driven into his head: and treatment of this kind was common. May God recompense -him with good.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4794src" href="#xd31e4794">48</a> -</p> -<p>Even such drastic measures were ineffectual in bringing about a general acceptance -of Islam, for as late as at the close of the following century,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4800src" href="#xd31e4800">49</a> a dervish named Isḥāq Walī found scope for his proselytising activities in Kāshgar, -Yārkand and Khotan, where he spent twelve years in spreading the faith;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4809src" href="#xd31e4809">50</a> he also worked among the Kirghiz and Kazaks, from among whom he made 180 converts -and destroyed eighteen temples of idols.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4812src" href="#xd31e4812">51</a> -</p> -<p>In the preceding pages some attempt has been made to indicate some of the steps by -which the Muslims won over to their faith the savage hordes who had destroyed their -centres of culture. By slow degrees, Islam thus began to emerge out of the ruins of -its former ascendancy and take its place again as a dominant faith, after more than -a century of depression. In the course of the struggle between the followers of rival -creeds for the adherence of the Mongols, considerations of political expediency undoubtedly -operated in favour of the Muslim party, and the intrigues of Western Christendom caused -the Christians to become suspect, as agents of a foreign power; but at the beginning -such of the Mongols as were Nestorians could put forward a better claim to be the -national party and could attack the Musalmans as adherents of a foreign faith. Aḥmad -Takūdār <span class="pageNum" id="pb239">[<a href="#pb239">239</a>]</span>was denounced by Arghūn as a traitor to the law of his fathers, in that he had followed -the way of the Arabs which none of his ancestors had known.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4819src" href="#xd31e4819">52</a> The insurrection that caused Ṭarmāshīrīn to be driven into exile, gained strength -from the complaint that this monarch had disregarded the Yassāq or ancient code of -Mongol institutes.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4822src" href="#xd31e4822">53</a> But though the issue of the struggle long remained doubtful, Islam gradually gained -ground in the lands of which it had been dispossessed. The means whereby this success -was achieved are obscure, and the scanty details set forth above leave much of the -tale untold, but enough has been recorded to indicate some of the proselytising agencies -that led to individual conversions. Ānanda drank in Islam with his foster-mother’s -milk;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4825src" href="#xd31e4825">54</a> and the remnant of the faithful, especially the older families of Muhammadan Turks, -exercised an almost insensible influence on the Mongols who settled down in their -midst. But of special importance among the proselytising agencies at work was the -influence of the pīr and his spiritual disciples. In the midst of the profound discouragement -which filled the Musalmans after the flood of the Mongol conquest had poured over -them, their first refuge was in mysticism, and the pīr, or spiritual guide, and religious -orders—such as the Naqshbandī, which in the fourteenth century entered on a new period -of its development—breathed new life into the Muslim community and inspired it with -fresh fervour. “In the hands of the pīr and his monks, the Musalman in Asia came to -be an agent, at first passive and unconscious, later on the adherent of a party—the -party of the national faith, in opposition to the rule of the Mongols, which was at -once foreign, barbaric and secular.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4828src" href="#xd31e4828">55</a> -</p> -<p>Let us now return to the history of Islam in the Golden Horde. The chief camping ground -of this section of the Mongols was the grassy plain watered by the Volga, on the bank -of which they founded their capital city Serai, whither the Russian princes sent their -tribute to the k͟hān. The conversion of Baraka K͟hān, of which mention has been made -above, and the close intercourse with Egypt that <span class="pageNum" id="pb240">[<a href="#pb240">240</a>]</span>subsequently sprang up, contributed considerably to the progress of Islam, and his -example seems to have been gradually followed by those of the aristocracy and leaders -of the Golden Horde that were of Mongol descent. But many tribes of the Golden Horde -appear to have resented the introduction of Islam into their midst, and when the conversion -of Baraka K͟hān was openly proclaimed, they sent to offer the crown, of which they -considered him now unworthy, to his rival Hūlāgū. Indeed, so strong was this opposition, -that it seems to have largely contributed to the formation of the Nogais as a separate -tribe. They took their name from Nogāy, who was the chief commander of the Mongol -forces under Baraka K͟hān. When the other princes of the Golden Horde became Musalmans, -Nogāy remained a Shamanist and thus became a rallying point for those who refused -to abandon the old religion of the Mongols. His daughter, however, who was married -to a Shamanist, became converted to Islam some time after her marriage and had to -endure the ill-treatment and contempt of her husband in consequence.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4835src" href="#xd31e4835">56</a> -</p> -<p>To Ūzbek K͟hān, who was leader of the Golden Horde from 1313 to 1340, and who distinguished -himself by his proselytising zeal, it was said, “Content yourself with our obedience, -what matters our religion to you? Why should we abandon the faith of Chingīz K͟hān -for that of the Arabs?” But in spite of the strong opposition to his efforts, Ūzbek -K͟hān succeeded in winning many converts to the faith of which he was so ardent a -follower and which owed to his efforts its firm establishment in the country under -his sway.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4840src" href="#xd31e4840">57</a> A further sign of his influence is found in the tribes of the Ūzbeks of Central Asia, -who take their name from him and were probably converted during his reign. He is said -to have formed the design of spreading the faith of Islam throughout the whole of -Russia,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4845src" href="#xd31e4845">58</a> but here he met with no success. Indeed, though the Mongols were paramount in Russia -for two centuries, they appear to have exercised very little influence on the people -of that country, and least of all in the matter of <span class="pageNum" id="pb241">[<a href="#pb241">241</a>]</span>religion. It is noticeable, moreover, that in spite of his zeal for the spread of -his own faith, Ūzbek K͟hān was very tolerant towards his Christian subjects, who were -left undisturbed in the exercise of their religion and even allowed to pursue their -missionary labours in his territory. One of the most remarkable documents of Muhammadan -toleration is the charter that Ūzbek K͟hān granted to the Metropolitan Peter in 1313:—“By -the will and power, the greatness and mercy of the most High! Ūzbek to all our princes, -great and small, etc., etc. Let no man insult the metropolitan church of which Peter -is the head, or his servants or his churchmen; let no man seize their property, goods -or people, let no man meddle with the affairs of the metropolitan church, since they -are divine. Whoever shall meddle therein and transgress our edict, will be guilty -before God and feel His wrath and be punished by us with death. Let the metropolitan -dwell in the path of safety and rejoice, with a just and upright heart let him (or -his deputy) decide and regulate all ecclesiastical matters. We solemnly declare that -neither we nor our children nor the princes of our realm nor the governors of our -provinces will in any way interfere with the affairs of the church and the metropolitan, -or in their towns, districts, villages, chases and fisheries, their hives, lands, -meadows, forests, towns and places under their bailiffs, their vineyards, mills, winter -quarters for cattle, or any of the properties and goods of the church. Let the mind -of the metropolitan be always at peace and free from trouble, with uprightness of -heart let him pray to God for us, our children and our nation. Whoever<span id="xd31e4850"></span> shall lay hands on anything that is sacred, shall be held guilty, he shall incur -the wrath of God and the penalty of death, that others may be dismayed at his fate. -When the tribute or other dues, such as custom duties, plough-tax, tolls or relays -are levied, or when we wish to raise troops among our subjects, let nothing be exacted -from the cathedral churches under the metropolitan Peter, or from any of his clergy: -… whatever may be exacted from the clergy, shall be returned threefold.… Their laws, -their churches, their monasteries and chapels shall be respected; whoever condemns -or blames this religion, shall <span class="pageNum" id="pb242">[<a href="#pb242">242</a>]</span>not be allowed to excuse himself under any pretext, but shall be punished with death. -The brothers and sons of priests and deacons, living at the same table and in the -same house, shall enjoy the same privileges.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4855src" href="#xd31e4855">59</a> -</p> -<p>That these were no empty words and that the toleration here promised became a reality, -may be judged from a letter sent to the K͟hān by Pope John XXII in 1318, in which -he thanks the Muslim prince for the favour he showed to his Christian subjects and -the kind treatment they received at his hands.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4862src" href="#xd31e4862">60</a> The successors of Ūzbek K͟hān do not appear to have been animated by the same zeal -for the spread of Islam as he had shown, and could not be expected to succeed where -he failed. So long as the Russians paid their taxes, they were left free to worship -according to their own desires, and the Christian religion had become too closely -intertwined with the life of the people to be disturbed, even had efforts been made -to turn them from the faith of their fathers; for Christianity had been the national -religion of the Russian people for well-nigh three centuries before the Mongols established -themselves in Russian territory. -</p> -<p>Another race many years before had tried to win the Russians to Islam but had likewise -failed, viz. the Muslim Bulgarians who were found in the tenth century on the banks -of the Volga, and who probably owed their conversion to the Muslim merchants, trading -in furs and other commodities of the North; their conversion must have taken place -some time before <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 921, when the caliph al-Muqtadir sent an envoy to confirm them in the faith and instruct -them in the tenets and ordinances of Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4873src" href="#xd31e4873">61</a> -</p> -<p>These Bulgarians attempted the conversion of Vladimir, the then sovereign of Russia, -who (the Russian chronicler tells us) had found it necessary to choose some religion -better than his pagan creed, but they failed to overcome his objections to the rite -of circumcision and to the prohibition of <span class="pageNum" id="pb243">[<a href="#pb243">243</a>]</span>wine, the use of which, he declared, the Russians could never give up, as it was the -very joy of their life. Equally unsuccessful were the Jews who came from the country -of the K͟hazars on the Caspian Sea and had won over the king of that people to the -Mosaic faith.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4885src" href="#xd31e4885">62</a> After listening to their arguments, Vladimir asked them where their country was. -“Jerusalem,” they replied, “but God in His anger has scattered us over the whole world.” -“Then you are cursed of God,” cried the king, “and yet want to teach others: begone! -we have no wish, like you, to be without a country.” The most favourable impression -was made by a Greek priest who, after a brief criticism of the other religions, set -forth the whole scheme of Christian teaching beginning with the creation of the world -and the story of the fall of man and ending with the seven œcumenical councils accepted -by the Greek Church; then he showed the prince a picture of the Last Judgment with -the righteous entering paradise and the wicked being thrust down into hell, and promised -him the heritage of heaven, if he would be baptised. But Vladimir was unwilling to -make a rash choice of a substitute for his pagan religion, so he called his boyards -together and having told them of the accounts he had received of the various religions, -asked them for their advice. “Prince,” they replied, “every man praises his own religion, -and if you would make choice of the best, send wise men into the different countries -to discover which of all the nations honours God in the manner most worthy of Him.” -So the prince chose out for this purpose ten men who were eminent for their wisdom. -These ambassadors found among the Bulgarians mean-looking places of worship, gloomy -prayers and solemn faces; among the German Catholics religious ceremonies that lacked -both grandeur and magnificence. At length they reached Constantinople: “Let them see -the glory of our God,” said the Emperor. So they were taken to the church of Santa -Sophia, where the Patriarch, clad in his pontifical robes, was celebrating mass. The -magnificence of the building, the rich vestments of the priests, the ornaments of -the altars, the sweet odour of <span class="pageNum" id="pb244">[<a href="#pb244">244</a>]</span>the incense, the reverent silence of the people, and the mysterious solemnity of the -ceremonial filled the savage Russians with wonder and amazement. It seemed to them -that this church must be the dwelling of the Most High, and that He manifested His -glory therein to mortals. On their return to Kief, the ambassadors gave the prince -an account of their mission; they spoke with contempt of the religion of the Prophet -and had little to say for the Roman Catholic faith, but were enthusiastic in their -eulogies of the Greek Church. “Every man,” they said, “who has put his lips to a sweet -draught, henceforth abhors anything bitter; wherefore we having come to the knowledge -of the faith of the Greek Church desire none other.” Vladimir once more consulted -his boyards, who said unto him, “Had not the Greek faith been best of all, Olga, your -grandmother, the wisest of mortals, would never have embraced it.” Whereupon Vladimir -hesitated no longer and in <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 988 declared himself a Christian. On the day after his baptism he threw down the -idols his forefathers had worshipped, and issued an edict that all the Russians, masters -and slaves, rich and poor, should submit to be baptised into the Christian faith.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4893src" href="#xd31e4893">63</a> -</p> -<p>Thus Christianity became the national religion of the Russian people, and after the -Mongol conquest, the distinctive national characteristics of Russians and Tatars that -have kept the two races apart to the present day, the bitter hatred of the Tatar yoke, -the devotion of the Russians to their own faith and the want of religious zeal on -the part of the Tatars, kept the conquered race from adopting the religion of the -conqueror. Especially has the prohibition of spirituous liquors by the laws of Islam -been supposed to have stood in the way of the adoption of this religion by the Russian -people. -</p> -<p>It would appear that not until after the promulgation of the edict of religious toleration -in 1905 throughout the Russian empire and the active Muslim propaganda that followed -it, were cases observed of Russians being converted to Islam, and those that have -occurred are ascribed to the strong attraction of the material help offered by the -Tatars <span class="pageNum" id="pb245">[<a href="#pb245">245</a>]</span>to such converts and the influence of the moral strength of the Muslims themselves.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4901src" href="#xd31e4901">64</a> -</p> -<p>Not that the Tatars in Russia had been altogether inoperative in promoting the spread -of Islam during the preceding centuries. The distinctly Hellenic type of face that -is to be found among the so-called Tatars of the Crimea has led to the conjecture -that these Muhammadans have absorbed into their community the Greek and Italian populations -that they found settled on the Crimean peninsula, and that we find among them the -Muhammadanised descendants of the indigenous inhabitants, and of the Genoese colonists.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4906src" href="#xd31e4906">65</a> A traveller of the seventeenth century tells us that the Tatars of the Crimea tried -to induce their slaves to become Muhammadans, and won over many of them to this faith -by promising them their liberty if they would be persuaded.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4909src" href="#xd31e4909">66</a> Conversions to Islam from among the Tatars of the Crimea are also reported after -the proclamation of religious liberty in 1905.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4912src" href="#xd31e4912">67</a> -</p> -<p>A brief reference may here be made to the Tatars in Lithuania, where small groups -of them have been settled since the early part of the fifteenth century; these Muslim -immigrants, dwelling in the midst of a Christian population, have preserved their -old faith, but (probably for political reasons) do not appear to have attempted to -proselytise. But they have been in the habit of marrying Lithuanian and Polish women, -whose children were always brought up as Muslims, whereas no Muhammadan girl was permitted -to marry a Christian. The grand dukes of Lithuania in the fifteenth century encouraged -the marriage of Christian women with their Tatar troops, on whom they bestowed grants -of land and other privileges.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4917src" href="#xd31e4917">68</a> -</p> -<p>One of the most curious incidents in the missionary history of Islam is the conversion -of the Kirghiz of Central Asia by Tatar mullās, who preached Islam among them in the -eighteenth century, as emissaries of the Russian government. The Kirghiz began to -come under Russian rule <span class="pageNum" id="pb246">[<a href="#pb246">246</a>]</span>about 1731, and for 120 years all diplomatic correspondence was carried on with them -in the Tatar language under the delusion that they were ethnographically the same -as the Tatars of the Volga. Another misunderstanding on the part of the Russian government -was that the Kirghiz were Musalmans, whereas in the eighteenth century they were nearly -all Shamanists, as a large number of them were still up to the middle of the nineteenth -century. At the time of the annexation of their country to the Russian empire only -a few of their K͟hāns and Sulṭāns had any knowledge of the faith of Islam—and that -very confused and vague. Not a single mosque was to be found throughout the whole -of the Kirghiz Steppes, or a single religious teacher of the faith of the Prophet, -and the Kirghiz owed their conversion to Islam to the fact that the Russians, taking -them for Muhammadans, insisted on treating them as such. Large sums of money were -given for the building of mosques, and mullās were sent to open schools and instruct -the young in the tenets of the Muslim faith: the Kirghiz scholars were to receive -every day a small sum to support themselves on, and the fathers were to be induced -to send their children to the schools by presents and other means of persuasion. An -incontrovertible proof that the Musalman propaganda made its way into the Kirghiz -Steppes from the side of Russia, is the circumstance that it was especially those -Kirghiz who were more contiguous to Europe that first became Musalmans, and the old -Shamanism lingered up to the nineteenth century among those who wandered in the neighbourhood -of Khiva, Buk͟hārā and Khokand, though these for centuries had been Muhammadan countries.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4925src" href="#xd31e4925">69</a> -</p> -<p>This is probably the only instance of a Christian government co-operating in the promulgation -of Islam, and is the more remarkable inasmuch as the Russian government of this period -was attempting to force Christianity on its Muslim subjects in Europe, in continuation -of the efforts <span class="pageNum" id="pb247">[<a href="#pb247">247</a>]</span>made in the sixteenth century soon after the conquest of the Khanate of Kazan. -</p> -<p>At the beginning of the nineteenth century many of the Kirghiz dwelling in the vast -plains stretching southwards from the district of Tobolsk towards Turkistan were still -heathen, and the Russian government was approached for permission for a Christian -mission to be established among them. But this request was not granted, on the ground -that “these people were as yet too wild and savage to be accessible to the Gospel. -But soon after other missionaries, not depending on the good-will of any government, -and having more zeal and understanding, occupied this field and won the whole of the -Kirghis tribe to the faith of Islam.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4934src" href="#xd31e4934">70</a> -</p> -<p>After the conquest of Kazan by the Russians in the sixteenth century, the occupation -of the former Tatar Khanate was followed up by an official Christian missionary movement, -and a number of the heathen population of the Khanate were baptised, the labours of -the clergy being actively seconded by the police and the civil authorities, but as -the Russian priests did not understand the language of their converts and soon neglected -them, it had to be admitted that the new converts “shamelessly retain many horrid -Tartar customs, and neither hold nor know the Christian faith.” When spiritual exhortations -failed, the government ordered its officials to “pacify, imprison, put in irons, and -thereby unteach and frighten from the Tartar faith those who, though baptised, do -not obey the admonitions of the Metropolitan.” -</p> -<p>In the eighteenth century the Russian government made fresh efforts to convert the -heathen tribes and the relapsed Tatars, and held out many inducements to them to become -baptised. Catherine II in 1778 ordered that all the new converts should sign a written -promise to the effect that “they would completely forsake their infidel errors, and, -avoiding all intercourse with unbelievers, would hold firmly and unwaveringly the -Christian faith and its dogmas.” But in spite of all, these so-called “baptised Tartars” -were Christians only in name, and soon began to try to escape <span class="pageNum" id="pb248">[<a href="#pb248">248</a>]</span>from the propagandist efforts of the Orthodox Church and abandoned Christianity for -Islam, their so-called conversion merely serving as a stepping-stone to their entrance -into the faith of the Prophet. -</p> -<p>They may, indeed, have been inscribed in the official registers as Christians, but -they resolutely stood out against any efforts that were made to Christianise them. -In a semi-official article, published in 1872, the writer says: “It is a fact worthy -of attention that a long series of evident apostasies coincides with the beginning -of measures to confirm the converts in the Christian faith. There must be, therefore, -some collateral cause producing those cases of apostasy precisely at the moment when -the contrary might be expected.” The fact seems to be that these Tatars having all -the time remained Muhammadan at heart, resisted the active measures taken to make -their nominal profession of Christianity in any way a reality.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4944src" href="#xd31e4944">71</a> But in the latter part of the nineteenth century efforts were made to Christianise -these heathen and Muslim tribes by means of schools established in their midst. In -this way it was hoped to win the younger generation, since otherwise it seemed impossible -to gain an entrance for Christianity among the Tatars, for, as a Russian professor -said, “The citizens of Kazan are hard to win, but we get some little folk from the -villages on the steppe, and train them in the fear of God. Once they are with us they -can never turn back.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4947src" href="#xd31e4947">72</a> For the Russian criminal code used to contain severe enactments against those who -fell away from the Orthodox Church,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4950src" href="#xd31e4950">73</a> and sentenced any person convicted of converting a Christian to Islam to the loss -of all civil rights and to imprisonment with hard labour for a term varying from eight -to ten years. In spite, however, of the edicts of the government, Muslim propagandism -succeeded in winning over whole villages <span class="pageNum" id="pb249">[<a href="#pb249">249</a>]</span>to the faith of Islam, especially among the tribes of north-eastern Russia.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4964src" href="#xd31e4964">74</a> -</p> -<p>The town of Kazan is the chief centre of this missionary activity; a large number -of Muslim publications are printed here every year, and mullās go forth from the University -to convert the pagans in the villages and bring back to Islam the Tatars who have -allowed themselves to be baptised. The increasing number of these Christian Tatars, -who have gone to swell the ranks of Islam, has alarmed the clergy of the Orthodox -Church, but their efforts have failed to check the success of the mullās.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4969src" href="#xd31e4969">75</a> Especially since the edict of toleration in 1905, mass conversions have been reported, -e.g. in 1909, ninety-one families in the village of Atomva are said to have become -Muhammadan,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4972src" href="#xd31e4972">76</a> and as many as 53,000 persons between 1906 and 1910.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4975src" href="#xd31e4975">77</a> This propaganda is said to owe much of its success to the higher moral level of life -in Muslim society, as well as to the stronger feeling of solidarity that prevails -in it;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4984src" href="#xd31e4984">78</a> moreover, the methods adopted by the Russian clergy, supported by the government, -to make the so-called Christian Tatars more orthodox, have caused the Christian faith -to become unpopular among them.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4987src" href="#xd31e4987">79</a> On the other hand, the propaganda of Islam is very zealously carried forward; “every -simple, untaught Moslem is a missionary of his religion, and the poor, dark, untaught -heathen or half-heathen tribes cannot resist their force. In many villages of baptised -aborigines the men go away for the winter to work as tailors in Moslem villages. There -they are converted to Islam, and they return to their villages as fanatics bringing -with them Moslem ideas with which to influence their homes.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4991src" href="#xd31e4991">80</a> -</p> -<p>The tribes that have chiefly come under the influence of this missionary movement -are the Votiaks, the greater part of whom are baptised Christians, but many became -Muslims in the eighteenth and the beginning of the nineteenth centuries; and the influence -of Islam is continually growing both among those that are Christian and among the -small <span class="pageNum" id="pb250">[<a href="#pb250">250</a>]</span>remnant that is still heathen. The Cheremiss, like the Votiaks, are a Finnish tribe, -about a quarter of whom are still heathen, but many have already embraced Islam and -it is probable that most of them will soon adopt the same religion. The movement of -the Cheremiss towards Islam made itself manifest in the nineteenth century and though -many of them were nominally Christian, whole villages of them became Muhammadan despite -the laws forbidding conversion except to the Orthodox Church.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e4998src" href="#xd31e4998">81</a> They became Muhammadan through their immediate contact with the Bashkirs and Tatars, -whose family and social customs were very similar to their own. The process sometimes -began with intermarriages with Muhammadans—e.g. in one village a Cheremiss family -intermarried with some Bashkirs and adopted their faith; the converts being persecuted -as “circumcised dogs” in their own village, moved away and founded a new settlement -some miles off, some wealthy Bashkirs helping them with money; but as they were officially -registered as heathen, they could not get permission for the building of a mosque, -so a few Bashkir families in the neighbourhood moved into the new settlement, in order -to make up the number requisite for obtaining the necessary official permission.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5001src" href="#xd31e5001">82</a> A similar process has several times occurred in other villages in which Muhammadans -have come to settle and have intermarried with Cheremiss.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5004src" href="#xd31e5004">83</a> In other cases there has been a definite missionary movement—e.g. in the beginning -of the nineteenth century the village of Karakul was inhabited by Christian Cheremiss, -but shortly after the middle of the century some families were converted to Islam -by a Cheremiss who had become a mullā; on his death he was succeeded by a Bashkir -from another village. Later on, the converts moved away to Tatar and Bashkir villages, -their place being taken by Tatars, until the whole village became practically Tatar, -few of the younger generation retaining any knowledge of the Cheremiss language, and -intermarriages taking place only with Tatars.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5007src" href="#xd31e5007">84</a> Apart from this proselytising activity, there has been a very distinct spread of -<span class="pageNum" id="pb251">[<a href="#pb251">251</a>]</span>Tatar influence in speech and manners among the Cheremiss. The Tatar language has -spread among them, bringing with it the moral and religious ideas of Islam; the adoption -of the Tatar dress is held to be a sign of superior culture, and if a Cheremiss does -not dress like a Tatar he runs the risk of being laughed at by the first Tatar he -meets or by his fellow Cheremiss; all this cultural movement tends to the ultimate -adoption of the Tatar religion.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5013src" href="#xd31e5013">85</a> After their conversion, the Cheremiss are said to be very zealous in the propagation -of their new faith and receive the assistance of wealthy Tatars;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5016src" href="#xd31e5016">86</a> on the other hand, the Russians despise the Cheremiss as an inferior race and apply -opprobrious epithets even to those among them who are Christians.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5019src" href="#xd31e5019">87</a> About one-fourth of the Cheremiss are still heathen, but Muslim influences are so -powerful among them that it is probable that in course of time they will for the most -part become Muhammadans.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5022src" href="#xd31e5022">88</a> The Chuvash, who number about 1,000,000, have nearly all been baptised; there are -about 20,000 of them that are still heathen but these are gradually being absorbed -by Islam, while some of the Christian Chuvash have become Muhammadans and the rest -are coming under Muslim influences. The extent of their zeal for their converts may -be judged from the instance of a Christian Chuvash village, the priest of which had -spent several years in collecting the 300 roubles necessary for the repair of the -church; eight Chuvash families became Muhammadan and in the course of a few months -2000 roubles were collected for the building of a mosque.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5025src" href="#xd31e5025">89</a> Such ready activity is characteristic of the Muslim propaganda now being carried -among the aboriginal tribes. Each family that accepts Islam receives help either in -money or in kind: a house is built for one; a field, cattle, etc., are purchased for -another; when several families in a village are converted, a mosque is built for them -and a school established for their children.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5029src" href="#xd31e5029">90</a> -</p> -<p>Of the spread of Islam among the Tatars of Siberia, we have a few particulars. It -was not until the latter half of <span class="pageNum" id="pb252">[<a href="#pb252">252</a>]</span>the sixteenth century that it gained a footing in this country, but even before this -period Muhammadan missionaries had from time to time made their way into Siberia with -the hope of winning the heathen population over to the acceptance of their faith, -but the majority of them met with a martyr’s death. When Siberia came under Muhammadan -rule, in the reign of Kūchum K͟hān, the graves of seven of these missionaries were -discovered by an aged Shayk͟h who came from Buk͟hārā to search them out, being anxious -that some memorial should be kept of the devotion of these martyrs to the faith: he -was able to give the names of this number, and up to the last century their memory -was still revered by the Tatars of Siberia.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5036src" href="#xd31e5036">91</a> When Kūchum K͟hān (who was descended from Jūjī K͟hān, the eldest son of Chingīz K͟hān) -became K͟hān of Siberia (about the year 1570), either by right of conquest or (according -to another account) at the invitation of the people whose K͟hān had died without issue,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5039src" href="#xd31e5039">92</a> he made every effort for the conversion of his subjects, and sent to Buk͟hārā asking -for missionaries to assist him in this pious undertaking. One of the missionaries -who was sent from Buk͟hārā has left us an account of how he set out with a companion -to the capital of Kūchum K͟hān, on the bank of the Irtish. Here, after two years, -his companion died, and, for some reasons that the writer does not mention, he went -back again; but soon afterwards returned to the scene of his labours, bringing with -him another coadjutor, when Kūchum K͟hān had appealed for help once more to Buk͟hārā.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5042src" href="#xd31e5042">93</a> Missionaries also came to Siberia from Kazan. But the advancing tide of Russian conquest -soon brought the proselytising efforts of Kūchum K͟hān to an end before much had been -accomplished, especially as many of the tribes under his rule offered a strong opposition -to all attempts made to convert them. -</p> -<p>But though interrupted by the Russian conquest, the progress of Islam was by no means -stopped. Mullās from Buk͟hārā and other cities of Central Asia and merchants from -Kazan were continually active as missionaries of Islam in Siberia. In 1745 an entrance -was first effected among <span class="pageNum" id="pb253">[<a href="#pb253">253</a>]</span>the Baraba Tatars (between the Irtish and the Ob), and though at the beginning of -the nineteenth century many were still heathen, they have now all become Musalmans.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5049src" href="#xd31e5049">94</a> The conversion of the Kirghiz has already been spoken of above: the history of most -of the other Muslim tribes of Siberia is very obscure, but their conversion is probably -of a recent date. Among the instruments of Muhammadan propaganda at the present time, -it is interesting to note the large place taken by the folk-songs of the Kirghiz, -in which, interwoven with tale and legend, the main truths of Islam make their way -into the hearts of the common people.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5052src" href="#xd31e5052">95</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb254">[<a href="#pb254">254</a>]</span> </p> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4559"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4559src">1</a></span> Qurʼān, xix. 23. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4559src" title="Return to note 1 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4562"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4562src">2</a></span> Ibn al-At͟hīr, vol. xii. pp. 233–4. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4562src" title="Return to note 2 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4571"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4571src">3</a></span> William of Rubruck, pp. 182, 191. C. d’Ohsson, tome ii. p. 488. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4571src" title="Return to note 3 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4576"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4576src">4</a></span> De Guignes, tome iii. pp. 200, 203. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4576src" title="Return to note 4 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4581"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4581src">5</a></span> Id. vol. iii. p. 115. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4581src" title="Return to note 5 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4584"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4584src">6</a></span> Id. p. 125. Cahun, p. 391. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4584src" title="Return to note 6 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4587"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4587src">7</a></span> Klaproth, p. 204. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4587src" title="Return to note 7 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4592"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4592src">8</a></span> C. d’Ohsson, tome ii. pp. 226–7. Cahun, p. 408 sq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4592src" title="Return to note 8 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4597"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4597src">9</a></span> Of this writer Yule says, “He gives an unfavourable account of the literature and -morals of their clergy, which deserves more weight than such statements regarding -those looked upon as schismatics generally do; for the narrative of Rubruquis gives -one the impression of being written by a thoroughly honest and intelligent person.” -(Cathay and the Way Thither, vol. i. p. xcviii.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4597src" title="Return to note 9 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4602"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4602src">10</a></span> William of Rubruck, pp. 158–9. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4602src" title="Return to note 10 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4607" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4607src">11</a></span> Maqrīzī (2), tome i. 1<sup>re</sup> partie, pp. 98, 106. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4607src" title="Return to note 11 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4615"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4615src">12</a></span> The Chosen One—Muḥammad. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4615src" title="Return to note 12 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4620"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4620src">13</a></span> Jūzjānī, pp. 448–50. Raverty, pp. 1288–90. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4620src" title="Return to note 13 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4626"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4626src">14</a></span> So notoriously brutal was the treatment they received that even the Chinese showmen -in their exhibitions of shadow figures exultingly brought forward the figure of an -old man with a white beard dragged by the neck at the tail of a horse, as showing -how the Mongol horsemen behaved towards the Musalmans. (Howorth, vol. i. p. 159.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4626src" title="Return to note 14 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4629"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4629src">15</a></span> Raverty, p. 1146. Howorth, vol. i. pp. 112, 273. This edict was only withdrawn when -it was found that it prevented Muhammadan merchants from visiting the court and that -trade suffered in consequence. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4629src" title="Return to note 15 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4632"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4632src">16</a></span> Howorth, vol. i. p. 165. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4632src" title="Return to note 16 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4643"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4643src">17</a></span> Jūzjānī, pp. 404–5. Raverty, p. 1160 sqq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4643src" title="Return to note 17 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4648"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4648src">18</a></span> De Guignes, vol. iii. p. 265. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4648src" title="Return to note 18 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4653"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4653src">19</a></span> In the thirteenth century, three-fourths of the Mongol hosts were Turks. (Cahun, p. -279.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4653src" title="Return to note 19 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4658"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4658src">20</a></span> C. d’Ohsson, vol. iii. p. 121. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4658src" title="Return to note 20 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4661"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4661src">21</a></span> Rashīd al-Dīn, pp. 600–2. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4661src" title="Return to note 21 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4666"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4666src">22</a></span> Blochet, pp. 74–7. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4666src" title="Return to note 22 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4671"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4671src">23</a></span> It is of interest to note that Najm al-Dīn Muk͟htār al-Zāhidī in 1260 compiled for -Baraka K͟hān a treatise which gave the proofs of the divine mission of the Prophet, -a refutation of those who denied it, and an account <span class="pageNum" id="pb228n">[<a href="#pb228n">228</a>]</span>of the controversies between Christians and Muslims. (Steinschneider, pp. 63–4.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4671src" title="Return to note 23 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4678"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4678src">24</a></span> Abu’l-G͟hāzī, tome ii. p. 181. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4678src" title="Return to note 24 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4681"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4681src">25</a></span> Jūzjānī, p. 447. Raverty, pp. 1283–4. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4681src" title="Return to note 25 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4684"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4684src">26</a></span> Jūzjānī, p. 447. Raverty, pp. 1285–6. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4684src" title="Return to note 26 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4688"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4688src">27</a></span> Maqrīzī (2), tome i. pp. 180–1, 187. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4688src" title="Return to note 27 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4693"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4693src">28</a></span> Maqrīzī (2), tome i. p. 215. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4693src" title="Return to note 28 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4696"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4696src">29</a></span> Id. p. 222. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4696src" title="Return to note 29 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4701"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4701src">30</a></span> Waṣṣāf calls him Nikūdār before, and Aḥmad after, his conversion. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4701src" title="Return to note 30 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4704"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4704src">31</a></span> Hayton. (Ramusio, tome ii. p. 60, c.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4704src" title="Return to note 31 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4709"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4709src">32</a></span> Qurʼān, vi. 125. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4709src" title="Return to note 32 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4717"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4717src">33</a></span> Waṣṣāf, pp. 231–4. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4717src" title="Return to note 33 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4723"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4723src">34</a></span> De Guignes, vol. iii. pp. 263–5. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4723src" title="Return to note 34 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4730"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4730src">35</a></span> C. d’Ohsson, tome iv. pp. 141–2. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4730src" title="Return to note 35 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4735"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4735src">36</a></span> Id. ib. p. 148. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4735src" title="Return to note 36 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4738"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4738src">37</a></span> Id. ib. p. 365. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4738src" title="Return to note 37 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4741"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4741src">38</a></span> Id. ib. pp. 148, 354. Cahun, p. 434. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4741src" title="Return to note 38 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4744"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4744src">39</a></span> C. d’Ohsson, tome iv. pp. 128, 132. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4744src" title="Return to note 39 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4750"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4750src">40</a></span> Hammer-Purgstall: <span lang="de">Geschichte der Ilchanen</span>, vol. ii. p. 182. It is not improbable that the captive Muslim women took a considerable -part in the conversion of the Mongols to Islam. Women appear to have occupied an honoured -position among the Mongols, and many instances might be given of their having taken -a prominent part in political affairs, just as already several cases have been mentioned -of the influence they exercised on their husbands in religious matters. William of -Rubruck tells us how he found the influence of a Muslim wife an obstacle in the way -of his proselytising labours: “On the day of Pentecost a certain Saracen came to us, -and while in conversation with us, we began expounding the faith, and when he heard -of the blessings of God to man in the incarnation, the resurrection of the dead, the -last judgment, and the washing away of sins in baptism, he said he wished to be baptised; -but while we were making ready to baptise him, he suddenly jumped on his horse saying -he had to go home to consult with his wife. And the next day talking with us he said -he could not possibly venture to receive baptism, for then he could not drink <i>cosmos</i>” (mare’s milk). (Rubruck, pp. 90–1.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4750src" title="Return to note 40 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4758"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4758src">41</a></span> Ibn Baṭūṭah, vol. ii. p. 57. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4758src" title="Return to note 41 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4763"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4763src">42</a></span> Jūzjānī, pp. 381, 397. Raverty, pp. 1110, 1145–6. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4763src" title="Return to note 42 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4768"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4768src">43</a></span> Rashīd al-Dīn, pp. 173–4, 188. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4768src" title="Return to note 43 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4771"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4771src">44</a></span> Abu’l-G͟hāzī, tome ii. p. 159. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4771src" title="Return to note 44 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4774"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4774src">45</a></span> Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iii. p. 47. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4774src" title="Return to note 45 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4785"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4785src">46</a></span> Abu’l-G͟hāzī, tome ii. pp. 166–8. Muḥammad Ḥaydar, pp. 13–15. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4785src" title="Return to note 46 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4790"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4790src">47</a></span> When the power of the Chag͟hatāy K͟hāns declined, a portion of the eastern division -of their realm became practically independent under the name of Mug͟halistān, a pastoral -country suited to the habits of nomad herdsmen, in what is now known as Chinese Turkistan. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4790src" title="Return to note 47 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4794"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4794src">48</a></span> Muḥammad Ḥaydar, pp. 57–8. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4794src" title="Return to note 48 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4800"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4800src">49</a></span> In the reign of ʻAbd al-Karīm, who was K͟hān of Kāshgar from <span class="asc">A.H.</span> 983 to 1003 (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1575–1594). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4800src" title="Return to note 49 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4809" lang="de"> -<p class="footnote" lang="de"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4809src">50</a></span> Martin Hartmann: Der Islamische Orient, vol. i. p. 203. (Berlin, 1899.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4809src" title="Return to note 50 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4812"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4812src">51</a></span> Id. p. 202. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4812src" title="Return to note 51 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4819"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4819src">52</a></span> Assemani, tome iii. pars. ii. p. cxvi. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4819src" title="Return to note 52 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4822"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4822src">53</a></span> Ibn Baṭūṭah, vol. iii. p. 40. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4822src" title="Return to note 53 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4825"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4825src">54</a></span> Rashīd al-Dīn, p. 600, l. 1. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4825src" title="Return to note 54 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4828"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4828src">55</a></span> Cahun, p. 410. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4828src" title="Return to note 55 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4835"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4835src">56</a></span> Howorth, vol ii. p. 1015. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4835src" title="Return to note 56 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4840"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4840src">57</a></span> <span class="corr" id="xd31e4841" title="Source: Abū-l G͟hāzī">Abū’l-G͟hāzī</span>, tome ii. p. 184. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4840src" title="Return to note 57 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4845"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4845src">58</a></span> De Guignes, vol. iii. p. 351. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4845src" title="Return to note 58 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4855"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4855src">59</a></span> <span class="corr" id="xd31e4856" title="Source: Karamzin">Karamsin</span>, vol. iv. pp. 391–4. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4855src" title="Return to note 59 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4862"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4862src">60</a></span> Hammer-Purgstall: <span lang="de">Geschichte der Goldenen Horde in Kiptschak</span>, p. 290. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4862src" title="Return to note 60 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4873"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4873src">61</a></span> <span lang="la">De Baschkiris quae memoriae prodita sunt ab Ibn-Foszlano et Jakuto</span>, interprete C. N. Fraehnio. (<span lang="fr">Mémoires de l’Académie Impériale des Sciences de St. Pétersbourg, tome viii.</span> p. 626. 1822.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4873src" title="Return to note 61 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4885"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4885src">62</a></span> Abū ʻUbayd al-Bakrī, pp. 470–1. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4885src" title="Return to note 62 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4893"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4893src">63</a></span> Karamsin, tome i. pp. 259–71. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4893src" title="Return to note 63 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4901"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4901src">64</a></span> Bobrovnikoff, p. 13. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4901src" title="Return to note 64 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4906"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4906src">65</a></span> Reclus, tome v. p. 831. R. du M. M., tome iii. pp. 76, 78. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4906src" title="Return to note 65 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4909"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4909src">66</a></span> Relation des Tartares, par Jean de Luca, p. 17. (Thevenot, tome i.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4909src" title="Return to note 66 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4912"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4912src">67</a></span> Islam and Missions, p. 257. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4912src" title="Return to note 67 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4917"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4917src">68</a></span> Gasztowtt, pp. 321–3. R. du M. M., xi. (1910), pp. 287 sqq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4917src" title="Return to note 68 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4925"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4925src">69</a></span> The Russian Policy regarding Central Asia. An historical sketch. By Prof. V. Grigorief. -(Eugene Schuyler: Turkistan, vol. ii. pp. 405–6. 5th ed. London, 1876); Franz von -Schwarz: Turkestan, p. 58. (Freiburg, 1910.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4925src" title="Return to note 69 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4934"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4934src">70</a></span> Islam and Missions, pp. 251–2, 255. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4934src" title="Return to note 70 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4944"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4944src">71</a></span> D. Mackenzie Wallace: Russia, vol. i. pp. 242–4. (London, 1877, 4th ed.) R. du M. -M., vol. ix. (1909), p. 249. Bobrovnikoff, p. 5 sqq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4944src" title="Return to note 71 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4947"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4947src">72</a></span> W. Hepworth Dixon: Free Russia, vol. ii. p. 284. (London, 1870.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4947src" title="Return to note 72 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4950"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4950src">73</a></span> E.g. “<span lang="fr">En 1883, des paysans Tatars du village d’Apozof étaient poursuivis, devant le tribunal -de Kazan, pour avoir abandonné l’orthodoxie. Les accusés déclaraient avoir toujours -été <span class="corr" id="xd31e4954" title="Source: musalmans">musulmans</span>; sept d’entre eux n’en furent pas moins condamnés, comme apostats, aux travaux forcés.… -Beaucoup de ces relaps ont été déportés en Sibérie.</span>” Anatole Leroy-Beaulieu: <span lang="fr">L’Empire des Tsars et les Russes, tome iii.</span> p. 645. (Paris, 1889–93.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4950src" title="Return to note 73 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4964"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4964src">74</a></span> D. Mackenzie Wallace: Russia, vol. i. p. 245. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4964src" title="Return to note 74 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4969"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4969src">75</a></span> Palmieri, pp. 85–6. R. du M. M., i. (1907), pp. 162 sq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4969src" title="Return to note 75 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4972"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4972src">76</a></span> R. du M. M., ix. (1909), p. 294. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4972src" title="Return to note 76 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4975"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4975src">77</a></span> Id. x. (1910), p. 413<span class="corr" id="xd31e4977" title="Source: ,">.</span> Id. i<span class="corr" id="xd31e4980" title="Source: ,">.</span> (1907), p. 273. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4975src" title="Return to note 77 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4984"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4984src">78</a></span> Id. ix. p. 252. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4984src" title="Return to note 78 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4987"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4987src">79</a></span> Id. p. 249. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4987src" title="Return to note 79 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4991"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4991src">80</a></span> Bobrovnikoff, p. 12. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4991src" title="Return to note 80 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e4998"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e4998src">81</a></span> Reclus, tome v. pp. 746, 748. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e4998src" title="Return to note 81 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5001"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5001src">82</a></span> Eruslanov, pp. 3, 6. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5001src" title="Return to note 82 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5004"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5004src">83</a></span> Id. pp. 7–8. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5004src" title="Return to note 83 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5007"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5007src">84</a></span> Id. pp. 5–6. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5007src" title="Return to note 84 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5013"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5013src">85</a></span> Eruslanov, pp. 9, 13. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5013src" title="Return to note 85 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5016"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5016src">86</a></span> Id. pp. 17, 20, 36. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5016src" title="Return to note 86 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5019"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5019src">87</a></span> Id. pp. 38–9. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5019src" title="Return to note 87 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5022"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5022src">88</a></span> Bobrovnikoff, p. 22. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5022src" title="Return to note 88 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5025"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5025src">89</a></span> Id. pp. 21–2, 31. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5025src" title="Return to note 89 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5029"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5029src">90</a></span> Id. p. 13. Islam and Missions, p. 257. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5029src" title="Return to note 90 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5036" lang="de"> -<p class="footnote" lang="de"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5036src">91</a></span> G. F. Müller: Sammlung Russischer Geschichte, vol. vii. p. 191. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5036src" title="Return to note 91 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5039"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5039src">92</a></span> Id. vol. vii. pp. 183–4. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5039src" title="Return to note 92 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5042"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5042src">93</a></span> Radloff, vol. i. p. 147. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5042src" title="Return to note 93 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5049"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5049src">94</a></span> Jadrinzew, p. 138. Radloff, vol. i. p. 241. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5049src" title="Return to note 94 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5052"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5052src">95</a></span> Radloff, vol. i. pp. 472, 497. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5052src" title="Return to note 95 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch9" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pageNum">[<a href="#xd31e368">Contents</a>]</span><div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">CHAPTER IX.</h2> -<h2 class="main">THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN INDIA.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">The Muhammadan invasions of India and the foundation and growth of the Muhammadan -power in that country, have found many historians, both among contemporary and later -writers. But hitherto no one has attempted to write a history of the spread of Islam -in India, considered apart from the military successes and administrative achievements -of its adherents. Indeed, to many, such a task must appear impossible. For India has -often been picked out as a typical instance of a country in which Islam owes its existence -and continuance in existence to the settlement in it of foreign, conquering Muhammadan -races, who have transmitted their faith to their descendants, and only succeeded in -spreading it beyond their own circle by means of persecution and forced conversions. -Thus the missionary spirit of Islam is supposed to show itself in its true light in -the brutal massacres of Brahmans by Maḥmūd of G͟haznạ̄, in the persecutions of Aurangzeb, -the forcible circumcisions effected by Ḥaydar ʻAlī, Tīpū Sulṭān and the like. -</p> -<p>But among the sixty-six millions of Indian Musalmans there are vast numbers of converts -or descendants of converts, in whose conversion force played no part and the only -influences at work were the teaching and persuasion of peaceful missionaries. This -class of converts forms a very distinct group by itself which can be distinguished -from that of the forcibly converted and the other heterogeneous elements of which -Muslim India is made up. The entire community may be roughly divided into those of -foreign race who brought their faith into the country along with them, and those who -have been converted from one of the previous religions of the country under various -inducements <span class="pageNum" id="pb255">[<a href="#pb255">255</a>]</span>and at many different periods of history. The foreign settlement consists of three -main bodies: first, and numerically the most important, are the immigrants from across -the north-west frontier, who are found chiefly in Sind and the Panjāb; next come the -descendants of the court and armies of the various Muhammadan dynasties, mainly in -Upper India and to a much smaller extent in the Deccan; lastly, all along the west -coast are settlements probably of Arab descent, whose original founders came to India -by sea.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5066src" href="#xd31e5066">1</a> But the number of families of foreign origin that actually settled in India is nowhere -great except in the Panjāb and its neighbourhood. More than half the Muslim population -of India has indeed assumed appellations of distinctly foreign races, such as Shayk͟h, -Beg, K͟hān, and even Sayyid, but the greater portion of them are local converts or -descendants of converts, who have taken the title of the person of highest rank amongst -those by whom they were converted or have affiliated themselves to the aristocracy -of Islam on even less plausible grounds.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5069src" href="#xd31e5069">2</a> Of this latter section of the community—the converted natives of the country—part -no doubt owed their change of religion to force and official pressure, but by far -the majority of them entered the pale of Islam of their own free will. The history -of the proselytising movements and the social influences that brought about their -conversion has hitherto received very little attention, and most of the commonly accessible -histories of the Muhammadans in India, whether written by European or by native authors, -are mere chronicles of wars, campaigns and the achievements of princes, in which little -mention of the religious life of the time finds a place, unless it has taken the form -of fanaticism or intolerance. From the biographies of the Muslim saints, however, -and from local traditions, something may be learned of the missionary work that was -carried on quite independently of the political life of the country. But before dealing -with these it is proposed to give an account of the official propagation of Islam -and of the part played by the Muhammadan rulers in the spread of their faith. -<span class="pageNum" id="pb256">[<a href="#pb256">256</a>]</span></p> -<p>From the fifteenth year after the death of the Prophet, when an Arab expedition was -sent into Sind, up to the eighteenth century, a series of Muhammadan invaders, some -founders of great empires, others mere adventurers, poured into India from the north-west. -While some came only to plunder and retired laden with spoils, others remained to -found kingdoms that have had a lasting influence to the present day. But of none of -these do we learn that they were accompanied by any missionaries or preachers. Not -that they were indifferent to their religion. To many of them, their invasion of India -appeared in the light of a holy war. Such was evidently the thought in the minds of -Maḥmūd of G͟haznạ̄ and Tīmūr. The latter, after his capture of Dehli, writes as follows -in his autobiography:—“I had been at Dehli fifteen days, which time I passed in pleasure -and enjoyment, holding royal Courts and giving great feasts. I then reflected that -I had come to Hindustān to war against infidels, and my enterprise had been so blessed -that wherever I had gone I had been victorious. I had triumphed over my adversaries, -I had put to death some lacs of infidels and idolaters, and I had stained my proselyting -sword with the blood of the enemies of the faith. Now this crowning victory had been -won, and I felt that I ought not to indulge in ease, but rather to exert myself in -warring against the infidels of Hindustān.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5075src" href="#xd31e5075">3</a> Though he speaks much of his “proselyting sword,” it seems, however, to have served -no other purpose than that of sending infidels to hell. Most of the Muslim invaders -seem to have acted in a very similar way; in the name of Allāh, idols were thrown -down, their priests put to the sword, and their temples destroyed; while mosques were -often erected in their place. It is true that the offer of Islam was generally made -to the unbelieving Hindus before any attack was made upon them.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5078src" href="#xd31e5078">4</a> Fear occasionally dictated a timely acceptance of such offers and led to conversions -which, in the earlier days of the Muhammadan invasion at least, were generally short-lived -and ceased to be effective after the retreat of the invader. An <span class="pageNum" id="pb257">[<a href="#pb257">257</a>]</span>illustration in point is furnished by the story of Hardatta, a rāʼīs of Bulandshahr, -whose submission to Maḥmūd of G͟haznạ̄ is thus related in the history of that conqueror’s -campaigns written by his secretary. “At length (about <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1019) he (i.e. Maḥmūd) arrived at the fort of Barba,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5086src" href="#xd31e5086">5</a> in the country of Hardat, who was one of the rāʼīs, that is “kings,” in the Hindī -language. When Hardat heard of this invasion by the protected warriors of God, who -advanced like the waves of the sea, with the angels around them on all sides, he became -greatly agitated, his steps trembled, and he feared for his life, which was forfeited -under the law of God. So he reflected that his safety would best be secured by conforming -to the religion of Islam, since God’s sword was drawn from the scabbard, and the whip -of punishment was uplifted. He came forth, therefore, with ten thousand men, who all -proclaimed their anxiety for conversion and their rejection of idols.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5090src" href="#xd31e5090">6</a> -</p> -<p>These new converts probably took the earliest opportunity of apostatising presented -to them by the retreat of the conqueror—a kind of action which we find the early Muhammadan -historians of India continually complaining of. For when Quṭb al-Dīn Ībak attacked -Baran in 1193, he was stoutly opposed by Chandrasen, the then Rājā, who was a lineal -descendant of Hardatta and whose very name betrays his Hindu faith: nor do we hear -of there being any Musalmans remaining under his rule.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5095src" href="#xd31e5095">7</a> -</p> -<p>But these conquerors would appear to have had very little of that “love for souls” -which animates the true missionary and which has achieved such great conquests for -Islam. The K͟hiljīs (1290–1320), the Tug͟hlaqs (1320–1412), and the Lodīs (1451–1526) -were generally too busily engaged in fighting to pay much regard to the interests -of religion, or else thought more of the exaction of tribute than of the work of conversion.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5103src" href="#xd31e5103">8</a> Not that they were entirely lacking <span class="pageNum" id="pb258">[<a href="#pb258">258</a>]</span>in religious zeal: e.g. the Ghakkars, a barbarous people in the mountainous districts -of the North of the Panjāb, who gave the early invaders much trouble, are said to -have been converted through the influence of Muḥammad Ghorī at the end of the twelfth -century. Their chieftain had been taken prisoner by the Muhammadan monarch, who induced -him to become a Musalman, and then confirming him in his title of chief of this tribe, -sent him back to convert his followers, many of whom having little religion of their -own were easily prevailed upon to embrace Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5110src" href="#xd31e5110">9</a> According to Ibn Baṭūṭah, the K͟hiljīs offered some encouragement to conversion by -making it a custom to have the new convert presented to the sultan, who clad him in -a robe of honour and gave him a collar and bracelets of gold, of a value proportionate -to his rank.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5113src" href="#xd31e5113">10</a> But the monarchs of the earlier Muhammadan dynasties as a rule evinced very little -proselytising zeal, and it would be hard to find a parallel in their history to the -following passage from the autobiography of Fīrūz Shāh Tug͟hlaq (1351–1388): “I encouraged -my infidel subjects to embrace the religion of the Prophet, and I proclaimed that -every one who repeated the creed and became a Musalman should be exempt from the jizyah, -or poll tax. Information of this came to the ears of the people at large and great -numbers of Hindus presented themselves, and were admitted to the honour of Islam. -Thus they came forward day by day from every quarter, and, adopting the faith, were -exonerated from the jizyah, and were favoured with presents and honours.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5116src" href="#xd31e5116">11</a> -</p> -<p>As the Muhammadan power became consolidated, and particularly under the Mug͟hal dynasty, -the religious influences of Islam naturally became more permanent and persistent. -These influences are certainly apparent in the Hindu <span class="pageNum" id="pb259">[<a href="#pb259">259</a>]</span>theistic movements that arose in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, and Bishop -Lefroy has conjectured that the positive character of Muslim teaching attracted minds -that were dissatisfied with the vagueness and subjectivity of a Pantheistic system -of thought. “When Mohammedanism, with its strong grasp of the reality of the Divine -existence and, as flowing from this, of the absolutely fixed and objective character -of truth, came into conflict with the haziness of Pantheistic thought and the subjectivity -of its belief, it necessarily followed, not only that it triumphed in the struggle, -but also that it came as a veritable tonic to the life and thought of Upper India, -quickening into a fresh and more vigorous life many minds which never accepted for -themselves its intellectual sway.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5123src" href="#xd31e5123">12</a> -</p> -<p>A powerful incentive to conversion was offered, when adherence to an idolatrous system -stood in the way of advancement at the Muhammadan courts; and though a spirit of tolerance, -which reached its culmination under the eclectic Akbar, was very often shown towards -Hinduism, and respected even, for the most part, the state endowments of that religion;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5128src" href="#xd31e5128">13</a> and though the dread of unpopularity and the desire of conciliation dictated a policy -of non-interference and deprecated such deeds of violence and such outbursts of fanaticism -as had characterised the earlier period of invasion and triumph, still such motives -of self-interest gained many converts from Hinduism to the Muhammadan faith. Many -Rajputs became converts in this way, and their descendants are to this day to be found -among the landed aristocracy. The most important perhaps among these is the Musalman -branch of the great Bachgoti clan, the head of which is the premier Muhammadan noble -of Oudh. According to one tradition, their ancestor Tilok Chand was taken prisoner -by the Emperor Bābar, and to regain his liberty adopted the faith of Islam;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5131src" href="#xd31e5131">14</a> but another legend places his conversion in the reign of Humāyūn. This prince having -heard of the marvellous beauty of Tilok Chand’s wife, had her carried off while she -was at a fair. No sooner, however, was she <span class="pageNum" id="pb260">[<a href="#pb260">260</a>]</span>brought to him than his conscience smote him and he sent for her husband. Tilok Chand -had despaired of ever seeing her again, and in gratitude he and his wife embraced -the faith “which taught such generous purity.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5136src" href="#xd31e5136">15</a> These converted Rajputs are very zealous in the practice of their religion, yet often -betray their Hindu origin in a very striking manner. In the district of Bulandshahr, -for example, a large Musalman family, which is known as the Lālk͟hānī Paṭhāns, still -(with some exceptions) retains its old Hindu titles and family customs of marriage, -while Hindu branches of the same clan still exist side by side with it.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5139src" href="#xd31e5139">16</a> In the Mirzapur district, the Gaharwār Rajputs, who are now Muslim, still retain -in all domestic matters Hindu laws and customs and prefix a Hindu honorific title -to their Muhammadan names.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5143src" href="#xd31e5143">17</a> -</p> -<p>Official pressure is said never to have been more persistently brought to bear upon -the Hindus than in the reign of Aurangzeb. In the eastern districts of the Panjāb, -there are many cases in which the ancestor of the Musalman branch of the village community -is said to have changed his religion in the reign of this zealot, “in order to save -the land of the village.” In Gurgaon, near Dehli, there is a Hindu family of Banyās -who still bear the title of Shayk͟h (which is commonly adopted by converted Hindus), -because one of the members of the family, whose line is now extinct, became a convert -in order to save the family property from confiscation.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5148src" href="#xd31e5148">18</a> Many Rajput landowners, in the Cawnpore district, were compelled to embrace Islam -for the same reason.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5151src" href="#xd31e5151">19</a> In <span class="pageNum" id="pb261">[<a href="#pb261">261</a>]</span>other cases the ancestor is said to have been carried as a prisoner or hostage to -Dehli, and there forcibly circumcised and converted.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5156src" href="#xd31e5156">20</a> It should be noted that the only authority for these forced conversions is family -or local tradition, and no mention of such (as far as I have been able to discover) -is made in the historical accounts of Aurangzeb’s reign.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5159src" href="#xd31e5159">21</a> It is established without doubt that forced conversions have been made by Muhammadan -rulers, and it seems probable that Aurangzeb’s well-known zeal on behalf of his faith -has caused many families of Northern India (the history of whose conversion has been -forgotten) to attribute their change of faith to this, the most easily assignable -cause. Similarly in the Deccan, Aurangzeb shares with Ḥaydar ʻAlī and Tīpū Sulṭān -(these being the best known of modern Muhammadan rulers) the reputation of having -forcibly converted sundry families and sections of the population, whose conversion -undoubtedly dates from a much earlier period, from which no historical record of the -circumstances of the case has come down.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5163src" href="#xd31e5163">22</a> -</p> -<p>Tīpū Sulṭān is probably the Muhammadan monarch who most systematically engaged in -the work of forcible conversion. In 1788 he issued the following proclamation to the -people of Malabar: “From the period of the conquest until this day, during twenty-four -years, you have been a turbulent and refractory people, and in the wars waged during -your rainy season, you have caused numbers of our warriors to taste the draught of -martyrdom. Be it so. What is past is past. Hereafter you must proceed in an opposite -manner, dwell quietly and pay your dues like good subjects; and since it is the practice -with you for one woman to associate with ten men, and you leave your mothers and sisters -unconstrained in their obscene practices, and are thence all born in adultery, and -are more shameless in your connections than the beasts of the field, I hereby require -you to forsake these sinful practices and to be like the rest of mankind; <span class="pageNum" id="pb262">[<a href="#pb262">262</a>]</span>and if you are disobedient to these commands, I have made repeated vows to honour -the whole of you with Islam and to march all the chief persons to the seat of Government.” -This proclamation stirred up a general revolt in Malabar, and early in 1789 Tīpū Sulṭān -prepared to enforce his proclamation with an army of more than twenty thousand men, -and issued general orders that “every being in the district without distinction should -be honoured with Islam, that the houses of such as fled to avoid that honour should -be burned, that they should be traced to their lurking places, and that all means -of truth and falsehood, force or fraud should be employed to effect their universal -conversion.” Thousands of Hindus were accordingly circumcised and made to eat beef; -but by the end of 1790 the British army had destroyed the last remnant of Tīpū Sulṭān’s -power in Malabar, and this monarch himself perished early in 1799 at the capture of -Seringapatam. Most of the Brahmans and Nayars who had been forcibly converted, subsequently -disowned their new religion.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5170src" href="#xd31e5170">23</a> -</p> -<p>How little was effected towards the spread of Islam by violence on the part of the -Muhammadan rulers may be judged from the fact that even in the centres of the Muhammadan -power, such as Dehli and Agra, the Muhammadans in modern times in the former district -hardly exceeded one-tenth, and in the latter they did not form one-fourth of the population.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5176src" href="#xd31e5176">24</a> A remarkable example of the worthlessness of forced conversion is exhibited in the -case of Bodh Mal, Raja of Majhauli, in the district of Gorakhpur; he was arrested -by Akbar in default of revenue, carried to Dehli, and there converted to Islam, receiving -the name of Muḥammad Salīm. But on his return his wife refused to let him into the -ancestral castle, and, as apparently she had the sympathy of his subjects on her side, -she governed his territories during the minority of his son Bhawāni Mal, so that the -Hindu succession remained undisturbed.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5181src" href="#xd31e5181">25</a> Until recently there were some strange survivals of a similarly futile false conversion, -noticeable in certain customs of a <span class="pageNum" id="pb263">[<a href="#pb263">263</a>]</span>Hindu sect called the Bishnois, the principal tenet of whose faith is the renunciation -of all Hindu deities, except Viṣṇu. They used recently to bury their dead, instead -of burning them, to adopt G͟hulām Muḥammad and other Muhammadan names, and use the -Muslim form of salutation. They explained their adoption of these Muhammadan customs -by saying that having once slain a Qāḍī, who had interfered with their rite of widow-burning, -they had compounded for the offence by embracing Islam. They have now, however, renounced -these practices in favour of Hindu customs.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5186src" href="#xd31e5186">26</a> -</p> -<p>But though some Muhammadan rulers may have been more successful in forcing an acceptance -of Islam on certain of their Hindu subjects than in the last-mentioned cases, and -whatever truth there may be in the assertion<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5191src" href="#xd31e5191">27</a> that “it is impossible even to approach the religious side of the Mahomedan position -in India without surveying first its political aspect,” we undoubtedly find that Islam -has gained its greatest and most lasting missionary triumphs in times and places in -which its political power has been weakest, as in Southern India and Eastern Bengal. -Of such missionary movements it is now proposed to essay some account, commencing -with Southern India and the Deccan, then after reviewing the history of Sind, Cutch -and Gujarāt, passing to Bengal, and finally noticing some missionaries whose work -lay outside the above geographical limits. Of several of the missionaries to be referred -to, little is recorded beyond their names and the sphere of their labours; accordingly, -in view of the general dearth of such missionary annals, any available details have -been given at length. -</p> -<p>The first advent of Islam in South India dates as far back as the eighth century, -when a band of refugees, to whom the Mappillas trace their descent, came from ʻIrāq -and settled in the country.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5196src" href="#xd31e5196">28</a> The trade in spices, ivory, gems, etc., between India and Europe, which for many -hundred years was conducted by the Arabs and Persians, caused a continual stream of -Muhammadan influence to flow in upon the west coast of Southern India. From this constant -influx <span class="pageNum" id="pb264">[<a href="#pb264">264</a>]</span>of foreigners there resulted a mixed population, half Hindu and half Arab or Persian, -in the trading centres along the coast. Very friendly relations appear to have existed -between these Muslim traders and the Hindu rulers, who extended to them their protection -and patronage in consideration of the increased commercial activity and consequent -prosperity of the country, that resulted from their presence in it,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5204src" href="#xd31e5204">29</a> and no obstacles were placed in the way of proselytising, the native converts receiving -the same consideration and respect as the foreign merchants, even though before their -conversion they had belonged to the lowest grades of society.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5207src" href="#xd31e5207">30</a> -</p> -<p>The traditionary account of the introduction of Islam into Malabar, as given by a -Muhammadan historian of the sixteenth century, represents the first missionaries to -have been a party of pilgrims on their way to visit the foot-print of Adam in Ceylon; -on their arrival at Cranganore the Raja sent for them and the leader of the party, -Shayk͟h Sharaf b. Mālik, who was accompanied by his brother, Mālik b. Dīnār, and his -nephew, Mālik b. Ḥabīb, took the opportunity of expounding to him the faith of Islam -and the mission of Muḥammad, “and God caused the truth of the Prophet’s teaching to -enter into the king’s heart and he believed therein; and his heart became filled with -love for the Prophet and he bade the Shayk͟h and companions come back to him again -on their return from their pilgrimage to Adam’s foot-print.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5212src" href="#xd31e5212">31</a> On the return of the pilgrims from Ceylon, the king secretly departed with them in -a ship bound for the coast of Arabia, leaving his kingdom in the hand of viceroys. -Here he remained for some time, and was just about to return to his own country, with -the intention of erecting mosques there and spreading the faith of Islam, when he -fell sick and died. On his death-bed he solemnly enjoined on his companions not to -abandon their proposed missionary journey to Malabar, and to assist them in their -labours, he gave them letters of recommendation to his viceroys, at the same time -bidding them conceal the fact of his death. Armed with these letters, Sharaf b. Mālik -<span class="pageNum" id="pb265">[<a href="#pb265">265</a>]</span>and his companions sailed for Cranganore, where the king’s letter secured for them -a kindly welcome and a grant of land, on which they built a mosque. Mālik b. Dīnār -decided to settle there, but Mālik b. Ḥabīb set out on a missionary tour with the -object of building mosques throughout Malabar. “So Mālik b. Ḥabīb set out for Quilon -with his worldly goods and his wife and some of his children, and he built a mosque -there; then leaving his wife there, he went on to Hīlī Mārāwī,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5217src" href="#xd31e5217">32</a> where he built a mosque”; and so the narrative continues, giving a list of seven -other places at which the missionary erected mosques, finally returning to Cranganore. -Later on, he visited all these places again to pray in the mosque at each of them, -and came back “praising and giving thanks to God for the manifestation of the faith -of Islam in a land filled with unbelievers.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5220src" href="#xd31e5220">33</a> -</p> -<p>In spite of the circumstantial character of this narrative, there is no evidence of -its historicity. Popular belief puts the date of the events recorded as far back as -the lifetime of the Prophet; with a mild scepticism Zayn al-Dīn thought that they -could not have been earlier than the third century of the Hijrah;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5225src" href="#xd31e5225">34</a> but there is no more authority for the one date than for the other, or for the common -Mappilla tradition of the existence of the tomb of a Hindu king at Zafār, on the coast -of Arabia, bearing the inscription, “ʻAbd al-Raḥmān al-Sāmirī, arrived <span class="asc">A.H.</span> 212, died <span class="asc">A.H.</span> 216”;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5234src" href="#xd31e5234">35</a> and the mosque at Madāyi, said to have been founded by Mālik b. Dīnār, bears an inscription -commemorating its erection in <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1124.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5241src" href="#xd31e5241">36</a> -</p> -<p>But the legend certainly bears witness to the peaceful character of the proselytising -influences that were at work on the Malabar coast for centuries. The agents in this -work were chiefly Arab merchants, but Ibn Baṭūṭah makes mention of several professed -theologians from Arabia and elsewhere, whom he met in various towns on the Malabar -coast.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5246src" href="#xd31e5246">37</a> The Zamorin of Calicut, who was one of the chief patrons of Arab trade, is said to -have encouraged conversion to Islam, in order to man the Arab ships on which he depended -for his aggrandisement, and to have ordered that in every <span class="pageNum" id="pb266">[<a href="#pb266">266</a>]</span>family of fishermen in his dominion one or more of the male members should be brought -up as Muhammadans.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5251src" href="#xd31e5251">38</a> At the beginning of the sixteenth century the Mappillas were estimated to have formed -one-fifth of the population of Malabar, spoke the same language as the Hindus, and -were only distinguished from them by their long beards and peculiar head-dress. But -for the arrival of the Portuguese, the whole of this coast would have become Muhammadan, -because of the frequent conversions that took place and the powerful influence exercised -by the Muslim merchants from other parts of India, such as Gujarāt and the Deccan, -and from Arabia and Persia.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5254src" href="#xd31e5254">39</a> -</p> -<p>But there would appear to be no record of the individuals who took part in the propaganda, -except in the case of the historian ʻAbd al-Razzāq, who has himself left an account -of his unsuccessful mission to the court of the Zamorin of Calicut. He was sent on -this mission in the year 1441 by the Tīmūrid Shāh Ruk͟h Bahādur, in response to an -appeal made by an ambassador who had been sent by the Zamorin of Calicut to this monarch. -The ambassador was himself a Musalman and represented to the Sultan how excellent -and meritorious an action it would be to send a special envoy to the Zamorin, “to -invite him to accept Islam in accordance with the injunction ‘Summon thou to the ways -of thy Lord with wisdom and with kindly warning,’<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5260src" href="#xd31e5260">40</a> and open the bolt of darkness and error that locked his benighted heart, and let -the splendour of the light of the faith and the brightness of the sun of knowledge -shine into the window of his soul.” ʻAbd al-Razzāq was chosen for this task and after -<span class="pageNum" id="pb267">[<a href="#pb267">267</a>]</span>an adventurous journey reached Calicut, but appears to have met with a cold reception, -and after remaining there for about six months abandoned his original purposes and -made his way back to K͟hurāsān, which he reached after an absence of three years.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5265src" href="#xd31e5265">41</a> -</p> -<p>Another community of Musalmans in Southern India, the Ravuttans,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5270src" href="#xd31e5270">42</a> ascribe their conversion to the preaching of missionaries whose tombs are held in -veneration by them to the present day. The most famous of these was Sayyid Nathar -Shāh<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5273src" href="#xd31e5273">43</a> (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 969–1039) who after many wanderings in Arabia, Persia and Northern India, settled -down in Trichinopoly, where he spent the remaining years of his life in prayer and -works of charity, and converted a large number of Hindus to the faith of Islam; his -tomb is much resorted to as a place of pilgrimage and the Muhammadans re-named Trichinopoly -Natharnagar, after the name of their saint.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5279src" href="#xd31e5279">44</a> Sayyid Ibrāhīm Shahīd (said to have been born about the middle of the twelfth century), -whose tomb is at Ervadi, was a militant hero who led an expedition into the Pandyan -kingdom, occupied the country for about twelve years, but was at length slain; his -son’s life was, however, spared in consideration of the beneficent rule of his father, -and a grant of land given to him, which his descendants enjoy to the present day. -The latest of these saints, Shāh al-Ḥamīd (1532–1600), was born at Manikpur in Northern -India, and spent most of his life in visiting the holy shrines of Islam and in missionary -tours chiefly throughout Southern India; he finally settled in Nagore, where the descendants -of his adopted son are still in charge of his tomb.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5282src" href="#xd31e5282">45</a> -</p> -<p>Another group of Muhammadans in Southern India, the Dudekulas, who live by cotton -cleaning (as their name denotes) and by weaving coarse fabrics, attribute their conversion -to Bābā Fak͟hr al-Dīn, whose tomb they revere <span class="pageNum" id="pb268">[<a href="#pb268">268</a>]</span>at Penukonda. Legend says that he was originally a king of Sīstān, who abdicated his -throne in favour of his brother and became a religious mendicant. After making the -pilgrimage to Mecca and Medina, he was bidden by the Prophet in a dream to go to India; -here he met Nathar <span class="corr" id="xd31e5289" title="Source: Shah">Shāh</span>, of Trichinopoly, and became his disciple and was sent by him in company with 200 -religious mendicants on a proselytising mission. The legend goes on to say that they -finally settled at Penukonda in the vicinity of a Hindu temple, where their presence -was unwelcome to the Raja of the place, but instead of appealing to force he applied -several tests to discover whether the Muhammadan saint or his own priest was the better -qualified by sanctity to possess the temple. As a final test, he had them both tied -up in sacks filled with lime and thrown into tanks. The Hindu priest never re-appeared, -but Bābā Fak͟hr al-Dīn asserted the superiority of his faith by being miraculously -transported to a hill outside the town. The Raja hereupon became a Musalman, and his -example was followed by a large number of the inhabitants of the neighbourhood, and -the temple was turned into a mosque.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5292src" href="#xd31e5292">46</a> -</p> -<p>The history of Islam in Southern India by no means always continued to be of so peaceful -a character, but it does not appear that the forcible conversions of the Hindus and -others to Islam which were perpetrated when the Muhammadan power became paramount -under Ḥaydar ʻAlī (1767–1782) and Tīpū Sulṭān (1782–1799), can be paralleled in the -earlier history of this part of India. However this may be, there is no reason to -doubt that constant conversions by peaceful methods were made to Islam from among -the lower castes,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5299src" href="#xd31e5299">47</a> as is the case at the present day when accessions to Islam from time to time occur -from among the Tiyans, who are said to form one of the most progressive communities -in India, the Mukkuvans or fisherman caste, as well as from the Cherumans or agricultural -labourers, and other serf castes, to whom Islam brings deliverance from the disabilities -attaching to the outcasts <span class="pageNum" id="pb269">[<a href="#pb269">269</a>]</span>of the Hindu social system; occasionally, also, converts are drawn from among the -Nayars and the native Christians. In Ponnani, the residence of the spiritual head -of the majority of the Muhammadans of Malabar, there is an association entitled Minnat -al-Islām Sabhā, where converts are instructed in the tenets of their new faith and -material assistance rendered to those under instruction; the average number of converts -received in this institution in the course of the first three years of the twentieth -century, was 750.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5304src" href="#xd31e5304">48</a> So numerous have these conversions from Hinduism been, that the tendency of the Muhammadans -of the west as well as the east coast of Southern India has been to reversion to the -Hindu or aboriginal type, and, except in the case of some of the nobler families, -they now in great part present all the characteristics of an aboriginal people, with -very little of the original foreign blood in them.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5307src" href="#xd31e5307">49</a> In the western coast districts the tyranny of caste intolerance is peculiarly oppressive; -to give but one instance, in Travancore certain of the lower castes may not come nearer -than seventy-four paces to a Brahman, and have to make a grunting noise as they pass -along the road, in order to give warning of their approach. Similar instances might -be abundantly multiplied. What wonder, then, that the Musalman population is fast -increasing through conversion from these lower castes, who thereby free themselves -from such degrading oppression, and raise themselves and their descendants in the -social scale? -</p> -<p>In fact the <span class="corr" id="xd31e5312" title="Source: Mappilas">Mappillas</span> on the west coast are said to be increasing so considerably through accessions from -the lower classes of Hindus, as to render it possible that in a few years the whole -of the lower races of the west coast may become Muhammadans.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5315src" href="#xd31e5315">50</a> -</p> -<p>It was most probably from Malabar that Islam crossed over to the Laccadive and Maldive -Islands, the population of which is now entirely Muslim. The inhabitants of these -islands owed their conversion to the Arab and Persian merchants, who established themselves -in the country, <span class="pageNum" id="pb270">[<a href="#pb270">270</a>]</span>intermarrying with the natives, and thus smoothing the way for the work of active -proselytism. The date of the conversion of the first Muhammadan Sultan of the Maldive -Islands, Aḥmad Shanūrāzah,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5323src" href="#xd31e5323">51</a> has been conjectured to have occurred about <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1200, but it is very possible that the Muhammadan merchants had introduced their -religion into the island as much as three centuries before, and the process of conversion -must undoubtedly have been a gradual one.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5332src" href="#xd31e5332">52</a> No details, however, have come down to us. -</p> -<p>At Mālē, the seat of government, is found the tomb of Shayk͟h Yūsuf Shams al-Dīn, -a native of Tabrīz, in Persia, who is said to have been a successful missionary of -Islam in these islands. His tomb is still held in great veneration, and always kept -in good repair, and in the same part of the island are buried some of his countrymen -who came in search of him, and remained in the Maldives until their death.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5337src" href="#xd31e5337">53</a> -</p> -<p>The introduction of Islam into the neighbouring Laccadive Islands is attributed to -an Arab preacher, known to the islanders by the name of Mumba Mulyaka; his tomb is -still shown at Androth and as the present qāḍī of that place claims to be twenty-sixth -in descent from him, he probably reached these islands some time in the twelfth century.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5342src" href="#xd31e5342">54</a> -</p> -<p>The Deccan also was the scene of the successful labours of many Muslim missionaries. -It has already been pointed out that from very early times Arab traders had visited -the towns on the west coast; in the tenth century we are told that the Arabs were -settled in large numbers in the towns of the Konkan, having intermarried with the -women of the country and living under their own laws and religion.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5347src" href="#xd31e5347">55</a> Under the Muhammadan dynasties of the Bahmanid (1347–1490) and Bījāpūr (1489–1686) -kings, a fresh impulse was given to Arab immigration, and with the trader and the -soldier of fortune came the missionaries seeking to make <span class="pageNum" id="pb271">[<a href="#pb271">271</a>]</span>spiritual conquests in the cause of Islam, and win over the unbelieving people of -the country by their preaching and example, for of forcible conversions we have no -record under the early Deccan dynasties, whose rule was characterised by a striking -toleration.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5352src" href="#xd31e5352">56</a> -</p> -<p>One of these Arab preachers, Pīr Mahābīr Khamdāyat, came as a missionary to the Deccan -as early as <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1304, and among the cultivating classes of Bījāpūr are to be found descendants of -the Jains who were converted by him.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5360src" href="#xd31e5360">57</a> About the close of the same century a celebrated saint of Gulbarga, Sayyid Muḥammad -Gīsūdarāz,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5363src" href="#xd31e5363">58</a> converted a number of Hindus of the Poona district, and twenty years later his labours -were crowned with a like success in Belgaum.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5366src" href="#xd31e5366">59</a> At Dahanu still reside the descendants of a relative of one of the greatest saints -of Islam, Sayyid ʻAbd al-Qādir Jīlānī of Bag͟hdād; he came to Western India about -the fifteenth century, and after making many converts in the Konkan, died and was -buried at Dahanu.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5369src" href="#xd31e5369">60</a> In the district of Dharwar, there are large numbers of weavers whose ancestors were -converted by Hāshim Pīr Gujarātī, the religious teacher of the Bījāpūr king, Ibrāhīm -ʻĀdil Shāh II, about the close of the sixteenth century. These men still regard the -saint with special reverence and pay great respect to his descendants.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5373src" href="#xd31e5373">61</a> The descendants of another saint, Shāh Muḥammad Ṣādiq Sarmast Ḥusaynī, are still -found in Nasik; he is said to have been the most successful of Muhammadan missionaries; -having come from Medina in 1568, he travelled over the greater part of Western India -and finally settled at Nasik—in which district another very successful Muslim missionary, -K͟hwājah Khunmir Ḥusaynī, had begun to labour about fifty years before.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5376src" href="#xd31e5376">62</a> Two other Arab missionaries may be mentioned, the scene of whose proselytising efforts -was laid in the district of Belgaum, namely Sayyid Muḥammad b. Sayyid ʻAlī and Sayyid -ʻUmar ʻAydrūs Basheban.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5379src" href="#xd31e5379">63</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb272">[<a href="#pb272">272</a>]</span></p> -<p>Another missionary movement may be said roughly to centre round the city of Multan.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5385src" href="#xd31e5385">64</a> This in the early days of the Arab conquest was one of the outposts of Islam, when -Muḥammad b. Qāsim had established Muhammadan supremacy over Sind (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 714). During the three centuries of Arab rule there were naturally many accessions -to the faith of the conquerors. Several Sindian princes responded to the invitation -of the Caliph ʻUmar b. ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz to embrace Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5391src" href="#xd31e5391">65</a> The people of Sāwandari—who submitted to Muḥammad b. Qāsim and had peace granted -to them on the condition that they would entertain the Musalmans and furnish guides—are -spoken of by al-Balād͟hurī (writing about a hundred years later) as professing Islam -in his time; and the despatches of the conqueror frequently refer to the conversion -of the unbelievers. -</p> -<p>That these conversions were in the main voluntary, may be judged from the toleration -that the Arabs, after the first violence of their onslaught, showed towards their -idolatrous subjects. The people of Brahmanābād, for example, whose city had been taken -by storm, were allowed to repair their temple, which was a means of livelihood to -the Brahmans, and nobody was to be forbidden or prevented from following his own religion,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5396src" href="#xd31e5396">66</a> and generally, where submission was made, quarter was readily given, and the people -were permitted the exercise of their own creeds and laws. -</p> -<p>During the troubles that befell the caliphate in the latter half of the ninth century, -Sind, neglected by the central government, came to be divided among several petty -princes, the most powerful of whom were the Amīrs of Multan and Mansūra. Such disunion -naturally weakened the political power of the Musalmans, which had in fact begun to -decline earlier in the century. For in the reign of al-Muʻtaṣim (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 833–842), the Indians of Sindān<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5404src" href="#xd31e5404">67</a> declared themselves independent, but they spared the mosque, in which the Musalmans -were allowed to perform their devotions undisturbed.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5407src" href="#xd31e5407">68</a> The Muhammadans of Multan <span class="pageNum" id="pb273">[<a href="#pb273">273</a>]</span>succeeded in maintaining their political independence, and kept themselves from being -conquered by the neighbouring Hindu princes, by threatening, if attacked, to destroy -an idol which was held in great veneration by the Hindus and was visited by pilgrims -from the most distant parts.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5412src" href="#xd31e5412">69</a> But in the hour of its political decay, Islam was still achieving missionary successes. -Al-Balād͟hurī<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5416src" href="#xd31e5416">70</a> tells the following story of the conversion of a king of ʻUsayfān, a country between -<span class="corr" id="xd31e5419" title="Source: Kashmir">Kashmīr</span> and Multan and <span class="corr" id="xd31e5422" title="Source: Kabul">Kābul</span>. The people of this country worshipped an idol for which they had built a temple. -The son of the king fell sick, and he desired the priests of the temple to pray to -the idol for the recovery of his son. They retired for a short time, and then returned -saying: “We have prayed and our supplications have been accepted.” But no long time -passed before the youth died. Then the king attacked the temple, destroyed and broke -in pieces the idol, and slew the priests. He afterwards invited a party of Muhammadan -traders, who made known to him the unity of God; whereupon he believed in the unity -and became a Muslim. A similar missionary influence was doubtless exercised by the -numerous communities of Muslim merchants who carried their religion with them into -the infidel cities of Hindustan. Arab geographers of the tenth and twelfth centuries -mention the names of many such cities, both on the coast and inland, where the Musalmans -built their mosques, and were safe under the protection of the native princes, who -even granted them the privilege of living under their own laws.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5425src" href="#xd31e5425">71</a> The Arab merchants at this time formed the medium of commercial communication between -Sind and the neighbouring countries of India and the outside world. They brought the -produce of China and Ceylon to the sea-ports of Sind and from there conveyed them -by way of Multan to Turkistan and <span class="corr" id="xd31e5431" title="Source: Khurāsān">K͟hurāsān</span>.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5434src" href="#xd31e5434">72</a> -</p> -<p>It would be strange if these traders, scattered about in the cities of the unbelievers, -failed to exhibit the same proselytising zeal as we find in the Muhammadan trader -elsewhere. To the influence of such trading communities <span class="pageNum" id="pb274">[<a href="#pb274">274</a>]</span>was most probably due the conversion of the Sammas, who ruled over Sind from <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1351 to 1521. While the reign of Nanda b. Bābiniyyah of this dynasty is specially -mentioned as one of such “peace and security, that never was this prince called upon -to ride forth to battle, and never did a foe take the field against him,”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5444src" href="#xd31e5444">73</a> it is at the same time described as being “remarkable for its justice and an increase -of Islam.” This increase could thus only have been brought about by peaceful missionary -methods. One of the most famous of these missionaries was the celebrated saint, Sayyid -Yūsuf al-Dīn, a descendant of ʻAbd al-Qādir Jīlānī, who was bidden in a dream to leave -Bag͟hdād for India and convert its inhabitants to Islam. He came to Sind in 1422 and -after labouring there for ten years, he succeeded in winning over to Islam 700 families -of the Lohāna caste, who followed the example of two of their number, by name Sundarjī -and Hansrāj; these men embraced Islam, after seeing some miracles performed by the -saint, and on their conversion received the names of Adamjī and Tāj Muḥammad respectively. -Under the leadership of the grandson of the former, these people afterwards migrated -to Cutch, where their numbers were increased by converts from among the Cutch Lohānas.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5447src" href="#xd31e5447">74</a> -</p> -<p>Sind was also the scene of the labours of Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn, an Ismāʻīlī missionary, -who was head of the Khojah sect about the year 1430. In accordance with the principles -of accommodation practised by this sect, he took a Hindu name and made certain concessions -to the religious beliefs of the Hindus whose conversion he sought to achieve, and -introduced among them a book entitled Dasavatār in which ʻAlī was made out to be the -tenth Avatār or incarnation of Viṣṇu; this book has been from the beginning the accepted -scripture of the Khojah sect, and it is always read by the bedside of the dying and -periodically at many festivals; it assumes the nine incarnations of Viṣṇu to be true -as far as they go, but to fall short of the perfect truth, and supplements this imperfect -Vaiṣṇav system by the cardinal doctrine of the Ismāʻīlians, the incarnation and coming -manifestation of ʻAlī. Further, he made <span class="pageNum" id="pb275">[<a href="#pb275">275</a>]</span>out Brahmā to be Muḥammad, Viṣṇu to be ʻAlī and Adam Siva. The first of Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn’s -converts were won in the villages and towns of Upper Sind: he preached also in Cutch -and from these parts the doctrines of this sect spread southwards through Gujarāt -to Bombay; and at the present day Khojah communities are to be found in almost all -the large trading towns of Western India and on the seaboard of the Indian Ocean.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5454src" href="#xd31e5454">75</a> -</p> -<p>Pīr Ṣadr al-Dīn was not however the first of the Ismāʻīlian missionaries who came -into India. He was preceded by ʻAbd Allāh, a missionary sent from Yaman about 1067; -he is said to have been a man of great learning, and is credited with the performance -of many miracles, whereby he convinced a large number of Hindus of the truth of his -religion.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5459src" href="#xd31e5459">76</a> The second Ismāʻīlī missionary, Nūr al-Dīn, generally known by the Hindu name he -adopted, Nūr Satāgar, was sent into India from Alamūt, the stronghold of the Grand -Master of the Ismāʻīlīs, and reached Gujarāt in the reign of the Hindu king, Siddhā -Rāj (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1094–1143).<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5465src" href="#xd31e5465">77</a> He adopted a Hindu name but told the Muhammadans that his real name was Sayyid Saʻādat; -he is said to have converted the Kanbīs, Khārwās and Korīs, low castes of Gujarāt.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5471src" href="#xd31e5471">78</a> -</p> -<p>As Nūr Satāgar is revered as the first missionary of the Khojahs, so is ʻAbd Allāh -believed by some to have been the founder of the sect of the Bohras, a large and important -community of Shīʻahs, mainly of Hindu origin, who are found in considerable numbers -in the chief commercial centres of the Bombay Presidency. But others ascribe the honour -of being the first Bohra missionary to Mullā ʻAlī, of whose proselytising methods -the following account is given by a Shīʻah historian: “As the people of Gujarāt in -those days were infidels and accepted as their religious leader an old man whose teaching -they <span class="pageNum" id="pb276">[<a href="#pb276">276</a>]</span>blindly followed, Mullā ʻAlī saw no alternative but to go to the old man and ask to -become his disciple, intending to set before him such convincing arguments that he -would become a Musalman, and afterwards to attempt the conversion of others. He accordingly -spent some years in the service of the old man, and having learned the language of -the people of the country, read their books and acquired a knowledge of their sciences. -Step by step he unfolded to the enlightened mind of the old man the truth of the faith -of Islam and persuaded him to become a Musalman. After his conversion, some of his -disciples followed the old man’s example. Finally, the chief minister of the king -of that country became aware of the old man’s conversion to Islam, and going to see -him submitted to his spiritual guidance and likewise became a Musalman. For a long -time, the old man, the minister and the rest of the converts to Islam, kept the fact -of their conversion concealed and through fear of the king always took care to prevent -it coming to his knowledge; but at length the king received a report of the minister’s -having adopted Islam and began to make inquiries. One day, without giving previous -notice, he went to the minister’s house and found him bowing his head in prayer and -was vexed with him. The minister recognised the purpose of the king’s visit, and realised -that his displeasure had been excited by suspicions aroused by his prayer, with its -bowing and prostrations; but the guidance of God and divine grace befitting the occasion, -he said that he was making these movements because he was watching a serpent in the -corner of the room. When the king turned towards the corner of the room, by divine -providence he saw a snake there, and accepted the minister’s excuse and his mind was -cleared of all suspicions. In the end the king also secretly became a Musalman, but -for reasons of state concealed his change of mind; when however, the hour of his death -drew near, he gave orders that his body was not to be burnt, as is the custom of the -infidels. Subsequently to his decease, when Sulṭān Z̤afar, one of the trusty nobles -of Sulṭān Fīrūz Shāh, king of Dehlī, conquered Gujarāt, some of the Sunnī nobles who -accompanied him used arguments to make the people join the Sunnī sect of the Muslim -faith; <span class="pageNum" id="pb277">[<a href="#pb277">277</a>]</span>so some of the Bohras are Sunnīs, but the greater part remain true to their original -faith.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5481src" href="#xd31e5481">79</a> -</p> -<p>Several small groups of Musalmans in Cutch and Gujarāt trace their conversion to Imām -Shāh of Pīrāna,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5486src" href="#xd31e5486">80</a> who was actively engaged in missionary work during the latter half of the fifteenth -century. He is said to have converted a large body of Hindu cultivators, by bringing -about a fall of rain after two seasons of scarcity. On another occasion meeting a -band of Hindu pilgrims passing through Pīrāna on their way to Benares, he offered -to take them there; they agreed and in a moment were in the holy city, where they -bathed in the Ganges and paid their vows; they then awoke to find themselves still -in Pīrāna and adopted the faith of the saint who could perform such a miracle. He -died in 1512 and his tomb in Pīrāna is still an object of pilgrimage for Hindus as -well as for Muhammadans.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5489src" href="#xd31e5489">81</a> -</p> -<p>Many of the Cutch Musalmans that are of Hindu descent reverence as their spiritual -leader Dāwal Shāh Pīr, whose real name was Malik ʻAbd al-Laṭīf,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5494src" href="#xd31e5494">82</a> the son of one of the nobles of Maḥmūd Bīgarah (1459–1511), the famous monarch of -the Muhammadan dynasty of Gujarāt, to whose reign popular tradition assigns the date -of the conversion of many Hindus.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5497src" href="#xd31e5497">83</a> -</p> -<p>It is in Bengal, however, that the Muhammadan missionaries in India have achieved -their greatest success, as far as numbers are concerned. A Muhammadan kingdom was -first founded here at the end of the twelfth century by Muḥammad Bak͟htiyār Khiljī, -who conquered Bihar and Bengal and made Gaur the capital of the latter province. The -long continuance of the Muhammadan rule would naturally assist the spread of Islam, -and though the Hindu rule was restored for ten years under the tolerant Rājā Kāns, -whose rule is said to have been popular with his Muhammadan subjects,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5502src" href="#xd31e5502">84</a> his son, Jatmall, renounced the Hindu religion and became a Musalman. After his father’s -death in 1414 he called <span class="pageNum" id="pb278">[<a href="#pb278">278</a>]</span>together all the officers of the state and announced his intention of embracing Islam, -and proclaimed that if the chiefs would not permit him to ascend the throne, he was -ready to give it up to his brother; whereupon they declared that they would accept -him as their king, whatever religion he might adopt. Accordingly, several learned -men of the Muslim faith were summoned to witness the Raja renounce the Hindu religion -and publicly profess his acceptance of Islam: he took the name of Jalāl al-Dīn Muḥammad -Shāh, and according to tradition numerous conversions were made during his reign.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5507src" href="#xd31e5507">85</a> Many of these were however due to force, for his reign is signalised as being the -only one in which any wholesale persecution of the subject Hindus is recorded, during -the five centuries and a half of Muhammadan rule in Eastern Bengal.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5510src" href="#xd31e5510">86</a> -</p> -<p>Conversions, however, often took place at other times under pressure from the Muhammadan -government. The Rajas of Kharagpur were originally Hindus, and became Muhammadans -because, having been defeated by one of Akbar’s generals, they were only allowed to -retain the family estates on the condition that they embraced Islam. The Hindu ancestor -of the family of Asad ʻAlī <span class="corr" id="xd31e5515" title="Source: Khān">K͟hān</span>, in Chittagong, was deprived of his caste by being forced to smell beef and had perforce -to become a Muhammadan, and several other instances of the same kind might be quoted.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5518src" href="#xd31e5518">87</a> -</p> -<p>Murshid Qulī K͟hān (son of a converted Brahman), who was made governor of Bengal by -the Emperor Aurangzeb at the beginning of the eighteenth century, enforced a law that -any official or <span class="corr" id="xd31e5523" title="Source: landord">landlord</span>, who failed to pay the revenue that was due or was unable to make good the loss, -should with his wife and children be compelled to become Muhammadans. Further, it -was the common law that any Hindu who forfeited his caste by a breach of regulations -could only be reinstated by the Muhammadan government; if the government refused to -interfere, the outcast had no means of regaining his position in the social system -of the Hindus, and would probably find no resource but to become a Musalman.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5526src" href="#xd31e5526">88</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb279">[<a href="#pb279">279</a>]</span></p> -<p>The Afg͟hān adventurers who settled in this province also appear to have been active -in the work of proselytising, for besides the children that they had by Hindu women, -they used to purchase a number of boys in times of scarcity, and educate them in the -tenets of Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5532src" href="#xd31e5532">89</a> But it is not in the ancient centres of the Muhammadan government that the Musalmans -of Bengal are found in large numbers, but in the country districts, in districts where -there are no traces of settlers from the West, and in places where low-caste Hindus -and outcasts most abound.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5535src" href="#xd31e5535">90</a> The similarity of manners between these low-caste Hindus and the followers of the -Prophet, and the caste distinctions which they still retain, as well as their physical -likeness, all bear the same testimony and identify the Bengal Musalmans with the aboriginal -tribes of the country. Here Islam met with no consolidated religious system to bar -its progress, as in the north-west of India, where the Muhammadan invaders found Brahmanism -full of fresh life and vigour after its triumphant struggle with Buddhism; where, -in spite of persecutions, its influence was an inspiring force in the opposition offered -by the Hindus, and retained its hold on them in the hour of their deepest distress -and degradation. But in Bengal the Muslim missionaries were welcomed with open arms -by the aborigines and the low castes on the very outskirts of Hinduism, despised and -condemned by their proud Aryan rulers. “To these poor people, fishermen, hunters, -pirates, and low-caste tillers of the soil, Islam came as a revelation from on high. -It was the creed of the ruling race, its missionaries were men of zeal who brought -the Gospel of the unity of God and the equality of men in its sight to a despised -and neglected population. The initiatory rite rendered relapse impossible, and made -the proselyte and his posterity true believers for ever. In this way Islam settled -down on the richest alluvial province of India, the province which was capable of -supporting the most rapid and densest increase of population. Compulsory conversions -are occasionally recorded. But it was not to force that Islam owed <span class="pageNum" id="pb280">[<a href="#pb280">280</a>]</span>its permanent success in Lower Bengal. It appealed to the people, and it derived the -great mass of its converts from the poor. It brought in a higher conception of God, -and a nobler idea of the brotherhood of man. It offered to the teeming low castes -of Bengal, who had sat for ages abject on the outermost pale of the Hindu community, -a free entrance into a new social organisation.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5540src" href="#xd31e5540">91</a> -</p> -<p>The existence in Bengal of definite missionary efforts is said to be attested by certain -legends of the zeal of private individuals on behalf of their religion, and the graves -of some of these missionaries are still honoured, and are annually visited by hundreds -of pilgrims.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5547src" href="#xd31e5547">92</a> One of the earliest of these was Shayk͟h Jalāl al-Dīn Tabrīzī, who died in <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1244. He was a pupil of the great saint, Shihāb al-Dīn Suhrawardī. In the course -of his missionary journeys he visited Bengal, where a shrine to which is attached -a rich endowment was erected in his honour, the real site of his tomb being unknown. -Many miracles are ascribed to him; among others, that he converted a Hindu milkman -to Islam by a single look.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5553src" href="#xd31e5553">93</a> -</p> -<p>In the nineteenth century there was a remarkable revival of the Muhammadan religion -in Bengal, and several sects that owe their origin to the influence of the Wahhābī -reformation, have sent their missionaries through the province purging out the remnants -of Hindu superstitions, awakening religious zeal and spreading the faith among unbelievers.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5558src" href="#xd31e5558">94</a> -</p> -<p>Some account still remains to be given of Muslim missionaries who have laboured in -parts of India other than those mentioned above. One of the earliest of these is Shayk͟h -Ismāʻīl, one of the most famous of the Sayyids of Buk͟hārā, distinguished alike for -his secular and religious learning; he is said to have been the first Muslim missionary -who preached the faith of Islam in the city of Lahore, whither he came in the year -<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1005. Crowds flocked to listen to his sermons, and the number of his converts swelled -rapidly day by day, and it is said that no unbeliever ever came <span class="pageNum" id="pb281">[<a href="#pb281">281</a>]</span>into personal contact with him without being converted to the faith of Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5568src" href="#xd31e5568">95</a> -</p> -<p>The conversion of the inhabitants of the western plains of the Panjāb is said to have -been effected through the preaching of Bahā al-Ḥaqq of Multan<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5573src" href="#xd31e5573">96</a> and Bābā Farīd al-Dīn of Pakpattan, who flourished about the end of the thirteenth -and beginning of the fourteenth centuries.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5576src" href="#xd31e5576">97</a> A biographer of the latter saint gives a list of sixteen tribes who were won over -to Islam through his preaching, but unfortunately provides us with no details of this -work of conversion.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5579src" href="#xd31e5579">98</a> -</p> -<p>One of the most famous of the Muslim saints of India and a pioneer of Islam in Rajputana -was K͟hwājah Muʻīn al-Dīn Chishtī, who died in Ajmīr in <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1234. He was a native of Sajistān to the east of Persia, and is said to have received -his call to preach Islam to the unbelievers in India while on a pilgrimage to Medina. -Here the Prophet appeared to him in a dream and thus addressed him: “The Almighty -has entrusted the country of India to thee. Go thither and settle in Ajmīr. By God’s -help, the faith of Islam shall, through thy piety and that of thy followers, be spread -in that land.” He obeyed the call and made his way to Ajmīr which was then under Hindu -rule and idolatry prevailed throughout the land. Among the first of his converts here -was a Yogī, who was the spiritual preceptor of the Raja himself: gradually he gathered -around him a large body of disciples whom his teachings had won from the ranks of -infidelity, and his fame as a religious leader became very widespread and attracted -to Ajmīr great numbers of Hindus whom he persuaded to embrace Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5591src" href="#xd31e5591">99</a> On his way to Ajmīr he is said to have converted as many as 700 persons in the city -of <span class="corr" id="xd31e5594" title="Source: Dehli">Delhi</span>. -</p> -<p>Of immense importance in the history of Islam in India was the arrival in that country -of Sayyid Jalāl al-Dīn, who is said to have been born at Buk͟hārā in 1199. He settled -in Uch, now in the Bahawalpur territory, in 1244, and converted numbers of persons -in the neighbourhood to <span class="pageNum" id="pb282">[<a href="#pb282">282</a>]</span>Islam; he died in 1291, and his descendants, many of whom are also revered as saints, -have remained as guardians of his shrine up to the present day and form the centre -of a widespread religious influence. His grandson, Sayyid Aḥmad Kabīr, known as Mak͟hdūm-i-Jahāniyān, -is credited with having effected the conversion of several tribes in the Punjab.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5601src" href="#xd31e5601">100</a> About a mile to the east of Uch is situated the shrine of Ḥasan Kabīr al-Dīn, son -of Sayyid Ṣadr al-Dīn, who was a contemporary of Jalāl-al-Dīn; both father and son -are said to have made many converts, and such was the influence attributed to Ḥasan -Kabīr al-Dīn that it was said as soon as his glance fell upon any Hindu, the latter -would accept Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5604src" href="#xd31e5604">101</a> -</p> -<p>Rather later in the same century, a native of Persian ʻIrāq, by name Abū ʻAlī Qalandar, -came into India and took up his residence at Panipat, where he died at the ripe age -of 100, in <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1324. The Muslim Rajputs of this city, numbering about 300 males, are descended from -a certain Amīr Singh who was converted by this saint. His tomb is still held in honour -and is visited by many pilgrims. -</p> -<p>Another such was Shayk͟h Jalāl al-Dīn, a Persian who came into India about the latter -half of the fourteenth century and settled down at Silhaṭ, in Lower Assam, in order -to convert the people of these parts to Islam. He achieved a great reputation as a -holy man, and his proselytising labours were crowned with eminent success.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5614src" href="#xd31e5614">102</a> -</p> -<p>In more recent years there have been abundant witnesses for Islam seeking to spread -this faith in India—and with very considerable success; the second half of the nineteenth -century especially witnessed a great revival of missionary activity, the number of -annual conversions being variously estimated at ten, fifty, one hundred and six hundred -thousand.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5619src" href="#xd31e5619">103</a> But it is difficult to obtain accurate information on account of the peculiarly individualistic -character of Muslim missionary work and the absence of any central <span class="pageNum" id="pb283">[<a href="#pb283">283</a>]</span>organisation or of anything in the way of missionary reports, and the success that -attends the labours of Muslim preachers is sometimes much exaggerated, e.g. in the -Panjāb a certain Ḥājī Muḥammad is said to have converted as many as 200,000 Hindus,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5624src" href="#xd31e5624">104</a> and a mawlavī in Bangalore boasted that in five years he had made as many as 1000 -converts in this city and its suburbs. But that there are Muslim missionaries engaged -in active and successful propagandist labours is undoubted, and the following examples -are typical of the period referred to. -</p> -<p>Mawlavī Baqā Ḥusayn K͟hān, an itinerant preacher, in the course of several years converted -228 persons, residents of Bombay, Cawnpore, Ajmīr, and other cities. Mawlavī Ḥasan -ʻAlī converted twenty-five persons, twelve in Poona, the rest in Ḥaydarabad and other -parts of India.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5629src" href="#xd31e5629">105</a> In the district of Khandesh, in the Bombay Presidency, the preaching of the Qāḍī -of Nasirabad, Sayyid Safdar ʻAlī, won over to Islam a large body of artisans, who -follow the trade of <span class="pageNum" id="pb284">[<a href="#pb284">284</a>]</span>armourers or blacksmiths.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5637src" href="#xd31e5637">106</a> A number of persons of the same trade, who form a small community of about 200 souls -in the district of Nasik, were converted in a curious way about 1870. The Presbyterian -missionaries of Nasik had for a long time been trying to convert them from Hinduism, -and they were in a state of hesitation as to whether or not to embrace Christianity -when a Muhammadan faqīr from Bombay, who was well acquainted with their habits of -thought, expounded to them the doctrines of Islam and succeeded in winning them over -to that faith.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5640src" href="#xd31e5640">107</a> -</p> -<p>In Patiala, Mawlavī ʻUbayd Allāh, a converted Brahman of great learning, proved himself -to be a zealous preacher of Islam, and in spite of the obstacles that were at first -thrown in his way by his relatives, achieved so great a success that his converts -almost filled an entire ward of the city. He wrote controversial works, which have -passed through several editions, directed against the Christian and Hindu religions. -In one of these books he thus speaks of his own conversion: “I, Muḥammad ʻUbayd Allāh, -the son of Munshi Koṭā Mal, resident of Payal, in the Patiala State, declare that -this poor man in his childhood and during the lifetime of his father was held in the -bondage of idol-worship, but the mercy of God caught me by the hand and drew me towards -Islam, i.e. I came to know the excellence of Islam and the deficiencies of Hinduism, -and I accepted Islam heart and soul and counted myself one of the servants of the -Prophet of God (peace be upon him!). At that time intelligence, which is the gift -of God, suggested to me that it was mere folly and laziness to blindly follow the -customs of one’s forefathers and be misled by them and not make researches into matters -of religion and faith, whereon depend our eternal bliss or misery. With these thoughts -I began to study the current faiths and investigated each of them impartially. I thoroughly -explored the Hindu religion and conversed with learned Paṇḍits, gained a thorough -knowledge of the Christian faith, read the books of Islam and conversed with learned -men. In all of them I found errors and fallacies, with the exception of Islam, the -excellence of which became <span class="pageNum" id="pb285">[<a href="#pb285">285</a>]</span>clearly manifest to me; its leader, Muḥammad the Prophet, possesses such moral excellences -that no tongue can describe them, and he alone who knows the beliefs and the liturgy, -and the moral teachings and practice of this faith, can fully realise them. Praise -be to God! So excellent is this religion that everything in it leads the soul to God. -In short, by the grace of God, the distinction between truth and falsehood became -as clear to me as night and day, darkness and light. But although my heart had long -been enlightened by the brightness of Islam and my mouth fragrant with the profession -of faith, yet my evil passions and Satan had bound me with the fetters of the luxury -and ease of this fleeting world, and I was in evil case because of the outward observances -of idolatry. At length, the grace of God thus admonished me: ‘How long wilt thou keep -this priceless pearl hidden within the shell and this refreshing perfume shut up in -the casket? thou shouldest wear this pearl about thy neck and profit by this perfume.’ -Moreover the learned have declared that to conceal one’s faith in Islam and retain -the dress and habits of infidels brings a man to Hell. So (God be praised!) on the -ʻĪd al-Fiṭr 1264 the sun of my conversion emerged from its screen of clouds, and I -performed my devotions in public with my Muslim brethren.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5647src" href="#xd31e5647">108</a> -</p> -<p>Many Muhammadan preachers have adopted the methods of Christian missionaries, such -as street preaching, tract distribution, and other agencies. In many of the large -cities of India, Muslim preachers may be found daily expounding the teachings of Islam -in some principal thoroughfare. In Bangalore this practice is very general, and one -of these preachers, who was the imām of the mosque about the year 1890, was so popular -that he was even sometimes invited to preach by Hindus: he preached in the market-place, -and in the course of seven or eight years gained forty-two converts. In Bombay a Muhammadan -missionary preaches almost daily near the chief market of the city, and in Calcutta -there are several preaching-stations that are kept constantly supplied. Among the -converts are occasionally to be found some Europeans, mostly persons in <span class="pageNum" id="pb286">[<a href="#pb286">286</a>]</span>indigent circumstances; the mass, however, are Hindus.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5657src" href="#xd31e5657">109</a> Some of the numerous Anjumans that have of recent years sprung up in the chief centres -of Musalman life in India, include among their objects the sending of missionaries -to preach in the <span class="corr" id="xd31e5666" title="Source: bazars">bazaars</span>; such are the Anjuman Ḥimāyat-i-Islām of Lahore, and the Anjuman Ḥāmī Islām of Ajmīr. -These particular Anjumans appoint paid agents, but much of the work of preaching in -the bazaars is performed by persons who are engaged in some trade or business during -the working hours of the day and devote their leisure time in the evenings to this -pious work. -</p> -<p>Much of the missionary zeal of the Indian Musalmans is directed towards counteracting -the anti-Islamic tendencies of the instruction given by Christian missionaries and -the preachers of the Ārya Samāj, and the efforts made are thus defensive rather than -directly proselytising. Some preachers too turn their attention rather to the strengthening -of the foundation already laid, and endeavour to rid their ignorant co-religionists -of their Hindu superstitions, and instil in them a purer form of faith, such efforts -being in many cases the continuation of earlier missionary activity. The work of conversion -has indeed been often very imperfect. Of many, nominally Muslims, it may be said that -they are half Hindus: they observe caste rules, they join in Hindu festivals and practise -numerous idolatrous ceremonies. In certain districts also, e.g. in Mewāt and Gurgaon, -large numbers of Muhammadans may be found who know nothing of their religion but its -name; they have no mosques, nor do they observe the hours of prayer. This is especially -the case among the Muhammadans of the villages or in parts of the country where they -are isolated from the mass of believers; but in the towns the presence of learned -religious men tends, in great measure, to counteract the influence of former superstitions, -and makes for a purer and more intelligent form of religious life. In recent years, -however, there has been, speaking generally, a movement noticeable among the Indian -Muslims towards <span class="pageNum" id="pb287">[<a href="#pb287">287</a>]</span>a religious life more strictly in accordance with the laws of Islam. The influence -of the Christian mission schools has also been very great in stimulating among some -Muhammadans of the younger generation a study of their own religion and in bringing -about a consequent awakening of religious zeal. Indeed, the spread of education generally, -has led to a more intelligent grasp of religious principles and to an increase of -religious teachers in outlying and hitherto neglected districts. This missionary movement -of reform (from whatever cause it may originate), may be observed in very different -parts of India. In the eastern districts of the Panjāb, for example, after the Mutiny, -a great religious revival took place. Preachers travelled far and wide through the -country, calling upon believers to abandon their idolatrous practices and expounding -the true tenets of the faith. Now, in consequence, most villages, in which Muhammadans -own any considerable portion, have a mosque, while the grosser and more open idolatries -are being discontinued.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5673src" href="#xd31e5673">110</a> In Rajputana also, the Hindu tribes who have been from time to time converted to -Islam in the rural districts, are now becoming more orthodox and regular in their -religious observances, and are abandoning the ancient customs which hitherto they -had observed in common with their idolatrous neighbours. The Merāts, for example, -now follow the orthodox Muhammadan form of marriage instead of the Hindu ritual they -formerly observed, and have abjured the flesh of the wild boar.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5676src" href="#xd31e5676">111</a> A similar revival in Bengal has already been spoken of above. -</p> -<p>Such movements and the efforts of individual missionaries are, however, quite inadequate -to explain the rapid increase of the Muhammadans of India, and one is naturally led -to inquire what are the causes other than the normal increase of population,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5681src" href="#xd31e5681">112</a> which add so enormously to their numbers. The answer is to be found in the social -conditions of life among Hindus. The insults and contempt heaped upon the lower castes -of Hindus by their co-religionists, and the impassable obstacles placed in the way -of any member of <span class="pageNum" id="pb288">[<a href="#pb288">288</a>]</span>these castes desiring to better his condition, show up in striking contrast the benefits -of a religious system which has no outcasts, and gives free scope for the indulgence -of any ambition. In Bengal, for example, the weavers of cotton piece-goods, who are -looked upon as vile by their Hindu co-religionists, embrace Islam in large numbers -to escape from the low position to which they are otherwise degraded.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5686src" href="#xd31e5686">113</a> A very remarkable instance of a similar kind occurs in the history of the north-eastern -part of the same province. Here in the year 1550 the aboriginal tribe of the Kocch -established a dynasty under their great leader, Haju; in the reign of his grandson, -when the higher classes in the state were received into the pale of Hinduism,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5689src" href="#xd31e5689">114</a> the mass of the people finding themselves despised as outcasts, became Muhammadans.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5692src" href="#xd31e5692">115</a> -</p> -<p>The escape that Islam offers to Hindus from the oppression of the higher castes was -strikingly illustrated in Tinnevelli at the close of the nineteenth century. A very -low caste, the Shanars, had in recent years become prosperous and many of them had -built fine houses; they asserted that they had the right to worship in temples, from -which they had hitherto been excluded. A riot ensued, in the course of which the Shanars -suffered badly at the hands of Hindus of a higher caste, and they took refuge in the -pale of Islam. Six hundred Shanars in one village became Muslims in one day, and their -example was quickly followed in other places.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5697src" href="#xd31e5697">116</a> -</p> -<p>Similar instances might be given from other parts of India. A Hindu who has in any -way lost caste and been in consequence repudiated by his relations and by the society -of which he has been accustomed to move, would naturally be attracted towards a religion -that receives all without distinction, and offers to him a grade of society equal -in the social scale to that from which he has been banished. Such a change of religion -might well be accompanied with sincere conviction, but men also who might be profoundly -indifferent to the number or names of the <span class="pageNum" id="pb289">[<a href="#pb289">289</a>]</span>deities they were called upon to worship, would feel very keenly the social ostracism -entailed by their loss of caste, and become Muhammadan without any religious feelings -at all. The influence of the study of Muhammadan literature also, and the habitual -contact with Muhammadan society, must often make itself insensibly felt. Among the -Rajput princes of the nineteenth century in Rajputana and Bundelkhand, such tendencies -towards Islamism were to be observed,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5705src" href="#xd31e5705">117</a> tendencies which, had the Mug͟hal empire lasted, would probably have led to their -ultimate conversion. They not only respected Muhammadan saints, but had Muhammadan -tutors for their sons; they also had their food killed in accordance with the regulations -laid down by the Muhammadan law, and joined in the Muhammadan festivals dressed as -faqīrs, and praying like true believers. On the other hand, it has been conjectured -that the present position of affairs, under a government perfectly impartial in matters -religious, is much more likely to promote conversions among the Hindus generally than -was the case under the rule of the Muhammadan kingdoms, when Hinduism gained union -and strength from the constant struggle with an aggressive enemy.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5708src" href="#xd31e5708">118</a> Hindus, too, often flock in large numbers to the tombs of Muslim saints on the day -appointed to commemorate them, and a childless father, with the feeling that prompts -a polytheist to leave no God unaddressed, will present his petition to the God of -the Muhammadans, and if children are born to him, apparently in answer to this prayer, -the whole family will in such a case (and examples are not infrequent) embrace Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5711src" href="#xd31e5711">119</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb290">[<a href="#pb290">290</a>]</span></p> -<p>Love for a Muhammadan woman is occasionally the cause of the conversion of a Hindu, -since the marriage of a Muslim woman to an unbeliever is absolutely forbidden by the -Muslim law. Hindu children, if adopted by wealthy Musalmans, would be brought up in -the religion of their new parents; and a Hindu wife, married to a follower of the -Prophet, would be likely to adopt the faith of her husband.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5725src" href="#xd31e5725">120</a> As the contrary process can rarely take place, the number of Muhammadans is bound -to increase in proportion to that of the Hindus. Hindus, who for some reason or other -have been driven out of their caste; the poor who have become the recipients of Muhammadan -charity, or women and children who have been protected when their parents have died -or deserted them—(such cases would naturally be frequent in times of famine)—form -a continuous though small stream of additions from the Hindus.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5728src" href="#xd31e5728">121</a> There are often local circumstances favourable to the growth of Islam; for example, -it has been pointed out<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5731src" href="#xd31e5731">122</a> that in the villages of the Terai, in which the number of Hindus and Muhammadans -happen to be equally balanced, any increase in the predominance of the Muhammadans -is invariably followed by disputes about the killing of cows and other practices offensive -to Hindu feeling. The Hindus gradually move away from the village, leaving behind -of their creed only the Chamār ploughman in the service of the Muhammadan peasants. -These latter eventually adopt the religion of their masters, not from any conviction -of its truth, but from the inconvenience their isolation entails. -</p> -<p>Some striking instances of conversions from the lower castes of Hindus are also found -in the agricultural districts of Oudh. Although the Muhammadans of this province form -only one-tenth of the whole population, still the small groups of Muhammadan cultivators -form “scattered centres of revolt against the degrading oppression to which their -religion hopelessly consigns these lower castes.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5736src" href="#xd31e5736">123</a> The advantages Islam holds out to such classes as the Korīs <span class="pageNum" id="pb291">[<a href="#pb291">291</a>]</span>and Chamārs, who stand at the lowest level of Hindu society, and the deliverance which -conversion to Islam brings them, may be best understood from the following passage -descriptive of their social condition as Hindus.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5741src" href="#xd31e5741">124</a> “The lowest depth of misery and degradation is reached by the Korīs and Chamārs, -the weavers and leather-cutters to the rest. Many of these in the northern districts -are actually bond-slaves, having hardly ever the spirit to avail themselves of the -remedy offered by our courts, and descend with their children from generation to generation -as the value of an old purchase. They hold the plough for the Brahman or Chhattri -master, whose pride of caste forbids him to touch it, and live with the pigs, less -unclean than themselves, in separate quarters apart from the rest of the village. -Always on the verge of starvation, their lean, black, and ill-formed figures, their -stupid faces, and their repulsively filthy habits reflect the wretched destiny which -condemns them to be lower than the beast among their fellow-men, and yet that they -are far from incapable of improvement is proved by the active and useful stable servants -drawn from among them, who receive good pay and live well under European masters. -A change of religion is the only means of escape open to them, and they have little -reason to be faithful to their present creed.” -</p> -<p>It is this absence of class prejudices which constitutes the real strength of Islam -in India, and enables it to win so many converts from Hinduism. -</p> -<p>To complete this survey of Islam in India, some account still remains to be given -of the spread of this faith in Kashmīr and thence beyond the borders of India into -Tibet. Of all the provinces and states of India (with the exception of Sind) Kashmīr -contains the largest number of Muhammadans (namely 70 per cent.) in proportion to -the whole population; but unfortunately historical facts that should explain the existence -in this state of so many Musalmans, almost entirely of Hindu or Tibetan origin, are -very scanty. But all the evidence leads us to attribute it on the whole to a long-continued -missionary movement inaugurated and carried out mainly by faqīrs and dervishes, among -whom were Ismāʻīlian preachers sent from Alamūt.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5747src" href="#xd31e5747">125</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb292">[<a href="#pb292">292</a>]</span></p> -<p>It is difficult to say when this Islamising influence first made itself felt in the -country. The first Muhammadan king of Kashmīr, Ṣadr al-Dīn,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5753src" href="#xd31e5753">126</a> is said to have owed his conversion to a certain Darwesh Bulbul Shāh in the early -part of the fourteenth century. This saint was the only religious teacher who could -satisfy his craving for religious truth when, dissatisfied with his own Hindu faith, -he looked for a more acceptable form of doctrine. Towards the end of the same century -(in 1388) the progress of Islam was most materially furthered by the advent of Sayyid -ʻAlī Hamadānī, a fugitive from his native city of Hamadān in Persia, where he had -incurred the wrath of Tīmūr. He was accompanied by 700 Sayyids, who established hermitages -all over the country and by their influence appear to have assured the acceptance -of the new religion. Their advent appears, however, to have also stirred up considerable -fanaticism, as Sultan Sikandar (1393–1417) acquired the name of Butshikan from his -destruction of Hindu idols and temples, and his prime minister, a converted Hindu, -set on foot a fierce persecution of the adherents of his old faith, but on his death -toleration was again made the rule of the kingdom.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5756src" href="#xd31e5756">127</a> Towards the close of the fifteenth century, a missionary, by name Mīr Shams al-Dīn, -belonging to a Shīʻah sect, came from ʻIrāq, and, with the aid of his disciples, won -over a large number of converts in Kashmīr. -</p> -<p>When under Akbar, Kashmīr became a province of the Mug͟hal empire, the Muhammadan -influence was naturally strengthened and many men of learning came into the country. -In the reign of Aurangzeb, the Rajput Raja of Kishtwar was converted by the miracles -of a certain Sayyid Shāh Farīd al-Dīn and his conversion seems to have been followed -by that of the majority of his subjects, and along the route which the Mug͟hal emperors -took on their progresses into Kashmīr we still find Rajas who are the descendants -of Muhammadanised Rajputs.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5761src" href="#xd31e5761">128</a> -</p> -<p>To the north and north-east of Kashmīr, the provinces of Baltistan and Ladakh are -inhabited by a mixed Tibetan <span class="pageNum" id="pb293">[<a href="#pb293">293</a>]</span>race, among whom Islam has been firmly established for several centuries, but the -date and manner of its introduction is unknown. The Muhammadans of Baltistan tell -of four brothers who came from <span class="corr" id="xd31e5768" title="Source: Khurasan">K͟hurāsān</span> and brought about a revival of the faith, but appear to have no tradition regarding -the earliest propagandists.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5771src" href="#xd31e5771">129</a> Up to the middle of the nineteenth century Islam appeared to be making progress, -but this tendency was counteracted by the encouragement which Maharaja Ranbir Singh -gave to the followers of the Buddhist faith. In Ladakh there are a number of half-castes, -called Arghons,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5774src" href="#xd31e5774">130</a> born of Tibetan mothers and Muhammadan fathers, traders who have come to Leh and -persuaded the Tibetan women they marry to accept Islam. These Arghons are all Musalmans -and, like their fathers, marry Tibetan wives; they are said to be increasing in numbers -more rapidly than the pure Tibetan stock.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5777src" href="#xd31e5777">131</a> Islam has also been carried into Tibet Proper by <span class="corr" id="xd31e5781" title="Source: Kashmiri">Kashmīrī</span> merchants. Settlements of such merchants are to be found in all the chief cities -of Tibet; they marry Tibetan wives, who often adopt the religion of their husbands; -and there are now said to be as many as 2000 Muhammadan families in Lhasa.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5784src" href="#xd31e5784">132</a> Islam has made its way into Tibet also from Yunnan,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5787src" href="#xd31e5787">133</a> and at Su-ching, on the border of the Sze-chwan province and Tibet, converts are -being won from among the Tibetan inhabitants.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5790src" href="#xd31e5790">134</a> Muhammadan influences are also said to have come from Persia<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5793src" href="#xd31e5793">135</a> and from Turkestan.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5799src" href="#xd31e5799">136</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb294">[<a href="#pb294">294</a>]</span> </p> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5066"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5066src">1</a></span> Census of India, 1891. General Report by J. A. Baines, p. 167. (London, 1893.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5066src" title="Return to note 1 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5069"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5069src">2</a></span> Id. pp. 126, 207. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5069src" title="Return to note 2 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5075"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5075src">3</a></span> Elliot, vol. ii. p. 448. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5075src" title="Return to note 3 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5078"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5078src">4</a></span> Muḥammad b. Qāsim invited the Hindu princes to embrace Islam, and the invaders who -followed him were probably equally observant of the religious law. (Elliot, vol. i. -pp. 175, 207.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5078src" title="Return to note 4 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5086"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5086src">5</a></span> Or Baran, the old name of Bulandshahr. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5086src" title="Return to note 5 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5090"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5090src">6</a></span> Elliot, vol. ii. pp. 42–3. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5090src" title="Return to note 6 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5095"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5095src">7</a></span> Gazetteer of the <abbr title="North-Western Provinces">N.W.P.</abbr>, vol. iii. part ii. p. 85. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5095src" title="Return to note 7 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5103"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5103src">8</a></span> “The military adventurers, who founded dynasties in Northern India and carved out -kingdoms in the Dekhan, cared little for things spiritual; most of them had indeed -no time for proselytism, being continually engaged in conquest or in civil war. They -were usually rough Tartars or Moghals; themselves ill-grounded in the faith of Mahomed, -and untouched by the true Semitic enthusiasm which inspired the first Arab standard -bearers of <span class="pageNum" id="pb258n">[<a href="#pb258n">258</a>]</span>Islam. The empire which they set up was purely military, and it was kept in that state -by the half success of their conquests and the comparative failure of their spiritual -invasion. They were strong enough to prevent anything like religious amalgamation -among the Hindus, and to check the gathering of tribes into nations; but so far were -they from converting India, that among the Mahommedans themselves their own faith -never acquired an entire and exclusive monopoly of the high offices of administration.” -(Sir Alfred C. Lyall: Asiatic Studies, p. 289.) (London, 1882.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5103src" title="Return to note 8 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5110"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5110src">9</a></span> Firishtah, vol. i. p. 184. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5110src" title="Return to note 9 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5113"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5113src">10</a></span> Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iii. p. 197. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5113src" title="Return to note 10 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5116"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5116src">11</a></span> Elliot, vol. iii. p. 386. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5116src" title="Return to note 11 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5123"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5123src">12</a></span> Mankind and the Church, p. 286. (London, 1907.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5123src" title="Return to note 12 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5128"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5128src">13</a></span> Sir Richard Temple: India in 1880, p. 164. (London, 1881.) Punjab States Gazetteers, -vol. xxxvi A, Bahawalpur, p. 183. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5128src" title="Return to note 13 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5131"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5131src">14</a></span> Manual of Titles for Oudh, p. 78. (Allahabad, 1889.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5131src" title="Return to note 14 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5136"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5136src">15</a></span> Gazetteer of the Province of Oudh, vol. i. p. 466. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5136src" title="Return to note 15 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5139"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5139src">16</a></span> Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. iii. part ii. p. 46. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5139src" title="Return to note 16 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5143"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5143src">17</a></span> Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. xiv. part ii. p. 119. In the Cawnpore district, the -Musalman branch of the Dikhit family observes Muhammadan customs at births, marriages, -and deaths, and, though they cannot, as a rule, recite the prayers (namāz), they perform -the orthodox obeisances (sijdah). But at the same time they worship Chachak Devī to -avert small-pox, and keep up their friendly intercourse with their old caste brethren, -the Thakurs, in domestic occurrences, and are generally called by common Hindu names. -(Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. vi. p. 64.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5143src" title="Return to note 17 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5148"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5148src">18</a></span> Ibbetson, p. 163. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5148src" title="Return to note 18 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5151"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5151src">19</a></span> Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. vi. p. 64. Compare also id. vol. xiv. part iii. p. 47. -“Muhammadan cultivators are not numerous; they are usually Nau-Muslims. Most of them -assign the date of their conversion to the reign of Aurangzeb, and represent it as -the result sometimes of persecution and sometimes as made to enable them to retain -their rights when unable to pay revenue.” <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5151src" title="Return to note 19 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5156"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5156src">20</a></span> Ibbetson, p. 163. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5156src" title="Return to note 20 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5159"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5159src">21</a></span> Indeed Firishtah distinctly says: “Zealous for the faith of Mahommed, he rewarded -proselytes with a liberal hand, though he did not choose to persecute those of different -persuasions in matters of religion.” (The History of Hindostan, translated from the -Persian, by Alexander Dow, vol. iii. p. 361.) (London, 1812.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5159src" title="Return to note 21 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5163"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5163src">22</a></span> The Bombay Gazetteer, vol. xxii. p. 222; vol. xxiii. p. 282. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5163src" title="Return to note 22 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5170"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5170src">23</a></span> Innes, pp. 72–3, 190. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5170src" title="Return to note 23 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5176"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5176src">24</a></span> Sir W. W. Hunter: The Religions of India. (<i>The Times</i>, February 25th, 1888.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5176src" title="Return to note 24 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5181"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5181src">25</a></span> Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. vi. p. 518. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5181src" title="Return to note 25 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5186"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5186src">26</a></span> Gazetteer of the N.W.P., vol. v. part i. pp. 302–3. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5186src" title="Return to note 26 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5191"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5191src">27</a></span> Sir Alfred C. Lyall: Asiatic Studies, p. 236. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5191src" title="Return to note 27 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5196"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5196src">28</a></span> A tomb in the cemetery of Pantalāyini Kollam bears an inscription with the date <span class="asc">A.H.</span> 166. (Innes, p. 436.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5196src" title="Return to note 28 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5204"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5204src">29</a></span> Zayn al-Dīn, pp. 34–5. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5204src" title="Return to note 29 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5207"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5207src">30</a></span> Id. p. 36 (init.). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5207src" title="Return to note 30 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5212"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5212src">31</a></span> Id. p. 21. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5212src" title="Return to note 31 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5217"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5217src">32</a></span> The modern Madāyi. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5217src" title="Return to note 32 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5220"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5220src">33</a></span> Zayn al-Dīn, pp. 23–4. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5220src" title="Return to note 33 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5225"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5225src">34</a></span> Id. p. 25. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5225src" title="Return to note 34 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5234"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5234src">35</a></span> Innes, p. 41. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5234src" title="Return to note 35 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5241"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5241src">36</a></span> Id. p. 398. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5241src" title="Return to note 36 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5246"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5246src">37</a></span> Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. pp. 82, 88, etc. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5246src" title="Return to note 37 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5251"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5251src">38</a></span> Innes, p. 190. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5251src" title="Return to note 38 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5254"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5254src">39</a></span> Oboardo Barbosa, p. 310. -</p> -<p class="footnote cont">Similarly it has been conjectured that but for the arrival of the Portuguese, Ceylon -might have become a Muhammadan kingdom. For before the Portuguese armaments appeared -in the Indian seas, the Arab merchants were undisputed masters of the trade of this -island (where indeed they had formed commercial establishments centuries before the -birth of the Prophet), and were to be found in every sea-port and city, while the -facilities for commerce attracted large numbers of fresh arrivals from their settlements -in Malabar. Here as elsewhere the Muslim traders intermarried with the natives of -the country and spread their religion along the coast. But no very active proselytising -movement would seem to have been carried on, or else the Singhalese showed themselves -unwilling to embrace Islam, as the Muhammadans of Ceylon at the present day appear -mostly to be of Arab descent. (Sir James Emerson Tennent: Ceylon, vol. i. pp. 631–3.) -(5th ed., London, 1860.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5254src" title="Return to note 39 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5260"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5260src">40</a></span> Qurʼān, xvi. 126. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5260src" title="Return to note 40 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5265"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5265src">41</a></span> ʻAbd al-Razzāq: Maṭlaʻ al-saʻdayn, fol. 173. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5265src" title="Return to note 41 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5270"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5270src">42</a></span> They are found chiefly in the Tamil-speaking districts of Madura, Tinnevelly, Coimbatore, -North Arcot and the Nilgiris. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5270src" title="Return to note 42 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5273"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5273src">43</a></span> The Imperial Gazetteer of India (vol. xxiv. p. 47) spells his name Nādir Shāh; Qādir -Ḥusayn K͟hān calls him Nathad Vali. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5273src" title="Return to note 43 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5279"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5279src">44</a></span> Madras District Gazetteers. Trichinopoly, vol. i. p. 338. (Madras, 1907.) Qādir Ḥusayn -K͟hān: South Indian Musalmans, p. 36. (Madras, 1910.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5279src" title="Return to note 44 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5282"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5282src">45</a></span> Qādir Ḥusayn K͟hān, pp. 36–8. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5282src" title="Return to note 45 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5292"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5292src">46</a></span> Qādir Ḥusayn K͟hān, <i>op. cit.</i> pp. 39–42. Madras District Gazetteers. Anantapur, vol. i. pp. 193–4. (Madras, 1905.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5292src" title="Return to note 46 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5299"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5299src">47</a></span> Zayn al-Dīn, pp. 33 (l. 4), 36 (l. 1). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5299src" title="Return to note 47 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5304"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5304src">48</a></span> Innes, p. 190. Census of India, 1911. Vol. xii. Part. I. p. 54. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5304src" title="Return to note 48 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5307"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5307src">49</a></span> Report on the Census of the Madras Presidency, 1871, by W. R. Cornish, pp. 71, 72, -109. (Madras, 1874.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5307src" title="Return to note 49 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5315"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5315src">50</a></span> Report of the Second Decennial Missionary Conference held at Calcutta 1882–3 (pp. -228, 233, 248). (Calcutta, 1883.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5315src" title="Return to note 50 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5323"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5323src">51</a></span> Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. p. 128. Ibn Baṭūṭah resided in the Maldive Islands during the -years 1343–4 and married “the daughter of a Vizier who was grandson of the Sulṭān -Dāʼūd, who was a grandson of the Sulṭān Aḥmad Shanūrāzah” (tome iv. p. 154); from -this statement the date <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1200 has been conjectured. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5323src" title="Return to note 51 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5332"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5332src">52</a></span> H. C. P. Bell: The Maldive Islands, pp. 23–5, 57–8, 71. (Colombo, 1883.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5332src" title="Return to note 52 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5337"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5337src">53</a></span> Memoir on the Inhabitants of the Maldive Islands. By J. A. Young and W. Christopher. -(Transactions of the Bombay Geographical Society from 1836 to 1838, p. 74. Bombay, -1844.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5337src" title="Return to note 53 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5342"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5342src">54</a></span> Innes, pp. 485, 492. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5342src" title="Return to note 54 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5347"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5347src">55</a></span> Masʻūdī, tome ii. pp. 85–6. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5347src" title="Return to note 55 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5352"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5352src">56</a></span> The Bombay Gazetteer, vol. x. p 132; vol. xvi. p. 75. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5352src" title="Return to note 56 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5360"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5360src">57</a></span> Id. vol. xxiii. p. 282. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5360src" title="Return to note 57 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5363"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5363src">58</a></span> Sometimes called Sayyid Mak͟hdūm Gīsūdarāz. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5363src" title="Return to note 58 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5366"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5366src">59</a></span> The Bombay Gazetteer, vol. xviii. p. 501; vol. xxi. pp. 218, 223. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5366src" title="Return to note 59 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5369"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5369src">60</a></span> Id. vol. xiii. part i. p. 231. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5369src" title="Return to note 60 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5373"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5373src">61</a></span> Id. vol. xxii. p. 242. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5373src" title="Return to note 61 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5376"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5376src">62</a></span> Id. vol. xvi. pp. 75–6. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5376src" title="Return to note 62 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5379"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5379src">63</a></span> Id. vol. xxi. p. 203. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5379src" title="Return to note 63 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5385"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5385src">64</a></span> At the time of the Arab conquest the dominions of the Hindu ruler of Sind extended -as far north as this city, which is now no longer included in this province. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5385src" title="Return to note 64 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5391"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5391src">65</a></span> Balād͟hurī, p. 441 (fin.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5391src" title="Return to note 65 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5396"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5396src">66</a></span> Elliot, vol. i. pp. 185–6. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5396src" title="Return to note 66 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5404"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5404src">67</a></span> Probably the Sindān in Abrāsa, the southern district of Cutch. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5404src" title="Return to note 67 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5407"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5407src">68</a></span> Balād͟hurī, p. 446. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5407src" title="Return to note 68 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5412"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5412src">69</a></span> Iṣṭak͟hrī, pp. 173–4. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5412src" title="Return to note 69 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5416"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5416src">70</a></span> Balād͟hurī, p. 446. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5416src" title="Return to note 70 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5425"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5425src">71</a></span> Iṣṭak͟hrī, loc. cit. Ibn Ḥawqal, p. 230 sq. Idrīsī (<span lang="fr">Géographie d’Édrisi, traduite par P. A. Jaubert</span>, vol. i. p. 175 sqq.). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5425src" title="Return to note 71 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5434"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5434src">72</a></span> Masʻūdī, vol. i. p. 207. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5434src" title="Return to note 72 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5444"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5444src">73</a></span> Elliot, vol. i. p. 273. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5444src" title="Return to note 73 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5447"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5447src">74</a></span> Bombay Gazetteer, vol. i. p. 93. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5447src" title="Return to note 74 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5454"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5454src">75</a></span> Khojā Vṛttānt, p. 208. Sir Bartle Frere: The Khojas: the Disciples of the Old Man -of the Mountain. Macmillan’s Magazine, vol. xxxiv. pp. 431, 433–4. (London, 1876.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5454src" title="Return to note 75 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5459"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5459src">76</a></span> Bombay Gazetteer, vol. ix. part ii. p. 26. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5459src" title="Return to note 76 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5465"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5465src">77</a></span> K. B. Fazalullah Lutfullah conjectures that Nūr Satāgar came to India rather later, -in the reign of Bhīma II (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1179–1242.) (Bombay Gazetteer, vol. ix. part ii. p. 38.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5465src" title="Return to note 77 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5471"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5471src">78</a></span> Khojā Vṛttānt, p. 154–8. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5471src" title="Return to note 78 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5481"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5481src">79</a></span> Nūr Allāh al-Shūshtarī: Majālis al-Muʼminīn, fol. 65. (India Office MS. No. 1400.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5481src" title="Return to note 79 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5486"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5486src">80</a></span> A town ten miles south-west of Ahmadabad. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5486src" title="Return to note 80 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5489"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5489src">81</a></span> Bombay Gazetteer, vol. ix. part ii. pp. 66, 76. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5489src" title="Return to note 81 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5494"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5494src">82</a></span> Bombay Gazetteer, vol. v. p. 89. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5494src" title="Return to note 82 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5497"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5497src">83</a></span> Id. vol. ii. p. 378; vol. iii. pp. 36–7. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5497src" title="Return to note 83 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5502"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5502src">84</a></span> So Firishtah, but see H. Blochmann: Contributions to the Geography and History of -Bengal. (J. A. S. B., vol. xlii. No. 1, pp. 264–6. 1873.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5502src" title="Return to note 84 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5507"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5507src">85</a></span> J. H. Ravenshaw: Gaur: its ruins and inscriptions, p. 99. (London, 1878.) Firishtah, -vol. iv. p. 337. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5507src" title="Return to note 85 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5510"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5510src">86</a></span> Wise, p. 29. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5510src" title="Return to note 86 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5518"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5518src">87</a></span> Census of India, 1901, vol. vi. part i. p. 170. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5518src" title="Return to note 87 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5526"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5526src">88</a></span> Id. p. 30. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5526src" title="Return to note 88 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5532"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5532src">89</a></span> Charles Stewart: The History of Bengal, p. 176. (London, 1813.) H. Blochmann: Contributions -to the Geography and History of Bengal. (J. A. S. B., vol. xlii. No. 1, p. 220. 1873.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5532src" title="Return to note 89 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5535"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5535src">90</a></span> The Indian Evangelical Review, p. 278. (January 1883.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5535src" title="Return to note 90 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5540"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5540src">91</a></span> Sir W. W. Hunter: The Religions of India. (<i>The Times</i>, February 25, 1888.) See also Wise, p. 32. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5540src" title="Return to note 91 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5547"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5547src">92</a></span> Wise, p. 37. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5547src" title="Return to note 92 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5553"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5553src">93</a></span> Blochmann, op. cit. p. 260. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5553src" title="Return to note 93 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5558"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5558src">94</a></span> Wise, pp. 48–55. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5558src" title="Return to note 94 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5568"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5568src">95</a></span> G͟hulām Sarwar: K͟hazīnat al-Aṣfīyā, vol. ii. p. 230. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5568src" title="Return to note 95 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5573"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5573src">96</a></span> Otherwise known as Shayk͟h Bahā al-Dīn Zakariyyā. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5573src" title="Return to note 96 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5576"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5576src">97</a></span> Ibbetson, p. 163. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5576src" title="Return to note 97 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5579"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5579src">98</a></span> Aṣg͟har ʻAlī: Jawāhir-i-Farīdī (<span class="asc">A.H.</span> 1033), p. 395. (Lahore, 1884.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5579src" title="Return to note 98 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5591"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5591src">99</a></span> Elliot, vol. ii. p. 548. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5591src" title="Return to note 99 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5601"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5601src">100</a></span> Punjab States Gazetteers, vol. xxxvi A. Bahawalpur State. (Lahore, 1908), p. 160 sqq. -The names of some of the tribes who ascribe their conversion to Mak͟hdūm-i-Jahāniyān -are given on p. 162. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5601src" title="Return to note 100 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5604"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5604src">101</a></span> Id. p. 171. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5604src" title="Return to note 101 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5614"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5614src">102</a></span> Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. p. 217. Yule, p. 515. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5614src" title="Return to note 102 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5619"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5619src">103</a></span> The Indian Evangelical Review, vol. xvi, pp. 52–3. (Calcutta, 1889–90.) The Contemporary -Review, February 1889, p. 170. The Spectator, October 15, 1887, p. 1382. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5619src" title="Return to note 103 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5624" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5624src">104</a></span> Garcin de Tassy: La Langue et la Littérature Hindoustanies de 1850 à 1869, p. 343. -(Paris, 1874.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5624src" title="Return to note 104 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5629"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5629src">105</a></span> Mawlavī Ḥasan ʻAlī furnished me with these figures some years before his death in -1896. In an obituary notice published in “The Moslem Chronicle” (April 4, 1896), the -following quaint account is given of his life: “In private and school life, he was -marked as a very intelligent lad and made considerable progress in his scholastic -career within a short time. He passed Entrance at a very early age and received scholarship -with which he went up to the First Art, but shortly after his innate anxiety to seek -truth prompted him to go abroad the world, and abandoning his studies he mixed with -persons of different persuasions, Fakirs, Pandits, and Christians, entered churches, -and roamed over wilderness and forests and cities with nothing to help him on except -his sincere hopes and absolute reliance on the mercy of the Great Lord; for one year -he wandered in various regions of religion until in 1874 he accepted the post of a -head master in a Patna school.… As he was born to become a missionary of the Moslem -faith, he felt an imperceptible craving to quit his post, from which he used to get -Rs. 100 per mensem. He tendered his resignation, much to the reluctance of his friends, -and maintained himself for some time by publishing a monthly journal, ‘Noorul Islam.’ -He gave several lectures on Islam at Patna, and then went to Calcutta, where he delivered -his lecture in English, which produced such effect on the audience that several European -clergymen vouchsafed the truth of Islam, and a notable gentleman, Babu Bepin Chandra -Pal, was about to become Musalman. He was invited by the people at Dacca, where his -preachings and lectures left his name imbedded in the hearts of the citizens. His -various books and pamphlets and successive lectures in Urdu and in English in the -different cities and towns in India gave him a historic name in the world. Some one -hundred men <span class="corr" id="xd31e5631" title="Source: become">became</span> Musalmans on hearing his lectures and reading his books.” His missionary zeal manifested -itself up to the last hour of his life, when he was overheard to say, “Abjure your -religion and become a Musalman.” On being questioned, he said he was talking to a -Christian. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5629src" title="Return to note 105 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5637"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5637src">106</a></span> Bombay Gazetteer, vol. xii. p. 126. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5637src" title="Return to note 106 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5640"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5640src">107</a></span> Id. vol. xvi. p. 81. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5640src" title="Return to note 107 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5647"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5647src">108</a></span> Tuḥfat al-Hind, p. 3. (Dehli, <span class="asc">A.H.</span> 1309.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5647src" title="Return to note 108 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5657"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5657src">109</a></span> The Indian Evangelical Review, 1884, p. 128. Garcin de Tassy: <span lang="fr">La Langue et la Littérature Hindoustanies de 1850 à 1869</span>, p. 485. (Paris, 1874.) Garcin de Tassy: <span lang="fr">La Langue et la Littérature Hindoustanies en 1871</span>, p. 12. (Paris, 1872.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5657src" title="Return to note 109 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5673"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5673src">110</a></span> Ibbetson, p. 184. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5673src" title="Return to note 110 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5676"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5676src">111</a></span> The Rajputana Gazetteer, vol. i. p. 90; vol. ii. p. 47. (Calcutta, 1879.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5676src" title="Return to note 111 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5681"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5681src">112</a></span> On these as they affect the Muhammadans, see the Census of India, 1901. Vol. vi. p. -172. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5681src" title="Return to note 112 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5686"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5686src">113</a></span> E. T. Dalton, p. 324. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5686src" title="Return to note 113 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5689"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5689src">114</a></span> For an account of such Hinduising of the aboriginal tribes see Sir Alfred Lyall: Asiatic -Studies, pp. 102–4. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5689src" title="Return to note 114 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5692"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5692src">115</a></span> E. T. Dalton, p. 89. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5692src" title="Return to note 115 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5697"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5697src">116</a></span> The Missionary Review of the World, N.S. vol. xiii, pp. 72–3. (New York, 1900.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5697src" title="Return to note 116 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5705"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5705src">117</a></span> Sir Alfred Lyall (Asiatic Studies, p. 29) speaks of the perceptible proclivity towards -the faith of Islam occasionally exhibited by some of the Hindu chiefs. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5705src" title="Return to note 117 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5708"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5708src">118</a></span> Gazetteer of the Province of Oudh, vol. i. p. xix. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5708src" title="Return to note 118 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5711"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5711src">119</a></span> To give one instance only: in Ghātampur, in the district of Cawnpore, one branch of -a large family is Muslim in obedience to the vow of their ancestor, Ghātam Deo Bais, -who while praying for a son at the shrine of a Muhammadan saint, Madār Shāh, promised -that if his prayer were granted, half his descendants should be brought up as Muslims. -(Gazetteer of the N.W.P.<span class="corr" id="xd31e5714" title="Not in source">,</span> vol. vi. pp. 64, 238.) -</p> -<p class="footnote cont">The worship of Muhammadan saints is so common among certain low-caste Hindus that -in the Census of 1891, in the North-Western Provinces and Oudh alone, 2,333,643 Hindus -(or 5·78 per cent. of the total Hindu population of these provinces) returned themselves -as worshippers of Muhammadan saints. (Census of India, 1891, vol. xvi. part i. pp. -217, 244<span class="corr" id="xd31e5718" title="Source: ).">.)</span> (Allahabad, 1894.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5711src" title="Return to note 119 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5725"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5725src">120</a></span> Instances of such causes of conversion are given in the Census of India, 1901. Vol. -vi. Bengal, part. i, Appendix II. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5725src" title="Return to note 120 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5728"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5728src">121</a></span> Report on the Census of the N.W.P. and Oudh, 1881, by Edward White, p. 62. (Allahabad, -1882.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5728src" title="Return to note 121 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5731"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5731src">122</a></span> Id. p. 63. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5731src" title="Return to note 122 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5736"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5736src">123</a></span> Gazetteer of the Province of Oudh, vol. i. p. xix. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5736src" title="Return to note 123 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5741"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5741src">124</a></span> Gazetteer of the Province of Oudh, vol. i. pp. xxiii–xxiv. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5741src" title="Return to note 124 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5747"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5747src">125</a></span> Khojā Vṛttānt, p. 141. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5747src" title="Return to note 125 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5753"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5753src">126</a></span> Or Shams al-Dīn, according to another account, see Muḥammad Haydar, p. 433 (n. 2). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5753src" title="Return to note 126 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5756"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5756src">127</a></span> Firishtah, vol. iv. pp. 464, 469. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5756src" title="Return to note 127 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5761"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5761src">128</a></span> F. Drew: The Jummoo and Kashmir Territories, pp. 58, 155. (London, 1875.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5761src" title="Return to note 128 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5771"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5771src">129</a></span> Drew, op. cit. p. 359. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5771src" title="Return to note 129 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5774"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5774src">130</a></span> On this word see Yule’s Marco Polo, vol. i. p. 290. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5774src" title="Return to note 130 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5777"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5777src">131</a></span> Aḥmad Shāh: Four years in Tibet, pp. 45, 74. (Benares, 1906.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5777src" title="Return to note 131 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5784"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5784src">132</a></span> Broomhall, p. 206. Tu Wen-siu, the leader of the Panthay rebellion from 1856 to 1873, -who for sixteen years was practically Sultan of half the province of Yunnan, issued -a proclamation in Lhasa itself, at the outset of his revolt, in order to gain Muhammadan -recruits. (Id. p. 132.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5784src" title="Return to note 132 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5787"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5787src">133</a></span> Mission d’Ollone, pp. 207, 226, 233. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5787src" title="Return to note 133 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5790"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5790src">134</a></span> Broomhall, p. 206. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5790src" title="Return to note 134 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5793"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5793src">135</a></span> A. Bastian: <span lang="de">Die Geschichte der Indochinesen</span>, p. 159. (Leipzig, 1866.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5793src" title="Return to note 135 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5799"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5799src">136</a></span> R. du M. M., tome i<span class="corr" id="xd31e5801" title="Source: ,">.</span> p. 275. (1907.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5799src" title="Return to note 136 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch10" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pageNum">[<a href="#xd31e381">Contents</a>]</span><div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">CHAPTER X.</h2> -<h2 class="main">THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN CHINA.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Tradition ascribes to Muḥammad the saying, “Seek for knowledge, even unto China.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5814src" href="#xd31e5814">1</a> Though there is no historical evidence for these words having ever been uttered by -the Prophet, it is not impossible that the name of this country may have been known -to him, for commercial relations between Arabia and China had been established long -before his birth. It was through Arabia, in great measure, that Syria and the ports -of the Levant received the produce of the East. In the sixth century, there was a -considerable trade between China and Arabia by way of Ceylon, and at the beginning -of the seventh century the commerce between China, Persia and Arabia was still further -extended, the town of Sīrāf on the Persian Gulf being the chief emporium for the Chinese -traders. It was at this period, at the commencement of the Tʼang dynasty (618–907) -that mention is first made of the Arabs in the Chinese Annals;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5817src" href="#xd31e5817">2</a> they note the rise of the Muslim power in Medina and briefly describe the religious -observances of the new faith. -</p> -<p>The Annals of Kwangtung thus record the coming of the first Muslims into China:—“At -the beginning of the Tʼang dynasty there came to Canton a large number of strangers, -from the kingdoms of Annam, Cambodia, Medina and several other countries. These strangers -worshipped heaven (i.e. God) and had neither statue, idol nor image in their temples. -The kingdom of Medina is close to that of India, and it is in this kingdom that the -religion of these strangers, which is different to that of Buddha, originated. They -do not eat pork or drink wine, and they regard as unclean the flesh of any animal -not killed by themselves. They are nowadays <span class="pageNum" id="pb295">[<a href="#pb295">295</a>]</span>called Hui Hui.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5824src" href="#xd31e5824">3</a>… Having asked and obtained from the emperor permission to reside in Canton, they -built magnificent houses of a style different to that of our country. They were very -rich and obeyed a chief chosen by themselves.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5827src" href="#xd31e5827">4</a> Though direct historical evidence is lacking,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5830src" href="#xd31e5830">5</a> it is most probable that Islam was first introduced into China by merchants who followed -the old-established sea route. But the earliest record we can trust refers to diplomatic -relations carried on by land, through Persia. When Yazdagird, the last Sāsānid king -of Persia, had perished, his son, Fīrūz, appealed to China for help against the Arab -invaders;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5839src" href="#xd31e5839">6</a> but the emperor replied that Persia was too far distant for him to send the required -troops. But he is said to have despatched an ambassador to the Arab court to plead -the cause of the fugitive prince—probably also with instructions to ascertain the -extent and power of the new kingdom that had arisen in the West, and the caliph ʻUt͟hmān -is said to have sent one of the Arab generals to accompany the Chinese ambassador -on his return in 651, and this first Muslim envoy was honourably received by the emperor. -In the reign of Walīd (705–715), the famous Arab general, Qutaybah b. Muslim, having -been appointed governor of K͟hurāsān, crossed the Oxus and began a series of successful -campaigns, in which he successively subjugated Buk͟hārā, Samarqand and other cities, -and carried his conquests up to the <span class="corr" id="xd31e5843" title="Source: eastern">western</span> frontier of the Chinese empire. In 713 he sent envoys to the emperor, who (according -to Arab accounts) dismissed them with valuable presents. A few years later, the Chinese -Annals make mention of an ambassador, named Sulaymān, who came from the caliph Hishām -in 726 to the Emperor Hsuan Tsung. These diplomatic relations between the Arab and -the Chinese empires assumed a new importance at the close of this emperor’s reign, -when, driven from his throne by a <span class="pageNum" id="pb296">[<a href="#pb296">296</a>]</span>usurper, he abdicated in favour of his son, Su Tsung (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 756). The latter sought the help of the <span class="corr" id="xd31e5851" title="Source: ʻAbbāsīd">ʻAbbāsid</span> caliph, al-Manṣūr, who responded to this appeal by sending a body of Arab troops, -and with their assistance the emperor succeeded in recovering his two capitals, Si-ngan-fu -and Ho-nan-fu, from the rebels. At the end of the war, these Arab troops did not return -to their own country, but married and settled in China. Various reasons are assigned -for this action on their part; one account represents them as having returned to their -native land but, being refused permission to remain on the ground that they had been -so long in a land where pork was eaten, they went back again to China; according to -another account they were prepared to embark for Arabia, at Canton, when they were -taunted with having eaten pork during their campaign, and in consequence they refused -to return home and run the risk of similar taunts from their own people; when the -governor of Canton tried to compel them, they joined with the Arab and Persian merchants, -their co-religionists, and pillaged the principal commercial houses in the city; the -governor saved himself by taking refuge on the city wall, and was only able to return -after he had obtained from the emperor permission for these Arab troops to remain -in the country; houses and lands were assigned to them in different cities, where -they settled down and intermarried with the women of the country.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5854src" href="#xd31e5854">7</a> -</p> -<p>The Chinese Muhammadans have a legend that their faith was first preached in China -by a maternal uncle of the Prophet, and his reputed tomb at Canton is highly venerated -by them. But there is not the slightest historical base for this legend, and it appears -to be of late growth.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5859src" href="#xd31e5859">8</a> It doubtless arose from a desire to connect the history of the faith in their own -land as closely as possible with apostolic times—a fruitful source of legends in countries -far removed from the centres of Muslim history.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5862src" href="#xd31e5862">9</a> But of the existence of Muslims in China, especially of merchants in the port <span class="pageNum" id="pb297">[<a href="#pb297">297</a>]</span>towns, during the Tʼang dynasty there is clear evidence. The Chinese annalist of this -period (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 713–742) says that “the barbarians of the West came into the Middle Kingdom in crowds, -like a deluge, from a distance of at least 1000 leagues and from more than 100 kingdoms, -bringing as tribute their sacred books, which were received and deposited in the hall -set apart for translations of sacred and canonical books, in the imperial palace: -from this period the religious doctrines of these different countries were thus diffused -and openly practised in the empire of Tʼang.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5873src" href="#xd31e5873">10</a> An Arab geographer, writing about the year 851, describes these settlements and the -mosques which these merchants were allowed to build for their religious exercises;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5877src" href="#xd31e5877">11</a> he states that he knew of no Chinaman having embraced Islam, but as he makes the -same remark of the people of India, it may be that he was as ill-informed in the one -case as the other.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5880src" href="#xd31e5880">12</a> -</p> -<p>But there is certainly no distinct evidence of any proselytising activity on the part -of the Muslims in China, and indeed very little information about them at all until -the period of Mongol conquests, in the thirteenth century. These conquests resulted -in a vast immigration of Musalmans of various nationalities, Arabs, Persians, Turks -and others into the Chinese empire.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5885src" href="#xd31e5885">13</a> Some came as merchants, artisans, soldiers or colonists, others were brought in as -prisoners of war. A large number of them settled permanently in the country and developed -into a populous and flourishing community, which gradually lost its original racial -peculiarities through intermarriage with Chinese women. Several Muhammadans occupied -high posts under the Mongol rulers, e.g. ʻAbd al-Raḥmān, who in 1244 was appointed -head of the Imperial finances and allowed to farm the taxes imposed upon China,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5888src" href="#xd31e5888">14</a> and ʻUmar Shams al-Dīn, commonly known as Sayyid Ajall, a native of Buk͟hārā, to -<span class="pageNum" id="pb298">[<a href="#pb298">298</a>]</span>whom Qūbīlāy K͟hān, on his accession in 1259, entrusted the management of the Imperial -finances; he was subsequently governor of Yunnan, after this province had been conquered -and added to the Chinese empire.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5893src" href="#xd31e5893">15</a> Sayyid Ajall died in 1270, leaving behind him a reputation as an enlightened and -upright administrator; he built Confucian temples as well as mosques in Yunnan city.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5898src" href="#xd31e5898">16</a> -</p> -<p>The descendants of Sayyid Ajall played a great part in the establishing of Islam in -China; it was his grandson who in 1335 obtained from the emperor the recognition of -Islam as the “True and Pure Religion”—a name which it has kept to the present day,—and -another descendant of Sayyid Ajall was authorised by the emperor in 1420 to build -mosques in the capitals, Si-ngan-fu and Nan-kin.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5903src" href="#xd31e5903">17</a> -</p> -<p>The Chinese historians of the reign of Qūbīlāy K͟hān make it a ground of complaint -against this monarch that he did not employ Chinese officials in place of the immigrant -Turks and Persians.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5908src" href="#xd31e5908">18</a> The exalted position occupied by Sayyid Ajall and the facilities of communication -between China and the West established by Mongol conquest, attracted a number of such -persons into the north of China, and it was probably as a result of these immigrations -that those scattered Muhammadan communities began to be formed, which have grown to -large proportions in most of the provinces of China. Marco Polo, who enjoyed the favour -of Qūbīlāy K͟hān and lived in China from 1275 to 1292, notes the presence of Muhammadans -in various parts of Yunnan.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5911src" href="#xd31e5911">19</a> At the beginning of the fourteenth century, all the inhabitants of Talifu, the capital -of Yunnan, are said by a contemporary historian to have been Musalmans;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5914src" href="#xd31e5914">20</a> and Ibn Baṭūṭah, who visited several coast towns in China towards the middle of the -fourteenth century, speaks of the hearty welcome he received from his co-religionists,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5917src" href="#xd31e5917">21</a> and reports that “In every town there is a special quarter for the Muslims, inhabited -solely by them, where they have their mosques; they are honoured and respected by -the Chinese.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5920src" href="#xd31e5920">22</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb299">[<a href="#pb299">299</a>]</span></p> -<p>Up to this period the Muhammadans appear to have been looked upon as a foreign community -in China, but after the expulsion of the Mongol dynasty in the latter part of the -fourteenth century they received no fresh addition to their numbers from abroad, in -consequence of the policy of isolation which the Chinese government now adopted; and -being thus cut off from communication with their co-religionists in other countries, -they tended, in most parts of the empire, gradually to become merged into the mass -of the native population, through their marriages with Chinese women and their adoption -of Chinese habits and manners. The founder of the new Ming dynasty, the emperor Hungwu, -extended to them many privileges, and their flourishing condition during the period -that this dynasty lasted (1368–1644) is shown by the large number of mosques erected. -</p> -<p>The emperors of this dynasty cultivated friendly relations with the Muhammadan princes -on their western frontier, and there was a frequent interchange of embassies between -them and the Tīmūrid princes. One of these is of interest in the missionary history -of Islam, inasmuch as Shāh Ruk͟h Bahādur in 1412 took advantage of the arrival of -a Chinese embassy at his court in Samarqand, to include in his answer an invitation -to the emperor to embrace Islam. He sent with his envoy, who accompanied the Chinese -ambassadors on their return, two letters, the first of which, written in Arabic, was -to the following effect:—“In the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate. There -is no god save God: Muḥammad is the Apostle of God. The Apostle of God, Muḥammad (peace -be on him!) said: ‘There shall not cease to be in my church a people abiding in the -commandments of God; whosoever fails to help them or opposes them, shall never prosper, -until the commandment of the Lord cometh.’ When the Most High God purposed to create -Adam and his race, he said ‘I was a hidden treasure, but it was my pleasure to become -known; I therefore created man that I might be known’; It is manifest from hence that -the divine purpose (great is His power and exalted is His word!) in the creation of -man was to make Himself known and uplift the banners of right guidance and faith. -Wherefore He sent His Apostle with guidance and the religion of truth that it might -prevail <span class="pageNum" id="pb300">[<a href="#pb300">300</a>]</span>over all other faiths, though the polytheists turn away from it, that he might make -known the laws and the ordinances and the observances of what is lawful and unlawful, -and He gave him the holy Qurʼān miraculously that thereby he might put to silence -the unbelievers and stop their mouths when they discussed and disputed with him, and -by His perfect grace and His all-pervading guidance He has caused it to remain even -unto the day of judgment. By His power He hath established in all ages and times and -in all parts of the world, in east and west, and in China, a mighty monarch, lord -of great armies and authority, to administer justice and mercy and spread the wings -of peace and security over the heads of men; to enjoin upon them righteousness and -warn them against evil and disobedience and lift up among them the banners of the -noble religion; and he drives away idolatry and infidelity from among them through -belief in the unity of God. The Most High God thus disposeth our hearts by His past -mercies and His ensuing grace to strive for the <span class="corr" id="xd31e5930" title="Source: stablishing">establishing</span> of the laws of pure religion and the continuance of the ordinances of the shining -path. He also bids us administer justice to our subjects in all suits and cases in -accordance with the religion of the Prophet and the ordinances of the Chosen One, -and build mosques and colleges and monasteries and hermitages and places of worship, -that the teaching of the sciences and the schools of learning may not cease nor the -memorials and injunctions of religion be swept away. Seeing that the continuance of -worldly prosperity and dominion, and the permanence of authority and rule depend upon -the assistance given to truth and righteousness and the extirpation of the evils caused -by idolatry and unbelief from the earth, in the expectation of blessing and reward, -we, therefore, hope that your Majesty and the nobles of your realm will agree with -us in these matters and join us in strengthening the foundations of the established -law.” The other letter, written in Persian, makes a more direct appeal, without the -rhetorical embellishments of the Arabic:—“The Most High God, having in the depth of -His wisdom and the perfection of His power created Adam (peace be upon him!), made -some of his sons prophets and apostles and sent them among men to summon them to the -<span class="pageNum" id="pb301">[<a href="#pb301">301</a>]</span>truth. To certain of these prophets, such as Abraham, Moses, David and Muḥammad (peace -be upon them!) He gave a book and taught a law, and He bade the people of their time -follow the law and the religion of each of them. All these apostles invited men to -faith in the unity and to the worship of God and forbade the adoration of the sun, -moon and stars, of kings and idols; and though each one of these apostles had a separate -law, yet they were all agreed in the doctrine of the unity of the Most High God. At -length, when the apostolic and prophetic office devolved on the Apostle Muḥammad Muṣṭafạ̄ -(the peace and blessing of God be upon him!) all other systems of law were abrogated. -He was the apostle and the prophet of the latter age, and it behoves the whole world—lords -and kings and ministers, rich and poor, small and great,—to observe his law and forsake -all past creeds and laws. This is the true and perfect faith and is called Islam. -Some years ago, Chingīz K͟hān took up arms and sent his sons into various countries -and kingdoms—Jūjī K͟hān to the confines of Sarāy, Qrim and Dasht Qafchāq, where some -monarchs, such as Ūzbek K͟hān, Chānī K͟hān and Urus K͟hān, became Musalmans and observed -the law of Muḥammad (peace be upon him!). Hūlāgū K͟hān was set over K͟hurāsān, ʻIrāq -and the neighbouring countries, and some of his sons who succeeded him received into -their hearts the light of the law of Muḥammad (peace be upon him!), and in like manner -became Musalmans, and honoured with the blessedness of Islam passed into the other -world, such as the truthful king, G͟hāzān, and Uljāytū Sulṭān and the fortunate king, -Abū Saʻīd Bahādur, until my honoured father, Amīr Tīmūr Gūrgān, succeeded to the throne. -He too observed the law of Muḥammad (peace be upon him!) in all the countries under -his rule, and throughout his reign the followers of the faith of Islam enjoyed complete -prosperity. Now that by the goodness and favour of God this Kingdom of K͟hurāsān, -ʻIrāq, Mā-warāʼ-al-nahr, etc., has passed into my hands, the administration is carried -on throughout the whole kingdom in accordance with the pure law of the Prophet; righteousness -is enjoined and wrong forbidden, and the Yarg͟hū and the institutes of Chingīz K͟hān -have been abolished. <span class="pageNum" id="pb302">[<a href="#pb302">302</a>]</span>Since, then, it is sure and certain that salvation and deliverance in the day of judgment, -and sovereignty and felicity in the present world, depend upon true faith and Islam, -and the favour of the Most High God, it is incumbent upon us to treat our subjects -with justice and equity. I hope that by the bounty and benevolence of God you too -will observe the law of Muḥammad, the Apostle of God (peace be upon him!) and strengthen -the religion of Islam, so that you may exchange the transitory sovereignty of this -world for the sovereignty of the world to come.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5937src" href="#xd31e5937">23</a> -</p> -<p>It is not improbable that these letters gave rise to the later legend of one of the -Chinese emperors having become a convert to Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5942src" href="#xd31e5942">24</a> This legend is referred to, among others, by a Muhammadan merchant, Sayyid ʻAlī Akbar, -who spent some years in Peking at the end of the fifteenth and the beginning of the -sixteenth century; he speaks of the large number of Musalmans who had settled in China; -in the city of Kenjanfu there were as many as 30,000 Muslim families; they paid no -taxes and enjoyed the favour of the emperor, who gave them grants of land; they enjoyed -complete toleration for the exercise of their religion, which was favourably viewed -by the Chinese, and conversions were freely permitted; in the capital itself there -were four great mosques and about ninety more in other provinces of the empire,—all -erected at the cost of the emperor.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5948src" href="#xd31e5948">25</a> -</p> -<p>Up to the establishment of the Manchu dynasty in 1644 there is no record of any Muhammadan -uprising, and the followers of Islam appear to have been entirely content with the -religious liberty they enjoyed; but difficulties arose soon after the advent of the -new ruling power, and an insurrection in the province of Kansu in 1648 was the first -occasion on which any Muhammadans rose in arms against the Chinese government, though -it was not until the nineteenth century that any such revolt entailed very disastrous -consequences, or seriously interrupted the amicable relations that had subsisted from -the beginning between the Chinese Muslims <span class="pageNum" id="pb303">[<a href="#pb303">303</a>]</span>and their rulers. The official view of the Chinese Government of these relations is -set forth in an edict published by the emperor Yung Chen in 1731:—“In every province -of the empire, for many centuries past, have been found a large number of Muhammadans -who form part of the people whom I regard as my own children just as I do my other -subjects. I make no distinction between them and those who do not belong to their -religion. I have received from certain officials secret complaints against the Muhammadans -on the ground that their religion differs from that of the other Chinese, that they -do not speak the same language, and wear a different dress to the rest of the people. -They are accused of disobedience, haughtiness, and rebellious feelings, and I have -been asked to employ severe measures against them. After examining these complaints -and accusations, I have discovered that there is no foundation for them. In fact, -the religion followed by the Musalmans is that of their ancestors; it is true their -language is not the same as that of the rest of the Chinese, but what a multitude -of different dialects there are in China. As to their temples, dress and manner of -writing, which differ from those of the other Chinese—these are matters of absolutely -no importance. These are mere matters of custom. They bear as good a character as -my other subjects, and there is nothing to show that they intend to rebel. It is my -wish, therefore, that they should be left in the free exercise of their religion, -whose object is to teach men the observance of a moral life, and the fulfilment of -social and civil duties. This religion respects the fundamental basis of Government, -and what more can be asked for? If then the Muhammadans continue to conduct themselves -as good and loyal subjects, my favour will be extended towards them just as much as -towards my other children. From among them have come many civil and military officers, -who have risen to the very highest ranks. This is the best proof that they have adopted -our habits and customs, and have learned to conform themselves to the precepts of -our sacred books. They pass their examinations in literature just like every one else, -and perform the sacrifices enjoined by law. In a word, they are true members of the -great Chinese family and <span class="pageNum" id="pb304">[<a href="#pb304">304</a>]</span>endeavour always to fulfil their religious, civil and political duties. When the magistrates -have a civil case brought before them, they should not concern themselves with the -religion of the litigants. There is but one single law for all my subjects. Those -who do good shall be rewarded, and those who do evil shall be punished.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5958src" href="#xd31e5958">26</a> -</p> -<p>About thirty years later, his successor, the Emperor Kʼien Lung, showed distinguished -marks of his favour towards the Muhammadans by ennobling two Turkī Begs who had materially -helped in suppressing a revolt in the north-west and <span class="corr" id="xd31e5963" title="Source: Kashgar">Kāshgar</span>, and building palaces for them in Peking; he also erected a mosque for the use of -the Turkī Begs who visited the Imperial court and for the prisoners of war who had -been brought to the capital from Kāshgar. Among these prisoners was a beautiful girl -who became a favourite concubine of the emperor, and it is stated that for love of -her he built this mosque immediately opposite his own palace and erected a pavilion -within the palace grounds, from which the concubine could watch her fellow-countrymen -at prayer and could join in their devotions. This mosque was built in the years 1763–1764 -and contains an inscription in four languages, the Chinese text of which was written -by the emperor himself.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5966src" href="#xd31e5966">27</a> -</p> -<p>After crushing the revolt in Zungaria, this same emperor Kʼien Lung, in 1770 transported -thither from other parts of China ten thousand military colonists, who were followed -by their families and other persons, to re-people the country, and they are all said -to have embraced the religion of the surrounding Muhammadan population.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5976src" href="#xd31e5976">28</a> Whether such mass conversions occurred in other parts of the empire also, we have -no means of telling, but the existence of a considerable Muhammadan population in -every province of China can hardly be explained merely by reference to foreign immigration -and the natural growth of population,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5979src" href="#xd31e5979">29</a> though the numbers are larger in those provinces in which foreign <span class="pageNum" id="pb305">[<a href="#pb305">305</a>]</span>Muhammadans have settled.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5984src" href="#xd31e5984">30</a> It is unlikely that the Muhammadans in China during the many centuries of their residence -in this country, in the enjoyment of religious freedom and the liberal patronage of -several of the emperors, should have been entirely devoid of that proselytising zeal -which modern observers have noted in their descendants at the present day.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5987src" href="#xd31e5987">31</a> To such direct proselytising efforts must have been due the conversion of Chinese -Jews to Islam; their establishment in this country dates from an early period, they -held employments under the Government and were in possession of large estates; but -by the close of the seventeenth century a great part of them had been converted to -Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5991src" href="#xd31e5991">32</a> Such propaganda must have been quite quiet and unobtrusive, and indeed more public -methods might have excited suspicions on the part of the Government, as is shown by -an interesting report which was sent to the Emperor Kʼien Lung in 1783 by a governor -of the province of Khwang-Se. It runs as follows: “I have the honour respectfully -to inform your Majesty that an adventurer named Han-Fo-Yun, of the province of Khwang-Se, -has been arrested on a charge of vagrancy. This adventurer when interrogated as to -his occupation, confessed that for the last ten years he had been travelling through -the different provinces of the Empire in order to obtain information about his religion. -In one of his boxes were found thirty books, some of which had been written by himself, -while others were in a language that no one here understands. These books praise in -an extravagant and ridiculous manner a Western king, called Muḥammad. The above-mentioned -Han-Fo-Yun, when put to the torture, at last confessed that the real object of his -journey was to propagate the false religion taught in these books, and that he remained -in the province of Shen-Si for a longer time than anywhere else. I have examined these -books myself. Some are certainly written in a foreign language; for I have not been -able to understand them: the others that are written in Chinese <span class="pageNum" id="pb306">[<a href="#pb306">306</a>]</span>are very bad, I may add, even ridiculous on account of the exaggerated praise given -in them to persons who certainly do not deserve it, because I have never even heard -of them. Perhaps the above-mentioned Han-Fo-Yun is a rebel from Kan-Su. His conduct -is certainly suspicious, for what was he going to do in the provinces through which -he has been travelling for the last ten years? I intend to make a serious inquiry -into the matter. Meanwhile, I would request your Majesty to order the stereotyped -plates, that are in the possession of his family, to be burnt, and the engravers to -be arrested, as well as the authors of the books, which I have sent to your Majesty -desiring to know your pleasure in the matter.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e5996src" href="#xd31e5996">33</a> -</p> -<p>This report bears testimony to the activity of at least one Muhammadan missionary -in the eighteenth century, and the growth of Islam, which the Jesuit missionaries<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6001src" href="#xd31e6001">34</a> noted in the eighteenth century, was probably not so little connected with direct -proselytism as some of them supposed. Du Halde, in one of the few passages he devotes -to the Muhammadans in his great work,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6012src" href="#xd31e6012">35</a> attributes the increase in their numbers largely to their habit of purchasing children -in times of famine. “The Mahometans have been settled for more than six hundred years -in various provinces, where they live quite quietly, because they do not make any -great efforts to spread their doctrines and gain proselytes, and because in former -times they only increased in numbers by the alliances and marriages they contracted. -But for several years past they have continued to make very considerable progress -by means of their wealth. They buy up heathen children everywhere; and the parents, -being often unable to provide them with food, have no scruples in selling them. During -a famine that devastated the Province of Chantong, they bought more than 10,000 of -them. They marry them, and either purchase or build for them separate quarters in -a town, or even whole villages; gradually in several places <span class="pageNum" id="pb307">[<a href="#pb307">307</a>]</span>they gain such influence that they do not let any one live among them who does not -go to the mosque. By such means they have multiplied exceedingly during the last century.” -</p> -<p>Similarly, in the famine that devastated the province of Kwangtung in 1790, as many -as ten thousand children are said to have been purchased by the Muhammadans from parents -who, too poor to support them, were willing to part with them to save them from starvation; -these were all brought up in the faith of Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6022src" href="#xd31e6022">36</a> A Chinese Musalman, from Yunnan, named Sayyid Sulaymān, who visited Cairo in 1894 -and was there interviewed by the representative of an Arabic journal,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6025src" href="#xd31e6025">37</a> declared that the number of accessions to Islam gained in this way every year was -beyond counting. Similar testimony is given by M. d’Ollone, who reports that this -practice of buying children in times of famine prevails among the Muhammadans throughout -the whole of China to the present day; in the same way, they purchased the children -of Christian parents who were massacred by the Boxers in 1900, and brought them up -as Musalmans.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6031src" href="#xd31e6031">38</a> -</p> -<p>The Muhammadans in China tend to live together in separate villages and towns or to -form separate Muhammadan quarters in the towns, where they will not allow any person -to dwell among them who does not go to the mosque.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6036src" href="#xd31e6036">39</a> Though they thus in some measure hold themselves apart, they are careful to avoid -the open exhibition of any specially distinguishing features of the religious observances -of their faith, which may offend their neighbours, and they have been careful to make -concessions to the prejudices of their Chinese fellow-countrymen. In their ordinary -life they are completely in touch with the customs and habits that prevail around -them; they wear the pigtail and the ordinary dress of the Chinese, and put on a turban, -as a rule, only in the mosque. To avoid offending against a superstitious prejudice -on the part of the Chinese, they also refrain from building tall minarets, wherever -they build them at all.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6039src" href="#xd31e6039">40</a> But for the most part, their mosques conform to the Chinese <span class="pageNum" id="pb308">[<a href="#pb308">308</a>]</span>type of architecture, often with nothing to distinguish them from an ordinary temple -or dwelling.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6044src" href="#xd31e6044">41</a> Every mosque is obliged by law to have a tablet to the emperor, with the inscription -on it, “The emperor, the immortal, may he live for ever,” and the Muhammadans prostrate -themselves before it in accordance with the regular Chinese custom, though with various -expedients to satisfy their consciences and avoid the imputation of idolatry.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6047src" href="#xd31e6047">42</a> Even in Chinese Tartary, where the special privilege is allowed to the Musalman soldiers, -of remaining unmixed, and of forming a separate body, the higher Muhammadan officials -wear the dress prescribed to their rank, long moustaches and the pigtail, and on holidays -they perform the usual homage demanded from officials, to a portrait of the emperor, -by touching the ground three times with their forehead.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6051src" href="#xd31e6051">43</a> Similarly all Muhammadan mandarins and other officials in other provinces perform -the rites prescribed to their official position, in the temples of Confucius on festival -days; in fact every precaution is taken by the Muslims to prevent their faith from -appearing to be in opposition to the state religion, and hereby they have succeeded -in avoiding the odium with which the adherents of foreign religions, such as Judaism -and Christianity are regarded. They even represent their religion to their Chinese -fellow-countrymen as being in agreement with the teachings of Confucius, with only -this difference, that they follow the traditions of their ancestors with regard to -marriages, funerals, the prohibition of pork, wine, tobacco, and games of chance, -and the washing of the hands before meals.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6054src" href="#xd31e6054">44</a> Similarly the writings of the Chinese Muhammadans treat the works of Confucius and -other Chinese classics with great respect, and where possible, point out the harmony -between the teachings contained therein and the doctrines of Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6057src" href="#xd31e6057">45</a> -</p> -<p>The Chinese government, in its turn, has always given to its Muhammadan subjects (except -when in revolt) the same privileges and advantages as are enjoyed by the rest of the -population. No office of state is closed to them; and as <span class="pageNum" id="pb309">[<a href="#pb309">309</a>]</span>governors of provinces, generals, magistrates and ministers of state they enjoy the -confidence and respect both of the rulers and the people. Not only do Muhammadan names -appear in the Chinese annals as those of famous officers of state, whether military -or civil, but they have also distinguished themselves in the mechanical arts and in -sciences such as mathematics and astronomy.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6064src" href="#xd31e6064">46</a> -</p> -<p>The Chinese Muhammadans are also said to be keen men of business and successful traders; -they monopolise the beef trade and carry on other trades with great success.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6069src" href="#xd31e6069">47</a> They are thus in touch with every section of the national life and have every opportunity -for carrying on a propaganda, but the few Christian missionaries who have concerned -themselves with this matter are of opinion that they are not animated with any particular -proselytising zeal.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6072src" href="#xd31e6072">48</a> Still, many recent converts are to be met with, and the fact that a large number -of Chinese Muslims can cite the name of the particular ancestor who first embraced -Islam points to a continuous process of conversion.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6075src" href="#xd31e6075">49</a> Apparently the Muslims are not allowed to preach their faith in the streets, as Protestant -missionaries do,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6078src" href="#xd31e6078">50</a> but (as we have seen above)<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6081src" href="#xd31e6081">51</a> they do not fail to make use of such opportunities as present themselves for adding -to the number of their sect. One of their religious text-books, “A Guide to the Rites -of the True Religion” (published in Canton in 1668), commends the work of proselytising -and makes reference to such as may have recently become converts from among the heathen.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6087src" href="#xd31e6087">52</a> The fundamental doctrines of Islam are taught to the new converts by means of metrical -primers,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6090src" href="#xd31e6090">53</a> and to the influence of the religious books of the Chinese Muslims, Sayyid Sulaymān -attributes many of the conversions made in recent years.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6093src" href="#xd31e6093">54</a> The Muslim seminary at Hochow in Kansu is said to train theological students who -return to their several provinces, at the completion of their studies, to promulgate -their faith there,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6096src" href="#xd31e6096">55</a> and in upwards of ten provinces centres are said to <span class="pageNum" id="pb310">[<a href="#pb310">310</a>]</span>have been started where mullās are to be trained for Muslim propaganda.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6101src" href="#xd31e6101">56</a> Military officers convert many of the soldiers serving under them, to Islam, and -Muslim mandarins take advantage of the authority they enjoy, to win converts, but -as they are frequently transferred from one place to another, they are not able to -exercise so much influence as Muslim military officers.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6105src" href="#xd31e6105">57</a> Conversions may also occasionally occur, which are not the result of a direct propagandist -appeal, e.g. a Turkish traveller who visited Peking in 1895 reported that he found -thirty mosques there, among them one that had originally been a temple; this had been -the family temple of a wealthy Chinaman, whose life had been saved during the Boxer -insurrection by the Mufti Wa-Ahonad (ʻAbd al-Raḥmān); as a token of his gratitude, -he embraced the faith of his deliverer.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6108src" href="#xd31e6108">58</a> -</p> -<p>Turkish and other Muslim missionaries have in recent years been visiting China and -endeavouring to stir up among the Chinese Muslims a more thorough knowledge of their -faith and to awaken their zeal, but their efforts seem so far to have borne but little -fruit.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6113src" href="#xd31e6113">59</a> -</p> -<p>In 1867 a Russian writer,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6118src" href="#xd31e6118">60</a> in a remarkable work on Islam in China, expressed the opinion that it was destined -to become the national faith of the Chinese empire and thereby entirely change the -political conditions of the Eastern world. Nearly half a century has elapsed since -this note of alarm was sounded, but nothing has occurred since to verify these prognostications. -On the contrary, it would appear that Islam has been losing rather than gaining ground -during the last century, since the wholesale massacres that accompanied the suppression -of the Panthay risings in Yunnan from 1855 to 1873 and the Tungan rebellion in Shen-si -and Kan-su in 1864–1877 and 1895–1896, reduced the Muhammadan population by millions.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6121src" href="#xd31e6121">61</a> The establishment of the new Republic has given to the Chinese Muslims a freedom -of activity unknown under any preceding government, but it is too early yet to discover -how far they are likely to avail themselves of the <span class="pageNum" id="pb311">[<a href="#pb311">311</a>]</span>opportunities offered by the altered conditions of life. The proselytism that still -goes on, restricted as its sphere may be, indicates a still cherished hope of expansion. -Though four centuries have elapsed since a Muslim traveller<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6126src" href="#xd31e6126">62</a> in China could discuss the possibility of the conversion of the emperor being followed -by that of his subjects, it was still possible for a Chinese Muslim of the present -generation to state that his co-religionists in that country looked forward with confidence -to the day when Islam would be triumphant throughout the length and breadth of the -Chinese empire.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6129src" href="#xd31e6129">63</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb312">[<a href="#pb312">312</a>]</span> </p> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5814"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5814src">1</a></span> Kanz al-ʻUmmāl, vol. v. p. 202. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5814src" title="Return to note 1 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5817"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5817src">2</a></span> Bretschneider (2), p. 6. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5817src" title="Return to note 2 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5824"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5824src">3</a></span> On the origin of this name, see Devéria, p. 311; Mission d’Ollone, p. 420 sqq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5824src" title="Return to note 3 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5827"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5827src">4</a></span> De Thiersant, vol. i. pp. 19–20. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5827src" title="Return to note 4 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5830"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5830src">5</a></span> D’Ollone gives the following warning as to the uncertainty of our knowledge of Islam -in China:—“<span lang="fr">Or rien n’est moins connu que l’Islam chinois. On ne sait exactement ni comment il -s’est propagé dans l’Empire, ni combien d’adeptes il a réunis, ni si sa doctrine est -pure, ni quelle est son organisation, ni s’il possède des relations avec le reste -du monde musulman.</span>” (Mission d’Ollone, p. 1.) The references to China in Arabic and Persian writers -have been collected by Schefer, “<span lang="fr">Notice sur les relations des peuples musulmans avec les Chinois.</span>” <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5830src" title="Return to note 5 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5839"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5839src">6</a></span> Chavannes, p. 172. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5839src" title="Return to note 6 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5854"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5854src">7</a></span> De Thiersant, vol. i. pp. 70–1. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5854src" title="Return to note 7 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5859"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5859src">8</a></span> This legend has been exhaustively discussed by Broomhall: Islam in China, cap. iv, -vii. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5859src" title="Return to note 8 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5862"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5862src">9</a></span> Thus the people of Khotan claim that Islam was first brought to their land by Jaʻfar, -a cousin of the Prophet (Grenard: <span lang="fr">Mission Dutreuil de Rhins</span>, t. iii. p. 2), and the Chams of Cambodia ascribe their conversion to one of the -fathers-in-law of Muḥammad. (R. du M. M., vol. ii. p. 138.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5862src" title="Return to note 9 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5873"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5873src">10</a></span> De Thiersant, vol. i. p. 153. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5873src" title="Return to note 10 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5877" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5877src">11</a></span> Reinaud: Relation des Voyages faits par les Arabes et les Persans dans l’Inde et à -la Chine, i. pp. 13, 64. (Paris, 1845.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5877src" title="Return to note 11 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5880"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5880src">12</a></span> Id. p. 58. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5880src" title="Return to note 12 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5885"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5885src">13</a></span> That there was some migration westward also of Chinese into the conquered countries -of Islam, where they would come within the sphere of its religious influence, we learn -from the diary of a Chinese monk who travelled through Central Asia to Persia in the -years 1221–4; speaking of Samarqand, he says, “Chinese workmen are living everywhere.” -(Bretschneider (1), vol. i. p. 78.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5885src" title="Return to note 13 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5888"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5888src">14</a></span> Howorth, vol. i. p. 161. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5888src" title="Return to note 14 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5893"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5893src">15</a></span> For Chinese biographies of Sayyid Ajall, see R. du M. M., viii. p. 344<span id="xd31e5895"></span> sqq. and xi. p. 3 sqq.; Mission d’Ollone, p. 25 sqq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5893src" title="Return to note 15 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5898"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5898src">16</a></span> Broomhall, p. 127. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5898src" title="Return to note 16 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5903"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5903src">17</a></span> Mission d’Ollone, pp. 435–6. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5903src" title="Return to note 17 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5908"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5908src">18</a></span> Howorth, vol. i. p. 257. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5908src" title="Return to note 18 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5911"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5911src">19</a></span> Marco Polo, vol. i. pp. 219, 274; vol. ii. p. 66. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5911src" title="Return to note 19 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5914"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5914src">20</a></span> Rashīd al-Dīn (Yule’s Cathay, p. 9). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5914src" title="Return to note 20 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5917"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5917src">21</a></span> Vol. iv. pp. 270, 283. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5917src" title="Return to note 21 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5920"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5920src">22</a></span> Id. p. 258. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5920src" title="Return to note 22 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5937"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5937src">23</a></span> ʻAbd al-Razzāq al-Samarqandī: Maṭlaʻ al-saʻdayn, foll. 60–1. (Blochet, pp. 249–52.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5937src" title="Return to note 23 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5942"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5942src">24</a></span> Zenker, pp. 798–9. <span lang="fr">Mélanges Orientaux, p. 65. (Publications de l’École des Langues Orientales Vivantes, -Sér. ii. t. 9.)</span> (Paris, 1883.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5942src" title="Return to note 24 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5948"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5948src">25</a></span> Schefer, pp. 29–30. Zenker, p. 796. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5948src" title="Return to note 25 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5958"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5958src">26</a></span> De Thiersant, tome i. pp. 154–6. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5958src" title="Return to note 26 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5966"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5966src">27</a></span> Broomhall, p. 92 sqq. Devéria: <span lang="fr">Musulmans et Manichéens chinois. (J. A. 9<sup>me</sup> Sér., tome x. p. 447 sqq.)</span> <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5966src" title="Return to note 27 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5976"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5976src">28</a></span> De Thiersant, tome i. pp. 163–4. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5976src" title="Return to note 28 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5979"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5979src">29</a></span> The Muhammadans are said to be more prolific than the ordinary Chinese, and the Chinese -census, which counts according to families, estimates six for a Muhammadan family -and five for the ordinary Chinese. (Broomhall, pp. 197, 203.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5979src" title="Return to note 29 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5984"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5984src">30</a></span> Broomhall, in chap. xii. of his Islam in China, gives the total as between five and -ten millions. D’Ollone puts it as low as four millions (p. 430). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5984src" title="Return to note 30 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5987"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5987src">31</a></span> Vide infra, pp. 309–310. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5987src" title="Return to note 31 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5991"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5991src">32</a></span> Clark Abel: Narrative of a journey in the interior of China, p. 361. (London, 1818.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5991src" title="Return to note 32 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e5996"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e5996src">33</a></span> De Thiersant, tome ii. pp. 361–3. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e5996src" title="Return to note 33 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6001"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6001src">34</a></span> One missionary, writing from Peking in 1721, says, “<span lang="fr"><span class="corr" id="xd31e6004" title="Source: Le">La</span> secte des Mahométans s’étend de plus en plus.</span>” (<span lang="fr">Lettres édifiantes et curieuses, tome xix.</span> p. 140.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6001src" title="Return to note 34 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6012"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6012src">35</a></span> J. B. du Halde: <span lang="fr">Description géographique, historique, chronologique, politique et physique de l’Empire -de la Chine, tome iii.</span> p. 64. (Paris, 1735.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6012src" title="Return to note 35 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6022"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6022src">36</a></span> Anderson, p. 151. Grosier, tome iv. p. 507. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6022src" title="Return to note 36 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6025"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6025src">37</a></span> T͟hamarāt al-Funūn, 17th Shawwāl, p. 3. (Bayrūt, <span class="asc">A.H.</span> 1311.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6025src" title="Return to note 37 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6031"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6031src">38</a></span> Mission d’Ollone, p. 279. R. du M. M., tome ix. pp. 577, 578. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6031src" title="Return to note 38 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6036"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6036src">39</a></span> Broomhall, p. 226. Grosier, tome iv. p. 508. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6036src" title="Return to note 39 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6039"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6039src">40</a></span> Vasil’ev, p. 15. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6039src" title="Return to note 40 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6044"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6044src">41</a></span> Broomhall, p. 237. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6044src" title="Return to note 41 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6047"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6047src">42</a></span> Id. pp. 186, 228. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6047src" title="Return to note 42 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6051"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6051src">43</a></span> Arminius Vambéry: Travels in Central Asia, p. 404. (London, 1864.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6051src" title="Return to note 43 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6054"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6054src">44</a></span> Vasil’ev, p. 16. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6054src" title="Return to note 44 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6057"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6057src">45</a></span> De Thiersant, tome ii. pp. 367, 372. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6057src" title="Return to note 45 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6064"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6064src">46</a></span> De Thiersant, tome i. p. 247. T͟hamarāt al-Funūn, 28th Shaʻbān, p. 3. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6064src" title="Return to note 46 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6069"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6069src">47</a></span> Broomhall, p. 224. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6069src" title="Return to note 47 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6072"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6072src">48</a></span> Du Halde, loc. cit. Broomhall, p. 282. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6072src" title="Return to note 48 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6075"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6075src">49</a></span> Mission d’Ollone, pp. 210, 431. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6075src" title="Return to note 49 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6078"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6078src">50</a></span> Broomhall, pp. 274, 282. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6078src" title="Return to note 50 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6081"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6081src">51</a></span> <span class="corr" id="xd31e6082" title="Source: p.">P.</span> 307. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6081src" title="Return to note 51 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6087"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6087src">52</a></span> Broomhall, pp. 231–2. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6087src" title="Return to note 52 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6090"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6090src">53</a></span> W. J. Smith, p. 175. Mission d’Ollone, p. 407 sqq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6090src" title="Return to note 53 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6093"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6093src">54</a></span> T͟hamarāt al-Funūn, loc. cit. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6093src" title="Return to note 54 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6096"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6096src">55</a></span> Broomhall, p. 240. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6096src" title="Return to note 55 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6101"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6101src">56</a></span> The Missionary Review of the World, vol. xxv. p. 786 (1912). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6101src" title="Return to note 56 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6105"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6105src">57</a></span> Mission d’Ollone, p. 431. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6105src" title="Return to note 57 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6108"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6108src">58</a></span> R. du M. M., iii. p. 124 (1907). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6108src" title="Return to note 58 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6113"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6113src">59</a></span> Broomhall, pp. 242, 286, 292 sqq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6113src" title="Return to note 59 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6118"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6118src">60</a></span> Vasil’ev, pp. 3, 5, 14, 17. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6118src" title="Return to note 60 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6121"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6121src">61</a></span> For a longer list of Muhammadan insurrections, see Mission d’Ollone, p. 436. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6121src" title="Return to note 61 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6126"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6126src">62</a></span> Sayyid ʻAlī Akbar: K͟hitāy Nāmah, p. 83. “If the emperor of China embraces Islam, -his subjects must inevitably become Muslims too, because they all worship him to such -an extent that they accept whatever he says, and when that light coming from the West -grows in strength, the unbelievers of the East will come flocking into Islam without -showing any contention, because they are free from all fanaticism in matters of religion.” <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6126src" title="Return to note 62 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6129"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6129src">63</a></span> T͟hamarāt al-Funūn, 26th Shawwāl, p. 3. (<span class="asc">A.H.</span> 1311.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6129src" title="Return to note 63 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch11" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pageNum">[<a href="#xd31e393">Contents</a>]</span><div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">CHAPTER XI.</h2> -<h2 class="main">THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN AFRICA.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">The history of Islam in Africa, covering as it does a period of well-nigh thirteen -centuries and embracing two-thirds of this vast continent, with its numerous and diverse -tribes and races, presents especial difficulties in the way of systematic treatment, -as it is impossible to give a simultaneous account in chronological order of the spread -of this faith in all the different parts of the continent. Its relations to the Christian -Churches of Egypt and the rest of North Africa, of Nubia and Abyssinia have already -been dealt with in a former chapter; in the present chapter it is proposed to trace -its progress first among the heathen population of North Africa, then throughout the -Sudan and along the West coast, and lastly along the East coast and in Cape Colony.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6144src" href="#xd31e6144">1</a> -</p> -<p>The information we possess of the spread of Islam among the heathen population of -North Africa is hardly less meagre than the few facts recorded above regarding the -disappearance of the Christian Church. The Berbers offered a vigorous resistance to -the progress of the Arab arms, and force seems to have had more influence than persuasion -in their conversion. Whenever opportunity presented itself, they rebelled against -the religion as well as the rule of their conquerors, and Arab historians declare -that they apostasised as many as twelve times.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6149src" href="#xd31e6149">2</a> In the annals of the long struggle a few scanty references to conversions are to -be found. These would appear sometimes to have been prompted by the recognition of -the fact that further resistance to the <span class="pageNum" id="pb313">[<a href="#pb313">313</a>]</span>Arab arms was useless. When in 703 the Berbers made their last stand against the invaders, -their intrepid leader and prophetess, al-Kāhinah,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6154src" href="#xd31e6154">3</a> foreseeing that the fortune of battle was to turn against them, sent her sons into -the camp of the Muslim general with instructions that they were to embrace Islam and -make common cause with the enemy; she herself elected to fall fighting with her countrymen -in the great battle that crushed the political power of the Berbers and gave Northern -Africa into the hands of the Arabs. Peace was made on condition that the Berbers would -furnish 12,000 combatants to the ranks of the Arab troops, and of these men two army-corps -were formed, each of which was placed under the command of one of the sons of al-Kāhinah.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6157src" href="#xd31e6157">4</a> By this device of enlisting the Berbers in their armies, the Arab generals hoped -to win them to their own religion by the hope of booty. -</p> -<p>The army of seven thousand Berbers that sailed from Africa in 711 under the command -of Ṭāriq (himself a Berber) to the conquest of Spain, was composed of recent converts -to Islam, and their conversion is expressly said to have been sincere: learned Arabs -and theologians were appointed, “to read and explain to them the sacred words of the -Qurʼān, and instruct them in all and every one of the duties enjoined by their new -religion.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6162src" href="#xd31e6162">5</a> Mūsạ̄, the great conqueror of Africa, showed his zeal for the progress of Islam by -devoting the large sums of money granted him by the caliph ʻAbd al-Malik to the purchase -of such captives as gave promise of showing themselves worthy children of the faith: -“for whenever after a victory there was a number of slaves put up for sale, he used -to buy all those whom he thought would willingly embrace Islam, who were of noble -origin, and who looked, besides, as if they were active young men. To these he first -proposed the embracing of Islam, and if, after cleansing their understanding and making -them fit to receive its sublime truths, they were converted to the best of religions, -and their conversion was a sincere one, he then would, by way of putting their abilities -to trial, employ them. If they evinced good disposition and talents <span class="pageNum" id="pb314">[<a href="#pb314">314</a>]</span>he would instantly grant them liberty, appoint them to high commands in his army, -and promote them according to their merits; if, on the contrary, they showed no aptitude -for their appointments, he would send them back to the common depôt of captives belonging -to the army, to be again disposed of according to the general custom of drawing out -the spoil by arrows.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6167src" href="#xd31e6167">6</a> -</p> -<p>How superficial the conversion of the Berbers was may be judged from the fact that -when the pious ʻUmar b. ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz in <span class="asc">A.H.</span> 100 (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 718) appointed Ismāʻīl b. ʻAbd Allāh governor of North Africa, ten learned theologians -were sent with him to instruct the Muslim Berbers in the ordinances of their faith, -since up to that time they do not seem to have recognised that their new religion -forbade to them indulgence in wine. The new governor is said to have shown great zeal -in inviting the Berbers to accept Islam, but the statement that his efforts were crowned -with such success that not a single Berber remained unconverted is certainly not correct.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6178src" href="#xd31e6178">7</a> For the conversion of the Berbers was undoubtedly the work of several centuries; -even to the present day they retain many of their primitive institutions which are -in opposition to Muslim law.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6181src" href="#xd31e6181">8</a> Islam took no firm root among them until it assumed the form of a national movement -and became connected with the establishment of native dynasties, under which many -Berbers came within the pale of Islam who before had looked upon the acceptance of -this faith as a sign of loss of political independence. Of these various changes of -political condition it is not the place to speak here, but in a history of Muslim -propaganda the rise of the Almoravids deserves special mention as a great national -movement that attracted a great many of the Berber tribes to join the Muslim community. -In the early part of the eleventh century, Yaḥyạ̄ b. Ibrāhīm, a chief of the Ṣanhāja, -one of the Berber tribes of the Sahara, on his return from a pilgrimage to Mecca, -sought in the religious centres of Northern Africa for a learned and pious teacher, -who should accompany him as a missionary of Islam to his <span class="pageNum" id="pb315">[<a href="#pb315">315</a>]</span>benighted and ignorant tribesmen: at first he found it difficult to find a man willing -to leave his scholarly retreat and brave the dangers of the Sahara, but at length -he met in ʻAbd Allāh b. Yāsīn the fit person, bold enough to undertake so difficult -a mission, pious and austere in his life, and learned in theology, law and other sciences. -So far back as the ninth century the preachers of Islam had made their way among the -Berbers of the Sahara and established among them the religion of the Prophet, but -this faith had found very little acceptance there, and ʻAbd Allāh b. Yāsīn found even -the professed Muslims to be very lax in their religious observances and given up to -all kinds of vicious practices. He ardently threw himself into the task of converting -them to the right path and instructing them in the duties of religion; but the sternness -with which he rebuked their vices and sought to reform their conduct, alienated their -sympathies from him, and the ill-success of his mission almost drove him to abandon -this stiff-necked people and devote his efforts to the conversion of the Sudan. Being -persuaded, however, not to desert the work he had once undertaken, he retired with -such disciples as his preaching had gathered around him, to an island in the river -Senegal, where they founded a monastery and gave themselves up unceasingly to devotional -exercises. The more devout-minded among the Berbers, stung to repentance by the thought -of the wickedness that had driven their holy teacher from their midst, came humbly -to his island to implore his forgiveness and receive his instructions in the saving -truths of religion. Thus day by day there gathered around him an increasing band of -disciples, especially from among the Lamṭūna, a branch of the Ṣanhāja clan, whose -numbers swelled at length to about a thousand. ʻAbd Allāh b. Yāsīn then recognised -that the time had come for launching out upon a wider sphere of action, and he called -upon his followers to show their gratitude to God for the revelation he had vouchsafed -them, by communicating the knowledge of it to others: “Go to your fellow-tribesmen, -teach them the law of God and threaten them with His chastisement. If they repent, -amend their ways and accept the truth, leave them in peace; if they refuse and persist -<span class="pageNum" id="pb316">[<a href="#pb316">316</a>]</span>in their errors and evil lives, invoke the aid of God against them, and let us make -war upon them until God decide between us.” Hereupon each man went to his own tribe -and began to exhort them to repent and believe, but without success: equally unsuccessful -were the efforts of ʻAbd Allāh b. Yāsīn himself, who left his monastery in the hope -of finding the Berber chiefs more willing now to listen to his preaching. At length -in 1042 he put himself at the head of his followers, to whom he had given the name -of al-Murābiṭīn (the so-called Almoravids)—a name derived from the same root as the -ribāṭ<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6194src" href="#xd31e6194">9</a> or monastery on his island in the Senegal,—and attacked the neighbouring tribes and -forced the acceptance of Islam upon them. The success that attended his warlike expeditions -appeared to the tribes of the Sahara a more persuasive argument than all his preaching, -and they very soon came forward voluntarily to embrace a faith that secured such brilliant -successes to the arms of its adherents. ʻAbd Allāh b. Yāsīn died in 1059, but the -movement he had initiated lived after him and many heathen tribes of Berbers came -to swell the numbers of their Muslim fellow-countrymen, embracing their religion at -the same time as the cause they championed, and poured out of the Sahara over North -Africa and later on made themselves masters of Spain also.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6199src" href="#xd31e6199">10</a> -</p> -<p>It is not improbable that the other great national movement that originated among -the Berber tribes, viz. the rise of the Almohads at the beginning of the twelfth century, -may have attracted into the Muslim community some of the tribes that had up to that -time still stood aloof. Their founder, Ibn Tūmart, popularised the sternly Unitarian -tenets of this sect by means of works in the Berber language which expounded from -his own point of view the fundamental doctrines of Islam, and he made a still further -concession to the nationalist spirit of the Berbers by ordering the call to prayer -to be made in their own language.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6204src" href="#xd31e6204">11</a> -</p> -<p>Some of the Berber tribes, however, remained heathen up <span class="pageNum" id="pb317">[<a href="#pb317">317</a>]</span>to the close of the fifteenth century,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6213src" href="#xd31e6213">12</a> but the general tendency was naturally towards an absorption of these smaller communities -into the larger. -</p> -<p>The sixteenth century witnessed the birth of a movement of active proselytising in -the Mag͟hrib, which has been traced to the reaction excited by the successes of the -Christian powers in Spain and North Africa. This gave an immense impulse to the institution -of the “marabouts,”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6218src" href="#xd31e6218">13</a> and large numbers of them set out from the monastic settlements in the south of Morocco -to carry a peaceful missionary campaign throughout the Mag͟hrib, renewing the faith -of the lukewarm adherents of Islam and converting their heathen neighbours.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6223src" href="#xd31e6223">14</a> To this proselytising movement the Muslim refugees from Spain contributed their part, -as has been shown above (p. 127), coming to the aid of the Shurafāʼ or descendants -of Idrīs b. ʻAbd Allāh, who had fled to Morocco to escape the wrath of Hārūn al-Rashīd.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6226src" href="#xd31e6226">15</a> -</p> -<p>From the Sahara the knowledge of Islam first spread among the Negroes of the Sudan. -The early history of this movement is wrapped in obscurity, but there seems little -doubt that it was the Berbers who first introduced Islam into the lands watered by -the Senegal and the Niger; here they came in contact with pagan kingdoms, some of -them (e.g. Ghāna and Songhay) of great antiquity.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6231src" href="#xd31e6231">16</a> The two Berber tribes, the Lamṭūna and the Jadāla, belonging to the Ṣanhāja clan, -especially distinguished themselves by their religious zeal in the work of conversion,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6234src" href="#xd31e6234">17</a> and through their agency the Almoravid movement reacted on the pagan tribes of the -Sudan. The reign of Yūsuf b. Tāshfīn, the founder of Morocco (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1062) and the second amīr of the Almoravid dynasty, was very fruitful in conversions, -and many Negroes under his rule came to know of the doctrines of Muḥammad.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6240src" href="#xd31e6240">18</a> In 1076 the Berbers who <span class="pageNum" id="pb318">[<a href="#pb318">318</a>]</span>had been spreading Islam in the kingdom of Ghāna for some time, drove out the reigning -dynasty, which was probably Fulbe, and this ancient kingdom became throughout Muhammadan; -at the beginning of the thirteenth century it lost its independence and was conquered -by the Mandingos.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6246src" href="#xd31e6246">19</a> -</p> -<p>Of the introduction of Islam into the ancient kingdom of Songhay, which is said to -have been in existence as early as <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 700, we have only the record that the first Muhammadan king was named Zā-kassi, the -fifteenth monarch of the Zā dynasty; his conversion took place in the year <span class="asc">A.H.</span> 400 (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1009–1010), and in the Songhay language he was styled Muslim-dam, which implied that -he had adopted Islam of his own free will and not by compulsion, but there is no mention -of the influences to which he owed his conversion.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6260src" href="#xd31e6260">20</a> -</p> -<p>In the same century there were founded on the Upper Niger two cities, destined in -succeeding centuries to exercise an immense influence on the development of Islam -in the Western Sudan,—Jenne,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6266src" href="#xd31e6266">21</a> founded in <span class="asc">A.H.</span> 435 (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1043–1044),<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6275src" href="#xd31e6275">22</a> and destined to become an important trading centre, and Timbuktu, the great emporium -for the caravan trade with the north, founded about the year <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1100. The king of Jenne, Kunburu, became a Muslim towards the end of the sixth century -of the Hijrah (i.e. about <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1200) and his example was followed by the inhabitants of the city; when he had made -up his mind to embrace Islam, he is said to have collected together all the ʻulamāʼ -in his kingdom, to the number of 4200—(however exaggerated this number may be, the -story would seem to imply that Islam had already made considerable progress in his -dominions)—and publicly in their presence declared himself a Muslim and exhorted them -to pray for the prosperity of his city; he then had his palace pulled down and built -a great mosque<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6285src" href="#xd31e6285">23</a> in its place.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6291src" href="#xd31e6291">24</a> Timbuktu, on the other hand, was a Muhammadan <span class="pageNum" id="pb319">[<a href="#pb319">319</a>]</span>city from the beginning; “never did the worship of idols defile it, never did any -man prostrate himself on its soil except in prayer to God the Merciful.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6296src" href="#xd31e6296">25</a> In later years it became influential as a seat of Muhammadan learning and piety, -and students and divines flocked there in large numbers, attracted by the encouragement -and patronage they received. Ibn Baṭūṭah, who travelled through this country in the -middle of the fourteenth century, praises the Negroes for their zeal in the performance -of their devotions and in the study of the Qurʼān: unless one went very early to the -mosque on Friday, he tells us, it was impossible to find a place, so crowded was the -attendance.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6299src" href="#xd31e6299">26</a> In his time, the most powerful state of the Western Sudan was that of Melle or Māllī, -which had risen to importance about a century before, after the conquest of Ghāna -by the Mandingos, one of the finest races of Africa: Leo Africanus<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6303src" href="#xd31e6303">27</a> calls them the most civilised, the most intellectual and most respected of all the -Negroes, and modern travellers praise them for their industry, cleverness and trustworthiness.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6306src" href="#xd31e6306">28</a> These Mandingos have been among the most active missionaries of Islam, which has -been spread by them among the neighbouring peoples.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6309src" href="#xd31e6309">29</a> -</p> -<p>According to the Kano Chronicle it was the Mandingos who brought the knowledge of -Islam to the Hausa people; the date is uncertain,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6317src" href="#xd31e6317">30</a> as are most dates connected with the history of the Hausa states, because the Fulbe, -who conquered them at the beginning of the nineteenth century, destroyed most of their -historical records. But the importance of the adoption of Islam by the Hausas cannot -be exaggerated; they are an energetic and intelligent people, and their remarkable -aptitude for trade has won for them <span class="pageNum" id="pb320">[<a href="#pb320">320</a>]</span>an immense influence among the various peoples with whom they have come in contact; -their language has become the language of commerce for the Western Sudan, and wherever -the Hausa traders go—and they are found from the coast of Guinea to Cairo—they carry -the faith of Islam with them. References to their missionary activity will be found -in the following pages. But of their own adoption of the faith, as well as of the -rise of the seven Hausa states and their dependencies,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6325src" href="#xd31e6325">31</a> historical evidence is almost entirely wanting;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6328src" href="#xd31e6328">32</a> one of the missionaries of Islam to Kano and Katsena would certainly seem to have -been a learned and pious teacher from Tlemsen, Muḥammad b. ʻAbd al-Karīm b. Muḥammad -al-Majīlī, who flourished about the year 1500;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6333src" href="#xd31e6333">33</a> possibly they were affected by the great wave of Muhammadan influence which moved -southward from Egypt in the twelfth century.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6337src" href="#xd31e6337">34</a> The merchants of Kordofan and in the Eastern Sudan generally, boast that they are -descended from Arabs who made their way thither after the fall of the Fāṭimid caliphate -of Egypt in 1171. But there were probably still earlier instances of Muslim influence -coming into Central Africa from the north-east. It was from Egypt that Islam spread -into Kanem, a kingdom on the <abbr title="North">N.</abbr> and <abbr title="North-East">N.E.</abbr> of Lake Chad, which shortly after the adoption of Islam rose to be a state of considerable -importance and extended its sway over the tribes of the Eastern Sudan to the borders -of Egypt and Nubia; the first Muhammadan king of Kanem is said to have reigned either -towards the close of the eleventh or in the first half of the twelfth century.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6346src" href="#xd31e6346">35</a> But the details we possess of the spread of Islam from the north-east are even more -scanty than those already given for the history of the states of the Western Sudan. -The mere dates of the <span class="pageNum" id="pb321">[<a href="#pb321">321</a>]</span>conversion of kings and the establishment of Muhammadan dynasties tell us very little; -but one fact stands out clearly from this meagre record, namely the extreme slowness -of the process. The survival of considerable groups of fetish-worshippers in the midst -of territories which for centuries were under Muhammadan rule, would seem to indicate -that the influence of Islam was long confined to the towns and only by degrees made -its way among the pagan population, if indeed it did not meet with such stubborn resistance -as has kept the Bambara pagan, though (dwelling between the Upper Senegal and the -Upper Niger) they have been hemmed in by a Muhammadan population for centuries. -</p> -<p>An unsuccessful attempt to convert the Bambara was made by a marabout, named ʻUmaru -Kaba, early in the twentieth century. This man had founded a new religious confraternity, -connected with the Qādiriyyah, and having failed to attract his co-religionists to -it, he turned his attention to the pagan Bambara, and endeavoured to convert them -to Islam and enrol them in his order. He seemed to be on the road to success and had -already converted a pagan village in the province of Sansanding, when the chief of -the province drove the missionary across the frontier and ordered the newly-converted -Bambara to return to their old religious observances.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6356src" href="#xd31e6356">36</a> -</p> -<p>Where intermarriages with such races as Arabs and Berbers have been frequent, a steady -process of infiltration has gone on, and this, added to the propagandist activities -of those races—Fulbe, Hausa and Mandingo—who have distinguished themselves for their -zeal on behalf of their religion, would have contributed to the more rapid growth -of a Muhammadan population, had it not been for the internecine wars that caused one -Muhammadan state to work the destruction of another. Melle rose on the ruins of Ghāna -in the thirteenth century, to be crushed at the beginning of the sixteenth by Songhay, -which in its turn was desolated by the Moors a century later. As these Muhammadan -empires declined, with the wholesale massacres characteristic of warfare in the Sudan, -fetishism regained much of the ground it had lost; and as in the <span class="pageNum" id="pb322">[<a href="#pb322">322</a>]</span>Christian, so in the Muhammadan world, there have been periods when missionary zeal -has sunk to a low ebb, and Muhammadans in some parts of the Sudan have been content -to leave the paganism that surrounded them untouched by any proselytising efforts. -</p> -<p>In the fourteenth century the Tunjar Arabs, emigrating south from Tunis, made their -way through Bornu and Wadai to Darfur; others came in later from the east;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6365src" href="#xd31e6365">37</a> one of their number named Aḥmad met with a kind reception from the heathen king of -Darfur, who took a fancy to him, made him director of his household and consulted -him on all occasions. His experience of more civilised methods of government enabled -him to introduce a number of reforms both into the economy of the king’s household -and the government of the state. By judicious management, he is said to have brought -the unruly chieftains into subjection, and by portioning out the land among the poorer -inhabitants to have put an end to the constant internal raids, thereby introducing -a feeling of security and contentment before unknown. The king having no male heir -gave Aḥmad his daughter in marriage and appointed him his successor,—a choice that -was ratified by the acclamation of the people, and the Muhammadan dynasty thus instituted -has continued down to the present century. The civilising influences exercised by -this chief and his descendants were doubtless accompanied by some work of proselytism, -but these Arab immigrants seem to have done very little for the spread of their religion -among their heathen neighbours. Darfur only definitely became Muhammadan through the -efforts of one of its kings named Sulaymān who began to reign in 1596,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6368src" href="#xd31e6368">38</a> and it was not until the sixteenth century that Islam gained a footing in the other -kingdoms lying between Kordofan and Lake Chad, such as Wadai and Baghirmi. The first -Muhammadan king of Baghirmi was Sultan ʻAbd Allāh, who reigned from 1568 to 1608, -but the chief centre of Muhammadan influence at this time was the kingdom of Wadai, -which was founded by ʻAbd al-Karīm about <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1612, and it was not until the latter part of the eighteenth <span class="pageNum" id="pb323">[<a href="#pb323">323</a>]</span>century that the mass of the people of Baghirmi were converted to Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6376src" href="#xd31e6376">39</a> -</p> -<p>But the history of the Muhammadan propaganda in Africa during the seventeenth and -eighteenth centuries is very slight and wholly insignificant when compared with the -remarkable revival of missionary activity during the present century. Some powerful -influence was needed to arouse the dormant energies of the African Muslims, whose -condition during the eighteenth century seems to have been almost one of religious -indifference. Their spiritual awakening owed itself to the influence of the Wahhābī -reformation at the close of the eighteenth century; whence it comes that in modern -times we meet with some accounts of proselytising movements among the Negroes that -are not quite so forbiddingly meagre as those just recounted, but present us with -ample details of the rise and progress of several important missionary enterprises. -</p> -<p>Towards the end of the eighteenth century, a remarkable man, Shayk͟h ʻUt͟hmān Danfodio,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6382src" href="#xd31e6382">40</a> arose from among the Fulbe<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6385src" href="#xd31e6385">41</a> as a religious reformer and warrior-missionary. From the Sudan he made the pilgrimage -to Mecca, whence he returned full of zeal and enthusiasm for the reformation and propagation -of Islam. Influenced by the doctrines of the Wahhābīs, who were growing powerful at -the time of his visit to Mecca, he denounced the practice of prayers for the dead -and the honour paid to departed saints, and deprecated the excessive veneration of -Muḥammad himself; at the same time he attacked the two prevailing sins of the Sudan, -drunkenness and immorality. -</p> -<p>Up to that time the Fulbe had consisted of a number of small scattered clans living -a pastoral life; they had early embraced Islam, and hitherto had contented themselves -with forming colonies of shepherds and planters in different parts of the Sudan. The -accounts we have of them in the early part of the eighteenth century, represent them -to be a peaceful and industrious people; one<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6390src" href="#xd31e6390">42</a> who visited their <span class="pageNum" id="pb324">[<a href="#pb324">324</a>]</span>settlements on the Gambia in 1731 speaks of them thus: “In every kingdom and country -on each side of the river are people of a tawny colour, called Pholeys (i.e. Fulbe), -who resemble the Arabs, whose language most of them speak; for it is taught in their -schools, and the Koran, which is also their law, is in that language. They are more -generally learned in the Arabic, than the people of Europe are in Latin; for they -can most of them speak it; though they have a vulgar tongue called Pholey. They live -in hordes or clans, build towns, and are not subject to any of the kings of the country, -tho’ they live in their territories; for if they are used ill in one nation they break -up their towns and remove to another. They have chiefs of their own, who rule with -such moderation, that every act of government seems rather an act of the people than -of one man. This form of government is easily administered, because the people are -of a good and quiet disposition, and so well instructed in what is just and right, -that a man who does ill is the abomination of all.… They are very industrious and -frugal, and raise much more corn and cotton than they consume, which they sell at -reasonable rates, and are so remarkable for their hospitality that the natives esteem -it a blessing to have a Pholey town in their neighbourhood; besides, their behaviour -has gained them such reputation that it is esteemed infamous for any one to treat -them in an inhospitable manner. Though their humanity extends to all, they are doubly -kind to people of their own race; and if they know of any of their body being made -a slave, all the Pholeys will unite to redeem him. As they have plenty of food they -never suffer any of their own people to want; but support the old, the blind, and -the lame, equally with the others. They are seldom angry, and I never heard them abuse -one another; yet this mildness does not proceed from want of courage, for they are -as brave as any people of Africa, and are very expert in the use of their arms, which -are the assagay, short cutlasses, bows and arrows and even guns upon occasion.… They -are strict Mahometans; and scarcely any of them will drink brandy, or anything stronger -than water.” -</p> -<p>Danfodio united into one powerful organisation these <span class="pageNum" id="pb325">[<a href="#pb325">325</a>]</span>separate communities, scattered throughout the various Hausa states. The first outbreak -occurred in the year 1802, in the still pagan kingdom of Gober, which had gained ascendancy -over the northernmost of the Hausa states; the attempt of the king of Gober to check -the growing power of the Fulbe in his dominions caused Danfodio to raise the standard -of revolt; he soon found himself at the head of a powerful army, which attacked not -only the pagan tribes, forcing upon them the faith of the Prophet, but also the Muhammadan -Hausa states. These fell one after another and the whole of Hausaland came under the -rule of Danfodio before his death in 1816. His grave in Sokoto is still an object -of reverence to large numbers of pilgrims. He divided his kingdom among his two sons, -who still further extended the boundary of Fulbe rule; Adamaua, founded in 1837 on -the ruins of several pagan kingdoms, marks the limit of their conquests to the south-east; -and the city of Ilorin, in the Yoruba country, founded in the lifetime of Danfodio, -was the bulwark of the Pul empire to the south-west. With varying fortunes the dominant -power remained throughout the nineteenth century in the hands of the Fulbe, who showed -themselves cruel and fanatical propagandists of Islam, until British administration -was established in Nigeria in 1900. -</p> -<p>The introduction of law and order into Southern Nigeria has favoured the propaganda -of Islam as in other parts of Africa that have come under European rule. The Hausa -Muslims, some of whom belong to the Tijāniyyah order, have been able to move freely -about the country and to penetrate among pagan tribes which had hitherto kept all -Muhammadan influences rigidly at bay. In the Yoruba country particularly Islam is -said to be rapidly gaining ground. There is a legend of an unsuccessful attempt made -by a Muslim missionary as early as the eleventh or twelfth century; he was a Hausa -who came to Ife, the religious capital of the pagan Yoruba country, and used to call -the people together and read them passages from the Qurʼān; he could only speak the -Yoruba language imperfectly, and with a foreign accent he would repeat to his listeners, -“Let us worship Allāh: He created the mountain, He created the lowland, He created -everything, He created us.” He did <span class="pageNum" id="pb326">[<a href="#pb326">326</a>]</span>this from time to time without succeeding in winning a single convert, and died a -few months after his arrival in Ife. After his death his Qurʼān was found hanging -on a peg in the wall of his room, and it came to be worshipped as a fetish.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6403src" href="#xd31e6403">43</a> Where this early apostle of the faith failed, his modern co-religionists have achieved -a remarkable success. During the period of anarchy before the British occupation, -the Muslims were for the most part congregated in large, walled towns, but under the -new conditions of security they are able to reside permanently in villages, and near -the scenes of their agricultural labours, and Muhammadan influences have thus become -more widely extended over the country. As in German East Africa, the presence of Muhammadans -among the native troops has been found to be favourable to the extension of their -faith, and the pagan recruits often adopt Islam in order to escape ridicule and gain -in self-respect.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6406src" href="#xd31e6406">44</a> In the Ijebu country also, in Southern Nigeria, a quite recent propagandist movement -has been observed; Islam was only introduced into this part of the country in 1893, -and in 1908 there was one town with twenty, and another with twelve mosques.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6409src" href="#xd31e6409">45</a> This rapid spread of the Muslim faith is particularly noticeable along the banks -of the river Niger in Southern Nigeria; a Christian missionary reports: “When I came -out in 1898 there were few Mohammedans to be seen below Iddah.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6412src" href="#xd31e6412">46</a> Now they are everywhere, excepting below Abo, and at the present rate of progress -there will scarcely be a heathen village on the river-banks by 1910.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6416src" href="#xd31e6416">47</a> -</p> -<p>There has thus been much missionary work done for Islam in this part of Africa by -men who have never taken up the sword to further their end,—the conversion of the -heathen. Such have been the members of some of the great Muhammadan religious orders, -which form such a prominent feature of the religious life of Northern Africa. Their -efforts have achieved great results during the nineteenth century, <span class="pageNum" id="pb327">[<a href="#pb327">327</a>]</span>and though doubtless much of their work has never been recorded, still we have accounts -of some of the movements initiated by them. -</p> -<p>Of these one of the earliest owed its inception to Sī Aḥmad b. Idrīs,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6426src" href="#xd31e6426">48</a> who enjoyed a wide reputation as a religious teacher in Mecca from 1797 to 1833, -and was the spiritual chief of the K͟haḍriyyah; before his death in 1835 he sent one -of his disciples, by name Muḥammad ʻUt͟hmān al-Amīr G͟hanī, on a proselytising expedition -into Africa. Crossing the Red Sea to Kossayr, he made his way inland to the Nile; -here, among a Muslim population, his efforts were mainly confined to enrolling members -of the order to which he belonged, but in his journey up the river he did not meet -with much success until he reached Aṣwān; from this point up to Dongola, his journey -became quite a triumphant progress; the Nubians hastened to join his order, and the -royal pomp with which he was surrounded produced an impressive effect on this people, -and at the same time the fame of his miracles attracted to him large numbers of followers. -At Dongola Muḥammad ʻUt͟hmān left the valley of the Nile to go to Kordofan, where -he made a long stay, and it was here that his missionary work among unbelievers began. -Many tribes in this country and about Sennaar were still pagan, and among these the -preaching of Muḥammad ʻUt͟hmān achieved a very remarkable success, and he sought to -make his influence permanent by contracting several marriages, the issue of which, -after his death in 1853, carried on the work of the order he founded—called after -his name the Amīrg͟haniyyah.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6429src" href="#xd31e6429">49</a> -</p> -<p>A few years before this missionary tour of Muḥammad ʻUt͟hmān, the troops of Muḥammad -ʻAlī, the founder of the present dynasty of Egypt, had begun to extend their conquests -into the Eastern Sudan, and the emissaries of the various religious orders in Egypt -were encouraged by the Egyptian government, in the hope that their labours would assist -in the pacification of the country, to carry on a propaganda in this newly-acquired -territory, where they laboured with so much success, that the recent insurrection -<span class="pageNum" id="pb328">[<a href="#pb328">328</a>]</span>in the Sudan under the Mahdī has been attributed to the religious fervour their preaching -excited.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6436src" href="#xd31e6436">50</a> -</p> -<p>In the West of Africa two orders have been especially instrumental in the spread of -Islam, the Qādiriyyah and the Tijāniyyah. The former, the most widespread of the religious -orders of Islam, was founded in the twelfth century by ʻAbd al-Qādir al-Jīlānī, said -to be the most popular and most universally revered of all the saints of Islam,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6441src" href="#xd31e6441">51</a>—and was introduced into Western Africa in the fifteenth century, by emigrants from -Tuat, one of the oases in the western half of the Sahara; they made Walata the first -centre of their organisation, but later on their descendants were driven away from -this town, and took refuge in Timbuktu, further to the east. In the beginning of the -nineteenth century the great spiritual revival that was so profoundly influencing -the Muhammadan world, stirred up the Qādiriyyah of the Sahara and the Western Sudan -to renewed life and energy, and before long, learned theologians or small colonies -of persons affiliated to the order were to be found scattered throughout the Western -Sudan from the Senegal to the mouth of the Niger. The chief centres of their missionary -organisation are in Kanka, Timbo (Futah-Jallon) and Musardu (in the Mandingo country).<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6444src" href="#xd31e6444">52</a> These initiates formed centres of Islamic influence in the midst of a pagan population, -among whom they received a welcome as public scribes, legists, writers of amulets, -and schoolmasters: gradually they would acquire influence over their new surroundings, -and isolated cases of conversion would soon grow into a little band of converts, the -most promising of whom would often be sent to complete their studies at the chief -centres of the order, or even to the schools of Kairwan or Tripoli, or to the universities -of Fez and al-Azhar in Cairo.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6447src" href="#xd31e6447">53</a> Here they might remain for several years, until they had perfected their theological -studies, and would then return to their native place, fully equipped for the work -of spreading the faith among their fellow-countrymen. In this way a leaven has been -introduced into the midst of fetish-worshippers and idolaters, which has gradually -<span class="pageNum" id="pb329">[<a href="#pb329">329</a>]</span>spread the faith of Islam surely and steadily, though by almost imperceptible degrees. -Up to the middle of the nineteenth century most of the schools in the Sudan were founded -and conducted by teachers trained under the auspices of the Qādiriyyah and their organisation -provided for a regular and continuous system of propaganda among the heathen tribes. -The missionary work of this order has been entirely of a peaceful character, and has -relied wholly on personal example and precept, on the influence of the teacher over -his pupils, and on the spread of education.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6452src" href="#xd31e6452">54</a> In this way the Qādiriyyah missionaries of the Sudan have shown themselves true to -the principles of their founder and the universal tradition of their order. For the -guiding principles that governed the life of ʻAbd al-Qādir were love of his neighbour -and toleration: though kings and men of wealth showered their gifts upon him, his -boundless charity kept him always poor, and in none of his books or precepts are to -be found any expressions of ill-will or enmity towards the Christians; whenever he -spoke of the people of the Book, it was only to express his sorrow for their religious -errors, and to pray that God might enlighten them. This tolerant attitude he bequeathed -as a legacy to his disciples, and it has been a striking characteristic of his followers -in all ages.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6456src" href="#xd31e6456">55</a> -</p> -<p>The Tijāniyyah, belonging to an order founded in Algiers towards the end of the eighteenth -century, have, since their establishment in the Sudan about the middle of the nineteenth -century, pursued the same missionary methods as the Qādiriyyah, and their numerous -schools have contributed largely to the propagation of the faith; but, unlike the -former, they have not refrained from appealing to the sword to assist in the furtherance -of their scheme of conversion, and, unfortunately for a true estimate of the missionary -work of Islam in Western Africa, the fame of their Jihāds or religious wars has thrown -into the shade the successes of the peaceful propagandist, though the labours of the -latter have been more effectual towards the spread of Islam than the creation of petty, -short-lived dynasties. The records of campaigns, especially when they have interfered -with the <span class="pageNum" id="pb330">[<a href="#pb330">330</a>]</span>commercial projects or schemes of conquest of the white men, have naturally attracted -the attention of Europeans more than the unobtrusive labours of the Muhammadan preacher -and schoolmaster. But the history of such movements possesses this importance, that—as -has often happened in the case of Christian missions also—conquest has opened out -new fields for missionary activity, and forcibly impressed on the minds of the faithful -the existence of large tracts of country whose inhabitants still remained unconverted. -</p> -<p>The first of these militant propagandist movements on the part of the members of the -Tijāniyyah order owes its inception to al-Ḥājj ʻUmar, who had been initiated into -this order by a leader of the sect whose acquaintance he made in Mecca. He was born -in 1797, near Podor on the Lower Senegal, and appears to have been a man of considerable -endowments and personal influence, and of a commanding presence. He was the son of -a marabout and received a careful religious education; he was already famed for his -learning and piety when he set out on the pilgrimage to Mecca in 1827. He did not -return to his own country until 1833, when he commenced an active propaganda of the -teaching of the Tijāniyyah order, fiercely attacking his co-religionists for their -ignorance and their lukewarmness, especially the adepts of the Qādiriyyah order, whose -toleration particularly excited his wrath. He traversed the Central Sudan, winning -many adherents and receiving honour as a new prophet, until about 1841 he reached -Futah-Jallon, where he armed his followers and commenced a series of proselytising -expeditions against those tribes that still remained pagan about the Upper Niger and -the Senegal. It was in one of these expeditions that he met his death in 1865. His -son, Aḥmadu Shayk͟hu, succeeded in holding together the various provinces of his father’s -kingdom for a few years only; internal conflicts and the advance of the French broke -up the Tijāniyyah empire, and their territories passed under the rule of France.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6465src" href="#xd31e6465">56</a> -</p> -<p>Some mention has already been made of the introduction of Islam into this part of -Africa. The seed planted here <span class="pageNum" id="pb331">[<a href="#pb331">331</a>]</span>by ʻAbd Allāh b. Yāsīn and his companions, was fructified by continual contact with -Muhammadan merchants and teachers, and with the Arabs of the oasis of al-Ḥawḍ and -others. A traveller of the fifteenth century tells how the Arabs strove to teach the -Negro chiefs the law of Muḥammad, pointing out how shameful a thing it was for them, -being chiefs, to live without any of God’s laws, and to do as the base folk did who -lived without any law at all. From which it would appear that these early missionaries -took advantage of the imposing character of the Muslim religion and constitution to -impress the minds of these uncivilised savages.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6472src" href="#xd31e6472">57</a> -</p> -<p>We have ampler details of a more recent movement of the same kind, which had been -set on foot in the south of Senegambia by a Mandingo, named Ṣamudu, commonly known -by the name Samory, a pagan soldier of fortune born about 1846, who became a Muhammadan -early in the course of his career and founded an empire, south of Senegambia, in the -country watered by the upper basin of the Niger and its tributaries. An Arabic account -of the career of Samory, written by a native chronicler, gives us some interesting -details of his achievements. It begins as follows: “This is an account of the Jihād -of the Imām Aḥmadu Ṣamudu, a Mandingo.… God conferred upon him His help continually -after he began the work of visiting the idolatrous pagans, who dwell between the sea -and the country of Wasulu, with a view of inviting them to follow the religion of -God, which is Islam. Know all ye who read this—that the first effort of the Imām Ṣamudu -was a town named Fulindiyah. Following the Book and the Law and the Traditions, he -sent messengers to the king at that town, Sindidu by name, inviting him to submit -to his government, abandon the worship of idols and worship one God, the Exalted, -the True, whose service is profitable to His people in this world and in the next; -but they refused to submit. Then he imposed a tribute upon them, as the Qurʼān commands -on this subject; but they persisted in their blindness and deafness. The Imām then -collected a small force of about five hundred men, brave and <span class="pageNum" id="pb332">[<a href="#pb332">332</a>]</span>valiant, for the Jihād, and he fought against the town, and the Lord helped him against -them and gave him the victory over them, and he pursued them with his horses until -they submitted. Nor will they return to their idolatry, for now all their children -are in schools being taught the Qurʼān, and a knowledge of religion and civilisation. -Praise be to God for this.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6482src" href="#xd31e6482">58</a> It is not possible here to trace the course of his conquests, which were marked by -wholesale massacres and devastation.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6485src" href="#xd31e6485">59</a> He reached the height of his power about 1881, shortly after which he came in conflict -with the French, who took him prisoner in 1898 after a series of harassing campaigns. -He died in 1900. Though the effect of his conquests was the destruction of large numbers -of pagans who were massacred by his ruthless armies, while others were terrified into -a nominal acceptance of Islam, he does not appear to have put before him the same -distinctly religious aim as al-Ḥājj ʻUmar did.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6488src" href="#xd31e6488">60</a> He left to the Qādiriyyah marabouts the task of propaganda, and they with their accustomed -traditions of toleration are said to have done much to mitigate the savagery of his -proceedings.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6497src" href="#xd31e6497">61</a> They opened schools in the conquered towns, established there the organisation of -their order, and both instructed the new converts and sought to win fresh ones. -</p> -<p>With regard to these militant movements of Muhammadan propagandism, it is important -to notice that it is not the military successes and territorial conquests that have -most contributed to the progress of Islam in these parts; for it has been pointed -out that, outside the limits of those fragments of the empire of al-Ḥājj ʻUmar that -have definitively remained in the hands of his successors, the forced conversions -that he made have quickly been forgotten, and in spite of the momentary grandeur of -his successes and the enthusiasm of his armies, very few traces remain of this armed -propaganda.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6502src" href="#xd31e6502">62</a> The real importance of these <span class="pageNum" id="pb333">[<a href="#pb333">333</a>]</span>movements in the missionary history of Islam in Western Africa is the religious enthusiasm -they stirred up, which exhibited itself in a widespread missionary activity of a purely -peaceful character among the heathen populations. These Jihāds, rightly looked upon, -are but incidents in the modern Islamic revival and are by no means characteristic -of the forces and activities that have been really operative in the promulgation of -Islam in Africa: indeed, unless followed up by distinctly missionary efforts they -would have proved almost wholly ineffectual in the creation of a true Muslim community. -In fact, the devastating wars and cruel violence of conquerors such as al-Ḥājj ʻUmar -and Samory and especially the emissaries of the Tijāniyyah have caused the faith of -Islam to be bitterly hated by the pagan tribes of the Sudan in the countries watered -by the Senegal and the Niger. Hostility to the Muslim faith has almost assumed with -them the form of a national movement, but still this Muhammadan propaganda has spread -the faith of the Prophet in many parts of Guinea and Senegambia, to which the Fulbe<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6507src" href="#xd31e6507">63</a> and merchants from the Hausa country in their frequent trading expeditions have brought -the knowledge of their religion, and have succeeded during the last and the present -century in winning large numbers of converts. Especially noteworthy is the activity -of those Qādiriyyah preachers and Muslim traders who have won fresh converts to their -faith since the French occupation has brought peace to the country; this peaceful -penetration has been facilitated in the French Sudan, as in other parts of Africa -that have recently come under the sway of European powers, by the consideration shown -by French officials to the educated classes, who are of course all Muhammadans, and -by the open contempt with which the degraded habits and superstitions of the pagan -fetish-worshippers are regarded.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6510src" href="#xd31e6510">64</a> -</p> -<p>But the proselytising work of the order that is now to be described has never in any -way been connected with violence or war and has employed in the service of religion -only the <span class="pageNum" id="pb334">[<a href="#pb334">334</a>]</span>arts of peace and persuasion. In 1837 a religious society was founded by an Algerian -jurisconsult, named Sīdī Muḥammad b. ʻAlī al-Sanūsī, with the object of reforming -Islam and spreading the faith; before his death in 1859, he had succeeded in establishing, -by the sheer force of his genius and without the shedding of blood, a theocratic state, -to which his followers render devoted allegiance and the limits of which are every -day being extended by his successors.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6517src" href="#xd31e6517">65</a> The members of this sect are bound by rigid rules to carry out to the full the precepts -of the Qurʼān in accordance with the most strictly monotheistic principles, whereby -worship is to be given to God alone, and prayers to saints and pilgrimages to their -tombs are absolutely interdicted. They must abstain from coffee and tobacco, avoid -all intercourse with Jews or Christians, contribute a certain portion of their income -to the funds of the society, if they do not give themselves up entirely to its service, -and devote all their energies to the advancement of Islam, resisting at the same time -any concessions to European influences. This sect is spread over the whole of North -Africa, having religious houses scattered about the country from Egypt to Morocco, -and far into the interior, in the oases of the Sahara and the Sudan. The centre of -its organisation was in the oasis of Jag͟habūb<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6520src" href="#xd31e6520">66</a> in the Libyan desert between Egypt and Tripoli, where every year hundreds of missionaries -were trained and sent out as preachers of Islam to all parts of northern Africa. It -is to the religious house in this village that all the branch establishments (said -to be 121 in number) looked for counsel and instruction in all matters concerning -the management and extension of this vast theocracy, which embraced in a marvellous -organisation thousands of persons of numerous races and nations, otherwise separated -from one another by vast differences of geographical situation and worldly interests. -For the success that has been achieved by the zealous and energetic emissaries <span class="pageNum" id="pb335">[<a href="#pb335">335</a>]</span>of this association is enormous; convents of the order are to be found not only all -over the north of Africa from Egypt to Morocco, throughout the Sudan, in Senegambia -and Somaliland, but members of the order are to be found also in Arabia, Mesopotamia -and the islands of the Malay Archipelago.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6528src" href="#xd31e6528">67</a> Though primarily a movement of reform in the midst of Islam itself, the Sanūsiyyah -sect is also actively proselytising, and several African tribes that were previously -pagan or merely nominally Muslim, have since the advent of the emissaries of this -sect in their midst, become zealous adherents of the faith of the Prophet. Thus, for -example, the Sanūsī missionaries laboured to convert that portion of the Baele (a -tribe inhabiting the hill country of Ennedi, E. of Borku) which was still heathen, -and communicated their own religious zeal to such other sections of the tribe as had -only a very superficial knowledge of Islam, and were Muhammadan only in name;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6532src" href="#xd31e6532">68</a> the Tedas of Tu or Tibesti, in the Sahara, S. of Fezzan, who were likewise Muhammadans -only in name when the Sanūsiyyah came among them, also bear witness to the success -of their efforts.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6535src" href="#xd31e6535">69</a> The missionaries of this sect also carry on an active propaganda in the Galla country -and fresh workers are sent thither every year from Harar, where the Sanūsiyyah are -very strong and include among their numbers all the chiefs in the court of the Amīr -almost without exception.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6538src" href="#xd31e6538">70</a> In the furtherance of their proselytising efforts these missionaries open schools, -form settlements in the oases of the desert, and—noticeably in the case of the Wadai—they -have gained large accessions to their numbers by the purchase of slaves, who have -been educated at Jag͟habūb and when deemed sufficiently well instructed in the tenets -of the sect, enfranchised and then sent back to their native country to convert their -brethren.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6541src" href="#xd31e6541">71</a> It would appear, however, that the influence of this order is now on the decline.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6546src" href="#xd31e6546">72</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb336">[<a href="#pb336">336</a>]</span></p> -<p>Slight as these records are of the missionary labours of the Muslims among the pagan -tribes of the Sudan, they are of importance in view of the general dearth of information -regarding the spread of Islam in this part of Africa. But while documentary evidence -is wanting, the Muhammadan communities dwelling in the midst of fetish-worshippers -and idolaters, as representatives of a higher faith and civilisation, are a living -testimony to the proselytising labours of the Muhammadan missionaries, and (especially -on the south-western borderland of Islamic influence) present a striking contrast -to the pagan tribes demoralised by the European gin traffic. This contrast has been -well indicated by a modern traveller,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6552src" href="#xd31e6552">73</a> in speaking of the degraded condition of the tribes of the Lower Niger: “In steaming -up the river (i.e. the Niger), I saw little in the first 200 miles to alter my views, -for there luxuriated in congenial union fetishism, cannibalism and the gin trade. -But as I left behind me the low-lying coast region, and found myself near the southern -boundary of what is called the Central Sudan, I observed an ever-increasing improvement -in the appearance of the character of the native; cannibalism disappeared, fetishism -followed in its wake, the gin trade largely disappeared, while on the other hand, -clothes became more voluminous and decent, cleanliness the rule, while their outward -more dignified bearing still further betokened a moral regeneration. Everything indicated -a leavening of some higher element, an element that was clearly taking a deep hold -on the negro nature and making him a new man. That element you will perhaps be surprised -to learn is Mahommedanism. On passing Lokoja at the confluence of the Benué with the -Niger, I left behind me the missionary outposts of Islam, and entering the Central -Sudan, I found myself in a comparatively well-governed empire, teeming with a busy -populace of keen traders, expert manufacturers of cloth, brass work and leather; a -people, in fact, who have made enormous advances towards civilisation.” -</p> -<p>In order to form a just estimate of the missionary activity of Islam in Nigritia, -it must be borne in mind that, while on <span class="pageNum" id="pb337">[<a href="#pb337">337</a>]</span>the coast and along the southern boundary of the sphere of Islamic influence, the -Muhammadan missionary is the pioneer of his religion, there is still left behind him -a vast field for Muslim propaganda in the inland countries that stretch away to the -north and the east, though it is long since Islam took firm root in this soil. Some -sections of the Fūnj, the predominant Negro race of Sennaar, are partly Muhammadan -and partly heathen, and Muhammadan merchants from Nubia are attempting the conversion -of the latter.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6559src" href="#xd31e6559">74</a> -</p> -<p>The pagan tribe of the Jukun,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6565src" href="#xd31e6565">75</a> whose once powerful kingdom disappeared before the victorious development of the -Fulbe, has withstood the advancing influence of Muhammadanism, though the foreign -minister of their king has always been a Muslim and colonies of Hausas and other Muhammadans -have settled among them; but these Muslim settlers do not succeed in making any converts -from among the Jukun, whose traditions of their past greatness make them cling to -the national faith whose spiritual headship is vested in their king.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6568src" href="#xd31e6568">76</a> -</p> -<p>It would be easy also to enumerate many sections of the population of the Sudan and -Senegambia, that still retain their heathen habits and beliefs, or cover these only -with a slight veneer of Muhammadan observance even though they have been (in most -cases) surrounded for centuries by the followers of the Prophet. The Konnohs, an offshoot -of the great tribe of the Mandingos, are still largely pagan, and it is only in recent -years that Islam has been making progress among them.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6573src" href="#xd31e6573">77</a> Consequently, the remarkable zeal for missionary work that has displayed itself among -the Muhammadans of these parts during the present century, has not far to go in order -to find abundant scope for its activity. Hence the importance, in the missionary history -of Islam in this continent, of the movements of reform in the Muslim religion itself -and the revivals of religious life, to which attention has been drawn above. -</p> -<p>The West Coast is another field for Muhammadan missionary <span class="pageNum" id="pb338">[<a href="#pb338">338</a>]</span>enterprise where Islam finds itself confronted with a vast population still unconverted, -in spite of the progress it has made on the Guinea Coast, in Sierra Leone and Liberia, -in which last there are more Muhammadans than heathen. One of the earliest notices -of Muslim missionary activity in the neighbourhood of Sierra Leone is to be found -in a petition for the dissolution of the Sierra Leone Company, ordered to be printed -by the House of Commons, on the 25th May, 1802. “Not more than seventy years ago, -a small number of Mahomedans established themselves in a country about forty miles -to the northward of Sierra Leone, called from them the Mandingo Country. As is the -practice of the professors of that religion they formed schools, in which the Arabic -language and the doctrines of Mahomet were taught, and the customs of Mahomedans, -particularly that of not selling any of their own religion as slaves, were adopted. -Laws founded on the Koran were introduced. Those practices which chiefly contribute -to depopulate the coast were eradicated, and in spite of many intestine convulsions, -a great comparative degree of civilisation, union and security were introduced. Population, -in consequence, rapidly increased and the whole power of that part of the country -in which they are settled has gradually fallen into their hands. Those who have been -taught in their schools are succeeding to wealth and power in the neighbouring countries, -and carry with them a considerable portion of their religion and laws. Other chiefs -are adopting the name assumed by these Mahomedans, on account of the respect which -attends it; and the religion of Islam seems likely to diffuse itself peaceably over -the whole district in which the colony is situated, carrying with it those advantages -which seem ever to have attended its victory over Negro superstition.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6580src" href="#xd31e6580">78</a> In the Mendi country, about one hundred miles south of Sierra Leone, Islam appears -to have found an entrance only in the present century, but to be now making steady -progress. “The propagandism is not conducted by any special order of priests set apart -for the purpose, but <span class="pageNum" id="pb339">[<a href="#pb339">339</a>]</span>every Musalman is an active missionary. Some half a dozen of them, more or less, meeting -in a town, where they intend to reside for any length of time, soon run up a mosque -and begin work. They first approach the chief of the town and obtain his consent to -their intended act, and perhaps his promise to become an adherent. They teach him -their prayers in Arabic, or as much as he can, or cares to, commit to memory. They -put him through the forms and ceremonies used in praying, forbid him the use of alcoholic -beverages—a restriction as often observed as not—and lo! the man is a convert.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6585src" href="#xd31e6585">79</a> On the Guinea Coast, Muslim influences are spread chiefly by Hausa traders who are -to be found in all the commercial towns on this coast; whenever they form a settlement, -they at once build a mosque and by their devout behaviour, and their superior culture, -they impress the heathen inhabitants; whole tribes of fetish-worshippers pass over -to Islam as the result of their imitation of what they recognise to be a higher civilisation -than their own, without any particular efforts being necessary for persuading them.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6588src" href="#xd31e6588">80</a> -</p> -<p>In Ashanti there was a nucleus of a Muhammadan population to be found as early as -1750 and the missionaries of Islam have laboured there ever since with slow but sure -success,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6593src" href="#xd31e6593">81</a> as they find a ready welcome in the country and have gained for themselves considerable -influence at the court; by means of their schools they get a hold on the minds of -the younger generation, and there are said to be significant signs that Islam will -become the predominant religion in Ashanti, as already many of the chiefs have adopted -it.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6601src" href="#xd31e6601">82</a> In Dahomey and the Gold Coast, Islam is daily making fresh progress, and even when -the heathen chieftains do not themselves embrace it, they very frequently allow themselves -to come under the influence of its missionaries, who know how to take advantage of -this ascendancy in their labours among the common people.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6604src" href="#xd31e6604">83</a> Dahomey and Ashanti are the most important kingdoms in this part of the <span class="pageNum" id="pb340">[<a href="#pb340">340</a>]</span>continent that are still subject to pagan rulers, and their conversion is said to -be a question of a short time only.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6609src" href="#xd31e6609">84</a> In Lagos there are well-nigh 10,000 Muslims, and all the trading stations of the -West Coast include in their populations numbers of Musalmans belonging to the superior -Negro tribes, such as the Fulbe, the Mandingos and the Hausa. When these men come -down to the cities of the coast, as they do in considerable numbers, either as traders -or to serve as troops in the armies of the European powers, they cannot fail to impress -by their bold and independent bearing the Negro of the coast-land; he sees that the -believers in the Qurʼān are everywhere respected by European governors, officials -and merchants; they are not so far removed from him in race, appearance, dress or -manners as to make admission into their brotherhood impossible to him, and to him -too is offered a share in their privileges on condition of conversion to their faith.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6613src" href="#xd31e6613">85</a> As soon as the pagan Negro, however obscure or degraded, shows himself willing to -accept the teachings of the Prophet, he is at once admitted as an equal into their -society, and admission into the brotherhood of Islam is not a privilege grudgingly -granted, but one freely offered by zealous and eager proselytisers. For, from the -mouth of the Senegal to Lagos, over two thousand miles, there is said to be hardly -any town of importance on the seaboard in which there is not at least one mosque, -with active propagandists of Islam, often working side by side with the teachers of -Christianity.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6616src" href="#xd31e6616">86</a> -</p> -<p>We must now turn to the history of the spread of Islam on the other side of the continent -of Africa, the inhabitants of which were in closer proximity to the land where this -faith had its birth. The facts recorded respecting the early settlements of the Arabs -on the East Coast are very meagre; according to an Arabic chronicle which the Portuguese -found in Kiloa<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6621src" href="#xd31e6621">87</a> when that town was sacked by Don Francisco d’Almeïda in 1505, the first settlers -were a body of Arabs who were driven into exile because they followed the heretical -teachings of a <span class="pageNum" id="pb341">[<a href="#pb341">341</a>]</span>certain Zayd,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6626src" href="#xd31e6626">88</a> a descendant of the Prophet, after whom they were called Emozaydij (probably <span lang="ar" class="arab">أمّة زيديّة</span> or people of Zayd). The Zayd here referred to is probably Zayd b. ʻAlī, a grandson -of Ḥusayn and so great-grandson of ʻAlī, the nephew of Muḥammad: in the reign of the -caliph Hishām he claimed to be the Imām Mahdī and stirred up a revolt among the Shīʻah -faction, but was defeated and put to death in <span class="asc">A.H.</span> 122 (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 740).<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6639src" href="#xd31e6639">89</a> -</p> -<p>They seem to have lived in considerable dread of the original pagan inhabitants of -the country, but succeeded gradually in extending their settlements along the coast, -until the arrival of another band of fugitives who came from the Arabian side of the -Persian Gulf, not far from the island of <span class="corr" id="xd31e6644" title="Source: Bahrayn">Baḥrayn</span>. These came in three ships under the leadership of seven brothers, in order to escape -from the persecution of the king of Lasah,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6647src" href="#xd31e6647">90</a> a city hard by the dwelling-place of their tribe. The first town they built was Magadaxo,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6650src" href="#xd31e6650">91</a> which afterwards rose to such power as to assume lordship over all the Arabs of the -coast. But the original settlers, the Emozaydij, belonging as they did to a different -Muhammadan sect, being Shīʻahs, while the new-comers were <span class="corr" id="xd31e6653" title="Source: Sunnis">Sunnīs</span>, were unwilling to submit to the authority of the rulers of Magadaxo, and retired -into the interior, where they became merged into the native population, intermarrying -with them and adopting their manners and customs.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6656src" href="#xd31e6656">92</a> -</p> -<p>Magadaxo was founded about the middle of the tenth century and remained the most powerful -city on this coast for more than seventy years, when the arrival of another expedition -from the Persian Gulf led to the establishment of a rival settlement further south. -The leader of this expedition was named ʻAlī, one of the seven sons of a certain Sultan -Ḥasan of Shiraz: because his mother was an Abyssinian, he was looked down upon with -contempt by his brothers, whose cruel treatment of him after the death of their father, -determined him to leave his native <span class="pageNum" id="pb342">[<a href="#pb342">342</a>]</span>land and seek a home elsewhere. Accordingly, with his wife and children and a small -body of followers, he set sail from the island of Ormuz, and avoiding Magadaxo, whose -inhabitants belonged to a different sect, and having heard that gold was to be found -on the Zanzibar coast, he pushed on to the south and founded the city of Kiloa, where -he could maintain a position of independence and be free from the interference of -his predecessors further north.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6663src" href="#xd31e6663">93</a> -</p> -<p>In this way a number of Arab towns sprang up along the east coast from the Gulf of -Aden to the Tropic of Capricorn, on the fringe of what was called by the mediæval -Arab geographers the country of the Zanj. Whatever efforts may have been made by the -Muhammadan settlers to convert the Zanj, no record of them seems to have survived. -There is a curious story preserved in an old collection of travels written probably -in the early part of the tenth century, which represents Islam as having been introduced -among one of these tribes by the king of it himself. An Arab trading vessel was driven -out of its course by a tempest in the year <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 922 and carried to the country of the man-eating Zanj, where the crew expected certain -death. On the contrary, the king of the place received them kindly and entertained -them hospitably for several months, while they disposed of their merchandise on advantageous -terms; but the merchants repaid his kindness with foul treachery, by seizing him and -his attendants when they came on board to bid them farewell, and then carrying them -off as slaves to Omam. Some years later the same merchants were driven by a storm -to the same port, where they were recognised by the natives who surrounded them in -their canoes; giving themselves up for lost this time, they repeated for one another -the prayers for the dead. They were taken before the king, whom they discovered to -their surprise and confusion to be the same they had so shamefully treated some years -before. Instead, however, of taking vengeance upon them for their treacherous conduct, -he spared their lives and allowed them to sell their goods, but rejected with scorn -the rich presents they offered. Before they left, one of the <span class="pageNum" id="pb343">[<a href="#pb343">343</a>]</span>party ventured to ask the king to tell the story of his escape. He described how he -had been taken as a slave to Baṣrah and thence to Bag͟hdād, where he was converted -to Islam and instructed in the faith; escaping from his master, he joined a caravan -of pilgrims going to Mecca, and after performing the prescribed rites, reached Cairo -and made his way up the Nile in the direction of his own country, which he reached -at length after encountering many dangers and having been more than once enslaved. -Restored once again to his kingdom, he taught his people the faith of Islam; “and -now I rejoice in that God hath given to me and to my people the knowledge of Islam -and the true faith; to no other in the land of the Zanj hath this grace been vouchsafed; -and it is because you have been the cause of my conversion, that I pardon you. Tell -the Muslims that they may come to our country, and that we—Muslims like themselves—will -treat them as brothers.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6676src" href="#xd31e6676">94</a> -</p> -<p>From the same source we learn that even at this early period, this coast-land was -frequented by large numbers of Arab traders, yet in spite of centuries of intercourse -with the followers of Islam, the original inhabitants of this coast (with the exception -of the Somalis) have been remarkably little influenced by this religion. Even before -the Portuguese conquests of the sixteenth century, what few conversions had been made, -seem to have been wholly confined to the sea-border, and even after the decline of -Portuguese influence in this part of the world, and the restoration of Arab rule under -the Sayyids of Omam, hardly any efforts were made until the twentieth century to spread -the knowledge of Islam among the tribes of the interior, with the exception of the -Galla and Somali. As a modern traveller has said: “During the three expeditions which -I conducted in East Central Africa I saw nothing to suggest Mohammedanism as a civilising -power. Whatever living force might be in the religion remained latent. The Arabs, -or their descendants, in these parts were not propagandists. There were no missionaries -to preach Islam, and the natives of Muscat were content that their slaves should conform, -to <span class="pageNum" id="pb344">[<a href="#pb344">344</a>]</span>a certain extent, to the forms of the religion. They left the East African tribes, -who indeed, in their gross darkness, were evidently content to remain in happy ignorance. -Their inaptitude for civilisation was strikingly shown in the strange fact that five -hundred years of contact with semi-civilised people had left them without the faintest -reflection of the higher traits which characterised their neighbours—not a single -good seed during all these years had struck root and flourished.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6688src" href="#xd31e6688">95</a> Given up wholly to the pursuits of commerce or to slave-hunting, the Arabs in Eastern -Africa exhibited a lukewarmness in promoting the interests of their faith, which is -in striking contrast to the missionary zeal displayed by their co-religionists in -other parts of Africa. -</p> -<p>A notable exception is the propagandist activity of the Arab traders who were admitted -into Uganda in the first half of the nineteenth century; they probably recognised -that the sturdy independence of the Baganda made slave-raiding among them impossible, -so they sought to gain their confidence by winning them over to their own faith. Many -of the Baganda became Muhammadans during the reign of King Mutesa, but Stanley’s visit -to this monarch in 1875 led to the introduction of Christian missions in the following -year, and the power of the Muhammadans in the state declined with the rapid increase -in the numbers of the Christian converts and the establishment of a British Protectorate.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6693src" href="#xd31e6693">96</a> But a number of Muhammadans still hold important positions in Uganda, and it is stated -that there is a possibility of the Eastern Province becoming Muslim. In the rich tributary -country of Busoga, to the north of Uganda, a large number of those in authority were -said, in 1906, to be Muhammadans.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6696src" href="#xd31e6696">97</a> But with this exception Islam in East Equatorial Africa was up to the latter part -of the nineteenth century confined to the coast-lands and the immediately adjoining -country. The explanation would appear to be that it was not to the interests of the -<span class="pageNum" id="pb345">[<a href="#pb345">345</a>]</span>slave-dealers to spread Islam among the heathen tribes from among whom they obtained -their unhappy victims; for, once converted to Islam, the native tribes would enter -into the brotherhood of the faith and could not be raided and carried off as slaves.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6701src" href="#xd31e6701">98</a> -</p> -<p>The suppression of the slave-trade, with the extension of European rule over East -Equatorial Africa, was followed by a remarkable expansion of Muslim missionary activity; -peace and order were established in the interior, railways and high roads were made, -and the peaceful Muslim trader could now make his way into districts hitherto closed -to him. The administration selected its officials from among the more cultivated Muhammadan -section of the population; thousands of posts were created by the government of German -East Africa and given to Muhammadan officials, whose influence was used to bring over -whole villages to Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6706src" href="#xd31e6706">99</a> The teachers of the state schools were likewise Muhammadans, and as early as the -last decades of the nineteenth century Swahili schoolmasters were observed to be carrying -on a lively and successful mission work among the people of Bondëi and the Wadigo -(who dwell a little inland from the coast) in German East Africa.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6709src" href="#xd31e6709">100</a> But it was in the beginning of the twentieth century, especially after the suppression -of the insurrection of 1905 in German East Africa, that the activity of this new missionary -movement became strikingly noticeable in the interior.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6712src" href="#xd31e6712">101</a> This movement of expansion has especially followed the railroads and the great trade -routes, and has spread right across German East Africa to its western boundary on -Lake Tanganyika, northward from Usambara to the Kilimanjaro district, and southward -to Lake Nyasa.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6715src" href="#xd31e6715">102</a> The workers in this propaganda are merchants, especially Swahilis from the coast, -soldiers and government officials.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6721src" href="#xd31e6721">103</a> The acceptance of Islam is looked upon as a sign of an elevation to a higher civilisation -and social status, and the ridicule with which the pagans are regarded by the Muhammadans -is said often <span class="pageNum" id="pb346">[<a href="#pb346">346</a>]</span>to be a determining factor in their conversion.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6727src" href="#xd31e6727">104</a> An instance of the operation of this feeling may be taken from West Usambara, which -was said in 1891 to be still closed to Islam; the feeling of both chiefs and people -was hostile to the Muhammadans, who were hated and feared as slave-dealers; but when -the days of the slave-trade were over and an ordered administration was established, -the first native officials appointed were almost entirely Muhammadans; they impressed -upon the chiefs and other notables who came in touch with them that it was the correct -thing for those who moved in official circles to be Muhammadans, and thereby achieved -the conversion of some of the greater chiefs, who afterwards exercised a similar influence -on chiefs of an inferior degree.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6730src" href="#xd31e6730">105</a> There seems to be little evidence of the activity of professional missionaries or -of any of the religious orders, but there are not wanting evidences of systematic -efforts, such as those of a Muslim teacher, who is reported to have regularly visited -a district in the Kilimanjaro country every week for five months, preaching the faith -of Islam; his ministrations were welcomed by the people, whom he entertained with -feasts of rice, etc.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6733src" href="#xd31e6733">106</a> In this zealous propaganda it is noticeable that the preachers of Islam do not confine -their attention to pagans only, but seek also to win converts from among the native -Christians.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6736src" href="#xd31e6736">107</a> -</p> -<p>Islam made its way into Nyasaland also from the East Coast, having been introduced -by the slave-raiding Arabs and their allies the Yaos, whose ancestors came from near -the East Coast where they had long since accepted Islam. It is said that an Arab is -now seldom seen in Nyasaland, but the Yaos constitute one of the most powerful native -tribes in Nyasaland, and look upon Islam as their national faith. Though there appears -to be no organised propaganda, Islam has spread very rapidly during the first decade -of the twentieth century, and that among some of the most intelligent tribes in the -country.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6742src" href="#xd31e6742">108</a> -</p> -<p>Islam has achieved a similar success among the Galla and the Somali. Mention has already -been made of the Galla <span class="pageNum" id="pb347">[<a href="#pb347">347</a>]</span>settlements in Abyssinia; these immigrants, who are divided into seven principal clans, -with the generic name of Wollo-Galla, were probably all heathen at the time of their -incursion into the country,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6752src" href="#xd31e6752">109</a> and a large part of them remain so to the present day. After settling in Abyssinia -they soon became naturalised there, and in many instances adopted the language, manners -and customs of the original inhabitants of the country.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6758src" href="#xd31e6758">110</a> -</p> -<p>The story of their conversion is obscure: while some of them are said to have been -forcibly baptised into the Christian faith, the absence of any political power in -the hands of the Muhammadans precludes the possibility of any converts to Islam having -been made in a similar fashion. In the eighteenth century, those in the south were -said to be mostly Muhammadans, those to the east and west chiefly pagans.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6763src" href="#xd31e6763">111</a> More recent information points to a further increase in the number of the followers -of the Prophet, and in 1867 Munzinger prophesied that in a short time all the Galla -tribes would be Muhammadan,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6766src" href="#xd31e6766">112</a> and as they were said to be “very fanatical,” we may presume that they were by no -means half-hearted or lukewarm in their adherence to this religion.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6769src" href="#xd31e6769">113</a> -</p> -<p>The Galla freedman whom Doughty met at Khaybar certainly exhibited a remarkable degree -of zeal for his own faith. He had been carried off from his home when a child and -sold as a slave in Jiddah; when Doughty asked him whether no anger was left in his -heart against those who had stolen him and sold his life to servitude in the ends -of the earth, “Yet one thing,” he answered, “has recompensed me,—that I remained not -in ignorance with the heathen!—Oh, the wonderful providence of Ullah! whereby <span class="pageNum" id="pb348">[<a href="#pb348">348</a>]</span>I am come to this country of the Apostle, and to the knowledge of the religion!”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6776src" href="#xd31e6776">114</a> “Oh! what sweetness is there in believing! Trust me, dear comrade, it is a thing -above that which any heart may speak; and would God thou wert come to this (heavenly) -knowledge; but the Lord will surely have a care of thee, that thou shouldst not perish -without the religion. Ay, how good a thing it were to see thee a Moslem, and become -one with us; but I know that the time is in God’s hand: the Lord’s will be done.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6779src" href="#xd31e6779">115</a> -</p> -<p>Among the Galla tribes of the true Galla country, the population is partly Muhammadan -(some tribes having been converted about 1500)<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6784src" href="#xd31e6784">116</a> and partly heathen, with the exception of those tribes immediately bordering on Abyssinia -who in the latter part of the nineteenth century were forced by the king of that country -to accept Christianity.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6787src" href="#xd31e6787">117</a> Among the mountains, the Muhammadans are in a minority, but on the plains the missionaries -of Islam have met with striking success, and their teaching found a rapidly increasing -acceptance during the last century. Antonio Cecchi, who visited the petty kingdom -of Limmu in 1878, gives an account of the conversion of Abba Baghibò,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6790src" href="#xd31e6790">118</a> the father of the then reigning chieftain, by Muhammadans who for some years had -been pushing their proselytising efforts in this country in the guise of traders. -His example was followed by the chiefs of the neighbouring Galla kingdoms and by the -officers of their courts; part of the common people also were won over to the new -faith, and it continued to make progress among them, but the greater part cling firmly -to their ancient cult.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6793src" href="#xd31e6793">119</a> These traders received a ready welcome at the courts of the Galla chiefs, inasmuch -as they found them a market for the commercial products of the country and imported -objects of foreign manufacture in exchange. As they made their journeys to the coast -once a year only, or <span class="pageNum" id="pb349">[<a href="#pb349">349</a>]</span>even once in two years, and lived all the rest of the time in the Galla country, they -had plenty of opportunities, which they knew well how to avail themselves of, for -the work of propagating Islam, and wherever they set their foot they were sure in -a short space of time to gain a large number of proselytes.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6799src" href="#xd31e6799">120</a> Islam here came in conflict with Christian missionaries from Europe, whose efforts, -though winning for Christianity a few converts, have been crowned with very little -success,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6802src" href="#xd31e6802">121</a>—even the converts of Cardinal Massaja (after he was expelled from these parts) either -embraced Islam or ended by believing neither in Christ nor in Allāh,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6808src" href="#xd31e6808">122</a>—whereas the Muslim missionaries achieved a continuous success, and pushed their way -far to the south, and crossed the Wābi river.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6811src" href="#xd31e6811">123</a> The majority of the Galla tribes dwelling in the west of the Galla country were still -heathen towards the end of the nineteenth century, but among the most westerly of -them, viz. the Lega,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6814src" href="#xd31e6814">124</a> the old nature worship appeared to be on the decline and the growing influence of -the Muslim missionaries made it probable that within a few years the Lega would all -have entered into the pale of Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6817src" href="#xd31e6817">125</a> -</p> -<p>The North-East Africa of the present day presents indeed the spectacle of a remarkably -energetic and zealous missionary activity on the part of the Muhammadans. Several -hundreds of missionaries come from Arabia every year, and they have been even more -successful in their labours among the Somali than among the Galla.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6822src" href="#xd31e6822">126</a> The close proximity of the Somali country to Arabia must have caused it very early -to have been the scene of Muhammadan missionary labours, but of these unfortunately -little record seems to have survived. The people of Zaylaʻ were said by Ibn Ḥawqal<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6825src" href="#xd31e6825">127</a> in the second half<span class="corr" id="xd31e6828" title="Not in source"> of</span> the ninth century to be Christians, but in the first half of the fourteenth century -<span class="pageNum" id="pb350">[<a href="#pb350">350</a>]</span>Abu’l-Fidā speaks of them as being Musalmans.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6832src" href="#xd31e6832">128</a> The new faith was probably brought across the sea by Arab merchants or refugees. -The Somalis of the north have a tradition of a certain Arab of noble birth who, compelled -to flee his own country, crossed the sea to Adel, where he preached the faith of Islam -among their forefathers.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6839src" href="#xd31e6839">129</a> In the fifteenth century a band of forty-four Arabs came as missionaries from Ḥaḍramawt, -landing at Berberah on the Red Sea, and thence dispersed over the Somali country to -preach Islam. One of them, Shayk͟h Ibrāhīm Abū Zarbay, made his way to the city of -Harar about A.D. 1430, and gained many converts there, and his tomb is still honoured -in that city. A hill near Berberah is still called the Mount of Saints in memory of -these missionaries, who are said to have sat there in solemn conclave before scattering -far and wide to the work of conversion.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6842src" href="#xd31e6842">130</a> Islam gradually became predominant throughout the whole of North-East Africa, but -the growing power of the Emperor Menelik and his occupation of Harar in 1886 resulted -in a certain number of conversions to Christianity.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6845src" href="#xd31e6845">131</a> -</p> -<p>In order to complete this survey of Islam in Africa, it remains only to draw attention -to the fact that this religion has also made its entrance into the extreme south of -this continent, viz. in Cape Colony. These Muhammadans of the Cape are descendants -of Malays, who were brought here by the Dutch<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6850src" href="#xd31e6850">132</a> either in the seventeenth or eighteenth century;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6853src" href="#xd31e6853">133</a> they speak a corrupt form of the Boer dialect, with a considerable admixture of Arabic, -and some English and Malay words. A curious little book published in this <span class="pageNum" id="pb351">[<a href="#pb351">351</a>]</span>dialect and written in Arabic characters was published in Constantinople in 1877 by -the Turkish minister of education, to serve as a handbook of the principles of the -Muslim faith.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6858src" href="#xd31e6858">134</a> The thoroughly Dutch names that some of them bear, and the type of face observable -in many of them, point to the probability that they have at some time received into -their community some persons of Dutch birth, or at least that they have in their veins -a considerable admixture of Dutch blood. They have also gained some converts from -among the Hottentots. Very little notice has been taken of them by European travellers,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6867src" href="#xd31e6867">135</a> or even by their co-religionists until recently. In 1819 Colebrooke had drawn attention -to the growth of Islam in some interesting notes he wrote on the Cape Colony: “Mohammedanism -is said to be gaining ground among the slaves and free people of colour at the Cape; -that is to say, more converts among negroes and blacks of every description are made -from Paganism to the Musleman, than to the Christian religion, notwithstanding the -zealous exertions of pious missionaries. One cause of this perversion is asserted -to be a marked disinclination of slave owners to allow their slaves to be baptized; -arising from some erroneous notions or over-charged apprehensions of the rights which -a baptized slave acquires. Slaves are certainly impressed with the idea that such -a disinclination subsists, and it is not an unfrequent answer of a slave, when asked -his motives for turning Musleman, that ‘some religion he must have, and he is not -allowed to turn Christian.’ Prejudices in this respect are wearing away; and less -discouragement is now given to the conversion of slaves than heretofore. Masters, -it is affirmed, begin to find that their slaves serve not the worse for instruction -received in religious duties. Missionaries who devote themselves especially to the -religious instruction of slaves (and there is one in each of the principal towns) -have increasing congregations, and hope that their labours are not unfruitful. But -the <span class="pageNum" id="pb352">[<a href="#pb352">352</a>]</span>Musleman priest, with less exertion, has a greater flock.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6873src" href="#xd31e6873">136</a> During the last fifty years the Muhammadans in Cape Colony have been visited by some -zealous co-religionists from other countries, and more attention is now paid by them -to education, and a deeper religious life has been stirred up among them, and they -are said to carry on a zealous propaganda, especially among the coloured people at -the Cape and to achieve a certain success.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6876src" href="#xd31e6876">137</a> This proselytising movement is especially strong in the western part of Cape Colony. -It is said that there is a movement on foot for the founding of a college at Claremont, -in the vicinity of Cape Town, which shall become a centre for the propagation of Islam. -One of the methods at present employed is the adoption of neglected or abandoned children, -who are brought up in the Muslim faith.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6879src" href="#xd31e6879">138</a> Every year some of them make the pilgrimage to Mecca, where a special Shayk͟h has -been appointed to look after them.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6882src" href="#xd31e6882">139</a> The Indian coolies that come to work in the diamond fields of South Africa are also -said to be propagandists of Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6885src" href="#xd31e6885">140</a> -</p> -<p>On account of its isolated position, 220 to 540 miles from the mainland, the island -of Madagascar calls for separate mention. The only tribe that has adopted Islam is -that of the Antaimorona, occupying a part of the south-east coast; they undoubtedly -owed their conversion to missionaries from Arabia, but the date at which this change -of faith took place is entirely unknown; tradition would carry it back to the very -days of Muḥammad himself, but it is not until the sixteenth century that we get, in -the works of Italian and Portuguese geographers, authentic mention of Muhammadans -on the island.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6890src" href="#xd31e6890">141</a> -</p> -<p>From the historical sketch given above it may be seen that peaceful methods have largely -characterised the Muhammadan missionary movement in Africa, and though Islam <span class="pageNum" id="pb353">[<a href="#pb353">353</a>]</span>has often taken the sword as an instrument to further its spiritual conquests, such -an appeal to violence and bloodshed has in most cases been preceded by the peaceful -efforts of the missionary, and the preacher has followed the conqueror to complete -the imperfect work of conversion. It is true that the success of Islam has been very -largely facilitated in many parts of Africa by the worldly successes of Muhammadan -adventurers, and the erection of Muhammadan states on the ruins of pagan kingdoms, -and fire and bloodshed have often marked the course of a Jihād, projected for the -extermination of the infidel. The words of the young Arab from Bornu whom Captain -Burton<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6897src" href="#xd31e6897">142</a> met in the palace of the King of Abeokuta doubtless express the aspirations of many -an African Muhammadan: “Give those guns and powder to us, and we will soon Islamise -these dogs”: and they find an echo in the message that Mungo Park<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6900src" href="#xd31e6900">143</a> gives us as having been sent by the Muslim King of Futah Toro to his pagan neighbour: -“With this knife Abdulkader will condescend to shave the head of Damel, if Damel will -embrace the Mahommedan faith; and with this other knife Abdulkader will cut the throat -of Damel, if Damel refuses to embrace it; take your choice.” -</p> -<p>But much as Islam may have owed to the martial prowess of such fanatics as these, -there is the overwhelming testimony of travellers and others to the peaceful missionary -preaching, and quiet and persistent labours of the Muslim propagandist, which have -done more for the rapid spread of Islam in modern Africa than any violent measures: -by the latter its opponents may indeed have been exterminated, but by the former chiefly, -have its converts been made, and the work of conversion may still be observed in progress -in many regions of the coast and the interior.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6905src" href="#xd31e6905">144</a> Wherever Islam has made its way, there is the Muhammadan missionary to be found bearing -witness to its doctrines,—the trader, be he Arab, Pul or Mandingo, who combines proselytism -with the sale of his merchandise, and whose very profession brings him into close -and immediate contact with those he would convert, <span class="pageNum" id="pb354">[<a href="#pb354">354</a>]</span>and disarms any possible suspicion of sinister motives; such a man when he enters -a pagan village soon attracts attention by his frequent ablutions and regularly recurring -times of prayer and prostration, in which he appears to be conversing with some invisible -being, and by his very assumption of intellectual and moral superiority, commands -the respect and confidence of the heathen people, to whom at the same time he shows -himself ready and willing to communicate his high privileges and knowledge;—the ḥājī -or pilgrim who has returned from Mecca full of enthusiasm for the spread of the faith, -to which he devotes his whole energies, wandering about from place to place, supported -by the alms of the faithful who bear witness to the truth in the midst of their pagan -neighbours;—the student who, in consequence of his knowledge of Islamic theology and -law, receives honour as a man of learning: sometimes, too, he practises medicine, -or at least he is in great requisition as a writer of charms, texts from the Qurʼān, -which are sewn up in pieces of leather or cloth and tied on the arms, or round the -neck, and which he can turn to account as a means of adding to the number of his converts: -for instance, when childless women or those who have lost their children in infancy, -apply for these charms, as a condition of success the obligation is always imposed -upon them of bringing up their future children as Muhammadans.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6910src" href="#xd31e6910">145</a> These religious teachers, or marabouts, or alūfas as they are variously termed, are -held in the highest estimation. In some tribes of Western Africa every village contains -a lodge for their reception, and they are treated with the utmost deference and respect: -in Darfur they hold the highest rank after those who fill the offices of government: -among the Mandingos they rank still higher, and receive honour next to the king, the -subordinate chiefs being regarded as their inferiors in point of dignity: in those -states in which the Qurʼān is made the rule of government in all civil matters, their -services are in great demand, in order to interpret its meaning. So sacred are the -persons of these teachers esteemed, that they pass without molestation through the -countries of chiefs, not <span class="pageNum" id="pb355">[<a href="#pb355">355</a>]</span>only hostile to each other, but engaged in actual warfare. Such deference is not only -paid to them in Muhammadan countries, but also in the pagan villages in which they -establish their schools, where the people respect them as the instructors of their -children, and look upon them as the medium between themselves and Heaven, either for -securing a supply of their necessities, or for warding off or removing calamities.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6915src" href="#xd31e6915">146</a> Many of these teachers have studied in the mosques of Qayrwān, Fas, Tripoli<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6919src" href="#xd31e6919">147</a> and other centres of Muslim learning; but especially in the mosque of al-Azhar in -Cairo. Students flock to it from all parts of the Muslim world, and among them is -often to be found a contingent from Negro Africa,—students from Darfur, Wadai and -Bornu, and some who even make their way on foot from the far distant West Coast; when -they have finished their courses of study in Muslim theology and jurisprudence, there -are many of them who become missionaries among the heathen population of their native -land. Schools are established by these missionaries in the towns they visit, which -are frequented by the pagan as well as the Muslim children. They are taught to read -the Qurʼān, and instructed in the doctrines and ceremonies of Islam. Having thus gained -a footing, the Muhammadan missionary, by his superior knowledge and attainments, is -not slow to obtain great influence over the people among whom he has come to live. -In this he is aided by the fact that his habits and manner of life are similar in -many respects to their own, nor is he looked upon with suspicion, inasmuch as the -trader has already prepared the way for him; and by intermarriage with the natives, -being thus received into their social system, his influence becomes firmly rooted -and permanent, and so in the most natural manner he gradually causes the knowledge -of Islam to spread among them. -</p> -<p>His propagandist efforts are further facilitated by the fact that the deism which -forms the background of the religious consciousness of many fetish-worshippers may -pass by an easy transition into the theism of Islam, together with some <span class="pageNum" id="pb356">[<a href="#pb356">356</a>]</span>other aspects of their theology, while their general outlook upon life and several -of their religious institutions are capable of taking on a Muslim colouring and of -being transferred to the new system of faith without undergoing much modification.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6926src" href="#xd31e6926">148</a> -</p> -<p>The arrival of the Muhammadan in a pagan country is also the beginning of the opening -up of a more extensive trade, and of communication with great Muhammadan trading centres -such as Jenne, Segu or Kano, and a share in the advantages of this material civilisation -is offered, together with the religion of the Prophet. Thus “among the uncivilised -negro tribes the missionary may be always sure of a ready audience: he can not only -give them many truths regarding God and man which make their way to the heart and -elevate the intellect, but he can at once communicate the Shibboleth of admission -to a social and political communion, which is a passport for protection and assistance -from the Atlantic to the Wall of China. Wherever a Moslem house can be found there -the negro convert who can repeat the dozen syllables of his creed, is sure of shelter, -sustenance and advice, and in his own country he finds himself at once a member of -an influential, if not of a dominant caste. This seems the real secret of the success -of the Moslem missionaries in West Africa. It is great and rapid as regards numbers, -for the simple reason that the Moslem missionary, from the very first profession of -the convert’s belief, acts practically on those principles regarding the equality -and brotherhood of all believers before God, which Islam shares with Christianity; -and he does this, as a general rule, more speedily and decidedly than the Christian -missionary, who generally feels bound to require good evidence of a converted heart -before he gives the right hand of Christian fellowship, and who has always to contend -with race prejudices not likely to die out in a single generation where the white -Christian has for generations been known as master, and the black heathen as slave.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6932src" href="#xd31e6932">149</a> -</p> -<p>It is important, too, to note that neither his colour nor <span class="pageNum" id="pb357">[<a href="#pb357">357</a>]</span>his race in any way prejudice the Negro in the eyes of his new co-religionists. The -progress of Islam in Negritia has no doubt been materially advanced by this absence -of any feeling of repulsion towards the Negro—indeed Islam seems never to have treated -the Negro as an inferior, as has been unhappily too often the case in Christendom.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6939src" href="#xd31e6939">150</a> -</p> -<p>This consideration goes partly to explain the success of Muslim as contrasted with -Christian missions among the Negro peoples. It has frequently been pointed out that -the Negro convert to Christianity is apt to feel that his European co-religionists -belong to a stratum of civilisation alien to his own habits of life, whereas he feels -himself to be more at home in a Muslim society. This has been well stated by a modern -observer, in the following passage:—“Islam, despite its shortcomings, does not, from -the Nigerian point of view, demand race suicide of the Nigerian as an accompaniment -of conversion. It does not stipulate revolutionary changes in social life, impossible -at the present stage of Nigerian development; nor does it undermine family or communal -authority. Between the converter and converted there is no abyss. Both are equal, -not in theory, but in practice, before God. Both are African; sons of the soil. The -doctrine of the brotherhood of man is carried out in practice. Conversion does not -mean for the converted <span class="pageNum" id="pb358">[<a href="#pb358">358</a>]</span>a break with his interests, his family, his social life, his respect for the authority -of his natural rulers.… No one can fail to be impressed with the carriage, the dignity -of the Nigerian—indeed of the West African—Mohammedan; the whole bearing of the man -suggests a consciousness of citizenship, a pride of race which seems to say: ‘We are -different, thou and I, but we are <i>men</i>.’ The spread of Islam in Southern Nigeria which we are witnessing to-day is mainly -social in its action. It brings to those with whom it comes in contact a higher status, -a loftier conception of man’s place in the universe around him, release from the thraldom -of a thousand superstitious fears.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6965src" href="#xd31e6965">151</a> -</p> -<p>According to Muhammadan tradition Moses was a black man, as may be seen from the following -passages in the Qurʼān. “Now draw thy hand close to thy side: it shall come forth -white, but unhurt:—another sign!” (xx. 23). “Then drew he forth his hand, and lo! -it was white to the beholders. The nobles of Pharaoh’s people said: ‘Verily this is -an expert enchanter’ ” (vii. 105–6). The following story also, handed down to us from -the golden period of the ʻAbbāsid dynasty, is interesting as evidence of Muhammadan -feeling with regard to the Negro. Ibrāhīm, a brother of Hārūn al-Rashīd and the son -of a negress, had proclaimed himself Caliph at Bag͟hdād, but was defeated and forgiven -by al-Maʼmūn, who was then reigning (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 819). He thus describes his interview with the Caliph:—“Al-Maʼmūn said to me on my -going to see him after having obtained pardon: ‘Is it thou who art the Negro k͟halīfah?’ -to which I replied:—‘Commander of the faithful! I am he whom thou hast deigned to -pardon; and it has been said by the slave of Banuʼl-Ḥasḥās:—“When men extol their -worth, the slave of the family of Ḥasḥās can supply, by his verses, the defect of -birth and fortune.” Though I be a slave, my soul, through its noble nature, is free; -though my body be dark, my mind is fair.’ To this al-Maʼmūn replied: ‘Uncle! a jest -of mine has put you in a serious mood.’ He then repeated these verses: ‘Blackness -of skin cannot degrade an ingenious mind, or lessen the <span class="pageNum" id="pb359">[<a href="#pb359">359</a>]</span>worth of the scholar and the wit. Let darkness claim the colour of your body: I claim -as mine your fair and candid soul.’ ”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6975src" href="#xd31e6975">152</a> -</p> -<p>Thus, the converted Negro at once takes an equal place in the brotherhood of believers, -neither his colour nor his race nor any associations of the past standing in the way. -It is doubtless the ready admission they receive, that makes the pagan Negroes willing -to enter into a religious society whose higher civilisation demands that they should -give up many of their old barbarous habits and customs; at the same time the very -fact that the acceptance of Islam does imply an advance in civilisation and is a very -distinct step in the intellectual, moral and material progress of a Negro tribe, helps -very largely to explain the success of this faith. The forces arrayed on its side -are so powerful and ascendant, that the barbarism, ignorance and superstition which -it seeks to sweep away have little chance of making a lengthened resistance. What -the civilisation of Muslim Africa <span class="corr" id="xd31e6980" title="Source: imples">implies</span> to the Negro convert, is admirably expressed in the following words: “The worst evils -which, there is reason to believe, prevailed at one time over the whole of Africa, -and which are still to be found in many parts of it, and those, too, not far from -the Gold Coast and from our own settlements—cannibalism and human sacrifice and the -burial of living infants—disappear at once and for ever. Natives who have hitherto -lived in a state of nakedness, or nearly so, begin to dress, and that neatly; natives -who have never washed before begin to wash, and that frequently; for ablutions are -commanded in the Sacred Law, and it is an ordinance which does not involve too severe -a strain on their natural instincts. The tribal organisation tends to give place to -something which has a wider basis. In other words, tribes coalesce into nations, and, -with the increase of energy and intelligence, nations into empires. Many such instances -could be adduced from the history of the Soudan and the adjoining countries during -the last hundred years. If the warlike spirit is thus stimulated, the centres from -which war springs are fewer in number and further apart. War is better organised, -and is under some form of <span class="pageNum" id="pb360">[<a href="#pb360">360</a>]</span>restraint; quarrels are not picked for nothing; there is less indiscriminate plundering -and greater security for property and life. Elementary schools,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e6985src" href="#xd31e6985">153</a> like those described by Mungo Park a century ago, spring up, and even if they only -teach their scholars to recite the Koran, they are worth something in themselves, -and may be a step to much more. The well-built and neatly-kept mosque, with its call -to prayer repeated five times a day, its Mecca-pointing niche, its <span class="corr" id="xd31e6993" title="Source: Imam">Imām</span> and its weekly service, becomes the centre of the village, instead of the ghastly -fetish or Juju house. The worship of one God, omnipotent, omnipresent, omniscient, -and compassionate, is an immeasurable advance upon anything which the native has been -taught to worship before. The Arabic language, in which the Mussulman scriptures are -always written, is a language of extraordinary copiousness and beauty; once learned -it becomes a <i>lingua franca</i> to the tribes of half the continent, and serves as an introduction to literature, -or rather, it is a literature in itself. It substitutes moreover, a written code of -law for the arbitrary caprice of a chieftain—a change which is, in itself, an immense -advance in civilisation. Manufactures and commerce spring up, not the dumb trading -or the elementary bartering of raw products which we know from Herodotus to have existed -from the earliest times in Africa, nor the cowrie shells, or gunpowder, or tobacco, -or rum, which still serve as a chief medium of exchange all along the coast, but manufactures -involving considerable skill, and a commerce <span class="pageNum" id="pb361">[<a href="#pb361">361</a>]</span>which is elaborately organised; and under their influence, and that of the more settled -government which Islam brings in its train, there have arisen those great cities of -Negroland whose very existence, when first they were described by European travellers, -could not but be half discredited. I am far from saying that the religion is the sole -cause of all this comparative prosperity. I only say it is consistent with it, and -it encourages it. Climatic conditions and various other influences co-operate towards -the result; but what has Pagan Africa, even where the conditions are very similar, -to compare with it? As regards the individual, it is admitted on all hands that Islam -gives to its new Negro converts an energy, a dignity, a self-reliance, and a self-respect -which is all too rarely found in their Pagan or their Christian fellow-countrymen.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7001src" href="#xd31e7001">154</a> -</p> -<p>The words above quoted were written before the partition of the greater part of Africa -among the governments of Christian Europe—England, France and Germany—but the imposing -character of Muslim civilisation has not ceased to impress the Negro mind, or to operate -as one of the influences favourable to the conversion of the African fetish-worshippers. -Brought suddenly into contact with European culture, these have received an impulse -to advance in the path of civilisation, but being unable to bridge over the gulf that -separates them from their foreign rulers, they find in Islam a culture corresponding -to their needs and capable of understanding their requirements and aspirations.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7006src" href="#xd31e7006">155</a> So far, therefore, from the extension of European domination tending to hamper the -activities of Muhammadan propagandists, it has to a very remarkable degree contributed -towards the progress of Islam. The bringing of peace to countries formerly harassed -by wars of extermination or the raids of slave-hunters, the establishment of ordered -methods of government and administration, and the increased facilities of communication -by the making of roads and the building of railways, have given a great stimulus to -trade and have enabled that active propagandist, <span class="pageNum" id="pb362">[<a href="#pb362">362</a>]</span>the Muslim trader, to extend his influence in districts previously untrodden, and -traverse familiar ground with greater security. Further, the suppression of the slave-trade -has removed one of the great obstacles to the spread of Islam in pagan Africa, because -it was to the interest of the Arab and other Muhammadan slave-dealers not to narrow -the field of their operations by admitting their possible victims into the brotherhood -of Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7011src" href="#xd31e7011">156</a> Converts are now won from pagan tribes which in the days of the slave-trade were -untouched by missionary effort. To this result the European governments have contributed -by employing Muhammadans to fill the subordinate posts in the civil administration -(since among the Muhammadans alone were educated persons to be found) and distributing -them throughout pagan districts, by employing Muhammadan teachers in the Government -schools, and by recruiting their armies from among Muhammadan tribes; they have thus -added to the prestige of Islam in the eyes of the pagan Africans—a circumstance that -the Muslims have not been slow to make use of, to the advantage of their own faith.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7029src" href="#xd31e7029">157</a> -</p> -<p>So little truth is there in the statement that Islam makes progress only by force -of arms,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7034src" href="#xd31e7034">158</a> that on the contrary the partition of Africa among the European powers, who have -wrested the sword from the hands of the Muslim chiefs now under their control, has -initiated a propaganda which seems likely to succeed where centuries of Muhammadan -domination have failed. -<span class="pageNum" id="pb363">[<a href="#pb363">363</a>]</span> </p> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6144"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6144src">1</a></span> An excellent map of the extent of Islam in Africa is to be found in “The International -Review of Missions,” vol. i. p. 652. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6144src" title="Return to note 1 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6149"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6149src">2</a></span> Fournel, vol. i. p. 271. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6149src" title="Return to note 2 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6154"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6154src">3</a></span> i.e. the diviner or priestess; her real name is unknown. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6154src" title="Return to note 3 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6157"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6157src">4</a></span> Fournel, vol. i. p. 224. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6157src" title="Return to note 4 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6162"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6162src">5</a></span> Makkarī, vol. i. p. 253. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6162src" title="Return to note 5 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6167"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6167src">6</a></span> Makkarī, vol. i. p. lxv. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6167src" title="Return to note 6 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6178"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6178src">7</a></span> Fournel, vol. i. p. 270. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6178src" title="Return to note 7 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6181"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6181src">8</a></span> For these and the heretical movements that reveal survivals of the earlier Berber -faith, see Goldziher, <span lang="de"><span class="corr" id="xd31e6184" title="Source: Materialen">Materialien</span> zur Kenntniss der Almohadenbewegung in Nordafrika</span> (Z D M G, vol. xli, p. 37 sqq.). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6181src" title="Return to note 8 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6194"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6194src">9</a></span> On this word, see <span lang="fr">Doutté, Notes sur l’Islam maghribin. (Revue de l’histoire des religions, tom. xli. -p. 24–6.)</span> <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6194src" title="Return to note 9 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6199"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6199src">10</a></span> Ibn abī Zarʻ, pp. 168–73. A. Müller, vol. ii. pp. 611–13. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6199src" title="Return to note 10 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6204"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6204src">11</a></span> Ibn abī Zarʻ, p. 250. Goldziher, <i>op. laud.</i>, p. 71. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6204src" title="Return to note 11 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6213"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6213src">12</a></span> Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 11.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6213src" title="Return to note 12 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6218"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6218src">13</a></span> <span lang="ar" class="arab">مرابط</span>. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6218src" title="Return to note 13 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6223"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6223src">14</a></span> Doutté, xl. p. 354; xli. pp. 26–7. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6223src" title="Return to note 14 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6226"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6226src">15</a></span> Depont et Coppolani, p. 127 sq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6226src" title="Return to note 15 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6231"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6231src">16</a></span> It is not the place here to deal with the rise and political history of the various -kingdoms of the Western Sudan; this has been done most fully for the English reader -by Lady Lugard in her work entitled, “A Tropical Dependency. An Outline of the Ancient -History of the Western Sudan, with an Account of the Modern Settlement of Northern -Nigeria.” (London, 1905.) See also H. F. Helmolt: The World’s History, vol. iii. chap. -ix. (London, 1903.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6231src" title="Return to note 16 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6234"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6234src">17</a></span> Blau, p. 322. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6234src" title="Return to note 17 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6240"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6240src">18</a></span> Leo Africanus. (Ramusio, tom. i. pp. 7, 77.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6240src" title="Return to note 18 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6246"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6246src">19</a></span> Meyer, p. 91. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6246src" title="Return to note 19 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6260"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6260src">20</a></span> Taʼrīk͟h al-Sūdān, p. 3. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6260src" title="Return to note 20 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6266"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6266src">21</a></span> Jinnī or Dienné. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6266src" title="Return to note 21 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6275"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6275src">22</a></span> So Meyer following Barth; the Taʼrīk͟h al-Sūdān (p. 12) places the date about three -centuries earlier. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6275src" title="Return to note 22 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6285"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6285src">23</a></span> Félix Dubois gives a plan and reconstruction of this mosque, which was destroyed by -order of Shayk͟hu Aḥmadu about 1830, in “<span lang="fr">Tombouctou la Mystérieuse</span>,” chap. ix. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6285src" title="Return to note 23 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6291"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6291src">24</a></span> Taʼrīk͟h al-Sūdān, pp. 12–13. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6291src" title="Return to note 24 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6296"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6296src">25</a></span> Taʼrīk͟h al-Sūdān, p. 21. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6296src" title="Return to note 25 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6299"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6299src">26</a></span> Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. pp. 421–2. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6299src" title="Return to note 26 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6303"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6303src">27</a></span> Ramusio, tom. i. p. 78. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6303src" title="Return to note 27 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6306"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6306src">28</a></span> Winwood Reade describes them as “a tall, handsome, light-coloured race, Moslems in -religion, possessing horses and large herds of cattle, but also cultivating cotton, -ground-nuts, and various kinds of corn. I was much pleased with their kind and hospitable -manners, the grave and decorous aspect of their women, the cleanliness and silence -of their villages.” (W. Winwood Reade: African Sketchbook, vol. i. p. 303.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6306src" title="Return to note 28 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6309"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6309src">29</a></span> Waitz, II<sup>er</sup> Theil, pp. 18–19. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6309src" title="Return to note 29 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6317"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6317src">30</a></span> Palmer (p. 59) places its introduction into Kano between <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1349 and 1385, another Hausa chronicle makes the reign of the first Muhammadan king -of Zozo begin about 1456. (Journal of the African Society, vol. ix. p. 161.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6317src" title="Return to note 30 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6325"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6325src">31</a></span> For the various enumerations of these, see Meyer, p. 27. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6325src" title="Return to note 31 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6328"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6328src">32</a></span> As in other parts of the Muslim world, tradition places the first introduction of -Islam in the lifetime of the founder and gives the name of al-Fazāzī, a reputed companion -of the Prophet, as the apostle of the Hausa people. (J. Lippert: Sudanica. MSOS, iii. -part 3, p. 204. <span id="xd31e6330"></span>Berlin, 1900.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6328src" title="Return to note 32 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6333" lang="de"> -<p class="footnote" lang="de"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6333src">33</a></span> Mischlich and Lippert, pp. 138–9. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6333src" title="Return to note 33 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6337"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6337src">34</a></span> Meyer, loc. cit. Artin Pasha (p. 62) puts the beginning of this infiltration of Muslim -Arabs as early as the eighth century. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6337src" title="Return to note 34 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6346"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6346src">35</a></span> Becker, <span lang="de">Geschichte des östlichen Sūdān</span>, p. 162–3. Blau, p. 322. Oppel, p. 289. At the close of the fourteenth century ʻUmar -b. Idrīs moved his capital to the west of Lake Chad in the territory of Bornu, by -which name the kingdom of Kanem became henceforth known. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6346src" title="Return to note 35 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6356"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6356src">36</a></span> Maurice Delafosse, p. 87. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6356src" title="Return to note 36 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6365" lang="de"> -<p class="footnote" lang="de"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6365src">37</a></span> Becker: Geschichte des östlichen Sūdān, pp. 161–2. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6365src" title="Return to note 37 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6368"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6368src">38</a></span> R. C. Slatin Pasha: Fire and Sword in the Sudan, pp. 38, 40–2. (London, 1896.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6368src" title="Return to note 38 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6376"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6376src">39</a></span> Westermann, p. 628. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6376src" title="Return to note 39 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6382"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6382src">40</a></span> Oppel, p. 292. Meyer, pp. 36–7. Westermann, pp. 629–30. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6382src" title="Return to note 40 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6385"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6385src">41</a></span> Fulbe (sing. Pul) is the name by which these people call themselves; upwards of a -hundred variants are applied to them by their neighbours, the commonest of which are -Fulah and Fulani. (Meyer, p. 28.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6385src" title="Return to note 41 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6390"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6390src">42</a></span> Francis Moore, pp. 75–7. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6390src" title="Return to note 42 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6403"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6403src">43</a></span> R. E. Dennett: Nigerian Studies, pp. 12, 75. (London, 1910.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6403src" title="Return to note 43 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6406"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6406src">44</a></span> Islam and Missions, pp. 71–3. The Moslem World, pp. 296–7, 351. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6406src" title="Return to note 44 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6409"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6409src">45</a></span> Church Missionary Review (1908), p. 640. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6409src" title="Return to note 45 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6412"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6412src">46</a></span> A town on the Niger, just south of the northern boundary of Southern Nigeria. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6412src" title="Return to note 46 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6416"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6416src">47</a></span> Church Missionary Society Intelligencer (1902), p. 353. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6416src" title="Return to note 47 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6426"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6426src">48</a></span> Rinn, pp. 403–4. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6426src" title="Return to note 48 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6429"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6429src">49</a></span> Le Chatelier (1), pp. 231–3. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6429src" title="Return to note 49 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6436"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6436src">50</a></span> Le Chatelier (2), pp. 89–91. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6436src" title="Return to note 50 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6441"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6441src">51</a></span> Rinn, p. 175. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6441src" title="Return to note 51 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6444"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6444src">52</a></span> Bonet-Maury, p. 239. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6444src" title="Return to note 52 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6447"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6447src">53</a></span> Id. p. 230. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6447src" title="Return to note 53 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6452"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6452src">54</a></span> Le Chatelier (2), pp. 100–9. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6452src" title="Return to note 54 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6456"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6456src">55</a></span> Rinn, p. 174. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6456src" title="Return to note 55 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6465"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6465src">56</a></span> Oppel, pp. 292–3. Blyden, p. 10. Le Chatelier (3), p. 167 sqq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6465src" title="Return to note 56 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6472" lang="it"> -<p class="footnote" lang="it"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6472src">57</a></span> Delle Navigationi di Messer Alvise da Ca da Mosto. (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1454.) Ramusio, tome i. p. 101. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6472src" title="Return to note 57 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6482"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6482src">58</a></span> Blyden, pp. 357–60. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6482src" title="Return to note 58 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6485"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6485src">59</a></span> This has been set forth in detail by Le Chatelier (3), p. 225 sqq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6485src" title="Return to note 59 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6488"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6488src">60</a></span> Le Chatelier (3), p. 237. “<span lang="fr">Samory n’intervint pas directement dans la question religieuse.</span>” L. G. Binger arrived at the same conclusion, as the result of personal acquaintance -with Samory. (<span lang="fr">Le Péril de l’Islam</span>, p. 20.) (Paris, 1906.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6488src" title="Return to note 60 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6497"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6497src">61</a></span> Le Chatelier (3), pp. 238–40. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6497src" title="Return to note 61 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6502"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6502src">62</a></span> Le Chatelier (2), p. 112. R. du M. M., vol. xii. p. 22. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6502src" title="Return to note 62 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6507"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6507src">63</a></span> “The Fulanis are all fervent Mohammedans. Wherever there are Fulanis there will be -found a mosque.” (Haywood, p. 200.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6507src" title="Return to note 63 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6510"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6510src">64</a></span> Le Chatelier (3), pp. 231, 273, 303. Westermann, pp. 632–3. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6510src" title="Return to note 64 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6517"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6517src">65</a></span> Muḥammad b. ʻUt͟hmān al Ḥashāʼishī, p. 84 sqq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6517src" title="Return to note 65 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6520"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6520src">66</a></span> In 1895 Sīdī al-Mahdī, the son and successor of Sīdī Muḥammad al-Sanūsī, migrated -to Kufra, as being more central than Jag͟habūb (Muḥammad b. ʻUt͟hmān al-Ḥashāʼishī, -pp. 111–15), but later went further south to the region of Borku and Tibesti, where -he died in 1902. The head of the order in 1908 was Sīdī Aḥmad, a relative of the founder. -(J. C. E. Falls: <span lang="de">Drei Jahre in der Libyschen Wüste</span>, p. 274.) (Freiburg, 1911.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6520src" title="Return to note 66 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6528"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6528src">67</a></span> Riedel (1), pp. 7, 59, 162. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6528src" title="Return to note 67 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6532" lang="de"> -<p class="footnote" lang="de"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6532src">68</a></span> G. Nachtigal: Sahara und Sudan, vol. ii. p. 175. (Berlin, 1879–81.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6532src" title="Return to note 68 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6535"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6535src">69</a></span> Duveyrier, p. 45. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6535src" title="Return to note 69 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6538"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6538src">70</a></span> Paulitschke, p. 214. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6538src" title="Return to note 70 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6541"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6541src">71</a></span> <span lang="fr">H. Duveyrier: La Confrérie musulmane de Sîdi Mohammed Ben ʼAlî Es-Senousî, passim. -(Paris, 1886.) Louis Rinn: Marabouts et Khouans, pp. 481–513. N. Slousch: Les Senoussiya -en Tripolitaine. (R. du M. M., vol. i. p. 169 sqq.).</span> For a bibliography of the Sanūsiyyah movement, see Der Islam, iii. pp. 141–2, 312. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6541src" title="Return to note 71 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6546"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6546src">72</a></span> R. du M. M., vol. i. p. 181; vol. viii. pp. 64–5. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6546src" title="Return to note 72 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6552"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6552src">73</a></span> Joseph Thomson (2), p. 185. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6552src" title="Return to note 73 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6559"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6559src">74</a></span> Oppel, p. 303. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6559src" title="Return to note 74 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6565"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6565src">75</a></span> In the Muri Province of Northern Nigeria. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6565src" title="Return to note 75 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6568"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6568src">76</a></span> Journal of the African Society, vol. vii. pp. 379–81. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6568src" title="Return to note 76 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6573"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6573src">77</a></span> Haywood, p. 33. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6573src" title="Return to note 77 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6580"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6580src">78</a></span> Claude George: The Rise of British West Africa, pp. 120–1. (London, 1902.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6580src" title="Return to note 78 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6585"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6585src">79</a></span> Islam and Missions, pp. 73–4. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6585src" title="Return to note 79 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6588" lang="de"> -<p class="footnote" lang="de"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6588src">80</a></span> Lippert: Über die Bedeutung der Haussanation für unsere Togo- und Kamerunkolonie, -p. 200. MSOS, Band x. (1907), Abteilung III. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6588src" title="Return to note 80 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6593"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6593src">81</a></span> <span class="corr" id="xd31e6594" title="Source: Waītz">Waitz</span>: II<sup>er</sup> Theil, p. 250. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6593src" title="Return to note 81 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6601"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6601src">82</a></span> C. S. Salmon, p. 891. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6601src" title="Return to note 82 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6604"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6604src">83</a></span> Pierre Bouche, p. 256. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6604src" title="Return to note 83 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6609"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6609src">84</a></span> Blyden, p. 357. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6609src" title="Return to note 84 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6613"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6613src">85</a></span> C. S. Salmon, p. 887. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6613src" title="Return to note 85 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6616"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6616src">86</a></span> Blyden, p. 202. Westermann, pp. 633–4. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6616src" title="Return to note 86 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6621"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6621src">87</a></span> Situated on an island about 2° S. of Zanzibar. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6621src" title="Return to note 87 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6626" lang="pt"> -<p class="footnote" lang="pt"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6626src">88</a></span> “Hum Mouro chamado Zaide, que foi neto de Hocem filho de Ale o sobrinho de Mahamed.” -(De Barros, Dec. i. Liv. viii. cap. iv. p. 211.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6626src" title="Return to note 88 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6639"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6639src">89</a></span> Ibn K͟haldūn, vol. iii. pp. 98–100. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6639src" title="Return to note 89 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6647"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6647src">90</a></span> Possibly a mistake for al-Ḥasā. See Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome ii. pp. 247–8. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6647src" title="Return to note 90 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6650"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6650src">91</a></span> Or (to give it its Arabic name) Maqdishū. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6650src" title="Return to note 91 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6656"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6656src">92</a></span> J. de Barros: Dec. i. Liv. viii. cap. iv. pp. 211–12. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6656src" title="Return to note 92 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6663"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6663src">93</a></span> De Barros, id. pp. 224–5. See also Justus Strandes: <span lang="de">Die Portugiesenzeit von Deutsch- und Englisch-Ostafrika</span>, p. 81 sqq. (Berlin, 1899.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6663src" title="Return to note 93 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6676"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6676src">94</a></span> <span lang="fr">Kitāb ʻajāʼib al-Hind ou Livre des Merveilles de l’Inde, publié par</span> P. A. van der Lith<span class="corr" id="xd31e6680" title="Source: .">,</span> pp. 51–60. (Leiden, 1883.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6676src" title="Return to note 94 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6688"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6688src">95</a></span> Mohammedanism in Central Africa, by Joseph Thomson, p. 877. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6688src" title="Return to note 95 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6693"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6693src">96</a></span> Roscoe, p. 229 sq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6693src" title="Return to note 96 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6696"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6696src">97</a></span> Zwemer, p. 236. Gairdner (p. 26) gives the number of Muhammadans as 200,000 out of -a population of four millions, but he does not state from what source he derives these -figures. Roscoe (p. 6) gives the total population of Uganda as about one million only. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6696src" title="Return to note 97 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6701"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6701src">98</a></span> Richter, pp. 146–7, 154. Merensky, p. 156. Klamroth, p. 4. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6701src" title="Return to note 98 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6706"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6706src">99</a></span> R. du M. M., vol. ix. (1909), p. 322. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6706src" title="Return to note 99 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6709" lang="de"> -<p class="footnote" lang="de"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6709src">100</a></span> Oscar Baumann: Usambara und seine Nachbargebiete, pp. 141, 153. (Berlin, 1891.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6709src" title="Return to note 100 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6712" lang="de"> -<p class="footnote" lang="de"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6712src">101</a></span> Becker, Islam in Deutsch-Ostafrika, p. 10. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6712src" title="Return to note 101 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6715"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6715src">102</a></span> Id. p. 13 sqq. Klamroth, pp<span class="corr" id="xd31e6717" title="Source: ,">.</span> 14–28. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6715src" title="Return to note 102 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6721"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6721src">103</a></span> Id. p. 53. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6721src" title="Return to note 103 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6727"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6727src">104</a></span> Klamroth, pp. 21, 25, 54. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6727src" title="Return to note 104 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6730"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6730src">105</a></span> Id. pp. 23–4. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6730src" title="Return to note 105 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6733"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6733src">106</a></span> Id. p. 26. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6733src" title="Return to note 106 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6736"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6736src">107</a></span> Id. p. 67. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6736src" title="Return to note 107 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6742"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6742src">108</a></span> Becker: <span lang="de">Islam in Deutsch-Ostafrika</span>, p. 14. The Moslem World, vol. ii. p. 3 sqq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6742src" title="Return to note 108 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6752"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6752src">109</a></span> A contemporary Ethiopic account of these tribes,—<span lang="de">Geschichte der Galla. Bericht eines abessinischen Mönches über die Invasion der Galla -in sechzehnten Jahrhundert. Text und Übersetzung hrsg. von A. W. Schleichler (Berlin, -1893)</span>,—seems certainly to represent them as heathen, though no detailed account is given -of their religion. Reclus (tome x. p. 330), however, supposes them to have been Muhammadan -at the time of their invasion. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6752src" title="Return to note 109 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6758"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6758src">110</a></span> Henry Salt: A Voyage to Abyssinia, p. 299. (London, 1814.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6758src" title="Return to note 110 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6763"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6763src">111</a></span> James Bruce: Travels to discover the source of the Nile, 2nd ed. vol. iii. p. 243. -(Edinburgh, 1805.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6763src" title="Return to note 111 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6766"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6766src">112</a></span> Munzinger, p. 408. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6766src" title="Return to note 112 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6769" lang="de"> -<p class="footnote" lang="de"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6769src">113</a></span> I. L. Krapf: Reisen in Ost-Africa, ausgeführt in den Jahren 1837–55, vol. i. p. 106. -(Kornthal, 1858.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6769src" title="Return to note 113 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6776"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6776src">114</a></span> Arabia Deserta, vol. ii. p. 168. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6776src" title="Return to note 114 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6779"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6779src">115</a></span> Id., vol. ii. p. 109. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6779src" title="Return to note 115 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6784"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6784src">116</a></span> Morié, vol. ii. p. 248. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6784src" title="Return to note 116 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6787"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6787src">117</a></span> Reclus, tome. x. p. 309. Basset, pp. 270–1. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6787src" title="Return to note 117 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6790"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6790src">118</a></span> When the Roman Catholics opened a mission among the Gallas in 1846, Abba Baghibò said -to them: “Had you come thirty years ago, not only I, but all my countrymen might have -embraced your religion; but now it is impossible.” (Massaja, vol. iv. p. 103.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6790src" title="Return to note 118 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6793" lang="it"> -<p class="footnote" lang="it"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6793src">119</a></span> Da Zeila alle frontiere del Caffa, vol. ii. p. 160. (Rome, 1886–7.) Massaja, vol. -iv. p. 103; vol. vi. p. 10. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6793src" title="Return to note 119 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6799"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6799src">120</a></span> Massaja, vol. iv. p. 102. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6799src" title="Return to note 120 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6802"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6802src">121</a></span> Speaking of the failure of Christian missions, Cecchi says: “<span lang="it">di ciò si deve ricercare la causa nello espandersi che fece quaggiù in questi ultimi -anni l’islamismo, portato da centinaja di preti e mercanti musulmani, cui non facevano -difetto i mezzi, l’astuzia e la piena conoscenza della lingua.</span>” (Op. cit. vol. ii. p. 342.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6802src" title="Return to note 121 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6808"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6808src">122</a></span> Id., p. 343. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6808src" title="Return to note 122 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6811"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6811src">123</a></span> Reclus, tome xiii. p. 834. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6811src" title="Return to note 123 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6814"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6814src">124</a></span> The Lega are found in long. 9° to 9° 30′ and lat. E. 34° 35′ to 35°. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6814src" title="Return to note 124 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6817"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6817src">125</a></span> Reclus, tome x. p. 350. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6817src" title="Return to note 125 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6822"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6822src">126</a></span> Paulitschke, pp. 330–1. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6822src" title="Return to note 126 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6825"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6825src">127</a></span> Ibn Ḥawqal, p. 41. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6825src" title="Return to note 127 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6832" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6832src">128</a></span> Abu’l-Fidā, tome ii. 1<sup>re</sup> partie, pp. 231–2. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6832src" title="Return to note 128 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6839" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6839src">129</a></span> Documents sur l’histoire, la géographie et le commerce de l’Afrique Orientale, recueillis -par M. Guillain. Deuxième partie, tome i. p. 399. (Paris, 1856.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6839src" title="Return to note 129 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6842"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6842src">130</a></span> R. F. Burton: First Footprints in East Africa, pp. 76, 404. (London, 1856.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6842src" title="Return to note 130 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6845"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6845src">131</a></span> R. du M. M., vi. p. 288. (1908.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6845src" title="Return to note 131 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6850"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6850src">132</a></span> The Cape of Good Hope was in the possession of the Dutch from 1652 to 1795; restored -to them after the Peace of Amiens in 1802, it was re-occupied by the British as soon -as war broke out again. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6850src" title="Return to note 132 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6853"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6853src">133</a></span> Among these was Shayk͟h Yūsuf, a religious teacher of great influence in Java and -the last champion of the independence of Bantam; in 1694 he was removed by the Dutch -to Cape Colony as a prisoner of state, together with his family and numerous attendants; -his tomb is still regarded as a holy place. (G. M. Theal: History and Ethnography -of Africa south of the Zambesi, vol. ii. p. 263.) (London, 1909.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6853src" title="Return to note 133 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6858"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6858src">134</a></span> M. J. de Goeje: <span lang="nl">Mohammedaansche Propaganda</span>, pp. 2, 6. (<span lang="nl">Overgedrukt uit de Nederlandsche Spectator</span>, No. 51, 1881.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6858src" title="Return to note 134 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6867"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6867src">135</a></span> Attention was drawn to them in 1814 by a Mr. Campbell. See William Adams: The Modern -Voyager and Traveller, vol. i. p. 93. (London, 1834.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6867src" title="Return to note 135 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6873"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6873src">136</a></span> Sir T. E. Colebrooke: The Life of H. T. Colebrooke, p. 335. (London, 1873.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6873src" title="Return to note 136 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6876" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6876src">137</a></span> F. Coillard: Au Cap de Bonne Espérance. (Journal des missions évangéliques, avril -1899, p. 265.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6876src" title="Return to note 137 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6879"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6879src">138</a></span> Kumm, p. 233. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6879src" title="Return to note 138 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6882"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6882src">139</a></span> C. Snouck Hurgronje (3), vol. ii. pp. 296–7. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6882src" title="Return to note 139 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6885" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6885src">140</a></span> Jacques Bonzon: Les Missionaires de l’Islam en Afrique. (Revue Chrétienne, tome xiii. -p. 295.) (Paris, 1893.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6885src" title="Return to note 140 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6890" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6890src">141</a></span> G. Ferrand, Les Musulmans à Madagascar, pp. 19, 50 sqq., 138. (Paris, 1891.) Id. Les -Migrations musulmanes et juives à Madagascar. (Revue de l’Histoire des Religions, -vol. lii. p. 381 sqq.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6890src" title="Return to note 141 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6897"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6897src">142</a></span> Richard F. Burton (1), vol. i. p. 256. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6897src" title="Return to note 142 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6900"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6900src">143</a></span> Travels in the Interior of Africa, chap. xxv. ad fin. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6900src" title="Return to note 143 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6905"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6905src">144</a></span> D. J. East, pp. 118–20. W. Winwood Reade, vol. i. p. 312. Blyden, pp. 13, 202. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6905src" title="Return to note 144 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6910"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6910src">145</a></span> Bishop Crowther on Islam in Western Africa. (Church Missionary Intelligencer, p. 254, -April 1888.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6910src" title="Return to note 145 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6915"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6915src">146</a></span> D. J. East, pp. 112–13. Blyden, p. 202. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6915src" title="Return to note 146 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6919"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6919src">147</a></span> It is said that over a thousand missionaries of Islam leave Tripoli every year to -work in the Sudan. (Paulitschke, p. 331.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6919src" title="Return to note 147 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6926"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6926src">148</a></span> For a detailed examination of these points of contact, see Forget, p. 28 sqq. Merensky, -p. 155. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6926src" title="Return to note 148 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6932"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6932src">149</a></span> Sir Bartle Frere (1), pp. 18–19. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6932src" title="Return to note 149 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6939"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6939src">150</a></span> E. W. Blyden, pp. 18–24. E. Allégret, p. 200. Westermann, pp. 644–5. -</p> -<p class="footnote cont">In a very interesting, but now forgotten, debate before the Anthropological Society -of London, on the Efforts of Missionaries among Savages, a case was mentioned of a -Christian missionary in Africa who married a negress: the feeling against him in consequence -was so strong that he had to leave the colony. The Muslim missionary labours under -no such disadvantage. (Journal of the Anthropological Society of London, vol. iii. -1865.) -</p> -<p class="footnote cont">The contrast between the way in which Christianity and Islam present themselves to -the African is well brought out by one who is himself a Negro, in the following passage:—“<span lang="fr">Tandis que les missions renvoient à une époque indéfinie l’établissement du pastorat -indigène, les prêtres musulmans pénètrent dans l’intérieur de l’Afrique, trouvent -un accès facile chez les païens et les convertissent à l’islam. De sorte qu’aujourd’hui -les nègres regardent l’islam comme la religion des noirs, et le christianisme comme -la religion des blancs. Le christianisme, pensent-ils, appelle le nègre au salut, -mais lui assigne une place tellement basse que, découragé, il se dit: ‘Je n’ai ni -part ni portion dans cette affaire.’ L’islam appelle le nègre au salut et lui dit: -‘Il ne dépend que de toi pour arriver aussi haut que possible.’ Alors, le <span class="corr" id="xd31e6946" title="Source: negre">nègre</span> enthousiasmé se livre corps et âme au service de cette religion.</span>” <span lang="fr">L’islam et le christianisme en Afrique d’après un Africain. (Journal des Missions -<span class="corr" id="xd31e6952" title="Source: Évangiliques">Évangéliques</span>. 63<sup>e</sup> année, p. 207.) (Paris, 1888.)</span> <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6939src" title="Return to note 150 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6965"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6965src">151</a></span> E. D. Morel: Nigeria, its people and its problems, pp. 216–17. (London, 1911.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6965src" title="Return to note 151 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6975"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6975src">152</a></span> Ibn K͟hallikān, vol. i. p. 18. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6975src" title="Return to note 152 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e6985"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e6985src">153</a></span> “Extracts from the Koran form the earliest reading lessons of children, and the commentaries -and other works founded upon it furnish the principal subjects of the advanced studies. -Schools of different grades have existed for centuries in various interior negro countries, -and under the provision of law, in which even the poor are educated at the public -expense, and in which the deserving are carried on many years through long courses -of regular instruction. Nor is the system always confined to the Arabic language, -or to the works of Arabic writers. A number of native languages have been reduced -to writing, books have been translated from the Arabic and original works have been -written in them. Schools also have been kept in which native languages are taught.” -Condition and Character of Negroes in Africa. By Theodore Dwight. (Methodist Quarterly -Review, January 1869.) -</p> -<p class="footnote cont">Dr. Blyden (pp. 206–7) mentions the following books as read by Muslims in Western -Africa: Maqāmāt of Ḥarīrī, portions of Aristotle and Plato translated into Arabic, -an Arabic version of Hippocrates, and the Arabic New Testament and Psalms issued by -the American Bible Society. For the literature of the Muslims in East Africa, see -Becker: <span lang="de">Islam in Deutsch Ostafrika</span>, p. 18 sqq. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e6985src" title="Return to note 153 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7001"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7001src">154</a></span> Mohammedanism in Africa, by R. Bosworth Smith. (The Nineteenth Century, December 1887, -pp. 798–800.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7001src" title="Return to note 154 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7006"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7006src">155</a></span> Le Chatelier, (3), p. 348. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7006src" title="Return to note 155 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7011"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7011src">156</a></span> Forget, p. 95. Merensky, p. 156. (“<span lang="de">Den Vertretern des Islam aber stand ihr Vorteil, der Gewinn, den die Unterdrückung -der <span class="corr" id="xd31e7015" title="Source: Eingebornen">Eingeborenen</span> bringt, höher als die Ausbreitung ihres Glaubens. Hätte man die Völker Afrikas durch -die Macht geistiger Waffen unter gütigem Entgegenkommen zu Mohammedanern gemacht, -so <span class="corr" id="xd31e7018" title="Source: waren">wären</span> sie Glaubensgenossen, <span class="corr" id="xd31e7021" title="Source: gleichberechtige">gleichberechtigte</span> Brüder, die man nicht mehr berauben, zu Sklaven machen, oder als Sklaven nur Arbeit -ausnutzen <span class="corr" id="xd31e7024" title="Source: konnte">könnte</span>.</span>”) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7011src" title="Return to note 156 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7029"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7029src">157</a></span> Westermann, p. 643. L. de Contenson, p. 244. Kumm, p. 122. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7029src" title="Return to note 157 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7034"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7034src">158</a></span> Thus Merensky, discussing the failure of Islam to dominate the whole of Africa after -centuries of occupation says:—“<span lang="de">Wir sehen die Ursache für diese merkwürdige Erscheinung in den Beziehungen, in denen -bei den Mohammedanern die äussere Gewalt zum Islam und zur Ausbreitung des Islam steht. -Beides steht und fällt miteinander, dringt miteinander vor und geht miteinander auch -wieder zurück.</span>” (p. 156.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7034src" title="Return to note 158 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch12" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pageNum">[<a href="#xd31e403">Contents</a>]</span><div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">CHAPTER XII.</h2> -<h2 class="main">THE SPREAD OF ISLAM IN THE MALAY ARCHIPELAGO.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">The history of the Malay Archipelago during the last 600 years furnishes us with one -of the most interesting chapters in the story of the spread of Islam by missionary -efforts. During the whole of this period we find evidences of a continuous activity -on the part of the Muhammadan missionaries, in one or other at least of the East India -islands. In every instance, in the beginning, their work had to be carried on without -any patronage or assistance from the rulers of the country, but solely by the force -of persuasion, and in many cases in the face of severe opposition, especially on the -part of the Spaniards. But in spite of all difficulties, and with varying success, -they have prosecuted their efforts with untiring energy, perfecting their work (more -especially in the present day) wherever it has been partial or insufficient. -</p> -<p>It is impossible to fix the precise date of the first introduction of Islam into the -Malay Archipelago. It may have been carried thither by the Arab traders in the early -centuries of the Hijrah, long before we have any historical notices of such influences -being at work. This supposition is rendered the more probable by the knowledge we -have of the extensive commerce with the East carried on by the Arabs from very early -times. In the second century <span class="asc">B.C.</span> the trade with Ceylon was wholly in their hands. At the beginning of the seventh -century of the Christian era, the trade with China, through Ceylon, received a great -impulse, so that in the middle of the eighth century Arab traders were to be found -in great numbers in Canton; while from the tenth to the fifteenth century, until the -arrival of the Portuguese, they were undisputed masters of the trade with <span class="pageNum" id="pb364">[<a href="#pb364">364</a>]</span>the East.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7055src" href="#xd31e7055">1</a> We may therefore conjecture with tolerable certainty that they must have established -their commercial settlements on some of the islands of the Malay Archipelago, as they -did elsewhere, at a very early period: though no mention is made of these islands -in the works of the Arab geographers earlier than the ninth century,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7058src" href="#xd31e7058">2</a> yet in the Chinese annals, under the date <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 674, an account is given of an Arab chief, who from later notices is conjectured -to have been the head of an Arab settlement on the west coast of Sumatra.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7065src" href="#xd31e7065">3</a> -</p> -<p>Missionaries must also, however, have come to the Malay Archipelago from the south -of India, judging from certain peculiarities of Muhammadan theology adopted by the -islanders. Most of the Musalmans of the Archipelago belong to the Shāfiʻiyyah sect, -which is at the present day predominant on the Coromandel and Malabar coasts, as was -the case also about the middle of the fourteenth century when Ibn Baṭūṭah visited -these parts.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7070src" href="#xd31e7070">4</a> So when we consider that the Muhammadans of the neighbouring countries belong to -the Ḥanafiyyah sect, we can only explain the prevalence of Shāfiʻiyyah teachings by -assuming them to have been brought thither from the Malabar coast, the ports of which -were frequented by merchants from Java, as well as from China, Yaman and Persia.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7073src" href="#xd31e7073">5</a> From India, too, or from Persia, must have come the Shīʻism, of which traces are -still found in Java and Sumatra. From Ibn Baṭūṭah we learn that the Muhammadan Sultan -of Samudra had entered into friendly relations with the court of Dehli, and among -the learned doctors of the law whom this devout prince especially favoured, there -were two of Persian origin, the one coming from Shiraz and the other from Ispahan.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7076src" href="#xd31e7076">6</a> But long before this time merchants from the Deccan, through whose hands passed the -trade between the Musalman states of India and the Malay Archipelago, had established -themselves in large numbers in the trading <span class="pageNum" id="pb365">[<a href="#pb365">365</a>]</span>ports of these islands, where they sowed the seed of the new religion.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7081src" href="#xd31e7081">7</a> -</p> -<p>It is to the proselytising efforts of these Arab and Indian merchants that the native -Muhammadan population, which we find already in the earliest historical notices of -Islam in these parts, owes its existence. Settling in the centres of commerce, they -intermarried with the people of the land, and these heathen wives and the slaves of -their households thus formed the nucleus of a Muslim community which its members made -every effort in their power to increase. The following description of the methods -adopted by these merchant missionaries in the Philippine Islands, gives a picture -of what was no doubt the practice of many preceding generations of Muhammadan traders:—“The -better to introduce their religion into the country, the Muhammadans adopted the language -and many of the customs of the natives, married their women, purchased slaves in order -to increase their personal importance, and succeeded finally in incorporating themselves -among the chiefs who held the foremost rank in the state. Since they worked together -with greater ability and harmony than the natives, they gradually increased their -power more and more, as having numbers of slaves in their possession, they formed -a kind of confederacy among themselves and established a sort of monarchy, which they -made hereditary in one family. Though such a confederacy gave them great power, yet -they felt the necessity of keeping on friendly terms with the old aristocracy, and -of ensuring their freedom to those classes whose support they could not afford to -dispense with.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7086src" href="#xd31e7086">8</a> It must have been in some such way as this that the different Muhammadan settlements -in the Malay Archipelago laid a firm political and social basis for their proselytising -efforts. They did not come as conquerors, like the Spanish in the sixteenth century, -or use the sword as an instrument of conversion; nor did they arrogate to themselves -the privileges of a superior and dominant race so as to degrade and oppress the original -inhabitants, but coming simply in the guise of traders they employed all <span class="pageNum" id="pb366">[<a href="#pb366">366</a>]</span>their superior intelligence and civilisation in the service of their religion, rather -than as a means towards their personal aggrandisement and the amassing of wealth.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7091src" href="#xd31e7091">9</a> With this general statement of the subsidiary means adopted by them, let us follow -in detail their proselytising efforts through the various islands in turn. -</p> -<p>Tradition represents Islam as having been introduced into Sumatra from Arabia. But -there is no sound historical basis for such a belief, and all the evidence seems to -point to India as the source from which the people of Sumatra derived their knowledge -of the new faith. Active commercial relations had existed for centuries between India -and the Malay Archipelago, and the first missionaries to Sumatra were probably Indian -traders.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7096src" href="#xd31e7096">10</a> There is, however, no historical record of their labours, and the Malay chronicles -ascribe the honour of being the first missionary to Atjeh, in the north-west of Sumatra, -to an Arab named ʻAbd Allāh ʻĀrif, who is said to have visited the island about the -middle of the twelfth century; one of his disciples, Burhān al-Dīn, is said to have -carried the knowledge of the faith down the west coast as far as Priaman.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7101src" href="#xd31e7101">11</a> Untrustworthy as this record is, it may yet possibly indicate the existence of some -proselytising activity about this period; for the Malay chronicle of Atjeh gives 1205 -as the date of the accession of Jūhan Shāh, the traditionary founder of the Muhammadan -dynasty. He is said to have been a stranger from the West,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7104src" href="#xd31e7104">12</a> and to have come to these shores to preach the faith of the Prophet; he made many -proselytes, married a wife from among the people of the country, and was hailed by -them as their king, under the half-Sanskrit, half-Arabic title of Srī Padūka Sulṭān. -For some time the new faith would in all probability have been confined to the ports -at which Muhammadan merchants touched, and its progress inland would be slower, as -here <span class="pageNum" id="pb367">[<a href="#pb367">367</a>]</span>it would come up against the strong Hindu influences that had their centre in the -kingdom of Menangkabau. -</p> -<p>Marco Polo, who spent five months on the north coast of Sumatra in 1292, speaks of -all the inhabitants being idolaters, except in the petty kingdom of Parlāk on the -north-east corner of the island, where, too, only the townspeople were Muhammadans, -for “this kingdom, you must know, is so much frequented by the Saracen merchants that -they have converted the natives to the Law of Mahommet,” but the hill-people were -all idolaters and cannibals.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7114src" href="#xd31e7114">13</a> Further, one of the Malay chronicles says that it was Sultan ʻAlī Mug͟hāyat Shāh, -who reigned over Atjeh from 1507 to 1522, who first set the example of embracing Islam, -in which he was followed by his subjects.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7117src" href="#xd31e7117">14</a> But it is not improbable that the honour of being the first Muslim ruler of the state -has been here attributed as an added glory to the monarch who founded the greatness -of Atjeh and began to extend its sway over the neighbouring country, and that he rather -effected a revival of, or imparted a fresh impulse to, the religious life of his subjects -than gave to them their first knowledge of the faith of the Prophet. For Islam had -certainly set firm foot in Sumatra long before his time. According to the traditionary -account of the city of Samudra, the Sharīf of Mecca sent a mission to convert the -people of Sumatra. The leader of the party was a certain Shayk͟h Ismāʻīl: the first -place on the island at which they touched, after leaving Malabar, was Pasuri (probably -situated a little way down the west coast), the people of which were persuaded by -their preaching to embrace Islam. They then proceeded northward to Lambri and then -coasted round to the other side of the island and sailed as far down the east coast -as Aru, nearly opposite Malacca, and in both of these places their efforts were crowned -with a like success. At Aru they made inquiries for Samudra, a city on the north coast -of the island, which seems to have been the special object of their mission, and found -that they had passed it. Accordingly they retraced their course to Parlāk, where Marco -Polo had found a Muhammadan community a few years before, and having gained fresh -<span class="pageNum" id="pb368">[<a href="#pb368">368</a>]</span>converts here also, they went on to Samudra. This city and the kingdom of the same -name had lately been founded by a certain Mara Silu, who was persuaded by Shayk͟h -Ismāʻīl to embrace Islam, and took the name of al-Malik al-Ṣāliḥ. He married the daughter -of the king of Parlāk, by whom he had two sons, and in order to have a principality -to leave to each, he founded the Muhammadan city and kingdom of Pasei, also on the -north coast.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7122src" href="#xd31e7122">15</a> -</p> -<p>The king, al-Malik al-Z̤āhir, whom Ibn Baṭūṭah found reigning in Samudra when he visited -the island in 1345, was probably the elder of these two sons. This prince displayed -all the state of Muhammadan royalty, and his dominions extended for many days’ journey -along the coast; he was a zealous and orthodox Muslim, fond of holding discussions -with jurisconsults and theologians, and his court was frequented by poets and men -of learning. Ibn Baṭūṭah gives us the names of two jurisconsults who had come thither -from Persia and also of a noble who had gone on an embassy to Dehli on behalf of the -king—which shows that Sumatra was already in touch with several parts of the Muhammadan -world. Al-Malik al-Z̤āhir was also a great general, and made war on the heathen of -the surrounding country until they submitted to his rule and paid tribute.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7127src" href="#xd31e7127">16</a> -</p> -<p>Islam had undoubtedly by this time made great progress in Sumatra, and after having -established itself along the coast, began to make its way inland. The mission of Shayk͟h -Ismāʻīl and his party had borne fruit abundantly, for a Chinese traveller who visited -the island in 1413, speaks of Lambri as having a population of 1000 families, all -of whom were Muslims “and very good people,” while the king and people of the kingdom -of Aru were all of the same faith.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7132src" href="#xd31e7132">17</a> It was either about the close of the same century or in the fifteenth century, that -the religion of the Prophet found adherents in the great kingdom of Menangkabau, whose -territory at one time extended from one shore to another, and over a great part of -the island, north and south of the equator.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7135src" href="#xd31e7135">18</a> Though its power had by this time much <span class="pageNum" id="pb369">[<a href="#pb369">369</a>]</span>declined, still as an ancient stronghold of Hinduism it presented great obstacles -in the way of the progress of the new religion. Despite this fact, Islam eventually -took firmer root among the subjects of this kingdom than among the majority of the -inhabitants of the interior of the island.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7140src" href="#xd31e7140">19</a> It is very remarkable that this, the most central people of the island, should have -been more thoroughly converted than the inhabitants of so many other districts that -were more accessible to foreign influences. To the present day the inhabitants of -the Batak country are still, for the most part, heathen; but Islam has gained a footing -among them, e.g. some living on the borders of Atjeh have been converted, by their -Muhammadan neighbours,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7143src" href="#xd31e7143">20</a> others dwelling in the mountains of the Rau country on the equator have likewise -become Musalmans;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7147src" href="#xd31e7147">21</a> on the east coast also conversions of Bataks, who come much in contact with Malays, -are not uncommon.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7150src" href="#xd31e7150">22</a> -</p> -<p>The fanatical Padris (p. 372) made strenuous efforts, in vain, to force Islam upon -the Bataks at the point of the sword, laying waste their country and putting many -to death; but these violent methods did not win converts. When, however, the Dutch -Government suppressed the Padri rising and annexed the southern part of the Batak -country, Islam began to spread by peaceful means, chiefly through the zealous efforts -of the native subordinate officials of the new régime, who were all Muhammadan Malays,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7157src" href="#xd31e7157">23</a> but also through the influence of the traders who wandered through the country, whose -proselytising activity was followed up by the ḥājīs and other recognised teachers -of the faith. It is a remarkable fact that the Bataks, who for centuries had offered -a pertinacious resistance to the entrance of Islam into their midst, though they were -hemmed in between two fanatical Muhammadan populations, the Achinese on the north -and the Malays on the south, have in recent years responded with enthusiasm to the -<span class="pageNum" id="pb370">[<a href="#pb370">370</a>]</span>peaceful efforts made for their conversion. An explanation would appear to be found -in the breaking down of their exclusive national characteristics through the Dutch -occupation and the conquest opening up their country to foreign influences, which -implied the commencement of a new era in their cultural development, as well as in -the skilful procedure of the exponents of the new faith, who knew how to accommodate -their teachings to the existing beliefs of the Bataks and their deep-rooted superstitions.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7162src" href="#xd31e7162">24</a> A considerable impulse seems to have been given to Muslim propaganda by the establishment -of Christian missions among the Bataks in 1897, and they appear even to have paved -the way for its success. Two Batak villages, the entire population of which had been -baptised, are said to have gone over in a body to Islam shortly afterwards.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7168src" href="#xd31e7168">25</a> -</p> -<p>In Central Sumatra there is still a large heathen population, though the majority -of the inhabitants are Muslims; but these latter are very ignorant of their religion, -with the exception of a few ḥājīs and religious teachers: even among the people of -Korintji, who are for the most part zealous adherents of the faith, there are certain -sections of the population who still worship the gods of their pagan ancestors.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7174src" href="#xd31e7174">26</a> Efforts are, however, being made towards a religious revival, and the Muslim missionaries -are making fresh conquests from among the heathen, especially along the west coast.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7177src" href="#xd31e7177">27</a> In the district of Sipirok a religious teacher attached to the mosque in the town -of the same name, in a quarter of a century, converted the whole population of this -district to Islam, with the exception of the Christians who were to be found there, -mostly descendants of former slaves,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7180src" href="#xd31e7180">28</a> and a later missionary movement in the first decade of the twentieth century succeeded -in winning over to Islam many of the Christians of this district, even <span class="pageNum" id="pb371">[<a href="#pb371">371</a>]</span>some living in the centre of the sphere of influence of the Christian mission.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7185src" href="#xd31e7185">29</a> -</p> -<p>Islam is traditionally represented to have been introduced into Palembang about 1440 -by Raden Raḥmat, of whose propagandist activity an account will be given below (p. -381). But Hindu influences appear to have been firmly rooted here, and the progress -of the new faith was slow. Even up to the nineteenth century the Muslims of Palembang -were said to know little of their religion except the external observances of it, -with the exception of the inhabitants of the capital who come into daily contact with -Arabs;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7190src" href="#xd31e7190">30</a> but in the first decade of the twentieth century there would appear to have been -a revival of the religious life and a growing propaganda, as the Colonial Reports -of the Dutch Government draw attention to the continual spread of Islam among the -heathen population of various districts of Palembang.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7193src" href="#xd31e7193">31</a> -</p> -<p>It was from Java that Islam was first brought into the Lampong districts which form -the southern extremity of Sumatra, by a chieftain of these districts, named Minak -Kamala Bumi. About the end of the fifteenth century he crossed over the Strait of -Sunda to the kingdom of Bantam on the west coast of Java, which had accepted the teachings -of the Muslim missionaries a few years before the date of his visit; here he, too, -embraced Islam, and after making the pilgrimage to Mecca, spread the knowledge of -his newly adopted faith among his fellow-countrymen.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7201src" href="#xd31e7201">32</a> This religion has made considerable progress among the Lampongs, and most of the -villages have mosques in them, but the old superstitions still linger on in parts -of the interior.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7204src" href="#xd31e7204">33</a> -</p> -<p>In the early part of the nineteenth century a religious revival was set on foot in -Sumatra, which was not without its influence in promoting the further propagation -of Islam. In 1803 three Sumatran ḥājīs returned from Mecca to their native country: -during their stay in the holy city they had <span class="pageNum" id="pb372">[<a href="#pb372">372</a>]</span>been profoundly influenced by the Wahhābī movement for the reformation of Islam, and -were now eager to introduce the same reforms among their fellow-countrymen and to -stir up in them a purer and more zealous religious life. Accordingly they began to -preach the strict monotheism of the Wahhābī sect, forbade prayers to saints, drinking -and gambling and all other practices contrary to the law of the Qurʼān. They made -a number of proselytes both from among their co-religionists and the heathen population. -They later declared a Jihād against the Bataks, and in the hands of unscrupulous and -ambitious men the movement lost its original character and degenerated into a savage -and bloody war of conquest. In 1821 these so-called Padris came into conflict with -the Dutch Government and it was not until 1838 that their last stronghold was taken -and their power broken.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7211src" href="#xd31e7211">34</a> -</p> -<p>All the civilised Malays of the Malay Peninsula trace their origin to migrations from -Sumatra, especially from Menangkabau, the famous kingdom mentioned above, which is -said at one time to have been the most powerful on the island; some of the chiefs -of the interior states of the southern part of the Malay Peninsula still receive their -investiture from this place. At what period these colonies from the heart of Sumatra -settled in the interior of the Peninsula, is matter of conjecture, but Singapore and -the southern extremity of the Peninsula seem to have received a colony in the middle -of the twelfth century, by the descendants of which Malacca was founded about a century -later.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7216src" href="#xd31e7216">35</a> From its advantageous situation, in the highway of eastern commerce it soon became -a large and flourishing city, and there is little doubt but that Islam was introduced -by the Muhammadan merchants who settled here.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7219src" href="#xd31e7219">36</a> The Malay chronicle of Malacca assigns the conversion of this kingdom to the reign -of a certain Sulṭān Muḥammad Shāh who came to the throne in 1276. He is said to have -been reigning <span class="pageNum" id="pb373">[<a href="#pb373">373</a>]</span>some years before a ship commanded by Sīdī ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz came to Malacca from Jiddah, -and the king was persuaded by the new-comers to change his faith and to give up his -Malay name for one containing the name of the Prophet.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7227src" href="#xd31e7227">37</a> But the general character of this document makes its trustworthiness exceedingly -doubtful,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7230src" href="#xd31e7230">38</a> in spite of the likelihood that the date of so important an event would have been -exactly noted (as was done in many parts of the Archipelago) by a people who, proud -of the event, would look upon it as opening a new epoch in their history. A Portuguese -historian gives a much later date, namely 1384, in which year, he says, a Qāḍī came -from Arabia and having converted the king, gave him the name of Muḥammad after the -Prophet, adding Shāh to it.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7234src" href="#xd31e7234">39</a> -</p> -<p>In the annals of Queda, one of the northernmost of the states of the Malay Peninsula, -we have a curious account of the introduction of Islam into this kingdom, about <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1501,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7242src" href="#xd31e7242">40</a> which (divested of certain miraculous incidents) is as follows: A learned Arab, by -name Shayk͟h ʻAbd Allāh, having come to Queda, visited the Raja and inquired what -was the religion of the country. “My religion,” replied the Raja, “and that of all -my subjects is that which has been handed down to us by the people of old. We all -worship idols.” “Then has your highness never heard of Islam, and of the Qurʼān which -descended from God to Muḥammad, and has superseded all other religions, leaving them -in the possession of the devil?” “I pray you then, if this be true,” said the Raja, -“to instruct and enlighten us in this new faith.” In a transport of holy fervour at -this request, Shayk͟h ʻAbd Allāh embraced the Raja and then instructed him in the -creed. Persuaded by his teaching, the Raja sent for all his jars of spirits (to which -he was much addicted), and with his own hands emptied them on the ground. After this -he had all the idols of the palace brought out; the idols of gold, and silver, and -clay, and <span class="pageNum" id="pb374">[<a href="#pb374">374</a>]</span>wood were all heaped up in his presence, and were all broken and cut to pieces by -Shayk͟h ʻAbd Allāh with his sword and with an axe, and the fragments consumed in the -fire. The Shayk͟h asked the Raja to assemble all his women of the fort and palace. -When they had all come into the presence of the Raja and the Shayk͟h, they were initiated -into the doctrines of Islam. The Shayk͟h was mild and courteous in his demeanour, -persuasive and soft in his language, so that he gained the hearts of the inmates of -the palace. The Raja soon after sent for his four aged ministers, who, on entering -the hall, were surprised at seeing a Shayk͟h seated near the Raja. The Raja explained -to them the object of the Shayk͟h’s coming; whereupon the four chiefs expressed their -readiness to follow the example of his highness, saying, “We hope that Shayk͟h ʻAbd -Allāh will instruct us also.” The latter hearing these words, embraced the four ministers -and said that he hoped that, to prove their sincerity, they would send for all the -people to come to the audience hall, bringing with them all the idols that they were -wont to worship and the idols that had been handed down by the men of former days. -The request was complied with and all the idols kept by the people were at that very -time brought down and there destroyed and burnt to dust; no one was sorry at this -demolition of their false gods, all were glad to enter the pale of Islam. Shayk͟h -ʻAbd Allāh after this said to the four ministers, “What is the name of your prince?” -They replied, “His name is Pra Ong Mahāwāngsā.” “Let us change it for one in the language -of Islam,” said the Shayk͟h. After some consultation, the name of the Raja was changed -at his request to Sultan Muzlaf al-Shāh, because, the Shayk͟h averred, it is a celebrated -name and is found in the Qurʼān.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7247src" href="#xd31e7247">41</a> -</p> -<p>The Raja now built mosques wherever the population was considerable, and directed -that to each there should be attached forty-four of the inhabitants at least as a -settled congregation, for a smaller number would have been few for the duties of religion. -So mosques were erected and great <span class="pageNum" id="pb375">[<a href="#pb375">375</a>]</span>drums were attached to them to be beaten to call the people to prayer on Fridays. -Shayk͟h ʻAbd Allāh continued for some time to instruct the people in the religion -of Islam; they flocked to him from all the coasts and districts of Queda and its vicinity, -and were initiated by him into its forms and ceremonies. -</p> -<p>The news of the conversion of the inhabitants of Queda by Shayk͟h ʻAbd Allāh reached -Atjeh, and the Sultan of that country and a certain Shayk͟h Nūr al-Dīn, an Arab missionary, -who had come from Mecca, sent some books and a letter, which ran as follows:—“This -letter is from the Sultan of Atjeh and Nūr al-Dīn to our brother the Sultan of Queda -and Shayk͟h ʻAbd Allāh of Yaman, now in Queda. We have sent two religious books, in -order that the faith of Islam may be firmly established and the people fully instructed -in their duties and in the rites of the faith.” A letter was sent in reply by the -Raja and Shayk͟h ʻAbd Allāh, thanking the donors. So Shayk͟h ʻAbd Allāh redoubled -his efforts, and erected additional small mosques in all the different villages for -general convenience, and instructed the people in all the rules and observances of -the faith. The Raja and his wife were constantly with the Shayk͟h, learning to read -the Qurʼān. The royal pair searched also for some maiden of the lineage of the Rajas -of the country, to be the Shayk͟h’s wife. But no one could be found who was willing -to give his daughter thus in marriage because the holy man was about to return to -Bag͟hdād, and only waited until he had sufficiently instructed some person to supply -his place. Now at this time the Sultan had three sons, Raja Muʻaz̤z̤am Shāh, Raja -Muḥammad Shāh, and Raja Sulaymān Shāh. These names had been borrowed from the Qurʼān -by Shayk͟h ʻAbd Allāh and bestowed upon the princes, whom he exhorted to be patient -and slow to anger in their intercourse with their slaves and the lower orders, and -to regard with pity all the servants of God, and the poor and needy.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7262src" href="#xd31e7262">42</a> -</p> -<p>It must not be supposed that the labours of Shayk͟h ʻAbd Allāh were crowned with complete -success, for we learn <span class="pageNum" id="pb376">[<a href="#pb376">376</a>]</span>from the annals of Atjeh that a Sultan of this country who conquered Queda in 1649, -set himself to “more firmly establish the faith and destroy the houses of the Liar” -or temples of idols.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7272src" href="#xd31e7272">43</a> Thus a century and a half elapsed before idolatry was completely rooted out. -</p> -<p>We possess no other details of the history of the conversion of the Malays of the -Peninsula, but in many places the graves of the Arab missionaries who first preached -the faith to them are honoured by these people.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7277src" href="#xd31e7277">44</a> Their long intercourse with the Arabs and the Muslims of the east coast of India -has made them very rigid observers of their religious duties, and they have the reputation -of being the most exemplary Muhammadans of the Archipelago; at the same time their -constant contact with the Hindus, Buddhists, Christians and pagans of their own country -has made them liberal and tolerant. They are very strict in the keeping of the fast -of Ramaḍān and in performing the pilgrimage to Mecca. The religious interests of the -people are always considered at the same time as their temporal welfare; and when -a village is found to contain more than forty houses and is considered to be of a -size that necessitates its organisation and the appointment of the regular village -officers, a public preacher is always included among the number and a mosque is formally -built and instituted.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7280src" href="#xd31e7280">45</a> -</p> -<p>In the north, where the Malay states border on Siam, Islam has exercised considerable -influence on the Siamese Buddhists; those who have here been converted are called -Samsams and speak a language that is a mixed jargon of the languages of the two people.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7285src" href="#xd31e7285">46</a> Converts are also made from among the wild tribes of the Peninsula.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7288src" href="#xd31e7288">47</a> -</p> -<p>The history of the spread of Islam in Indo-China is obscure; Arab and Persian merchants -probably introduced their religion into the sea-port towns from the tenth century -onwards, but its most important expansion was due to the immigrations of Malays which -began at the close of the fourteenth century.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7294src" href="#xd31e7294">48</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb377">[<a href="#pb377">377</a>]</span></p> -<p>We must now go back several centuries in order to follow out the history of the conversion -of Java. The preaching and promulgation of the doctrines of Islam in this island were -undoubtedly for a long time entirely the result of the labours of individual merchants -or of the leaders of small colonies, for in Java there was no central Muhammadan power -to throw in its influence on the side of the new religion or enforce the acceptance -of it by warlike means. On the contrary, the Muslim missionaries came in contact with -a Hindu civilisation, that had thrust its roots deep into the life of the country -and had raised the Javanese to a high level of culture and progress—expressing itself -moreover in institutions and laws radically different to those of Arabia. Even up -to the present day, the Muhammadan law has failed to establish itself absolutely, -even where the authority of Islam is generally predominant, and there is still a constant -struggle between the adherents of the old Malayan usages and the Ḥājīs, who having -made the pilgrimage to Mecca, return enthusiastic for a strict observance of Muslim -Law. Consequently the work of conversion must have proceeded very slowly, and we can -say with tolerable certainty that while part of the history of this proselytising -movement may be disentangled from legends and traditions, much of it must remain wholly -unknown to us. In the Malay Chronicle, which purports to give us an account of the -first preachers of the faith, what was undoubtedly the work of many generations and -must have been carried on through many centuries, is compressed within the compass -of a few years; and, as frequently happens in popular histories, a few well-known -names gain the fame and credit that belongs of right to the patient labours of their -unknown predecessors.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7300src" href="#xd31e7300">49</a> Further, the quiet, unobtrusive labours of many of these missionaries would not be -likely to attract the notice of the chronicler, whose attention would naturally be -fixed rather on the doings of kings and princes, and of those who came in close relationship -to them. But failing such larger knowledge, we must fain be content with the facts -that have been handed down to us. -<span class="pageNum" id="pb378">[<a href="#pb378">378</a>]</span></p> -<p>In the following pages, therefore, it is proposed to give a brief sketch of the establishment -of the Muhammadan religion in this island, as presented in the native chronicle, which, -though full of contradictions and fables, has undoubtedly a historical foundation, -as is attested by the inscriptions on the tombs of the chief personages mentioned -and the remains of ancient cities, etc. The following account therefore may, in the -want of any other authorities, be accepted as substantially correct, with the caution -above mentioned against ascribing too much efficacy to the proselytising efforts of -individuals. -</p> -<p>The first attempt to introduce Islam into Java was made by a native of the island -about the close of the twelfth century. The first king of Pajajaran, a state in the -western part of the island, left two sons; of these, the elder chose to follow the -profession of a merchant and undertook a trading expedition to India, leaving the -kingdom to his younger brother, who succeeded to the throne in the year 1190 with -the title of Prabu Munding Sari. In the course of his wanderings, the elder brother -fell in with some Arab merchants, and was by them converted to Islam, taking the name -of Ḥājī Purwa. -</p> -<p>On his return to his native country, he tried with the help of an Arab missionary -to convert his brother and the royal family to his new faith; but, his efforts proving -unsuccessful, he fled into the jungle for fear of the king and his unbelieving subjects, -and we hear no more of him.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7308src" href="#xd31e7308">50</a> -</p> -<p>In the latter half of the fourteenth century, a missionary movement, which was attended -with greater success, was instituted by a certain Mawlānā Malik Ibrāhīm, who landed -on the east coast of Java with some of his co-religionists, and established himself -near the town of Gresik, opposite the island of Madura. He is said to have traced -his descent to Zayn al-ʻĀbidīn, a great-grandson of the Prophet, and to have been -cousin of the Raja of Chermen.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7313src" href="#xd31e7313">51</a> Here he occupied himself successfully in the work of conversion, and speedily gathered -a small band of believers around him. <span class="pageNum" id="pb379">[<a href="#pb379">379</a>]</span>Later on, he was joined by his cousin, the Raja of Chermen, who came in the hope of -converting the Raja of the Hindu Kingdom of Majapahit, and of forming an alliance -with him by offering his daughter in marriage. On his arrival he sent his son, Ṣādiq -Muḥammad, to Majapahit to arrange an interview, while he busied himself in the building -of a mosque and the conversion of the inhabitants. A meeting of the two princes took -place accordingly, but before the favourable impression then produced could be followed -up, a sickness broke out among the people of the Raja of Chermen, which carried off -his daughter, three of his nephews who had accompanied him, and a great part of his -retinue; whereupon he himself returned to his own kingdom. These misfortunes prejudiced -the mind of the Raja of Majapahit against the new faith, which he said should have -better protected its votaries: and the mission accordingly failed. Mawlānā Ibrāhīm, -however, remained behind, in charge of the tombs<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7321src" href="#xd31e7321">52</a> of his kinsfolk and co-religionists, and himself died twenty-one years later, in -1419, and was buried at Gresik, where his tomb is still venerated as that of the first -apostle of Islam to Java. -</p> -<p>A Chinese Musalman, who accompanied the envoy of the Emperor of China to Java in the -capacity of interpreter, six years before the death of Mawlānā Ibrāhīm, i.e. in 1413, -mentions the presence of his co-religionists in this island in his “General Account -of the Shores of the Ocean,” where he says, “In this country there are three kinds -of people. First the Muhammadans, who have come from the west, and have established -themselves here; their dress and food is clean and proper; second, the Chinese who -have run away and settled here; what they eat and use is also very fine, and many -of them have adopted the Muhammadan religion and observe its precepts. The third kind -are the natives, who are very ugly and uncouth, they go about with uncombed heads -and naked feet, and believe devoutly in devils, theirs being one of the countries -called devil-countries in Buddhist books.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7326src" href="#xd31e7326">53</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb380">[<a href="#pb380">380</a>]</span></p> -<p>We now approach the period in which the rule of the Muhammadans became predominant -in the island, after their religion had been introduced into it for nearly a century; -and here it will be necessary to enter a little more closely into the details of the -history in order to show that this was not the result of any fanatical movement stirred -up by the Arabs, but rather of a revolution carried out by the natives of the country -themselves,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7332src" href="#xd31e7332">54</a> who (though they naturally gained strength from the bond of a common faith) were -stirred up to unite in order to wrest the supreme power from the hands of their heathen -fellow-countrymen, not by the preaching of a religious war, but through the exhortations -of an ambitious aspirant to the throne who had a wrong to avenge.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7335src" href="#xd31e7335">55</a> -</p> -<p>The political condition of the island may be described as follows:—The central and -eastern provinces of the island, which were the most wealthy and populous and the -furthest advanced in civilisation, were under the sway of the Hindu kingdom of Majapahit. -Further west were Cheribon and several other petty, independent princedoms; while -the rest of the island, including all the districts at its western extremity, was -subject to the King of Pajajaran. -</p> -<p>The King of Majapahit had married a daughter of the prince of Champa, a small state -in Cambodia, east of the Gulf of Siam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7341src" href="#xd31e7341">56</a> She being jealous of a favourite concubine of the King, he sent this concubine away -to his son Arya Damar, governor of Palembang in Sumatra, where she gave birth to a -son, Raden Patah, who was brought up as one of the governor’s own children. This child -(as we shall see) was destined in after years to work a terrible vengeance for the -cruel treatment of his mother. Another daughter of the prince of Champa had married -an Arab who had come to Champa to preach the faith of Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7349src" href="#xd31e7349">57</a> From this union was born Raden Raḥmat, who was carefully brought up by his father -in the Muhammadan religion and is still <span class="pageNum" id="pb381">[<a href="#pb381">381</a>]</span>venerated by the Javanese as the chief apostle of Islam to their country.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7354src" href="#xd31e7354">58</a> -</p> -<p>When he reached the age of twenty, his parents sent him with letters and presents -to his uncle, the King of Majapahit. On his way, he stayed for two months at Palembang, -as the guest of Arya Damar, whom he almost persuaded to become a Musalman, only he -dared not openly profess Islam for fear of the people who were strongly attached to -their ancient superstitions. Continuing his journey Raden Raḥmat came to Gresik, where -an Arab missionary, Shayk͟h Mawlānā Jumāda ’l-Kubrạ̄, hailed him as the promised Apostle -of Islam to East Java, and foretold that the fall of paganism was at hand, and that -his labours would be crowned by the conversion of many to the faith. At Majapahit -he was very kindly received by the King and the princess of <span class="corr" id="xd31e7541" title="Source: Chamba">Champa</span>. Although the King was unwilling himself to become a convert to Islam, yet he conceived -such an attachment and respect for Raden Raḥmat, that he made him governor over 3000 -families at Ampel, on the east coast, a little south of Gresik, allowed him the free -exercise of his religion and gave him permission to make converts. Here after some -time he gained over most of those placed under him, to Islam. -</p> -<p>Ampel was now the chief seat of Islam in Java, and the fame of the ruler who was so -zealously working for the propagation of his religion, spread far and wide. Hereupon -<span class="pageNum" id="pb382">[<a href="#pb382">382</a>]</span>a certain Mawlānā Isḥāq came to Ampel to assist him in the work of conversion, and -was assigned the task of spreading the faith in the kingdom of Balambangan, in the -extreme eastern extremity of the island. Here he cured the daughter of the King, who -was grievously sick, and the grateful father gave her to him in marriage. She ardently -embraced the faith of Islam and her father allowed himself to receive instruction -in the same, but when the Mawlānā urged him to openly profess it, as he had promised -to do, if his daughter were cured, he drove him from his kingdom, and gave orders -that the child that was soon to be born of his daughter, should be killed. But the -mother secretly sent the infant away to Gresik to a rich Muhammadan widow<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7549src" href="#xd31e7549">59</a> who brought him up with all a mother’s care and educated him until he was twelve -years old, when she entrusted him to Raden Raḥmat. He, after learning the history -of the child, gave him the name of Raden Paku, and in course of time gave him also -his daughter in marriage. Raden Paku afterwards built a mosque at Giri, to the south-west -of Gresik, where he converted thousands to the faith; his influence became so great, -that after the death of Raden Raḥmat, the King of Majapahit made him governor of Ampel -and Gresik.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7552src" href="#xd31e7552">60</a> Meanwhile several missions were instituted from Gresik. Two sons of Raden Raḥmat -established themselves at different parts of the north-east coast and made themselves -famous by their religious zeal and the conversion of many of the inhabitants of those -parts. Raden Raḥmat also sent a missionary, by name Shayk͟h K͟halīfah Ḥusayn, across -to the neighbouring island of Madura, where he built a mosque and won over many to -the faith. -</p> -<p>We must now return to Arya Damar, the governor of Palembang. (See p. 380.) He appears -to have brought up his children in the religion which he himself feared openly to -profess, and he now sent Raden Patah, when he had reached the age of twenty, together -with his foster-brother, Raden Ḥusayn, who was two years younger, to Java, where <span class="pageNum" id="pb383">[<a href="#pb383">383</a>]</span>they landed at Gresik. Raden Patah, aware of his extraction and enraged at the cruel -treatment his mother had received, refused to accompany his foster-brother to Majapahit, -but stayed with Raden Raḥmat at Ampel while Raden Ḥusayn went on to the capital, where -he was well received and placed in charge of a district and afterwards made general -of the army. -</p> -<p>Meanwhile Raden Patah married a granddaughter of Raden Raḥmat, and formed an establishment -in a place of great natural strength called Bintara, in the centre of a marshy country, -to the west of Gresik. As soon as the King of Majapahit heard of this new settlement, -he sent Raden Ḥusayn to persuade his brother to come to the capital and pay homage. -This Raden Ḥusayn prevailed upon him to do, and he went to the court, where his likeness -to the king was at once recognised, and where he was kindly received and formally -appointed governor of Bintara. Still burning for revenge and bent on the destruction -of his father’s kingdom, he returned to Ampel, where he revealed his plans to Raden -Raḥmat. The latter endeavoured to moderate his anger, reminding him that he had never -received anything but kindness at the hands of the king of Majapahit, his father, -and that while the prince was so just and so beloved, his religion forbade him to -make war upon or in any way to injure him. However, unpersuaded by these exhortations -(as the sequel shows), Raden Patah returned to Bintara, which was now daily increasing -in importance and population, while great numbers of people in the surrounding country -were being converted to Islam. He had formed a plan of building a great mosque, but -shortly after the work had been commenced, news arrived of the severe illness of Raden -Raḥmat. He hastened to Ampel, where he found the chief missionaries of Islam gathered -round the bed of him they looked upon as their leader. Among them were the two sons -of Raden Raḥmat mentioned above (p. 382), Raden Paku of Giri, and five others. A few -days afterwards Raden Raḥmat breathed his last, and the only remaining obstacle to -Raden Patah’s revengeful schemes was thus removed. The eight chiefs accompanied him -back to Bintara, where they assisted in <span class="pageNum" id="pb384">[<a href="#pb384">384</a>]</span>the completion of the mosque,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7563src" href="#xd31e7563">61</a> and bound themselves by a solemn oath to assist him in his attempt against Majapahit. -All the Muhammadan princes joined this confederacy, with the exception of Raden Ḥusayn, -who with all his followers remained true to his master, and refused to throw in his -lot with his rebellious co-religionists. -</p> -<p>A lengthy campaign followed, into the details of which we need not enter, but in 1478,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7568src" href="#xd31e7568">62</a> after a desperate battle which lasted seven days, Majapahit fell and the Hindu supremacy -in eastern Java was replaced by a Muhammadan power. A short time after, Raden Ḥusayn -was besieged with his followers in a fortified place, compelled to surrender and brought -to Ampel, where he was kindly received by his brother. A large number of those who -remained faithful to the old Hindu religion fled in 1481 to the island of Bali, where -the worship of Siva is still the prevailing religion.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7571src" href="#xd31e7571">63</a> Others seem to have formed small kingdoms, under the leadership of princes of the -house of Majapahit, which remained heathen for some time after the fall of the great -Hindu capital. -</p> -<p>Even under Muslim chiefs the population of central Java long remained heathen, and -the progress of Islam southward from the early centres of missionary effort on the -north coast was the work of centuries; even to the present day the influence of their -old Hindu faith is strikingly <span class="pageNum" id="pb385">[<a href="#pb385">385</a>]</span>manifest in the religious notions of the Muslim population of central Java. One remarkable -evidence of the deep roots that Hinduism had struck in this part of the island is -the fact that it was not until 1768 that the authority of the Hindu law-books, particularly -the code of Manu, gave way before a code of laws more in accordance with the spirit -of Muslim legislation.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7578src" href="#xd31e7578">64</a> -</p> -<p>Islam was introduced into the eastern parts of the island some years later, probably -in the beginning of the following century, through the missionary activity of Shayk͟h -Nūr al-Dīn Ibrāhīm of Cheribon. He won for himself a great reputation by curing a -woman afflicted with leprosy, with the result that thousands came to him to be instructed -in the tenets of the new faith. At first the neighbouring chiefs tried to set themselves -against the movement, but finding that their opposition was of no avail, they suffered -themselves to be carried along with the tide and many of them became converts to Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7583src" href="#xd31e7583">65</a> Shayk͟h Nūr al-Dīn Ibrāhīm of Cheribon sent his son, Mawlānā Ḥasan al-Dīn, to preach -the faith of Islam in Bantam, the most westerly province of the island, and a dependency -of the heathen kingdom of Pajajaran. Here his efforts were attended with considerable -success, among the converts being a body of ascetics, 800 in number. It is especially -mentioned in the annals of this part of the country that the young prince won over -those whom he converted to Islam, solely by the gentle means of persuasion, and not -by the sword.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7586src" href="#xd31e7586">66</a> He afterwards went with his father on a pilgrimage to Mecca, and on his return extended -his power over the neighbouring coast of Sumatra, without ever having to draw the -sword, and winning converts to the faith by peaceful methods alone.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7589src" href="#xd31e7589">67</a> -</p> -<p>But the progress of Islam in the west of Java seems to have been much slower than -in the east; a long struggle ensued between the worshippers of Siva and the followers -of the Prophet, and it was probably not until the middle of the sixteenth century -that the Hindu kingdom of Pajajaran, which at one period of the history of Java seems -<span class="pageNum" id="pb386">[<a href="#pb386">386</a>]</span>to have exercised suzerainty over the princedoms in the western part of the island, -came to an end,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7596src" href="#xd31e7596">68</a> while other smaller heathen communities survived to a much later period,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7599src" href="#xd31e7599">69</a>—some even to the present day. The history of one of these—the so-called Baduwis—is -of especial interest; they are the descendants of the adherents of the old religion, -who after the fall of Pajajaran fled into the woods and the recesses of the mountains, -where they might uninterruptedly carry out the observances of their ancestral faith. -In later times, when they submitted to the rule of the Musalman Sultan of Bantam, -they were allowed to continue in the exercise of their religion, on condition that -no increase should be allowed in the numbers of those who professed this idolatrous -faith;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7602src" href="#xd31e7602">70</a> and strange to say, they still observe this custom, although the Dutch rule has been -so long established in Java and sets them free from the necessity of obedience to -this ancient agreement. They strictly limit their number to forty households, and -when the community increases beyond this limit, one family or more has to leave this -inner circle and settle among the Muhammadan population in one of the surrounding -villages.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7605src" href="#xd31e7605">71</a> -</p> -<p>But, though the work of conversion in the west of Java proceeded more slowly than -in the other parts of the island, yet, owing largely to the fact that Hinduism had -not taken such deep root among the people here as in the centre of the island, the -victory of Islam over the heathen worship which it supplanted was more complete than -in the districts which came more immediately under the rule of the Rajas of Majapahit. -The Muhammadan law is here a living force and the civilisation brought into the country -from Arabia has interwoven itself with the government and the life of the people; -and it has been remarked that at the present day the Muhammadans of the west of Java, -who study their religion at all or have performed the pilgrimage to Mecca, form as -a rule the most intelligent and prosperous part of the population.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7610src" href="#xd31e7610">72</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb387">[<a href="#pb387">387</a>]</span></p> -<p>We have already seen that large sections of the Javanese remained heathen for centuries -after the establishment of Muhammadan kingdoms in the island; at the present day the -whole population of Java, with some trifling exceptions, is Muhammadan, and though -many superstitions and customs have survived among them from the days of their pagan -ancestors, still the tendency is continually in the direction of the guidance of thought -and conduct in accordance with the teaching of Islam. This long work of conversion -has proceeded peacefully and gradually, and the growth of Muslim states in this island -belongs rather to its political than to its religious history, since the progress -of the religion has been achieved by the work rather of missionaries than of princes. -</p> -<p>While the Musalmans of Java were plotting against the Hindu Government and taking -the rule of the country into their own hands by force, a revolution of a wholly peaceful -character was being carried on in other parts of the Archipelago through the preaching -of the Muslim missionaries who were slowly but surely achieving success in their proselytising -efforts. Let us first turn our attention to the history of this propagandist movement -in the Molucca islands. -</p> -<p>The trade in cloves must have brought the Moluccas into contact with the islanders -of the western half of the Archipelago from very early times, and the converted Javanese -and other Malays who came into these islands to trade, spread their faith among the -inhabitants of the coast.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7618src" href="#xd31e7618">73</a> The companions of Magellan brought back a curious story of the way in which these -men introduced their religious doctrines among the Muluccans. “The kings of these -islands<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7621src" href="#xd31e7621">74</a> a few years before the arrival of the Spaniards <span class="pageNum" id="pb388">[<a href="#pb388">388</a>]</span>began to believe in the immortality of the soul, induced by no other argument but -that they had seen a very beautiful little bird, that never settled on the earth nor -on anything that was of the earth, and the Mahometans, who traded as merchants in -those islands, told them that this little bird was born in paradise, and that paradise -is the place where rest the souls of those that are dead. And for this reason these -seignors joined the sect of Mahomet, because it promises many marvellous things of -this place of the souls.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7626src" href="#xd31e7626">75</a> -</p> -<p>Islam seems first to have begun to make progress here in the fifteenth century. A -heathen king of Tidor yielded to the persuasions of an Arab, named Shayk͟h Manṣūr, -and embraced Islam together with many of his subjects. The heathen name of the king, -Tjireli Lijatu, was changed to that of Jamāl al-Dīn, while his eldest son was called -Manṣūr after their Arab teacher.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7632src" href="#xd31e7632">76</a> It was the latter prince who entertained the Spanish expedition that reached Tidor -in 1521, shortly after the ill-fated death of Magellan. Pigafetta, the historian of -this expedition, calls him Raia Sultan Mauzor, and says that he was more than fifty-five -years old, and that not fifty years had passed since the Muhammadans came to live -in these islands.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7635src" href="#xd31e7635">77</a> -</p> -<p>Islam seems to have gained a footing on the neighbouring island of Ternate a little -earlier. The Portuguese, who came to this island the same year as the Spaniards reached -Tidor, were informed by the inhabitants that it had been introduced a little more -than eighty years.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7640src" href="#xd31e7640">78</a> -</p> -<p>According to the Portuguese account<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7645src" href="#xd31e7645">79</a> also the Sultan of Ternate was the first of the Muluccan chieftains who became a -Muslim. The legend of the introduction of Islam into this island tells how a merchant, -named Datu Mullā Ḥusayn, excited the curiosity of the people by reading the Qurʼān -aloud in their presence; they tried to imitate the characters written in the book, -but could not read them, so they asked the merchant how it was that he could read -them, while <span class="pageNum" id="pb389">[<a href="#pb389">389</a>]</span>they could not; he replied that they must first believe in God and His Apostle; whereupon -they expressed their willingness to accept his teaching, and became converted to the -faith.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7650src" href="#xd31e7650">80</a> The Sultan of Ternate, who occupied the foremost place among the independent rulers -in these islands, is said to have made a journey to Gresik, in Java, in order to embrace -the Muhammadan faith there, in 1495.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7653src" href="#xd31e7653">81</a> He was assisted in his propagandist efforts by a certain Pati Putah, who had made -the journey from Hitu in Amboina to Java in order to learn the doctrines of the new -faith, and on his return spread the knowledge of Islam among the people of Amboina.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7656src" href="#xd31e7656">82</a> Islam, however, seems at first to have made but slow progress, and to have met with -considerable opposition from those islanders who clung zealously to their old superstitions -and mythology, so that the old idolatry continued for some time crudely mixed up with -the teachings of the Qurʼān, and keeping the minds of the people in a perpetual state -of incertitude.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7660src" href="#xd31e7660">83</a> The Portuguese conquest also made the progress of Islam slower than it would otherwise -have been. They drove out the Qāḍī, whom they found instructing the people in the -doctrines of Muḥammad, and spread Christianity among the heathen population with some -considerable, though short-lived success.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7663src" href="#xd31e7663">84</a> For when the Muluccans took advantage of the attention of the Portuguese being occupied -with their own domestic troubles, in the latter half of the sixteenth century, to -try to shake off their power, they instituted a fierce persecution against the Christians, -many of whom suffered martyrdom, and others recanted, so that Christianity lost all -the ground it had gained,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7666src" href="#xd31e7666">85</a> and from this time onwards, the opposition to the political domination of the Christians -secured a readier welcome for the Muslim teachers who came in increasing numbers from -the west.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7669src" href="#xd31e7669">86</a> The Dutch <span class="pageNum" id="pb390">[<a href="#pb390">390</a>]</span>completed the destruction of Christianity in the Moluccas by driving out the Spanish -and Portuguese from these islands in the seventeenth century, whereupon the Jesuit -fathers carried off the few remaining Christians of Ternate with them to the Philippines.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7677src" href="#xd31e7677">87</a> -</p> -<p>From these islands Islam spread into the rest of the Moluccas; though for some time -the conversions were confined to the inhabitants of the coast.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7682src" href="#xd31e7682">88</a> Most of the converts came from among the Malays, who compose the whole population -of the smaller islands, but inhabit the coast-lands only of the larger ones, the interior -being inhabited by Alfurs. But converts in later times were drawn from among the latter -also.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7685src" href="#xd31e7685">89</a> Even so early as 1521, there was a Muhammadan king of Gilolo, a kingdom on the western -side of the northern limb of the island of Halemahera.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7688src" href="#xd31e7688">90</a> In modern times the existence of certain regulations, devised for the benefit of -the state-religion, has facilitated to some extent the progress of the Muhammadan -religion among the Alfurs of the mainland, e.g. if any one of them is discovered to -have had illicit intercourse with a Muhammadan girl, he must marry her and become -a Muslim; any of the Alfur women who marry Muhammadans must embrace the faith of their -husbands; offences against the law may be atoned for by conversion to Islam; and in -filling up any vacancy that may happen to occur among the chiefs, less regard is paid -to the lawful claims of a candidate than to his readiness to become a Musalman.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7691src" href="#xd31e7691">91</a> -</p> -<p>Similarly, Islam in Borneo is mostly confined to the coast, although it had gained -a footing in the island as early as the beginning of the sixteenth century. About -this time, it was adopted by the people of Banjarmasin, a kingdom on the southern -side, which had been tributary to the Hindu kingdom of Majapahit, until its overthrow -in 1478;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7696src" href="#xd31e7696">92</a> they owed their conversion to one of the Muhammadan states that rose on the ruins -of the latter.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7699src" href="#xd31e7699">93</a> The story is that the <span class="pageNum" id="pb391">[<a href="#pb391">391</a>]</span>people of Banjarmasin asked for assistance towards the suppression of a revolt, and -that it was given on condition that they adopted the new religion; whereupon a number -of Muhammadans came over from Java, suppressed the revolt and effected the work of -conversion.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7704src" href="#xd31e7704">94</a> On the north-west coast, the Spaniards found a Muhammadan king at Brunai, when they -reached this place in 1521.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7707src" href="#xd31e7707">95</a> A little later, 1550, it was introduced into the kingdom of Sukadana,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7711src" href="#xd31e7711">96</a> in the western part of the island, by Arabs coming from Palembang in Sumatra.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7714src" href="#xd31e7714">97</a> The reigning king refused to abandon the faith of his fathers, but during the forty -years that elapsed before his death (in 1590), the new religion appears to have made -considerable progress. His successor became a Musalman and married the daughter of -a prince of a neighbouring island, in which apparently Islam had been long established;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7717src" href="#xd31e7717">98</a> during his reign, a traveller,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7720src" href="#xd31e7720">99</a> who visited the island in 1600, speaks of Muhammadanism as being a common religion -along the coast. The inhabitants of the interior, however, he tells us, were all idolaters—as -indeed they remain for the most part to the present day. The progress of Islam in -the kingdom of Sukadana seems now to have drawn the attention of the centre of the -Muhammadan world to this distant spot, and in the reign of the next prince, a certain -Shayk͟h Shams al-Dīn came from Mecca bringing with him a present of a copy of the -Qurʼān and a large hyacinth ring, together with a letter in which this defender of -the faith received the honourable title of Sultan Muḥammad Ṣafī al-Dīn.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7726src" href="#xd31e7726">100</a> -</p> -<p>In the latter part of the eighteenth century one of the inland tribes, called the -Idaans, dwelling in the interior of north Borneo, is said to have looked upon the -Muhammadans of <span class="pageNum" id="pb392">[<a href="#pb392">392</a>]</span>the coast with very great respect, as having a religion which they themselves had -not yet got.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7733src" href="#xd31e7733">101</a> Dalrymple, who obtained his information on the Idaans of Borneo during his visit -to Sulu from 1761 to 1764, tells us that they “entertain a just regret of their own -ignorance, and a mean idea of themselves on that account; for, when they come into -the houses, or vessels, of the Mahometans, they pay them the utmost veneration, as -superior intelligences, who know their Creator; they will not sit down where the Mahometans -sleep, nor will they put their fingers into the same chunam, or betel box, but receive -a portion with the utmost humility, and in every instance denote, with the most abject -attitudes and gesture, the veneration they entertain for a God unknown, in the respect -they pay to those who have a knowledge of Him.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7736src" href="#xd31e7736">102</a> These people appear since that time to have embraced the Muhammadan faith,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7739src" href="#xd31e7739">103</a> one of the numerous instances of the powerful impression that Islam produces upon -tribes that are low down in the scale of civilisation. From time to time other accessions -have been gained in the persons of the numerous colonists, Arabs, Bugis and Malays, -as well as Chinese (who have had settlements here since the seventh century),<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7742src" href="#xd31e7742">104</a> and of the slaves introduced into the island from different countries; so that at -the present day the Muhammadans of Borneo are a very mixed race.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7746src" href="#xd31e7746">105</a> Many of these foreigners were still heathen when they first came to Borneo, and of -a higher civilisation than the Dyaks whom they conquered or drove into the interior, -where they mostly still remain heathen, except in the western part of the island, -in which from time to time small tribes of Dyaks embrace Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7749src" href="#xd31e7749">106</a> When the pagan Dyaks change their faith, it is more commonly the case that they yield -to the persuasions of the Muhammadan rather than to those of the Christian missionary, -or, having first embraced Christianity they then pass over to Islam, and the Muhammadans -are making zealous efforts to win converts both from among the heathen and the Christian -Dyaks.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7752src" href="#xd31e7752">107</a> -</p> -<p>In the island of Celebes we find a similar slow growth of <span class="pageNum" id="pb393">[<a href="#pb393">393</a>]</span>the Muhammadan religion, taking its rise among the people of the coast and slowly -making its way into the interior. Only the more civilised portion of the inhabitants -has, however, adopted Islam; this is mainly divided into two tribes, the Macassars -and the Bugis, who inhabit the south-west peninsula, the latter, however, also forming -a large proportion of the coast population on the other peninsulas. The interior of -the island, except in the south-west peninsula where nearly all the inhabitants are -Muhammadan, is still heathen and is populated chiefly by the Alfurs, a race low in -the scale of civilisation, who also form the majority of the inhabitants of the north, -the east and the south-east peninsulas; at the extremity of the first of these peninsulas, -in Minahassa, they have in large numbers been converted to Christianity; the Muhammadans -did not make their way hither until after the Portuguese had gained a firm footing -in this part of the island, and the Alfurs whom they converted to Roman Catholicism -were turned into Protestants by the Dutch, whose missionaries have laboured in Minahassa -with very considerable success. But Islam is slowly making its way among the heathen -tribes of Alfurs in different parts of the island, both in the districts directly -administered by the Dutch Government, and those under the rule of native chiefs.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7759src" href="#xd31e7759">108</a> -</p> -<p>When the Portuguese first visited the island about 1540, they found only a few Muhammadan -strangers in Gowa, the capital of the Macassar kingdom, the natives being still unconverted, -and it was not until the beginning of the seventeenth century that Islam began to -be generally adopted among them. The history of the movement is especially interesting, -as we have here one of the few cases in which Christianity and Islam have been competing -for the allegiance of heathen people. One of the incidents in this contest is thus -admirably told by an old compiler: “The discovery of so considerable a country was -looked upon by the Portuguese as a Matter of Great Consequence, and Measures were -taken to secure the Affections of those whom it was not found easy to conquer; but, -on the other hand, capable of being obliged, or rendered useful, as their allies, -by good usage. <span class="pageNum" id="pb394">[<a href="#pb394">394</a>]</span>The People were much braver, and withal had much better Sense than most of the Indians; -and therefore, after a little Conversation with the Europeans, they began, in general, -to discern that there was no Sense or Meaning in their own Religion; and the few of -them who had been made Christians by the care of Don Antonio Galvano (Governor of -the Moluccas), were not so thoroughly instructed themselves as to be able to teach -them a new Faith. The whole People, in general, however, disclaimed their old Superstitions, -and became Deists at once; but, not satisfied with this, they determined to send, -at the same time, to Malacca and to Achin,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7766src" href="#xd31e7766">109</a> to desire from the one, Christian Priests; and from the other, Doctors of the Mohammedan -Law; resolving to embrace the Religion of those Teachers who came first among them. -The Portugeze have hitherto been esteemed zealous enough for their Religion; but it -seems that Don Ruis Perera, who was then Governor of Malacca, was a little deficient -in his Concern for the Faith, since he made a great and very unnecessary delay in -sending the Priests that were desired. On the other hand, the Queen of Achin being -a furious Mohammedan no sooner received an Account of this Disposition in the people -of the Island of Celebes than she immediately dispatched a vessel full of Doctors -of the Law, who in a short time, established their Religion effectually among the -Inhabitants. Some time after came the Christian Priests, and inveighed bitterly against -the Law of Mohammed but to no Purpose; the People of Celebes had made their Choice, -and there was no Possibility of bringing them to alter it. One of the Kings of the -Island, indeed, who had before embraced Christianity, persisted in the Faith, and -most of his Subjects were converted to it; but still, the Bulk of the People of Celebes -continued Mohammedans, and are so to this Day, and the greatest Zealots for their -Religion of any in the Indies.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7769src" href="#xd31e7769">110</a> -</p> -<p>This event is said to have occurred in the year 1603.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7777src" href="#xd31e7777">111</a> <span class="pageNum" id="pb395">[<a href="#pb395">395</a>]</span>The frequent references to it in contemporary literature make it impossible to doubt -the genuineness of the story.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7785src" href="#xd31e7785">112</a> In the little principality of Tallo, to the north of Gowa, with which it has always -been confederated, is still to be seen the tomb of one of the most famous missionaries -to the Macassars, by name K͟haṭīb Tungal. The prince of this state, after his conversion -proved himself a most zealous champion of the new faith, and it was through his influence -that it was generally adopted by all the tribes speaking the Macassar language. The -sequel of the movement is not of so peaceful a character. The Macassars were carried -away by their zeal for their newly adopted faith, to make an attempt to force it on -their neighbours the Bugis. The king of Gowa made an offer to the king of Boni to -consider him in all respects as an equal if he would worship the one true God. The -latter consulted his people on the matter, who said, “We have not yet fought, we have -not yet been conquered.” They tried the issue of a battle and were defeated. The king -accordingly became a Muhammadan and began on his own account to attempt by force to -impose his own belief on his subjects and on the smaller states, his neighbours. Strange -to say, the people applied for help to the king of Macassar, who sent ambassadors -to demand from the king of Boni an answer to the following questions,—Whether the -king, in his persecution, was instigated by a particular revelation from the Prophet?—or -whether he paid obedience to some ancient custom?—or followed his own personal pleasure? -If for the first reason, the king of Gowa requested information; if for the second, -he would lend his cordial co-operation; if for the third, the king of Boni must desist, -for those whom he presumed to oppress were the friends of Gowa. The king of Boni made -no reply and the Macassars having marched a great army into the country defeated him -in three successive battles, forced him to fly the country, and reduced Boni into -a province. After thirty years of subjection, <span class="pageNum" id="pb396">[<a href="#pb396">396</a>]</span>the people of Boni, with the assistance of the Dutch, revolted against the Macassars, -and assumed the headship of the tribes of Celebes, in the place of their former masters.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7795src" href="#xd31e7795">113</a> The propagation of Islam certainly seems to have been gradual and slow among the -Bugis,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7801src" href="#xd31e7801">114</a> but when they had once adopted the new religion, it seems to have stirred them up -to action, as it did the Arabs (though this newly-awakened energy in either case turned -in rather different directions),—and to have made them what they are now, at once -the bravest men and the most enterprising merchants and navigators of the Archipelago.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7804src" href="#xd31e7804">115</a> In their trading vessels they make their way to all parts of the Archipelago, from -the coast of New Guinea to Singapore, and their numerous settlements, in the establishment -of which the Bugis have particularly distinguished themselves, have introduced Islam -into many a heathen island: e.g. one of their colonies is to be found in a state that -extends over a considerable part of the south coast of Flores, where, intermingling -with the native population, which formerly consisted partly of Roman Catholics, they -have succeeded in converting all the inhabitants of this state to Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7807src" href="#xd31e7807">116</a> -</p> -<p>In their native island of Celebes also the Bugis have combined proselytising efforts -with their commercial enterprises, and in the little kingdom of Bolaäng-Mongondou -in the northern peninsula<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7812src" href="#xd31e7812">117</a> they have succeeded, in the course of the present century, in winning over to Islam -a Christian population whose conversion dates from the end of the seventeenth century. -The first Christian king of Bolaäng-Mongondou was Jacobus Manopo (1689–1709), in whose -reign Christianity spread rapidly, through the influence of <span class="pageNum" id="pb397">[<a href="#pb397">397</a>]</span>the Dutch East India Company and the preaching of the Dutch clergy.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7817src" href="#xd31e7817">118</a> His successors were all Christian until 1844, when the reigning Raja, Jacobus Manuel -Manopo, embraced Islam. His conversion was the crown of a series of proselytising -efforts that had been in progress since the beginning of the century, for it was about -this time that the zealous efforts of some Muhammadan traders—Bugis and others—won -over some converts to Islam in one of the coast towns of the southern kingdom, Mongondou; -from this same town two trader missionaries, Ḥakīm Bagus and Imām Tuwéko by name, -set out to spread their faith throughout the rest of this kingdom. They made a beginning -with the conversion of some slaves and native women whom they married, and these little -by little persuaded their friends and relatives to embrace the new faith. From Mongondou -Islam spread into the northern kingdom Bolaäng; here, in 1830, the whole population -was either Christian or heathen, with the exception of two or three Muhammadan settlers; -but the zealous preachers of Islam, the Bugis, and the Arabs who assisted them in -their missionary labours, soon achieved a wide-spread success. The Christians, whose -knowledge of the doctrines of their religion was very slight and whose faith was weak, -were ill prepared with the weapons of controversy to meet the attacks of the rival -creed; despised by the Dutch Government, neglected and well-nigh abandoned by the -authorities of the Church, they began to look on these foreigners, some of whom married -and settled among them, as their friends. As the work of conversion progressed, the -visits of these Bugis and Arabs,—at first rare,—became more frequent, and their influence -in the country very greatly increased, so much so that about 1832 an Arab married -a daughter of the king, Cornelius Manopo, who was himself a Christian; many of the -chiefs, and some of the most powerful among them, about the same time, abandoned Christianity -and embraced Islam. In this way Islam had gained a firm footing in his kingdom before -Raja Jacobus Manuel Manopo became a Muslim in 1844; this prince had made repeated -applications to the Dutch authorities at Manado to appoint a successor to the Christian -<span class="pageNum" id="pb398">[<a href="#pb398">398</a>]</span>schoolmaster, Jacobus Bastiaan,—whose death had been a great loss to the Christian -community—but to no purpose, and learning from the resident at Manado that the Dutch -Government was quite indifferent as to whether the people of his state were Christians -or Muhammadans, so long as they were loyal, openly declared himself a Musalman and -tried every means to bring his subjects over to the same faith. An Arab missionary -took advantage of the occurrence of a terrible earthquake in the following year, to -prophecy the destruction of Bolaäng-Mongondou, unless the people speedily became converted -to Islam. Many in their terror hastened to follow this advice, and the Raja and his -nobles lent their support to the missionaries and Arab merchants, whose methods of -dealing with the dilatory were not always of the gentlest. Nearly half the population, -however, still remains heathen, but the progress of Islam among them, though slow, -is continuous and sure.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7822src" href="#xd31e7822">119</a> -</p> -<p>The neighbouring island of Sambawa likewise probably received its knowledge of this -faith from Celebes, through the preaching of missionaries from Macassar between 1540 -and 1550. All the more civilised inhabitants are true believers and are said to be -stricter in the performance of their religious duties than any of the neighbouring -Muhammadan peoples. This is largely due to a revivalist movement set on foot by a -certain Ḥājī ʻAli after the disastrous eruption of Mount Tambora in 1815, the fearful -suffering that ensued thereon being made use of to stir up the people to a more strict -observance of the precepts of their religion and the leading of a more devout life.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7827src" href="#xd31e7827">120</a> At the present time Islam still continues to win over fresh converts in this island.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7830src" href="#xd31e7830">121</a> -</p> -<p>The Sasaks of the neighbouring island of Lombok also owed their conversion to the -preaching of the Bugis, who form a large colony here, having either crossed over the -strait from Sambawa or come directly from Celebes: at any rate the conversion appears -to have taken place in a peaceable manner.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7836src" href="#xd31e7836">122</a> The population of Lombok falls into two distinct divisions, the Sasaks and the Balinese; -<span class="pageNum" id="pb399">[<a href="#pb399">399</a>]</span>the first of these, consisting of the Muhammadan Sasaks, the original inhabitants -of the island, far outnumbers the second, but about the middle of the eighteenth century -they came under the rule of the Balinese and soon found their island overrun by swarms -of the Hindu neighbours.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7841src" href="#xd31e7841">123</a> The rule of the Balinese was very oppressive, and they made efforts—though with little -success—to bring their Muslim subjects over to Hinduism; the Sasaks tried in vain -to shake off the yoke of their oppressors, and more than once appealed to the Dutch -Government, before the expedition of 1894 brought peace to the island and established -an orderly administration under Dutch rule. The new government brought with it a large -number of native Muhammadan officials, who throw in their influence on the side of -their own faith, and it is thus expected that one of the results of the Dutch conquest -of Lombok will be to give a great impetus to Islam in this island.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7844src" href="#xd31e7844">124</a> -</p> -<p>In the Philippine Islands we find a struggle between Christianity and Islam for the -allegiance of the inhabitants, somewhat similar in character to that in Celebes, but -more stern and enduring, entangling the Spaniards and the Muslims in a fierce and -bloody conflict, even up to the nineteenth century. It is uncertain when Islam first -reached these islands.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7850src" href="#xd31e7850">125</a> The traditionary annals of Mindanao represent Islam as having been introduced from -Johore, in the Malay Peninsula, by a certain Sharīf Kabungsuwan, who settled with -a number of followers in the island and married there. He is said to have refused -to land until the men who came to meet him on his arrival promised to embrace Islam, -and these early records give the impression that the landing of Kabungsuwan and the -conversion of the people of Mindanao at first proceeded quite peacefully; but after -he had established <span class="pageNum" id="pb400">[<a href="#pb400">400</a>]</span>his power, he began to conquer the neighbouring chiefs and tribes, and they accepted -his religion in submitting to his authority.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7855src" href="#xd31e7855">126</a> The Spaniards who discovered them in 1521, found the population of the northern islands -to be rude and simple pagans, while Mindanao and the Sulu Islands were occupied by -more civilised Muhammadan tribes.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7858src" href="#xd31e7858">127</a> The latter up to the close of the nineteenth century successfully resisted for the -most part all the efforts of the Christians towards conquest and conversion, so that -the Spanish missionaries despaired of ever effecting their conversion.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7861src" href="#xd31e7861">128</a> The success of Islam as compared with Christianity has been due in a great measure -to the different form under which these two faiths were presented to the natives. -The adoption of the latter implied the loss of all political freedom and national -independence, and hence came to be regarded as a badge of slavery. The methods adopted -by the Spaniards for the propagation of their religion were calculated to make it -unpopular from the beginning; their violence and intolerance were in strong contrast -to the conciliatory behaviour of the Muhammadan missionaries, who learned the language -of the people, adopted their customs, intermarried with them, and melting into the -mass of the people, neither arrogated to themselves the exclusive rights of a privileged -race nor condemned the natives to the level of a degraded caste. The Spaniards, on -the other hand, were ignorant of the language, habits and manners of the natives; -their intemperance and above all their avarice and rapacity brought their religion -into odium; while its propagation was intended to serve as an instrument of their -political advancement.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7868src" href="#xd31e7868">129</a> It is not difficult therefore to understand the opposition offered by the natives -to the introduction of Christianity, which indeed only became the religion of the -<span class="pageNum" id="pb401">[<a href="#pb401">401</a>]</span>people in those parts in which the inhabitants were weak enough, or the island small -enough, to enable the Spaniards to effect a total subjugation; the native Christians -after their conversion had to be forced to perform their religious duties through -fear of punishment, and were treated exactly like school-children.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7873src" href="#xd31e7873">130</a> Up to the time of the American occupation of the Philippine Islands the independent -Muhammadan kingdom of Mindanao was a refuge for those who wished to escape from the -hated Christian government;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7882src" href="#xd31e7882">131</a> the island of Sulu, also, though nominally a Spanish possession since 1878, formed -another centre of Muhammadan opposition to Christianity, Spanish-knowing renegades -even being found here.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7888src" href="#xd31e7888">132</a> -</p> -<p>We have no certain historical evidence as to how long the inhabitants of the Sulu -Islands had been Muhammadan, before the arrival of the Spaniards. The annals of Sulu -give the name of Sharīf Karīm al-Mak͟hdūm as the first missionary of Islam in these -islands. He is said to have been an Arab who went to Malacca about the middle of the -fourteenth century and converted Sulṭān Muḥammad Shāh and the people of Malacca to -Islam. Continuing his journey eastward, he reached Sulu about the year 1380 and settled -in Bwansa,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7893src" href="#xd31e7893">133</a> the old capital of Sulu, where the people built a mosque for him and many of the -chiefs accepted his teachings. He is said to have visited almost every island of the -Archipelago and to have made converts in many places; his grave is said to be on the -island of Sibutu.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7896src" href="#xd31e7896">134</a> The next missionary is said to have been Abū Bakr, who is also stated to have been -an Arab, and to have commenced his missionary labours in Malacca and to have <span class="pageNum" id="pb402">[<a href="#pb402">402</a>]</span>made his way to Palembang and Brunei, and reached Sulu about 1450; he built mosques -and carried on a successful propaganda. The Muslim king of Bwansa, Raja Baginda, gave -him his daughter in marriage, and appointed him his heir, and Abū Bakr is credited -with having organised the government and legislation of Sulu on orthodox Muslim lines -as far as local custom would allow.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7901src" href="#xd31e7901">135</a> Though so long converted, the people of Sulu are far from being rigid Muhammadans, -indeed, the influence of the numerous Christian slaves that they carried off from -the Philippines in their predatory excursions used to be so great that it was even -asserted<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7904src" href="#xd31e7904">136</a> that “they would long ere this have become professed Christians but from the prescience -that such a change, by investing a predominating influence in the priesthood, would -inevitably undermine their own authority, and pave the way to the transfer of their -dominions to the Spanish yoke, an occurrence which fatal experience has too forcibly -instructed all the surrounding nations that unwarily embrace the Christian persuasion.” -Further, the aggressive behaviour of the Spanish priests who established a mission -in Sulu created in the mind of the people a violent antipathy to the foreign religion.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7908src" href="#xd31e7908">137</a> -</p> -<p>Since the American occupation of the Philippines, the influence of Islam has been -considerably restricted, and is now confined to the island of Palawan, the south coast -of Mindanao and the archipelago of Sulu.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7913src" href="#xd31e7913">138</a> But it is said to be seeking to extend its propaganda among the northern islands, -and to have made a beginning of missionary activity even in Manila. Certain conditions -are said to favour its success, especially the fact that the Filipinos are prejudiced -against Christianity on account of the abuses that led them to take up arms against -the Spanish friars.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7916src" href="#xd31e7916">139</a> -</p> -<p>As has been already mentioned, Islam has been most favourably received by the more -civilised races of the Malay Archipelago, and has taken but little root among the -lower races. Such are the Papuans of New Guinea, and the islands to the north-west -of it, viz. Waigyu, Misool, Waigama <span class="pageNum" id="pb403">[<a href="#pb403">403</a>]</span>and Salawatti. These islands, together with the peninsula of Onin, on the north-west -of New Guinea, were in the sixteenth century subject to the Sultan of Batjan,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7926src" href="#xd31e7926">140</a> one of the kings of the Moluccas. Through the influence of the Muhammadan rulers -of Batjan, the Papuan chiefs of these islands adopted Islam,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7929src" href="#xd31e7929">141</a> and though the mass of the people in the interior have remained heathen up to the -present day, the inhabitants of the coast are Muhammadans largely no doubt owing to -the influence of settlers from the Moluccas.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7932src" href="#xd31e7932">142</a> In New Guinea itself, very few of the Papuans seem to have become Muhammadans. Islam -was introduced into the west coast (probably in the peninsula of Onin) by Muhammadan -merchants, who propagated their religion among the inhabitants, as early as 1606.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7952src" href="#xd31e7952">143</a> But it appears to have made very little progress during the centuries that have elapsed -since then,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7956src" href="#xd31e7956">144</a> and the Papuans have shown as much reluctance to become Muhammadans as to accept -the teachings of the Christian missionaries, who have laboured among them without -much success since 1855. The Muhammadans of the neighbouring islands have been accused -of holding the Papuans in too great contempt to make efforts to spread Islam among -them.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7959src" href="#xd31e7959">145</a> The name of one missionary, <span class="pageNum" id="pb404">[<a href="#pb404">404</a>]</span>however, is found, a certain Imām Dikir (? D͟hikr), who came from one of the islands -on the south-east of Ceram about 1856 and introduced Islam into the little island -of Adi, south of the peninsula of Onin; after fulfilling his mission he returned to -his own home, resisting the importunities of the inhabitants to settle among them.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7972src" href="#xd31e7972">146</a> Muhammadan traders from Ceram and Goram are reported to have made a number of converts -from among the heathen during the first decade of the twentieth century.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7975src" href="#xd31e7975">147</a> Similar efforts are being made to convert the Papuans of the neighbouring Kei Islands. -In the middle of the nineteenth century there were said to be hardly any Muhammadans -on these islands, with the exception of the descendants of immigrants from the Banda -Islands; some time before, missionaries from Ceram had succeeded in making some converts, -but the precepts of the Qurʼān were very little observed, both forbidden meats and -intoxicating liquors being indulged in. The women, however, were said to be stricter -in their adherence to their faith than the men, so that when their husbands wished -to indulge in swine’s flesh, they had to do so in secret, their wives not allowing -it to be brought into the house.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7978src" href="#xd31e7978">148</a> But in 1887 it was noted that there had been a revival of religious life among the -Kei islanders, and the number of Muhammadans was daily increasing. Arab merchants -from Madura, Java, and Bali proved themselves zealous propagandists of Islam and left -no means untried to win converts, sometimes enforcing their arguments by threats and -violence, and at other times by bribes: as a rule new converts were said to get 200 -florins’ worth of presents, while chiefs received as much as a thousand florins.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7982src" href="#xd31e7982">149</a> At the close of the nineteenth century about 8000 of the Kei islanders were said -to be Muhammadan out of a total population of 23,000.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7985src" href="#xd31e7985">150</a> -</p> -<p>The above sketch of the spread of Islam from west to east through the Malay Archipelago -comprises but a small part <span class="pageNum" id="pb405">[<a href="#pb405">405</a>]</span>of the history of the missionary work of Islam in these islands. Many of the facts -of this history are wholly unrecorded, and what can be gleaned from native chronicles -and the works of European travellers, officials and missionaries is necessarily fragmentary -and incomplete. But there is evidence enough to show the existence of peaceful missionary -efforts to spread the faith of Islam during the last six hundred years: sometimes -indeed the sword has been drawn in support of the cause of religion, but preaching -and persuasion rather than force and violence have been the main characteristics of -this missionary movement. The marvellous success that has been achieved has been largely -the work of traders, who won their way to the hearts of the natives, by learning their -language, adopting their manners and customs, and began quietly and gradually to spread -the knowledge of their religion by first converting the native women they married -and the persons associated with them in their business relations. Instead of holding -themselves apart in proud isolation, they gradually melted into the mass of the population, -employing all their superiority of intelligence and civilisation for the work of conversion -and making such skilful compromises in the doctrines and practices of their faith -as were needed to recommend it to the people they wished to attract.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7992src" href="#xd31e7992">151</a> In fact, as Buckle said of them, “The Mahometan missionaries are very judicious.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e7995src" href="#xd31e7995">152</a> -</p> -<p>Beside the traders, there have been numbers of what may be called professional missionaries—theologians, -preachers, jurisconsults and pilgrims. The latter have, in recent years, been especially -active in the work of proselytising, in stirring up a more vigorous and consistent -religious life among their fellow-countrymen, and in purging away the lingering remains -of heathen habits and beliefs. The number of those who make the pilgrimage to Mecca -from all parts of the Archipelago is constantly on the increase, and there is in consequence -a proportionate growth of Muhammadan influence and Muhammadan thought. Up to the middle -of the nineteenth century the Dutch Government tried to put obstacles in the way of -the pilgrims and passed an order that <span class="pageNum" id="pb406">[<a href="#pb406">406</a>]</span>no one should be allowed to make the pilgrimage to the holy city without a passport, -for which he had to pay 110 florins; and any one who evaded this order was on his -return compelled to pay a fine of double that amount.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8002src" href="#xd31e8002">153</a> Accordingly it is not surprising to find that in 1852 the number of pilgrims was -so low as seventy, but in the same year this order was rescinded, and since then, -there has been a steady increase. -</p> -<p>The average number of pilgrims during the last decade of the nineteenth century was -7000—during the first decade of the twentieth, 7300;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8007src" href="#xd31e8007">154</a> but the numbers vary considerably from year to year, the largest recorded number -from the Dutch Indies being 14,234 in 1910.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8010src" href="#xd31e8010">155</a> -</p> -<p>Such an increase is no doubt largely due to the increased facilities of communication -between Mecca and the Malay Archipelago, but, as a Christian missionary has observed, -this by no means “diminishes the importance of the fact, especially as the Hadjis, -whose numbers have grown so rapidly, have by no means lost in quality what they gained -in quantity; on the contrary, there are now amongst them many more thoroughly acquainted -with the doctrines of Islam, and wholly imbued with Moslem fanaticism and hatred against -the unbelievers, than there formerly were.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8015src" href="#xd31e8015">156</a> The reports of the Dutch Government and of Christian missionaries bear unanimous -testimony to the influence and the proselytising zeal of these pilgrims who return -to their homes as at once reformers and missionaries.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8018src" href="#xd31e8018">157</a> Beside the pilgrims who content themselves with merely visiting the sacred places -and performing the due ceremonies, and those who make a longer stay in order to complete -their theological studies, there is a large colony of Malays in Mecca at the present -time, who have taken up their residence permanently in the sacred city. These are -in constant communication with their fellow-countrymen in their native land, and their -efforts have been largely effectual in purging Muhammadanism in the Malay Archipelago -from the contamination of <span class="pageNum" id="pb407">[<a href="#pb407">407</a>]</span>heathen customs and modes of thought that have survived from an earlier period. A -large number of religious books is also printed in Mecca in the various languages -spoken by the Malay Muhammadans and carried to all parts of the Archipelago. Indeed -Mecca has been well said to have more influence on the religious life of these islands -than on Turkey, India or Buk͟hārā.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8023src" href="#xd31e8023">158</a> -</p> -<p>As might be anticipated from a consideration of these facts, there has been of recent -years a very great awakening of missionary activity in the Malay Archipelago, and -the returned pilgrims, whether as merchants or religious teachers, become preachers -of Islam wherever they come in contact with a heathen population. The religious orders -moreover have extended their organisation to the Malay Archipelago,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8028src" href="#xd31e8028">159</a> even the youngest of them—the Sanūsiyyah—finding adherents in the most distant islands,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8031src" href="#xd31e8031">160</a> one of the signs of its influence being the adoption of the name Sanūsī by many Malays, -when in Mecca they change their native for Arabic names.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8034src" href="#xd31e8034">161</a> -</p> -<p>The Dutch Government has been accused by Christian missionaries of favouring the spread -of Islam; however this may have been, it is certain that the work of the Muslim missionaries -is facilitated by the fact that Malay, which is spoken by hardly any but Muhammadans, -has been adopted as the official language of the Dutch Government, except in Java; -and as the Dutch civil servants are everywhere attended by a crowd of Muhammadan subordinate -officials, political agents, clerks, interpreters and traders, they carry Islam with -them into every place they visit. All persons that have to do business with the Government -are obliged to learn the Malay language, and they seldom learn it without at the same -time becoming Musalmans. In this way the most influential people embrace Islam, and -the rest soon follow their example.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8039src" href="#xd31e8039">162</a> Thus Islam is at the present time rapidly driving out heathenism from the Malay Archipelago. -<span class="pageNum" id="pb408">[<a href="#pb408">408</a>]</span> </p> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7055"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7055src">1</a></span> Niemann, p. 337. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7055src" title="Return to note 1 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7058" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7058src">2</a></span> Reinaud: Géographie d’Aboulféda, tome i. p. cccxxxix. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7058src" title="Return to note 2 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7065"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7065src">3</a></span> Groeneveldt, pp. 14, 15. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7065src" title="Return to note 3 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7070"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7070src">4</a></span> Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. pp. 66, 80. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7070src" title="Return to note 4 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7073"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7073src">5</a></span> Veth (3), vol. i. p. 231. Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. p. 89. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7073src" title="Return to note 5 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7076"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7076src">6</a></span> Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. pp. 230, 234. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7076src" title="Return to note 6 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7081"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7081src">7</a></span> Snouck Hurgronje (1), pp. 8–9. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7081src" title="Return to note 7 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7086"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7086src">8</a></span> Padre Gainza, quoted by C. Semper, p. 67. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7086src" title="Return to note 8 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7091"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7091src">9</a></span> Crawfurd (2), vol. ii. p. 265. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7091src" title="Return to note 9 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7096"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7096src">10</a></span> Snouck Hurgronje: <span lang="fr">L’Arabie et les Indes Néerlandaises. (Revue de l’Histoire des Religions, vol. lvii. -p. 69 sqq.)</span> <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7096src" title="Return to note 10 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7101"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7101src">11</a></span> De Hollander, vol. i. p. 581. Veth (1), p. 60. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7101src" title="Return to note 11 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7104"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7104src">12</a></span> This vague reference would fit either Arabia, Persia or India; but if such a person -as Jūhan Shāh ever existed, he probably came from the Coromandel or Malabar coast. -(<span lang="fr">Chronique du Royaume d’Atcheh, traduite du Malay par Ed. Dulaurier</span>, p. 7.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7104src" title="Return to note 12 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7114"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7114src">13</a></span> Marco Polo, vol. ii. p. 284. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7114src" title="Return to note 13 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7117"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7117src">14</a></span> Veth (1), p. 61. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7117src" title="Return to note 14 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7122"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7122src">15</a></span> Yule’s Marco Polo, vol. ii. pp. 294, 303. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7122src" title="Return to note 15 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7127"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7127src">16</a></span> Ibn Baṭūṭah, tome iv. pp. 230–6. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7127src" title="Return to note 16 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7132"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7132src">17</a></span> Groeneveldt, p. 94. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7132src" title="Return to note 17 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7135"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7135src">18</a></span> At the height of its power, it stretched from 2° N. to 2° S. on the west coast, and -from 1° N. to 2° S. on the east coast, but in the sixteenth century it had lost its -control over the east coast. (De Hollander, vol. i. p. 3.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7135src" title="Return to note 18 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7140"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7140src">19</a></span> Marsden, p. 343. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7140src" title="Return to note 19 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7143"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7143src">20</a></span> J. H. Moor. (Appendix, p. 1.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7143src" title="Return to note 20 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7147"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7147src">21</a></span> Marsden, p. 355. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7147src" title="Return to note 21 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7150"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7150src">22</a></span> <span lang="nl">Godsdienstige verschijnselen en toestanden in Oost-Indië. (Uit de Koloniale Verslagen -van 1886 en 1887.) Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. vol. xxxii. pp. 175–6. (1888.)</span> In 1909, out of a total of 500,000 Bataks, 300,000 were still pagan, but 125,000 -were Muslim and 80,000 Christian. (R. du M. M., vol. viii. p. 183.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7150src" title="Return to note 22 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7157"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7157src">23</a></span> J. Warneck: Die Religion der Batak, p. 122. (Leipzig, 1909.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7157src" title="Return to note 23 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7162" lang="de"> -<p class="footnote" lang="de"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7162src">24</a></span> G. R. Simon: Die Propaganda des Halbmondes. Ein Beitrag zur Skizzierung des Islam -unter den Batakken, pp. 425, 429–430. (<span lang="de">Allgemeine Missions-Zeitschrift</span>, vol. xxvii. 1900.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7162src" title="Return to note 24 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7168"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7168src">25</a></span> R. du M. M., vol. viii. (1909), p. 183. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7168src" title="Return to note 25 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7174"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7174src">26</a></span> A. L. van Hassalt, pp. 55, 68. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7174src" title="Return to note 26 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7177" lang="nl"> -<p class="footnote" lang="nl"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7177src">27</a></span> Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. id. p. 173. (Koloniaal Verslag van 1911, p. 26; 1912, p. 17.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7177src" title="Return to note 27 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7180" lang="nl"> -<p class="footnote" lang="nl"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7180src">28</a></span> Uit het Koloniaal Verslag van 1889. (Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. vol. xxxiv. p. 168.) -(1890.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7180src" title="Return to note 28 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7185" lang="nl"> -<p class="footnote" lang="nl"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7185src">29</a></span> Koloniaal Verslag van 1910, p. 30. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7185src" title="Return to note 29 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7190"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7190src">30</a></span> De Hollander, vol. i. p. 703. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7190src" title="Return to note 30 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7193" lang="nl"> -<p class="footnote" lang="nl"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7193src">31</a></span> Koloniaal Verslag van 1904, p. 80; 1905, p. 46; 1909, p<span class="corr" id="xd31e7195" title="Source: ,">.</span> 47; 1910, p. 33; 1911, p. 29; 1912, p. 21. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7193src" title="Return to note 31 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7201"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7201src">32</a></span> Canne, p. 510. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7201src" title="Return to note 32 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7204"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7204src">33</a></span> Marsden, p. 301. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7204src" title="Return to note 33 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7211"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7211src">34</a></span> Niemann, pp. 356–9. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7211src" title="Return to note 34 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7216"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7216src">35</a></span> J. H. Moor, p. 255. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7216src" title="Return to note 35 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7219"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7219src">36</a></span> “<span lang="pt">Depois que estes de induzidos por os Mouros Parseos, e Guzarates (que alli vieram -residir por causa do commercio), de Gentios os convertêram á secta de Mahamed. Da -qual conversão por alli concorrerem varias nações, começou laurar esta inferna peste -pela virzinhança de Malaca.</span>” (De Barros, Dec. ii. Liv. vi. cap. i. p. 15.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7219src" title="Return to note 36 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7227" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7227src">37</a></span> Aristide Marre: Malâka. Histoire des rois malays de Malâka. Traduit et extrait du -Livre des Annales malayses, intitulé en arabe Selâlet al Selâtyn, p. 8. (Paris, 1874.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7227src" title="Return to note 37 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7230"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7230src">38</a></span> Crawfurd (1), pp. 241–2. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7230src" title="Return to note 38 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7234"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7234src">39</a></span> De Barros, Dec. iv. Liv. ii. cap. 1. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7234src" title="Return to note 39 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7242"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7242src">40</a></span> Barbosa, writing in 1516, speaks of the numerous Muhammadan merchants that frequented -the port of Queda. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 317.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7242src" title="Return to note 40 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7247"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7247src">41</a></span> The form <span lang="ar" class="arab">مزلف</span> does not actually occur in the Qurʼān; reference is probably made to some such passage -as xxvi. 90: <span lang="ar" class="arab">وَأزْلِفَتِ آلْجَنَّةُ اِلْمُتَّقِينَ</span> “And paradise shall be brought near the pious.” <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7247src" title="Return to note 41 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7262"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7262src">42</a></span> A translation of the Keddah Annals, by <abbr title="Lieutenant-Colonel">Lieut.-Col.</abbr> James Low, vol. iii. pp. 474–7. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7262src" title="Return to note 42 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7272"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7272src">43</a></span> A translation of the Keddah Annals, by Lieut.-Col. James Low, vol. iii. p. 480. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7272src" title="Return to note 43 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7277"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7277src">44</a></span> Newbold, vol. i. p. 252. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7277src" title="Return to note 44 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7280"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7280src">45</a></span> McNair, pp. 226–9. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7280src" title="Return to note 45 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7285"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7285src">46</a></span> J. H. Moor, p. 242. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7285src" title="Return to note 46 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7288"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7288src">47</a></span> Newbold, vol. ii. pp. 106, 396. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7288src" title="Return to note 47 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7294"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7294src">48</a></span> R. du M. M., tome ii (1907), pp. 137–8. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7294src" title="Return to note 48 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7300"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7300src">49</a></span> Snouck Hurgronje (1), p. 9. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7300src" title="Return to note 49 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7308"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7308src">50</a></span> Veth (3), vol. i. p. 215. Raffles (ed. of 1830), vol. ii. pp. 103, 104, 183. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7308src" title="Return to note 50 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7313"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7313src">51</a></span> The situation of Chermen is not certain. Veth (3), vol. i. p. 230, conjectures that -it may have been in India, but Rouffaer (p. 115<sup>n</sup>) gives good reasons for placing it in Sumatra. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7313src" title="Return to note 51 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7321"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7321src">52</a></span> A description of the present condition of these tombs, on one of which traces of an -inscription in Arabic characters are still visible, is given by J. F. G. Brumund, -p. 185. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7321src" title="Return to note 52 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7326"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7326src">53</a></span> Groeneveldt, pp. vii. 49–50. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7326src" title="Return to note 53 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7332"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7332src">54</a></span> Kern, p. 21. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7332src" title="Return to note 54 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7335"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7335src">55</a></span> Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 233–42. Raffles, vol. ii. pp. 113–33. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7335src" title="Return to note 55 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7341"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7341src">56</a></span> Rouffaer, however, places this Champa, not in Cambodia, but on the north coast of -Atjeh and identifies it with the modern Djeumpa. (<span lang="nl">Encyclopaedie van <abbr title="Nederlandsch-Indië">N.-I.</abbr></span>, vol. iv. p. 206.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7341src" title="Return to note 56 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7349"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7349src">57</a></span> Remains of minarets and Muhammadan tombs are still to be found in Champa. (Bastian, -vol. i. pp. 498–9.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7349src" title="Return to note 57 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7354"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7354src">58</a></span> This genealogical table will make clear these relationships, as well as others referred -to later in the text:— -</p> -<div class="table"> -<table class="genealogy"> -<tr> -<td class="xd31e7357 cellLeft cellTop"></td> -<td class="xd31e7357 cellTop"></td> -<td class="xd31e7357 cellTop"></td> -<td class="xd31e7357 cellTop"></td> -<td class="xd31e7357 cellTop"></td> -<td class="xd31e7357 cellTop"></td> -<td class="xd31e7357 cellTop"></td> -<td class="xd31e7357 cellTop"></td> -<td class="xd31e7357 cellTop"></td> -<td class="xd31e7357 cellTop"></td> -<td class="xd31e7357 cellTop"></td> -<td class="xd31e7357 cellTop"></td> -<td class="xd31e7357 cellTop"></td> -<td class="xd31e7357 cellTop"></td> -<td class="xd31e7357 cellTop"></td> -<td class="xd31e7357 cellTop"></td> -<td class="xd31e7357 cellTop"></td> -<td class="xd31e7357 cellTop"></td> -<td class="xd31e7357 cellTop"></td> -<td class="xd31e7357 cellTop"></td> -<td class="xd31e7357 cellRight cellTop"> </td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="13" class="colspan cellLeft"> </td> -<td colspan="6" class="colspan xd31e7384"><span class="sc">King of Champa.</span> </td> -<td colspan="2" class="colspan cellRight"> </td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="16" class="colspan cellLeft"> </td> -<td colspan="5" class="colspan cellRight bl"> </td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="13" class="colspan cellLeft"> </td> -<td colspan="5" class="colspan bt bl"> </td> -<td colspan="3" class="colspan cellRight bl"> </td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="11" class="colspan cellLeft"> </td> -<td colspan="4" class="colspan">a daughter named </td> -<td> </td> -<td colspan="5" rowspan="2" class="rowspan colspan cellRight">a daughter = an Arab missionary </td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="3" class="colspan cellLeft">A concubine </td> -<td colspan="2" class="colspan">= </td> -<td colspan="4" class="colspan">Angka Wijāya </td> -<td colspan="2" class="colspan">= </td> -<td colspan="4" class="colspan">Dārāwati </td> -<td> </td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="4" class="colspan cellLeft"> </td> -<td class="bl"> </td> -<td colspan="4" class="colspan">king of Majapahit </td> -<td class="br"> </td> -<td colspan="8" class="colspan br"> </td> -<td colspan="3" class="colspan cellRight"> </td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="4" class="colspan cellLeft"> </td> -<td class="bl"> </td> -<td colspan="5" class="colspan br"> </td> -<td colspan="8" class="colspan br"> </td> -<td colspan="3" class="colspan cellRight"> </td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="4" class="colspan cellLeft"> </td> -<td class="bl"> </td> -<td colspan="3" class="colspan"> </td> -<td colspan="4" class="colspan">Arya Damar </td> -<td colspan="6" class="colspan br"> </td> -<td colspan="3" class="colspan cellRight"> </td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="4" class="colspan cellLeft"> </td> -<td class="bl"> </td> -<td colspan="5" class="colspan br"> </td> -<td colspan="6" class="colspan"> </td> -<td colspan="4" class="colspan">Raden Raḥmat. </td> -<td class="cellRight"> </td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="4" class="colspan cellLeft"> </td> -<td class="bl"> </td> -<td colspan="3" class="colspan"> </td> -<td colspan="4" class="colspan">Raden Ḥusayn </td> -<td colspan="6" class="colspan br"> </td> -<td colspan="3" class="colspan cellRight"> </td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="4" class="colspan cellLeft"> </td> -<td class="bl"> </td> -<td colspan="13" class="colspan br"> </td> -<td colspan="3" class="colspan cellRight"> </td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="4" class="colspan cellLeft"> </td> -<td class="bl"> </td> -<td colspan="4" class="colspan"> </td> -<td colspan="10" class="colspan bl bt br"> </td> -<td colspan="2" class="colspan cellRight"> </td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="4" class="colspan cellLeft"> </td> -<td class="bl"> </td> -<td colspan="3" class="colspan"> </td> -<td class="bt"> </td> -<td class="bl bt"> </td> -<td colspan="9" class="colspan br"> </td> -<td colspan="2" class="colspan cellRight"> </td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td colspan="2" class="colspan cellLeft cellBottom"> </td> -<td colspan="4" class="colspan cellBottom">Raden Patah </td> -<td class="cellBottom">= </td> -<td colspan="4" class="colspan cellBottom">a daughter </td> -<td colspan="5" class="colspan cellBottom"> </td> -<td colspan="5" class="colspan cellRight cellBottom">a daughter <br>= Raden Paku </td> -</tr> -</table> -</div><p></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7549"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7549src">59</a></span> The memory of this woman is held in great honour by the Javanese, and many come to -pray by her grave. See Brumund, p. 186. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7549src" title="Return to note 59 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7552"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7552src">60</a></span> Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 235–6. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7552src" title="Return to note 60 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7563"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7563src">61</a></span> This mosque is still standing and is looked upon by the Javanese as one of the most -sacred objects in their island. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7563src" title="Return to note 61 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7568"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7568src">62</a></span> There seems little doubt that this date is too early. A study of the Portuguese authorities -points to the conclusion that Majapahit did not fall until forty years later. (Rouffaer, -p. 144.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7568src" title="Return to note 62 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7571"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7571src">63</a></span> The people of the Bali to the present day have resisted the most zealous efforts of -the Muhammadans to induce them to accept the faith of Islam, though from time to time -conversions have been made and a small native Muhammadan community has been formed, -numbering about 3000 souls out of a population of over 862,000. The favourable situation -of the island for purposes of trade has always attracted a number of foreigners to -its shores, who have in many cases taken up a permanent residence in the island. While -some of these settlers have always held themselves aloof from the natives of the country, -others have formed matrimonial alliances with them and have consequently become merged -into the mass of the population. It is owing to the efforts of the latter that Islam -has made this very slow but sure progress, and the Muhammadans of Bali are said to -form an energetic and flourishing community, full of zeal for the promotion of their -faith, which at least impresses their pagan neighbours, though not successful in persuading -them to deny their favourite food of swine’s flesh for the sake of the worship of -Allāh. (Liefrinck, pp. 241–3.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7571src" title="Return to note 63 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7578"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7578src">64</a></span> Encyclopaedie van N.-I., vol. ii. p. 523. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7578src" title="Return to note 64 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7583"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7583src">65</a></span> Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 245, 284. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7583src" title="Return to note 65 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7586"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7586src">66</a></span> Raffles, vol. ii. p. 316. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7586src" title="Return to note 66 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7589"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7589src">67</a></span> Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 285–6. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7589src" title="Return to note 67 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7596"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7596src">68</a></span> Veth (3), vol. i. pp. 305, 318–9. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7596src" title="Return to note 68 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7599"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7599src">69</a></span> A traveller in Java in 1596 mentions two or three heathen kingdoms with a large heathen -population. (Niemann, p. 342.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7599src" title="Return to note 69 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7602"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7602src">70</a></span> Raffles, vol. ii. pp. 132–3. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7602src" title="Return to note 70 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7605"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7605src">71</a></span> Metzger, p. 279. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7605src" title="Return to note 71 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7610"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7610src">72</a></span> L. W. C. van den Berg (1), pp. 35–6. C. Poensen, pp. 3–8. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7610src" title="Return to note 72 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7618"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7618src">73</a></span> De Barros, Dec. iii. Liv. v. Cap. v. pp. 579–80. Argensola, p. 11 B. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7618src" title="Return to note 73 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7621"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7621src">74</a></span> At this period, the Moluccas were for the most part under the rule of four princes, -viz. those of Ternate, Tidor, Gilolo and Batjan. The first was by far the most powerful: -his territory extended over Ternate and the neighbouring small islands, a portion -of Halemahera, a considerable part of the Celebes, Amboina and the Banda islands. -The Sultan of Tidor ruled over Tidor and some small neighbouring islands, a portion -of Halemahera, the islands lying between it and New Guinea, together with the west -coast of the latter and a part of Ceram. The territory of the Sultan of Gilolo seems -to have been confined to the central part of Halemahera and to a part of the north -coast of Ceram; while the Sultan of Batjan ruled chiefly over the Batjan and Obi groups. -(De Hollander, vol. i. p. 5.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7621src" title="Return to note 74 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7626"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7626src">75</a></span> Massimiliano Transilvano. (Ramusio, tom. i. p. 351 D.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7626src" title="Return to note 75 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7632"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7632src">76</a></span> P. J. B. C. Robidé van der Aa, p. 18. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7632src" title="Return to note 76 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7635"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7635src">77</a></span> Pigafetta, tome i. pp. 365, 368. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7635src" title="Return to note 77 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7640" lang="pt"> -<p class="footnote" lang="pt"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7640src">78</a></span> “Segundo a conta que elles dam, ao tempo que os nossos descubriram aquellas Ilhas, -haveria pouco mais de oitenta annos, que nellas tinha entrada esta peste.” (J. de -Barros: Da Asia, Dec. iii. Liv. v. Cap. v. p. 580.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7640src" title="Return to note 78 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7645"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7645src">79</a></span> De Barros, id. ib. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7645src" title="Return to note 79 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7650"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7650src">80</a></span> Simon, p. 13. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7650src" title="Return to note 80 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7653"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7653src">81</a></span> Bokemeyer, p. 39. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7653src" title="Return to note 81 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7656"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7656src">82</a></span> Simon, p. 13. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7656src" title="Return to note 82 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7660"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7660src">83</a></span> Argensola, pp. 3–4. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7660src" title="Return to note 83 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7663"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7663src">84</a></span> Id. p. 15 B. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7663src" title="Return to note 84 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7666"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7666src">85</a></span> Id. pp. 97, 98. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7666src" title="Return to note 85 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7669"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7669src">86</a></span> Id. pp. 155 and 158, where he calls Ternate “<span lang="es">este receptaculo de setas, donde tienen escuela todas las apostasias; y particularmente -los torpes sequazes de Mahoma. Y desde el anno de mil y quinientos y ochenta y cinco, -en que los Holandeses tentaron aquellos mares, hasta este tiempo no han cessado de -traer sectarios, y capitanes pyratas. Estos llevan las riquezas de Assia, y en su -lugar dexan aquella falsa dotrina, con que hazen infrutuosa la conversion de tantas -almas.</span>” <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7669src" title="Return to note 86 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7677"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7677src">87</a></span> Their descendants are still to be found in the province of Cavité in the island of -Luzon. (Crawfurd (1), p. 85.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7677src" title="Return to note 87 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7682"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7682src">88</a></span> W. F. Andriessen, p. 222. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7682src" title="Return to note 88 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7685"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7685src">89</a></span> T. Forrest, p. 68. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7685src" title="Return to note 89 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7688"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7688src">90</a></span> Pigafetta. (Ramusio, vol. i. p. 366.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7688src" title="Return to note 90 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7691" lang="nl"> -<p class="footnote" lang="nl"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7691src">91</a></span> Campen, p. 346. Koloniaal Verslag van 1910, p. 56; 1911, p. 52. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7691src" title="Return to note 91 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7696"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7696src">92</a></span> Dulaurier, p. 528. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7696src" title="Return to note 92 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7699"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7699src">93</a></span> Damak, on the north coast of Java, opposite the south of Borneo. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7699src" title="Return to note 93 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7704"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7704src">94</a></span> Hageman, pp. 236–9. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7704src" title="Return to note 94 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7707"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7707src">95</a></span> Pigafetta. (Ramusio, tom. i. pp. 363–4.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7707src" title="Return to note 95 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7711"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7711src">96</a></span> This kingdom had been founded by a colony from the Hindu kingdom of Majapahit (De -Hollander, vol. ii. p. 67), and would naturally have come under Muslim influence after -the conversion of the Javanese. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7711src" title="Return to note 96 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7714"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7714src">97</a></span> Dozy (1), p. 386. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7714src" title="Return to note 97 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7717"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7717src">98</a></span> Veth (2), vol. i. p. 193. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7717src" title="Return to note 98 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7720"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7720src">99</a></span> Olivier de Noort. (<span lang="fr">Histoire générale des voyages</span>, vol. xiv. p. 225.) (The Hague, 1756.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7720src" title="Return to note 99 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7726"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7726src">100</a></span> i.e. Pure in Religion; he died about 1677; his father does not seem to have taken -a Muhammadan name, at least he is only known by his heathen name of Panembahan Giri-Kusuma. -(Netscher, pp. 14–15.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7726src" title="Return to note 100 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7733"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7733src">101</a></span> Thomas Forrest, p. 371. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7733src" title="Return to note 101 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7736"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7736src">102</a></span> Essay towards an account of Sulu, p. 557. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7736src" title="Return to note 102 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7739"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7739src">103</a></span> B. Panciera, p. 161. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7739src" title="Return to note 103 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7742"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7742src">104</a></span> J. Hageman, p. 224. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7742src" title="Return to note 104 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7746"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7746src">105</a></span> Veth (2), vol. i. p. 179. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7746src" title="Return to note 105 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7749"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7749src">106</a></span> De Hollander, vol. ii. p. 61. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7749src" title="Return to note 106 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7752" lang="nl"> -<p class="footnote" lang="nl"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7752src">107</a></span> Coolsma, p. 556. Koloniaal Verslag van 1911, pp. 38, 41; 1912, p. 30. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7752src" title="Return to note 107 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7759" lang="nl"> -<p class="footnote" lang="nl"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7759src">108</a></span> Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. vol. xxxii. p. 177; vol. xxxiv. p. 170. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7759src" title="Return to note 108 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7766"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7766src">109</a></span> i.e. Atjeh. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7766src" title="Return to note 109 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7769"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7769src">110</a></span> A Compleat History of the Rise and Progress of the Portugeze Empire in the East Indies. -Collected chiefly from their own Writers. John Harris: <span lang="la">Navigantium atque Itinerantium Bibliotheca</span>, vol. i. p. 682. (London, 1764.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7769src" title="Return to note 110 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7777"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7777src">111</a></span> Crawfurd (1), p. 91. The <span lang="nl">Encyclopaedie van N.-I.</span> (vol. i. p. 216) gives 1606 as the date. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7777src" title="Return to note 111 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7785"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7785src">112</a></span> Fernandez Navarette, a Spanish priest, who went to the Philippine Islands in 1646. -(Collection of Voyages and Travels, p. 236. London, 1752.) -</p> -<p class="footnote cont">Tavernier, who visited Macassar in 1648. (Travels in India, p. 193.) (London, 1678.) -</p> -<p class="footnote cont"><span lang="la">Itinerarium Orientale R. P. F. Philippi à SSma. Trinitate Carmelitae Discalceati ab -ipso conscriptum</span>, p. 267. (Lugduni, 1649.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7785src" title="Return to note 112 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7795"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7795src">113</a></span> Crawfurd<span class="corr" id="xd31e7797" title="Not in source"> (2)</span>, vol. ii. pp. 385–9. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7795src" title="Return to note 113 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7801"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7801src">114</a></span> “No extraordinary exertion seems for a long time to have been made on behalf of the -new religion. An abhorrence of innovation and a most pertinacious and religious adherence -to ancient custom, distinguish the people of Celebes beyond all the other tribes of -the Eastern isles; and these would, at first, prove the most serious obstacles to -the dissemination of Mahometanism. It was this, probably, which deferred the adoption -of the new religion for so long a period, and till it had recommended itself by wearing -the garb of antiquity.” (Crawfurd (2), vol. ii. p. 387.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7801src" title="Return to note 114 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7804"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7804src">115</a></span> Crawfurd (1), p. 75. De Hollander, vol. ii. p. 212. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7804src" title="Return to note 115 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7807"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7807src">116</a></span> Id. vol. ii. p. 666. Riedel (2), p. 67. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7807src" title="Return to note 116 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7812"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7812src">117</a></span> To the east of Minahassa, between long. 124° 45′ and 123° 20′, with a population that -has been variously estimated at 35,000 and 50,000. (De Hollander, vol. ii. p. 247.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7812src" title="Return to note 117 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7817"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7817src">118</a></span> Wilken (1), pp. 42–4. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7817src" title="Return to note 118 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7822" lang="nl"> -<p class="footnote" lang="nl"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7822src">119</a></span> Wilken (2), pp. 276–9. Koloniaal Verslag van 1910, p. 52; 1911, p. 47. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7822src" title="Return to note 119 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7827"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7827src">120</a></span> Zollinger (2), pp. 126, 169. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7827src" title="Return to note 120 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7830" lang="nl"> -<p class="footnote" lang="nl"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7830src">121</a></span> Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. xxxii. p. 177; xxxiv. p. 170. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7830src" title="Return to note 121 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7836"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7836src">122</a></span> Zollinger (1), p. 527. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7836src" title="Return to note 122 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7841"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7841src">123</a></span> De Hollander (in 1882) gave the numbers as 20,000 Balinese and 380,000 Sasaks. (Vol. -i. p. 489.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7841src" title="Return to note 123 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7844"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7844src">124</a></span> Encyclopaedie van N.-I. vol. ii. pp. 432–4, 524. -</p> -<p class="footnote cont">W. Cool: With the Dutch in the East. An outline of the military operations in Lombok, -1894. (London, 1897.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7844src" title="Return to note 124 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7850"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7850src">125</a></span> Captain Thomas Forrest, writing in 1775, says that Arabs came to the island of Mindanao -300 years before and that the tomb of the first Arab, a Sharīf from Mecca, was still -shown—“a rude heap of coral rock stones” (pp. 201, 313). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7850src" title="Return to note 125 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7855"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7855src">126</a></span> N. N. Saleeby: Studies in Moro History, Law and Religion, pp. 24–5, 53–5. (Manila, -1905.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7855src" title="Return to note 126 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7858" lang="it"> -<p class="footnote" lang="it"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7858src">127</a></span> Relatione di Ivan Gaetan del discoprimento dell’Isole Molucche. (Ramusio, tom. i. -p. 375 E.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7858src" title="Return to note 127 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7861" lang="es"> -<p class="footnote" lang="es"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7861src">128</a></span> “Se muestran tan obstinados á la gracia de Dios y tan aferrados á sus creencias, que -es casi moralmente imposible su conversion al cristianismo.” (Cartas de los PP. de -la Compañia de Jesús de la Missión de Filipinas, 1879, <span lang="en">quoted by</span> Montero y Vidal, tom. i. p. 21.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7861src" title="Return to note 128 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7868"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7868src">129</a></span> Crawfurd (2), vol. ii. pp. 274–280. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7868src" title="Return to note 129 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7873"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7873src">130</a></span> “<span lang="fr">Ils sont peu soigneux de satisfaire au devoir du Christianisme qu’ils ont receu, et -il les y faut contraindre par la crainte du chastiment, et gouverner comme des enfans -à l’escole.</span>” <span lang="fr">Relation des Isles Philippines, Faite par un Religieux</span>, p. 7. (Thevenot, vol. i.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7873src" title="Return to note 130 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7882"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7882src">131</a></span> “<span lang="fr">A Mindanao, les Tagal de l’Est, fuyant le joug abhorré de leurs maîtres catholiques, -se groupent chaque jour davantage autour des chefs des dynasties nationales. Plus -de 360,000 sectateurs du coran y reconnaissent un sultan indépendant. Aux jésuites -chassés de l’île, aux représentants du culte officiel, se substituent comme maîtres -religieux et éducateurs de la population, les missionnaires musulmans de la Chine -et de l’Inde, qui rénovent ainsi la propagande, commencée par les invasions arabes.</span>” (A. le Chatelier (2), p. 45.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7882src" title="Return to note 131 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7888"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7888src">132</a></span> Montero y Vidal, vol. i. p. 86. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7888src" title="Return to note 132 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7893"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7893src">133</a></span> Situated three miles west of Jolo, the present capital. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7893src" title="Return to note 133 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7896"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7896src">134</a></span> N. M. Saleeby: The History of Sulu, pp. 150, 158–9. (Manila, 1908.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7896src" title="Return to note 134 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7901"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7901src">135</a></span> N. M. Saleeby: The History of Sulu, pp. 150, 162–3. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7901src" title="Return to note 135 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7904"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7904src">136</a></span> J. H. Moor. (Appendix, p. 37.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7904src" title="Return to note 136 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7908"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7908src">137</a></span> Dalrymple, p. 549. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7908src" title="Return to note 137 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7913"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7913src">138</a></span> R. du M. M., vii. pp. 115–16. (1909.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7913src" title="Return to note 138 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7916"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7916src">139</a></span> The Missionary Review of the World, <abbr title="New Series">N.S.</abbr>, vol. xiv. p. 877. (New York, 1901.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7916src" title="Return to note 139 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7926"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7926src">140</a></span> The first prince of Batjan who became a Muhammadan was a certain Zayn al-ʻĀbidīn, -who was reigning in 1521 when the Portuguese first came to the Moluccas. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7926src" title="Return to note 140 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7929"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7929src">141</a></span> Robidé van der Aa, pp. 350, 352–3. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7929src" title="Return to note 141 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7932"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7932src">142</a></span> Id. p. 147 (Misool), “<span lang="nl">De strandbewoners zijn allen Mahomedanen.… De bergbewoners zijn heidenen.</span>” Id. p. 53 (Salawatti), “<span lang="nl">Een klein deel der bevolking van het eiland belijdt de leer van <span class="corr" id="xd31e7940" title="Source: Mahamed">Mahomed</span>. Het grootste deel bestaat echter uit Papoesche heidenen, <span class="corr" id="xd31e7943" title="Source: einige">eenige</span> tot het Mahomedaansche geloof zijn <span class="corr" id="xd31e7946" title="Source: overgegangen">overgegaan</span>, althans den schijn daarvan aannemen.</span>” Id. p. 290 (Waigyu). -</p> -<p class="footnote cont">Some of the Papuans of the island of Gebi, between Waigyu and Halemahera, have been -converted by the Muhammadan settlers from the Moluccas. (Crawfurd (1), p. 143.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7932src" title="Return to note 142 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7952"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7952src">143</a></span> Robidé van der Aa, p. 352. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7952src" title="Return to note 143 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7956"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7956src">144</a></span> Captain Forrest, however, in 1775, tells us that “Many of the Papuas turn Musselmen.” -(Voyage to New Guinea, p. 68.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7956src" title="Return to note 144 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7959"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7959src">145</a></span> Robidé van der Aa, p. 71. “<span lang="nl">De Papoe is te woest van aard, om behoefte aan godsdienst te gevoelen. Evenmin als -de Christelijke leer tot nog toe ingang bij hem heeft kunnen vinden, zou de Mahomedaansche -godsdienst slagen, wanneer daartoe bij deze <span class="corr" id="xd31e7963" title="Source: volkstammen">volksstammen</span> poging gedaan werd. Voorzoover mij is gebleken op vijf reizen naar dit land, hebben -noch Tidoreezen, noch Cerammers of anderen ooit ernstige pogingen gedaan, om de leer -van Mahomed hier in te voeren.… Slechts zeer weinige hoofden, zooals de Radja Ampat -van Waigeoe, Salawatti, Misool en Waigama, mogen als belijders van die leer aangemerkt -worden; zij en eenige hunner bloedverwanten vervullen sommige geloofsvormen, doordien -zij meermalen te Tidor geweest zijn en daar niet gaarne als gewone Papoes beschouwd -<span class="pageNum" id="pb404n">[<a href="#pb404n">404</a>]</span>worden. Onder de eigenlijke bevolking is nooit gepoogd, den Islam intevoeren, misschien -wel uit eerbied voor dien godsdienst, die te verheven is voor de Papoes.</span>” <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7959src" title="Return to note 145 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7972"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7972src">146</a></span> Robidé van der Aa, p. 319. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7972src" title="Return to note 146 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7975" lang="nl"> -<p class="footnote" lang="nl"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7975src">147</a></span> Koloniaal Verslag van 1906, p. 70; 1911, p. 52. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7975src" title="Return to note 147 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7978"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7978src">148</a></span> The Journal of the Indian Archipelago, vol. vii. pp. 64, 71. (Singapore, 1853.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7978src" title="Return to note 148 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7982"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7982src">149</a></span> G. W. W. C. Baron von Hoëvell, p. 120. Krieger, p. 436. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7982src" title="Return to note 149 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7985"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7985src">150</a></span> Encyclopaedie van N.-I., vol. ii. p. 210. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7985src" title="Return to note 150 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7992"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7992src">151</a></span> Crawfurd (2), pp. 275, 307. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7992src" title="Return to note 151 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e7995"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e7995src">152</a></span> Buckle’s Miscellaneous and Posthumous Works, edited by Helen Taylor, vol. i. p. 594. -(London, 1872.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e7995src" title="Return to note 152 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8002"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8002src">153</a></span> Neimann, pp. 406–7. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8002src" title="Return to note 153 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8007" lang="nl"> -<p class="footnote" lang="nl"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8007src">154</a></span> C. Snouck Hurgronje: De hadji-politiek der Indische Regeering, p. 12. (Overdruk uit -Onze Eeuw, 1909.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8007src" title="Return to note 154 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8010" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8010src">155</a></span> Id.: Notes sur le mouvement du pèlerinage de la Mecque aux Indes Néerlandaises. (R. -du M. M., vol. xv. pp. 409, 412.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8010src" title="Return to note 155 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8015"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8015src">156</a></span> Report of Centenary Conference on Protestant Missions, vol. i. p. 21. Niemann, p. -407. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8015src" title="Return to note 156 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8018" lang="nl"> -<p class="footnote" lang="nl"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8018src">157</a></span> Med. Ned. Zendelinggen. vols. xxxii., xxxiv. passim. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8018src" title="Return to note 157 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8023"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8023src">158</a></span> Snouck Hurgronje (3), vol. ii. pp. xv. 339–393. Encyclopaedie van N.-I., vol. ii. -pp. 576–9. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8023src" title="Return to note 158 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8028"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8028src">159</a></span> e.g. the Qādiriyyah, Naqshbandiyyah and Sammāniyyah. (C. Snouck Hurgronje (2), p. -186.) Id. (3) vol. ii. p. 372, etc. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8028src" title="Return to note 159 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8031"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8031src">160</a></span> J. G. F. Riedel (1), pp. 7, 59, 162. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8031src" title="Return to note 160 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8034"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8034src">161</a></span> Snouck Hurgronje (3), vol. ii. p. 323. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8034src" title="Return to note 161 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8039"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8039src">162</a></span> Hauri, p. 313. Encyclopaedie van N.-I., vol. ii. p. 524. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8039src" title="Return to note 162 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ch13" class="div1 chapter"><span class="pageNum">[<a href="#xd31e413">Contents</a>]</span><div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">CHAPTER XIII.</h2> -<h2 class="main">CONCLUSION.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">To the modern Christian world, missionary work implies missionary societies, paid -agents, subscriptions, reports and journals; and missionary enterprise without a regularly -constituted and continuous organisation seems a misnomer. The ecclesiastical constitution -of the Christian Church has, from the very beginning of its history, made provision -for the propagation of Christian teaching among unbelievers; its missionaries have -been in most cases, regularly ordained priests or monks; the monastic orders (from -the Benedictines downwards) and the missionary societies of more modern times have -devoted themselves with special and concentrated attention to the furthering of a -department of Christian work that, from the first, has been recognised to be one of -the prime duties of the Church. But in Islam the absence of any kind of priesthood -or any ecclesiastical organisation whatever has caused the missionary energy of the -Muslims to exhibit itself in forms very different to those that appear in the history -of Christian missions: there are no missionary societies,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8050src" href="#xd31e8050">1</a> no specially trained agents, very little continuity of effort. The only exception -appears to be found in the religious orders of Islam, whose organisation resembles -to some extent that of the monastic orders of Christendom. But even here the absence -of the priestly ideal, of any theory of the separateness of the religious teacher -from the common body of believers or of the necessity of a special consecration and -authorisation for the performance of religious functions, makes the fundamental difference -in the two systems stand out as clearly as elsewhere. -<span class="pageNum" id="pb409">[<a href="#pb409">409</a>]</span></p> -<p>Whatever disadvantages may be entailed by this want of a priestly class, specially -set apart for the work of propagating the faith, are compensated for by the consequent -feeling of responsibility resting on the individual believer. There being no intermediary -between the Muslim and his God, the responsibility of his personal salvation rests -upon himself alone: consequently he becomes as a rule much more strict and careful -in the performance of his religious duties, he takes more trouble to learn the doctrines -and observances of his faith, and thus becoming deeply impressed with the importance -of them to himself, is more likely to become an exponent of the missionary character -of his creed in the presence of the unbeliever. The would-be proselytiser has not -to refer his convert to some authorised religious teacher of his creed who may formally -receive the neophyte into the body of the Church, nor need he dread ecclesiastical -censure for committing the sin of Korah. Accordingly, however great an exaggeration -it may be to say, as has been said so often,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8056src" href="#xd31e8056">2</a> that every Muhammadan is a missionary, still it is true that every Muhammadan may -be one, and few truly devout Muslims, living in daily contact with unbelievers, neglect -the precept of their Prophet: “Summon them to the way of thy Lord with wisdom and -with kindly warning.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8068src" href="#xd31e8068">3</a> Thus it is that, side by side with the professional propagandists,—the religious -teachers who have devoted all their time and energies to missionary work,—the annals -of the propagation of the Muslim faith contain the record of men and women of all -ranks of society, from the sovereign<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8071src" href="#xd31e8071">4</a> to the peasant, and of all trades and professions, who have laboured for the spread -of their faith,—the Muslim trader, unlike his Christian brother, showing himself especially -active in such work. In a list of Indian missionaries published in the <span class="pageNum" id="pb410">[<a href="#pb410">410</a>]</span>journal of a religious and philanthropic society of Lahore<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8079src" href="#xd31e8079">5</a> we find the names of schoolmasters, Government clerks in the Canal and Opium Departments, -traders (including a dealer in camel-carts), an editor of a newspaper, a book-binder -and a workman in a printing establishment. These men devote the hours of leisure left -them after the completion of the day’s labour, to the preaching of their religion -in the streets and bazaars of Indian cities, seeking to win converts both from among -Christians and Hindus, whose religious beliefs they controvert and attack. -</p> -<p>It is interesting to note that the propagation of Islam has not been the work of men -only, but that Muslim women have also taken their part in this pious task. Several -of the Mongol princes owed their conversion to the influence of a Muslim wife, and -the same was probably the case with many of the pagan Turks when they had carried -their raids into Muhammadan countries. The Sanūsiyyah missionaries who came to work -among the Tūbū, to the north of Lake Chad, opened schools for girls, and took advantage -of the powerful influence exercised by the women among these tribes (as among their -neighbours, the Berbers), in their efforts to win them over to Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8086src" href="#xd31e8086">6</a> In German East Africa, the pagan natives who leave their homes for six months or -more, to work on the railways or plantations, are converted by the Muhammadan women -with whom they contract temporary alliances; these women refuse to have anything to -do with an uncircumcised kāfir, and to escape the disgrace attaching to such an appellation, -their husbands become circumcised and thus receive an entry into Muslim society.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8089src" href="#xd31e8089">7</a> The progress of Islam in Abyssinia during the first half of the last century has -been said to be in large measure due to the efforts of Muhammadan women, especially -the wives of Christian princes, who had to pretend a conversion to Christianity on -the occasion of their marriage, but brought up their children in the tenets of Islam -and worked in every possible way for the advancement of that faith.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8092src" href="#xd31e8092">8</a> On the western frontier of Abyssinia, there is a pagan tribe <span class="pageNum" id="pb411">[<a href="#pb411">411</a>]</span>called the Boruns; some of these men who had enlisted in a negro regiment, under the -Anglo-Egyptian government of the Sudan, were converted to Islam by the wives of the -black soldiers while the battalion was returning to Khartum.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8097src" href="#xd31e8097">9</a> The Tatar women of Kazan are said to be especially zealous as propagandists of Islam.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8101src" href="#xd31e8101">10</a> The professed devotee, because she happens to be a woman, is not thereby debarred -from taking her place with the male saint in the company of the preachers of the faith. -The legend of the holy women, descended from ʻAlī, who are said to have flown through -the air from Karbalāʼ to Lahore, and there by the influence of their devout lives -of prayer and fasting to have won the first converts from Hinduism to Islam,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8104src" href="#xd31e8104">11</a> could hardly have originated if the influence of such holy women were a thing quite -unknown. One of the most venerated tombs in Cairo is that of Nafīsah, the great-granddaughter -of Ḥasan (the martyred son of ʻAlī), whose theological learning excited the admiration -even of her great contemporary, Imām al-Shāfiʻī, and whose piety and austerities raised -her to the dignity of a saint: it is related of her that when she settled in Egypt, -she happened to have as her neighbours a family of d͟himmīs whose daughter was so -grievously afflicted that she could not move her limbs but had to lie on her back -all day. The parents of the poor girl had to go one day to the market and asked their -pious Muslim neighbour to look after their daughter during their absence. Nafīsah, -filled with love and pity, undertook this work of mercy; and when the parents of the -sick girl were gone, she lifted up her soul in prayer to God on behalf of the helpless -invalid. Scarcely was her prayer ended than the sick girl regained the use of her -limbs and was able to go to meet her parents on their return. Filled with gratitude, -the whole family became converts to the religion of their benefactor.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8107src" href="#xd31e8107">12</a> -</p> -<p>Even the Muslim prisoner will on occasion embrace the opportunity of preaching his -faith to his captors or to his fellow-prisoners. The first introduction of Islam into -<span class="pageNum" id="pb412">[<a href="#pb412">412</a>]</span>Eastern Europe was the work of a Muslim jurisconsult who was taken prisoner, probably -in one of the wars between the Byzantine empire and its Muhammadan neighbours, and -was brought to the country of the Pechenegs<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8114src" href="#xd31e8114">13</a> in the beginning of the eleventh century. He set before many of them the teachings -of Islam and they embraced the faith with sincerity, so that it began to be spread -among this people. But the other Pechenegs who had not accepted the Muslim religion, -took umbrage at the conduct of their fellow-countrymen and finally came to blows with -them. The Muslims, who numbered about twelve thousand, successfully withstood the -attack of the unbelievers, though they were more than double their number, and the -remnant of the defeated party embraced the religion of the victors. Before the close -of the eleventh century the whole nation had become Muhammadan and had among them -men learned in Muslim theology and jurisprudence.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8117src" href="#xd31e8117">14</a> In the reign of the Emperor Jahāngīr (1605–1628) there was a certain Sunnī theologian, -named Shayk͟h Aḥmad Mujaddid, who especially distinguished himself by the energy with -which he controverted the doctrines of the Shīʻahs: the latter, being at this time -in favour at court, succeeded in having him imprisoned on some frivolous charge; during -the two years that he was kept in prison he converted to Islam several hundred idolaters -who were his companions in the same prison.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8120src" href="#xd31e8120">15</a> In more recent times, an Indian mawlavī, who had been sentenced to transportation -for life to the Andaman Islands by the British Government, because he had taken an -active part in the Wahhābī conspiracy of 1864, converted many of the convicts before -his death. In Central Africa, an Arab chief condemned to death by the Belgians, spent -his last hours in trying to convert to Islam the Christian missionary who had been -sent to bring him the consolations of religion.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8123src" href="#xd31e8123">16</a> -</p> -<p>Such being the missionary zeal of the Muslims, that they <span class="pageNum" id="pb413">[<a href="#pb413">413</a>]</span>are ready to speak in season and out of season,—as Doughty, with fine insight, says, -“Their talk is continually (without hypocrisy) of religion, which is of genial devout -remembrance to them,”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8130src" href="#xd31e8130">17</a>—let us now consider some of the causes that have contributed to their success. -</p> -<p>Foremost among these is the simplicity<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8135src" href="#xd31e8135">18</a> of the Muslim creed, There is no god but God; Muḥammad is the Apostle of God. Assent -to these two simple doctrines is all that is demanded of the convert, and the whole -history of Muslim dogmatics fails to present any attempt on the part of ecclesiastical -assemblies to force on the mass of believers any symbol couched in more elaborate -and complex terms. This simple creed demands no great trial of faith, arouses as a -rule no particular intellectual difficulties and is within the compass of the meanest -intelligence. Unencumbered with theological subtleties, it may be expounded by any, -even the most unversed in theological expression. The first half of it enunciates -a doctrine that is almost universally accepted by men as a necessary postulate, while -the second half is based on a theory of man’s relationship to God that is almost equally -wide-spread, viz. that at intervals in the world’s history God grants some revelation -of Himself to men through the mouthpiece of inspired prophets. This, the rationalistic -character of the Muslim creed, and the advantage it reaps therefrom in its missionary -efforts, have nowhere been more admirably brought out than in the following sentences -of Professor Montet:— -</p> -<p>“Islam is a religion that is essentially rationalistic in the widest sense of this -term considered etymologically and historically. The definition of rationalism as -a system that bases religious beliefs on principles furnished by the reason, applies -to it exactly. It is true that Muḥammad, who was an enthusiast and possessed, too, -the ardour of faith and the fire of conviction, that precious quality he transmitted -to so many of his disciples,—brought forward his reform as a <span class="pageNum" id="pb414">[<a href="#pb414">414</a>]</span>revelation: but this kind of revelation is only one form of exposition and his religion -has all the marks of a collection of doctrines founded on the data of reason. To believers, -the Muhammadan creed is summed up in belief in the unity of God and in the mission -of His Prophet, and to ourselves who coldly analyse his doctrines, to belief in God -and a future life; these two dogmas, the minimum of religious belief, statements that -to the religious man rest on the firm basis of reason, sum up the whole doctrinal -teaching of the Qurʼān. The simplicity and the clearness of this teaching are certainly -among the most obvious forces at work in the religion and the missionary activity -of Islam. It cannot be denied that many doctrines and systems of theology and also -many superstitions, from the worship of saints to the use of rosaries and amulets, -have become grafted on to the main trunk of the Muslim creed. But in spite of the -rich development, in every sense of the term, of the teachings of the Prophet, the -Qurʼān has invariably kept its place as the fundamental starting-point, and the dogma -of the unity of God has always been proclaimed therein with a grandeur, a majesty, -an invariable purity and with a note of sure conviction, which it is hard to find -surpassed outside the pale of Islam. This fidelity to the fundamental dogma of the -religion, the elemental simplicity of the formula in which it is enunciated, the proof -that it gains from the fervid conviction of the missionaries who propagate it, are -so many causes to explain the success of Muhammadan missionary efforts. A creed so -precise, so stripped of all theological complexities and consequently so accessible -to the ordinary understanding, might be expected to possess and does indeed possess -a marvellous power of winning its way into the consciences of men.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8148src" href="#xd31e8148">19</a> -</p> -<p>Bishop Lefroy considers that the “secret of the extraordinary power for conquest and -advance which Islam has in its best ages evinced” is to be found in its recognition -of the Existence of God rather than the Unity of God. “Not so much that God is one -as that God <i>IS</i>—that His existence is the ultimate fact of the universe—that His will is supreme<span class="pageNum" id="pb415">[<a href="#pb415">415</a>]</span>—His sovereignty absolute—His power limitless … the conviction that, amidst all the -chaos and confusion and disorders of the world which so fearfully obscure it, there -is nevertheless, an ultimate Will, resistless, supreme, and that man is called to -be a minister of that Will, to promulgate it, to compel—if necessary by very simple -and elementary means indeed—obedience to that Will—this it was which welded the Mohammedan -hosts into so invincible an engine of conquest, which inspired them with a spirit -of military subordination and discipline, as well as with a contempt of death, such -as has probably never been surpassed in any system—this it is which, so far as it -is still in any true sense operative amongst Mohammadans, gives at once that backbone -of character, that firmness of determination and strength of will, and also that uncomplaining -patience and submission in the presence of the bitterest misfortune, which characterise -and adorn the best adherents of the creed.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8157src" href="#xd31e8157">20</a> -</p> -<p>When the convert has accepted and learned this simple creed, he has then to be instructed -in the five practical duties of his religion: (1) recital of the creed, (2) observance -of the five appointed times of prayer, (3) payment of the legal alms, (4) fasting -during the month of Ramaḍān, and (5) the pilgrimage to Mecca. -</p> -<p>The observance of this last duty has often been objected to as a strange survival -of idolatry in the midst of the monotheism of the Prophet’s teaching, but it must -be borne in mind that to him it connected itself with Abraham, whose religion it was -his mission to restore.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8164src" href="#xd31e8164">21</a> But above all—and herein is its supreme importance in the missionary history of Islam—it -ordains a yearly gathering of believers, of all nations and languages, brought together -from all parts of the world, to pray in that sacred place towards which their faces -are set in every hour of private worship in their distant homes. No fetch of religious -genius could have conceived a better expedient for impressing on the minds of the -faithful a sense of their common life and of their brotherhood in the bonds of faith. -Here, in a supreme act of common worship, <span class="pageNum" id="pb416">[<a href="#pb416">416</a>]</span>the Negro of the west coast of Africa meets the Chinaman from the distant east; the -courtly and polished Ottoman recognises his brother Muslim in the wild islander from -the farthest end of the Malayan Sea. At the same time throughout the whole Muhammadan -world the hearts of believers are lifted up in sympathy with their more fortunate -brethren gathered together in the sacred city, as in their own homes they celebrate -the festival of ʻĪd al-Aḍḥạ̄ or (as it is called in Turkey and Egypt) the feast of -Bayrām. Their visit to the sacred city has been to many Muslims the experience that -has stirred them up to “strive in the path of God,” and in the preceding pages constant -reference has been made to the active part taken by the ḥājīs in missionary work. -</p> -<p>Besides the institution of the pilgrimage, the payment of the legal alms is another -duty that continually reminds the Muslim that “the faithful are brothers”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8171src" href="#xd31e8171">22</a>—a religious theory that is very strikingly realised in Muhammadan society and seldom -fails to express itself in acts of kindness towards the new convert. Whatever be his -race, colour or antecedents he is received into the brotherhood of believers and takes -his place as an equal among equals. -</p> -<p>It is not, however, true, as some European writers have maintained, that if an unbeliever -is the slave of a Muslim his conversion to Islam procures for him his manumission, -for, according to Muhammadan law, the conversion of a slave does not affect the prior -state of bondage;<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8176src" href="#xd31e8176">23</a> and the condition of the Muslim slave has varied much according to the character -of his master. But freedom is in many instances the reward of conversion, and devout -minds have even recognised in enslavement God’s guidance to the true faith, as the -negroes from the Upper Nile countries, whom Doughty met in Arabia. “In those Africans -there is no resentment that they have been made slaves … even though cruel men-stealers -rent them from their parentage. The patrons who paid their price have adopted them -into their households, the males are circumcised and—that which enfranchises their -souls, even in the long passion of <span class="pageNum" id="pb417">[<a href="#pb417">417</a>]</span>home-sickness—God has visited them in their mishap; they can say ‘<i>it was His grace</i>,’ since they be thereby entered into the saving religion. This, therefore, they think -is the better country, where they are the Lord’s free men, a land of more civil life, -the soil of the two Sanctuaries, the land of Mohammed:—for such they do give God thanks -that their bodies were sometime sold into slavery!”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8183src" href="#xd31e8183">24</a> -</p> -<p>Very effective also, both in winning and retaining, is the ordinance of the daily -prayers five times a day. Montesquieu<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8188src" href="#xd31e8188">25</a> has well said, “<span lang="fr">Une religion chargée de beaucoup de pratiques attache plus à elle qu’une autre qui -l’est moins; on tient beaucoup aux choses dont on est continuellement occupé.</span>” The religion of the Muslim is continually present with him and in the daily prayer -manifests itself in a solemn and impressive ritual, which cannot leave either the -worshipper or the spectator unaffected. Saʻīd b. Ḥasan, an Alexandrian Jew, who embraced -Islam in the year 1298, speaks of the sight of the Friday prayer in a mosque as a -determining factor in his own conversion. During a severe illness he had had a vision -in which a voice bade him declare himself a Muslim. “And when I entered the mosque” -(he goes on) “and saw the Muslims standing in rows like angels, I heard a voice speaking -within me, ‘This is the community whose coming was announced by the prophets (on whom -be blessings and peace!)’; and when the preacher came forth clad in his black robe, -a deep feeling of awe fell upon me … and when he closed his sermon with the words, -‘Verily God enjoineth justice and kindness and the giving of gifts to kinsfolk, and -He forbiddeth wickedness and wrong and oppression. He warneth you; haply ye will be -mindful.’<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8194src" href="#xd31e8194">26</a> And when the prayer began, I was mightily uplifted, for the rows of the Muslims appeared -to me like rows of angels, to whose prostrations and genuflections God Almighty was -revealing Himself, and I heard a voice within me saying, ‘If God spake twice unto -the people of Israel throughout the ages, verily He speaketh unto this community in -every time of <span class="pageNum" id="pb418">[<a href="#pb418">418</a>]</span>prayer,’ and I was convinced in my mind that I had been created to be a Muslim.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8199src" href="#xd31e8199">27</a> -</p> -<p>If Renan could say, “<span lang="fr">Je ne suis jamais entré dans une mosquée sans une vive émotion, le dirai-je? sans -un certain regret de n’être pas musulman</span>,”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8209src" href="#xd31e8209">28</a> it can be readily understood how the sight of the Muslim trader at prayer, his frequent -prostrations, his absorbed and silent worship of the Unseen, would impress the heathen -African, endued with that strong sense of the mysterious such as generally accompanies -a low stage of civilisation. Curiosity would naturally prompt inquiry, and the knowledge -of Islam thus imparted might sometimes win over a convert who might have turned aside -had it been offered unsought, as a free gift. Of the fast during the month of Ramaḍān, -it need only be said that it is a piece of standing evidence against the theory that -Islam is a religious system that attracts by pandering to the self-indulgence of men. -As Carlyle has said, “His religion is not an easy one: with rigorous fasts, lavations, -strict complex formulas, prayers five times a day, and abstinence from wine, it did -not succeed by being an easy religion.” -</p> -<p>Bound up with these and other ritual observances, but not encumbered or obscured by -them, the articles of the Muslim creed are incessantly finding outward manifestation -in the life of the believer, and thus, becoming inextricably interwoven with the routine -of his daily life, make the individual Musalman an exponent and teacher of his creed -<span class="pageNum" id="pb419">[<a href="#pb419">419</a>]</span>far more than is the case with the adherents of most other religions.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8221src" href="#xd31e8221">29</a> Couched in such short and simple language, his creed makes but little demand upon -the intellect, and the definiteness, positiveness, and minuteness of the ritual leave -the believer in no doubt as to what he has to do, and these duties performed, he has -the satisfaction of feeling that he has <span class="corr" id="xd31e8224" title="Source: fulfiled">fulfilled</span> all the precepts of the Law. In this union of rationalism and ritualism, we may find, -to a great extent, the secret of the power that Islam has exercised over the minds -of men. “If you would win the great masses give them the truth in rounded form, neat -and clear, in visible and tangible guise.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8227src" href="#xd31e8227">30</a> -</p> -<p>Many other circumstances might be adduced that have contributed towards the missionary -success of Islam—circumstances peculiar to particular times and countries. Among these -may be mentioned the advantage that Muhammadan missionary work derives from the fact -of its being so largely in the hands of traders, especially in Africa and other uncivilised -countries where the people are naturally suspicious of the foreigner. For, in the -case of the trader, his well-known and harmless avocation secures to him an immunity -from any such feelings of suspicion, while his knowledge of men and manners, his commercial -savoir-faire, gain for him a ready reception, and remove that feeling of constraint -which might naturally arise in the presence of the stranger. He labours under no such -disadvantages as hamper the professed missionary, who is liable to be suspected of -some sinister motive, not only by people whose range of experience and mental horizon -are limited and to whom the idea of any man enduring the perils of a long journey -and laying aside every mundane occupation for the sole purpose of gaining proselytes, -is inexplicable, but also by more civilised men of the world who are very prone to -doubt the sincerity of the paid missionary agent. -</p> -<p>The circumstances are very different when Islam has not to appear as a suppliant in -a foreign country, but stands forth proudly as the religion of the ruling race. In -the <span class="pageNum" id="pb420">[<a href="#pb420">420</a>]</span>preceding pages it has been shown that the theory of the Muslim faith enjoins toleration -and freedom of religious life for all those followers of other faiths who pay tribute -in return for protection, and though the pages of Muhammadan history are stained with -the blood of many cruel persecutions, still, on the whole, unbelievers have enjoyed -under Muhammadan rule a measure of toleration, the like of which is not to be found -in Europe until quite modern times. Forcible conversion was forbidden, in accordance -with the precepts of the Qurʼān:—“Let there be no compulsion in religion” (ii. 257). -“Wilt thou compel men to become believers? No soul can believe but by the permission -of God” (x. 99, 100). The very existence of so many Christian sects and communities -in countries that have been for centuries under Muhammadan rule is an abiding testimony -to the toleration they have enjoyed, and shows that the persecutions they have from -time to time been called upon to endure at the hands of bigots and fanatics, have -been excited by some special and local circumstances rather than inspired by a settled -principle of intolerance.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8235src" href="#xd31e8235">31</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb421">[<a href="#pb421">421</a>]</span></p> -<p>At such times of persecution, the pressure of circumstances has driven many unbelievers -to become—outwardly at least—Muhammadans, and many instances might be given of individuals -who, on particular occasions, have been harassed into submission to the religion of -the Qurʼān. But such oppression is wholly without the sanction of Muhammadan law, -either religious or civil. The passages in the Qurʼān that forbid forced conversion -and enjoin preaching as the sole legitimate method of spreading the faith have already -been quoted above (Introduction, pp. 5–6), and the same doctrine is upheld by the -decisions of the Muhammadan doctors. When Moses Maimonides, who under the fanatical -rule of the Almohads had feigned conversion to Islam, fled to Egypt and there openly -declared himself to be a Jew, a Muslim jurisconsult from Spain denounced him for his -apostasy and demanded that the extreme penalty of the law should be inflicted on him -for this offence; but the case was quashed by al-Qāḍī al-Fāḍil, ʻAbd al-Raḥīm b. ʻAlī,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8261src" href="#xd31e8261">32</a> one of the most famous of Muslim judges, and the prime minister of the great Saladin, -who authoritatively declared that a man who had been converted to Islam by force could -not be rightly considered to be a Muslim.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8264src" href="#xd31e8264">33</a> In the same spirit, when G͟hāzān (1295–1304) discovered that the Buddhist monks who -had become Muhammadans at the beginning of his reign (when their temples had been -destroyed) only made a pretence of being converted, he granted permission to all those -who so wished to return to Tibet, where among their Buddhist fellow-countrymen they -would be free once more to follow their own faith.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8267src" href="#xd31e8267">34</a> Tavernier tells us a similar story of some Jews of Ispahan who were so grievously -persecuted by the governor “that either by force or cunning he caused them to turn -Mahometans; but the king (Shāh ʻAbbās II) (1642–1667), understanding that only power -and fear had constrained them to turn, suffer’d them to resume their own religion -and to live in quiet.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8270src" href="#xd31e8270">35</a> A story of a much earlier traveller<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8273src" href="#xd31e8273">36</a> in Persia, in 1478, shows how even in those turbulent times a Muhammadan governor -set himself to <span class="pageNum" id="pb422">[<a href="#pb422">422</a>]</span>severely crush an outburst of fanaticism of the same character. A rich Armenian merchant -of the city of Tabrīz was sitting in his shop one day when a Ḥājī,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8279src" href="#xd31e8279">37</a> with a reputation for sanctity, coming up to him importuned him to become a Musalman -and abandon his Christian faith; when the merchant expressed his intention of remaining -steadfast in his religion and offered the fellow alms with the hope of getting rid -of him, he replied that what he wanted was not his alms but his conversion; and at -length, enraged at the persistent refusal of the merchant, suddenly snatched a sword -out of the hand of a bystander and struck the merchant a mortal blow on the head and -then ran away. When the Governor of the city heard the news, he was very angry and -ordered the murderer to be pursued and captured; the culprit having been brought into -his presence, the governor stabbed him to death with his own hand and ordered his -body to be cast forth to be devoured by dogs, saying: “What! is this the way in which -the religion of Muḥammad spreads?” At nightfall, the common people took up the body -and buried it, whereupon the Governor, enraged at this contempt of his order, gave -up the place for three or four hours to be sacked by his soldiers and afterwards imposed -a fine as a further penalty; also he called the son of the merchant to him and comforted -him and caressed him with good and kindly words. Even the mad al-Ḥākim (996–1020), -whose persecutions caused many Jews and Christians to abandon their own faith and -become Musalmans, afterwards allowed these unwilling converts to return again to their -own religion and rebuild their ruined places of worship.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8282src" href="#xd31e8282">38</a> Neglected as the Eastern Christians have been by their Christian brethren in the -West, unarmed for the most part and utterly defenceless, it would have been easy for -any of the powerful rulers of Islam to have utterly rooted out <span class="pageNum" id="pb423">[<a href="#pb423">423</a>]</span>their Christian subjects or banished them from their dominions, as the Spaniards did -the Moors, or the English the Jews for nearly four centuries. It would have been perfectly -possible for Salīm I (in 1514) or Ibrāhīm (in 1646) to have put into execution the -barbarous notion they conceived of exterminating their Christian subjects, just as -the former had massacred 40,000 Shīʻahs with the aim of establishing uniformity of -religious belief among his Muhammadan subjects. The muftis who turned the minds of -their masters from such a cruel purpose, did so as the exponents of Muslim law and -Muslim tolerance.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8290src" href="#xd31e8290">39</a> -</p> -<p>Still, though the principle that found so much favour in Germany in the seventeenth -century<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8295src" href="#xd31e8295">40</a>—<span lang="la">Cuius regio eius religio</span>,—was never adopted by any Muhammadan potentate, it is obvious that the fact of Islam -being the state religion could not fail to have had some influence in increasing the -number of its adherents. Persons on whom their religious faith sat lightly would be -readily influenced by considerations of worldly advantage, and ambition and self-interest -would take the place of more laudable motives for conversion. St. Augustine made a -similar complaint in the fifth century, that many entered the Christian Church merely -because they hoped to gain some temporal advantage thereby: “<span lang="la">Quam multi non quaerunt Iesum, nisi ut illis faciat bene secundum tempus! Alius negotium -habet, quaerit intercessionem clericorum; alius premitur a potentiore, fugit ad ecclesiam; -alius pro se vult interveniri apud eum apud quem parum valet: ille sic, ille sic; -impletur quotidie talibus ecclesia.</span>”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8304src" href="#xd31e8304">41</a> -</p> -<p>Moreover, to the barbarous and uncivilised tribes that saw the glory and majesty of -the empire of the Arabs in the heyday of its power, Islam must have appeared as imposing -and have exercised as powerful a fascination as the Christian faith when presented -to the Barbarians of Northern Europe, when “They found Christianity in the Empire—Christianity -refined and complex, imperious and pompous—Christianity <span class="pageNum" id="pb424">[<a href="#pb424">424</a>]</span>enthroned by the side of kings, and sometimes paramount above them.”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8314src" href="#xd31e8314">42</a> -</p> -<p>Added to this must often have been the slow, persistent influence of daily contact -with Muslim life and thought, such as led even a Nestorian writer of the twelfth century -to add words of blessing to the mention of the name of the Prophet and the early caliphs,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8320src" href="#xd31e8320">43</a> and to pray for the mercy of God on the caliph ʻUmar b. ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8329src" href="#xd31e8329">44</a> In modern times Christian missionaries complain that the system of public instruction -in Egypt under the British occupation, according to which “Christian boys are often -compelled to sit and listen to the Koran and Dîn (religious teaching) being taught -to their Moslem companions when there is no room where they can be separated,”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8332src" href="#xd31e8332">45</a> tends to give the Muhammadans a preponderating influence over their Christian fellow-students. -One of the most active of the followers of the late Muftī Muḥammad ʻAbduh was originally -a Coptic medical student, who had been won over to Islam through the influence of -the religious instruction he had heard given in school hours.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8335src" href="#xd31e8335">46</a> -</p> -<p>But the recital of such motives as little accounts for all cases of conversion in -the one religion as in the other, and they should not make us lose sight of other -factors in the missionary life of Islam, whose influence has been of a more distinctly -religious character. Foremost among these is the influence of the devout lives of -the followers of Islam. Strange as it may appear to a generation accustomed to look -upon Islam as a cloak for all kinds of vice, it is nevertheless true that in earlier -times many Christians who have come into contact with a living Muslim society have -been profoundly impressed by the virtues exhibited therein; if these could so strike -the traveller and the stranger, they would no doubt have some influence of attraction -on the <span class="pageNum" id="pb425">[<a href="#pb425">425</a>]</span>unbeliever who came in daily contact with them. Ricoldus de Monte Crucis, a Dominican -missionary who visited the East at the close of the thirteenth century, thus breaks -out in praise of the Muslims among whom he had laboured: “<span lang="la">Obstupuimus, quomodo in lege tante perfidie poterant opera tante perfectionis inveniri. -Referemus igitur hic breviter opera perfectionis Sarracenorum.… Quis enim non obstupescat, -si diligenter consideret, quanta in ipsis Sarracenis sollicitudo ad studium, devocio -in oratione, misericordia ad pauperes, reverencia ad nomen Dei et prophetas et loca -sancta, gravitas in moribus, affabilitas ad extraneos, concordia et amor ad suos?</span>”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8345src" href="#xd31e8345">47</a> William Petit of Newburgh in similar manner, towards the end of the twelfth century, -praised the sobriety of the Saracens as the outcome of the teaching of their Prophet -and as inspiring them with a sense of moral superiority over the Christians: “<span lang="la">Gulosos vero atque ebriosos, orbi terrarum graves abominatus, sobrietatem docuit, -ciborum delicias sugillavit, vini usum, praeterquam paucis certisque diebus solemnibus, -interdixit [Macometus]. Inde est, quod cum Sarraceni in fluxu libidinum de sui, ut -dictum est, seductoris indulgentia probentur esse spurcissimi; nostris, proh dolor! -in frugalitate superiores esse videntur, nobisque, proh pudor! comessationum et ebrietatum -sordes improperant. Denique malleus Christiani nominis Saladinus ante annos aliquot, -cum nostrorum mores explorans, audisset quod pluribus in prandio ferculis uterentur, -dixisse fertur, ‘tales Terra Sancta indignos esse.’ Unde constat, quod luxus nostrorum -conspectus Agarenos, de frugalitate gloriantes, contra nos incitet animetque tanquam -dicentes; ‘Deus dereliquit crapulatos istos, persequamur et comprehendamus, quia non -est qui eripiat.’</span>”<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8351src" href="#xd31e8351">48</a> -</p> -<p>The literature of the Crusades is rich in such appreciations of Muslim virtues, while -the Ottoman Turks in the early days of their rule in Europe received many a tribute -of praise from Christian lips, as has already been shown in a former chapter. -</p> -<p>At the present day there are two chief factors (beyond such of the above-mentioned -as still hold good) that make for <span class="pageNum" id="pb426">[<a href="#pb426">426</a>]</span>missionary activity in the Muslim world. The first of these is the revival of religious -life which dates from the Wahhābī reformation at the end of the eighteenth century; -though this new departure has long lost all political significance outside the confines -of Najd, as a religious revival its influence is felt throughout Africa, India and -the Malay Archipelago even to the present day, and has given birth to numerous movements -which take rank among the most powerful influences in the Islamic world. In the preceding -pages it has already been shown how closely connected many of the modern Muslim missions -are with this wide-spread revival: the fervid zeal it has stirred up, the new life -it has infused into existing religious institutions, the impetus it has given to theological -study and to the organisation of devotional exercises, have all served to awake and -keep alive the innate proselytising spirit of Islam. -</p> -<p>Side by side with this reform movement, is another of an entirely different character—for, -to mention one point of difference only, while the former is strongly opposed to European -civilisation, the latter is rather in sympathy with modern thought and offers a presentment -of Islam in accordance therewith,—viz. the Pan-Islamic movement, which seeks to bind -all the nations of the Muslim world in a common bond of sympathy. Though in no way -so significant as the other, still this trend of thought gives a powerful stimulus -to missionary labours; the effort to realise in actual life the Muslim ideal of the -brotherhood of all believers reacts on collateral ideals of the faith, and the sense -of a vast unity and of a common life running through the nations inspirits the hearts -of the faithful and makes them bold to speak in the presence of the unbelievers. -</p> -<p>What further influence these two movements will have on the missionary life of Islam, -the future only can show. But their very activity at the present day is a proof that -Islam is not dead. The spiritual energy of Islam is not, as has been so often maintained, -commensurate with its political power.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8364src" href="#xd31e8364">49</a> On the contrary, the loss of political power and <span class="pageNum" id="pb427">[<a href="#pb427">427</a>]</span>worldly prosperity has served to bring to the front the finer spiritual qualities -which are the truest incentives to missionary work. Islam has learned the uses of -adversity, and so far from a decline in worldly prosperity being a presage of the -decay of this faith, it is significant that those very Muslim countries that have -been longest under Christian rule show themselves most active in the work of proselytising. -The Indian and Malay Muhammadans display a zeal and enthusiasm for the spread of the -faith, which one looks for in vain in Turkey or Morocco. -<span class="pageNum" id="pb428">[<a href="#pb428">428</a>]</span> </p> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8050"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8050src">1</a></span> Organisations based on the model of Christian missionary societies do not begin to -make their appearance until the twentieth century; some account of these is given -in Appendix III. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8050src" title="Return to note 1 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8056"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8056src">2</a></span> “<span lang="fr">À tout musulman, quelque mondain qu’il soit, le prosélytisme semble être en quelque -sorte inné.</span>” (Snouck Hurgronje, <span lang="fr">Revue de l’Histoire des Religions</span>, vol. lvii. p. 66.) “<span lang="de">Der Muslim ist von Natur Missionär … Er treibt Mission auf eigne Faust und Kosten.</span>” (Munzinger, p. 411.) Snouck Hurgronje (1), p. 8; Lüttke (2), p. 30; Julius Richter, -p. 152; Merensky, p. 154. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8056src" title="Return to note 2 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8068"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8068src">3</a></span> Qurʼān, xvi. 126. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8068src" title="Return to note 3 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8071"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8071src">4</a></span> See the interesting letter addressed by Mawlāʼī Ismāʻīl, Sharīf of Morocco, in 1698 -to King James II, inviting him to embrace Islam. (<span lang="fr">Revue de l’Histoire des Religions</span>, vol. xlvii. p. 174 sqq.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8071src" title="Return to note 4 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8079"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8079src">5</a></span> Anjuman Ḥimāyat-i-Islām kā māhwārī risālah, pp. 5–13. (Lahore<span class="corr" id="xd31e8081" title="Not in source">,</span> October 1889.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8079src" title="Return to note 5 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8086"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8086src">6</a></span> Duveyrier, p. 17. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8086src" title="Return to note 6 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8089"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8089src">7</a></span> Klamroth, p. 12. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8089src" title="Return to note 7 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8092"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8092src">8</a></span> Massaja, vol. xi. pp. 124–5. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8092src" title="Return to note 8 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8097"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8097src">9</a></span> Artin, p. 119. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8097src" title="Return to note 9 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8101"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8101src">10</a></span> R. du M. M., ix. (1909), p. 252. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8101src" title="Return to note 10 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8104"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8104src">11</a></span> G͟hulām Sarwar: K͟hazīnat al-Aṣfīyā, vol. ii. p. 407–8. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8104src" title="Return to note 11 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8107"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8107src">12</a></span> Goldziher, vol. ii. pp. 303–4. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8107src" title="Return to note 12 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8114"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8114src">13</a></span> The Pechenegs at that time occupied the country between the lower Danube and the Don, -to which they had migrated from the banks of the Ural at the end of the ninth century. -(Karamsin, vol. i. pp. 180–1.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8114src" title="Return to note 13 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8117"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8117src">14</a></span> Abū ʻUbayd al-Bakrī (died 1094), pp. 467–8. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8117src" title="Return to note 14 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8120"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8120src">15</a></span> G͟hulām Sarwar: K͟hazīnat al-Aṣfīyā, vol. i. p. 613. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8120src" title="Return to note 15 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8123"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8123src">16</a></span> D. Crawford: Thinking Black, p. 202. (London, 1913.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8123src" title="Return to note 16 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8130"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8130src">17</a></span> Doughty, vol. ii. p. 39. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8130src" title="Return to note 17 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8135"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8135src">18</a></span> This was emphasised by Marracci in the seventeenth century. “<span lang="la">Si ethnicus mysteria humani intellectus captum excedentia, vel naturali conditioni -et imbecillitati difficillima, si non impossibilia, cum Alcoranica doctrina comparaverit, -statim ab his refugiet, et ad illa obviis ulnis accurret.</span>” (<span lang="la">Alcorani textus … translatus</span>, p. 9. Patavii, 1698.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8135src" title="Return to note 18 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8148" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8148src">19</a></span> Edouard Montet: La propagande chrétienne et ses adversaires musulmans, pp. 17–18. -(Paris, 1890.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8148src" title="Return to note 19 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8157"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8157src">20</a></span> Mankind and the Church, p. 283–4. (London, 1907.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8157src" title="Return to note 20 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8164"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8164src">21</a></span> Qurʼān, ii. 118–26. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8164src" title="Return to note 21 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8171"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8171src">22</a></span> Qurʼān, xlix. 10. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8171src" title="Return to note 22 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8176"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8176src">23</a></span> W. H. Macnaghten: Principles and Precedents of Moohummudan Law, p. 312. (Madras, 1882.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8176src" title="Return to note 23 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8183"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8183src">24</a></span> Arabia Deserta, vol. i. pp. 554–5. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8183src" title="Return to note 24 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8188" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8188src">25</a></span> De l’Esprit des Lois, livre xxv. chap. 2. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8188src" title="Return to note 25 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8194"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8194src">26</a></span> Qur., chap. xvi. v. 92. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8194src" title="Return to note 26 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8199" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8199src">27</a></span> Goldziher, Saʻīd b. Ḥasan d’Alexandrie. (Revue des Études Juives, tome xxx. pp. 17–18.) -(Paris, 1895<span class="corr" id="xd31e8201" title="Source: ).">.)</span> <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8199src" title="Return to note 27 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8209"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8209src">28</a></span> Ernest Renan: <span lang="fr">L’Islamisme et la Science</span>, p. 19. (Paris, 1883.) -</p> -<p class="footnote cont">This has been emphasised by many observers, but it will be enough here to quote the -words of an eminent Christian bishop. “No one who comes in contact for the first time -with Mohammedans can fail to be struck by this aspect of their faith.… Wherever one -may be, in open street, in railway station, in the field, it is the most ordinary -thing to see a man, without the slightest touch of Pharisaism or parade, quietly and -humbly leaving whatever pursuit he may be at the moment engaged in, in order to say -his prayers at the appointed hour. On a larger scale, no one who has ever seen the -courtyard of the Great Mosque at Delhi on the last Friday in the fast-month (Ramazan) -filled to overflowing with, perhaps, 15,000 worshippers, all wholly absorbed in prayer, -and manifesting the profoundest reverence and humility in every gesture, can fail -to be deeply impressed by the sight, or to get a glimpse of the power which underlies -such a system; while the very regularity of the daily call to prayer, as it rings -out at earliest dawn, before light commences, or amid all the noise and bustle of -the business hours, or again as the evening closes in, is fraught with the same message.” -(Dr. G. A. Lefroy: Mankind and the Church, pp. 287–8. (London, 1907.)) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8209src" title="Return to note 28 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8221"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8221src">29</a></span> “One may notice and admire the kind of chivalrous pride which the average Mohammedan -takes in his faith.” (Bishop Lefroy: Mankind and the Church, p. 289.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8221src" title="Return to note 29 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8227"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8227src">30</a></span> A. Kuenen: National Religions and Universal Religions, p. 35. (London, 1882.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8227src" title="Return to note 30 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8235"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8235src">31</a></span> e.g. The persecution, under al-Mutawakkil, by the orthodox reaction against <i>all</i> forms of deviation from the popular creed: in Persia and other parts of Asia about -the end of the thirteenth century in revenge for the domineering and insulting behaviour -of the Christians in the hour of their advancement and power under the early Mongols. -(<span lang="fr">Maqrīzī (2), Tome i. Première Partie</span>, pp. 98, 106.) Assemani (<span lang="fr">tom. iii. pars. ii. p.c.</span>), speaking of the causes that have excited the persecution of the Christians under -Muhammadan rule, says:—“<span lang="la">Non raro persecutionis procellam excitarunt mutuae Christianorum ipsorum simultates, -sacerdotum licentia, praesulum fastus, tyrannica magnatum potestas, et medicorum praesertim -scribarumque de supremo in gentem suam imperio altercationes.</span>” During the crusades the Christians of the East frequently fell under the suspicion -of favouring the invasions of their co-religionists from the West, and in modern Turkey -the movement for Greek Independence and the religious sympathies it excited in Christian -Europe contributed to make the lot of the subject Christian races harder than it would -have been, had they not been suspected of disloyalty and disaffection towards their -Muhammadan ruler. De Gobineau has expressed himself very strongly on this question -of the toleration of Islam: “<span lang="fr">Si l’on sépare la doctrine religieuse de la nécessité politique qui souvent a parlé -et agi en son nom, il n’est pas de religion plus tolérante, on pourrait presque dire -plus indifférente sur la foi des hommes que l’Islam. Cette disposition organique est -si forte qu’en dehors des cas où la raison d’État mise en jeu a porté les gouvernements -musulmans à se faire arme de tout pour tendre <span class="corr" id="xd31e8250" title="Source: a">à</span> l’unité de foi, la tolérance la plus complète a été la <span class="corr" id="xd31e8253" title="Source: regle">règle</span> fournie par le dogme.… Qu’on ne s’arrête pas aux violences, aux cruautés commises -dans une occasion ou dans une autre. Si on y regarde de près, on ne tardera pas à -y découvrir des causes toutes politiques ou toutes de passion humaine et de tempérament -chez le souverain ou dans les populations. Le fait religieux n’y est invoqué que comme -prétexte et, en réalité, il reste en dehors.</span>” (A. de Gobineau (1), pp. 24–5.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8235src" title="Return to note 31 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8261"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8261src">32</a></span> For a biography of him, see Ibn K͟hallikān, vol. ii. pp. 111–15. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8261src" title="Return to note 32 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8264"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8264src">33</a></span> Barhebræus (2), pp. 417–18. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8264src" title="Return to note 33 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8267"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8267src">34</a></span> C. d’Ohsson, vol. iv. p. 281. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8267src" title="Return to note 34 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8270"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8270src">35</a></span> Tavernier (1), p. 160. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8270src" title="Return to note 35 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8273" lang="it"> -<p class="footnote" lang="it"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8273src">36</a></span> Viaggio di Iosafa Barbero nella Persia. (Ramusio, vol. ii. p. 111.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8273src" title="Return to note 36 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8279"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8279src">37</a></span> If indeed by Azi is meant Ḥājī. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8279src" title="Return to note 37 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8282"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8282src">38</a></span> Makīn, p. 260. Similarly, about a century before, al-Muqtadir (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 908–932) gave orders for the rebuilding of some churches at Ramlah in Palestine which -had been destroyed by Muhammadans during a riot, the cause of which is not recorded. -(Eutychius, ii. p. 82.) Abū Ṣāliḥ makes mention of the rebuilding of a great many -churches and monasteries in Egypt which had either been destroyed in time of war (e.g. -during the invasion of the Ghuzz and the Kurds in 1164) (pp. 91, 96, 112, 120), been -wrecked by fanatics (pp. 85–6, 182, and Maqrīzī quoted in the Appendix pp. 327–8), -or fallen into decay (pp. 5, 87, 103–4). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8282src" title="Return to note 38 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8290"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8290src">39</a></span> A. de la Jonquière, pp. 203, 213, 312. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8290src" title="Return to note 39 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8295" lang="fr"> -<p class="footnote" lang="fr"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8295src">40</a></span> E. Charvériat: Histoire de la Guerre de Trente Ans, tome ii. pp. 615, 625. (Paris, -1878.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8295src" title="Return to note 40 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8304"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8304src">41</a></span> In <span lang="la">Ioannis Evangelium Tractatus</span>, xxv. § 10. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8304src" title="Return to note 41 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8314"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8314src">42</a></span> C. Merivale: The Conversion of the Northern Nations, p. 102. (London, 1866.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8314src" title="Return to note 42 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8320"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8320src">43</a></span> Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 62 (ll. 4, 6, 13). The learned Maronite, Yūsuf Simʻān al-Simʻānī, -in the eighteenth century, thus expressed his horror at such a concession to Muslim -sentiment: “<span lang="la">Mahometi eiusque sectariorum laudes persequitur, et quod sine horrore dici nequit, -illius pseudo-prophetae nomen es adiuncto praeconio memorat, quo Mahometani solent, -nimirum <span lang="ar" class="arab">عليه السّلام</span>.</span>” (Assemani, tom. iii, pars. i. p. 585.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8320src" title="Return to note 43 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8329"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8329src">44</a></span> Mārī b. Sulaymān, p. 65 (l. 16). <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8329src" title="Return to note 44 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8332"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8332src">45</a></span> Methods of Mission Work among Moslems, p. 62. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8332src" title="Return to note 45 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8335"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8335src">46</a></span> Id. pp. 61–4. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8335src" title="Return to note 46 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8345"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8345src">47</a></span> Laurent, p. 131. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8345src" title="Return to note 47 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8351"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8351src">48</a></span> <span lang="la">Historia Rerum Anglicarum Willelmi Parvi de Newburgh</span>, ed. Hans Claude Hamilton, vol. ii. p. 158. (London, 1856.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8351src" title="Return to note 48 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8364"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8364src">49</a></span> Frederick Denison Maurice was giving expression to one of the most commonly received -opinions regarding this faith when he said, “It has been proved that Mahometanism -can only thrive while it is aiming at conquest.” (The Religions of the World, p. 28.) -(Cambridge, 1852.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8364src" title="Return to note 49 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div class="back"> -<div id="app1" class="div1 appendix"><span class="pageNum">[<a href="#xd31e423">Contents</a>]</span><div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">APPENDIX I.</h2> -<h2 class="main">LETTER OF AL-HĀSHIMĪ INVITING AL-KINDĪ TO EMBRACE ISLAM.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">The following is the text of al-Hāshimī’s letter inviting al-Kindī to embrace Islam:—“In -the name of God, the Merciful, the Compassionate. I have begun this letter with the -salutation of peace and blessing after the fashion of my lord and the lord of the -prophets, Muḥammad, the Apostle of God (may the peace and mercy of God be upon him!). -For those trustworthy, righteous and truthful persons who have handed down to us the -traditions of our Prophet (peace be upon him!) have related this tradition concerning -him that such was his habit and that whenever he began to converse with men he would -commence with the salutation of peace and blessing and made no distinction of d͟himmīs -and illiterate, between Muslims and polytheists, saying ‘I am sent to be kind and -considerate to all men and not to deal roughly or harshly with them,’ and quoting -the words of God, ‘Verily God is kind and merciful to believers.’ Likewise I have -observed that those of our K͟halīfahs that I have met, followed the footsteps of their -Prophet in courtesy, nobility, graciousness and beneficence, and made no distinctions -in this matter and preferred none before another. So I have followed this excellent -way and have begun my letter with the salutation of peace and blessing, that I be -blamed of none who sees my letter. -</p> -<p>“I have been guided therein by my affection towards you because my lord and prophet, -Muḥammad (may the peace and mercy of God be upon him!) used to say that love of kinsmen -is true piety and religion. So I have written this to you in obedience to the Apostle -of God (may the peace <span class="pageNum" id="pb429">[<a href="#pb429">429</a>]</span>and mercy of God be upon him!), feeling bound to show gratitude for the services you -have done us, and because of the love and affection and inclination that you show -towards us, and because of the favour of my lord and cousin the Commander of the Faithful -(may God assist him!) towards you and his trust in you and his praise of you. So in -all sincerity desiring for you what I desire for myself, my family and my parents, -I will set forth the religion that we hold, and that God has approved of for us and -for all creatures and for which He has promised a good reward in the end and safety -from punishment when unto Him we shall return.… So I have sought to gain for you what -I would gain for myself; and seeing your high moral life, vast learning, nobility -of character, your virtuous behaviour, lofty qualities and your extensive influence -over your co-religionists, I have had compassion on you lest you should continue in -your present faith. Therefore I have determined to set before you what the favour -of God has revealed to us and to expound unto you our faith with good and gentle speech, -following the commandment of God, ‘Dispute not with the people of the book except -in the best way.’ (xxix. 45.) So I will discuss with you only in words well-chosen, -good and mild; perchance you may be aroused and return to the true path and incline -unto the words of the Most High God which He has sent down to the last of the Prophets -and lord of the children of Adam, our Prophet Muḥammad (the peace and blessing of -God be upon him!). I have not despaired of success, but had hope of it for you from -God who showeth the right path to whomsoever He willeth, and I have prayed that He -may make me an instrument to this end. God in His perfect book says ‘Verily the religion -before God is Islam’ (iii. 17), and again, confirming His first saying, ‘And whoso -desireth any other religion than Islam, it shall by no means therefore be accepted -from him, and in the next world he shall be among the lost’ (iii. 79), and again He -confirms it decisively, when He says, ‘O believers, fear God as He deserveth to be -feared; and die not without having become Muslims.’ (iii. 97.) -</p> -<p>“And you know—(May God deliver you from the ignorance of unbelief and open your heart -to the light of faith!)—<span class="pageNum" id="pb430">[<a href="#pb430">430</a>]</span>that I am one over whom many years have passed and I have sounded the depths of other -faiths and weighed them and studied many of their books especially your books.” [Here -he enumerates the chief books of the Old and New Testaments, and explains how he has -studied the various Christian sects.] “I have met with many monks, famous for their -austerities and vast knowledge, have visited many churches and monasteries, and have -attended their prayers.… I have observed their extraordinary diligence, their kneeling -and prostrations and touching the ground with their cheeks and beating it with their -foreheads and humble bearing throughout their prayers, especially on Sunday and Friday -nights, and on their festivals when they keep watch all night standing on their feet -praising and glorifying God and confessing Him, and when they spend the whole day -standing in prayer, continually repeating the name of the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, -and in the days of their retreats which they call Holy Week when they stand barefooted -in sackcloth and ashes, with much weeping and shedding of tears continually, and wailing -with strange cries. I have seen also their sacrifices, with what cleanliness they -keep the bread for it, and the long prayers they recite with great humility when they -elevate it over the altar in the well-known church at Jerusalem with those cups full -of wine, and I have observed also the meditations of the monks in their cells during -their six fasts,—i.e. the four greater and the two less, etc. On all such occasions -I have been present and observant of the people. Also I have visited their Metropolitans -and Bishops, renowned for their learning and their devotion to the Christian faith -and extreme austerity in the world, and have discussed with them impartially, seeking -for the truth, laying aside all contentiousness, ostentation of learning and imperiousness -in altercation and bitterness and pride of race. I have given them opportunity to -maintain their arguments and speak out their minds without interruption or browbeating, -as is done by the vulgar and illiterate and foolish persons among our co-religionists -who have no principle to work up to or reasons on which to rest, or religious feeling -or good manners to restrain them from rudeness; their speech is but browbeating and -proud <span class="pageNum" id="pb431">[<a href="#pb431">431</a>]</span>altercation and they have no knowledge or arguments except taking advantage of the -rule of the government. Whenever I have held discussions with them and asked them -to speak freely as their reason, their creed and their conclusion prompted, they have -spoken openly and without deception of any kind, and their inward feelings have been -laid bare to me as plainly as their outward appearance. So I have written at such -length to you (may God show you the better way!) after long consideration and profound -inquiry and investigation, so that none may suspect that I am ignorant of the things -whereof I write and that all into whose hands this letter may come, may know that -I have an accurate knowledge of the Christian faith. -</p> -<p>“So, now (may God shower His blessings upon you!) with this knowledge of your religion -and so long-standing an affection (for you), I invite you to accept the religion that -God has chosen for me and I for myself, assuring you entrance into Paradise and deliverance -from Hell. And it is this,—You shall worship the one God, the only God, the Eternal, -He begetteth not, neither is He begotten, who hath no consort and no son, and there -is none like unto Him. This is the attribute wherewith God has denominated Himself, -for none of His creatures could know Him better than He Himself. I have invited you -to the worship of this the One God, whose attribute is such, and in this my letter -I have added nothing to that wherewith He has denominated Himself (high and exalted -be His name above what they associate with Him!). This is the religion of your father -and our father, Abraham (may the blessings of God rest upon him!), for he was a Ḥanīf -and Muslim. -</p> -<p>“Then I invite you (may God have you in His keeping!) to bear witness and acknowledge -the prophetic mission of my lord and the lord of the sons of Adam, and the chosen -one of the God of all worlds and the seal of the prophets, Muḥammad … sent by God -with glad tidings and warnings to all mankind. ‘He it is who hath sent His Apostle -with the guidance and a religion of the truth, that He may make it victorious over -every other religion, albeit they who assign partners to God be averse from it.’ (ix. -33.) So he invited all men from the East and from the West, from land and sea, from -<span class="pageNum" id="pb432">[<a href="#pb432">432</a>]</span>mountain and from plain, with compassion and pity and good words, with kindly manners -and gentleness. Then all these people accepted his invitation, bearing witness that -he is the apostle of God, the Creator of the worlds, to those who are willing to give -heed to admonition. All gave willing assent when they beheld the truth and faithfulness -of his words, and sincerity of his purpose, and the clear argument and plain proof -that he brought, namely the book that was sent down to him from God, the like of which -cannot be produced by men or Jinns. ‘Say: Assuredly if mankind and the Jinns should -conspire to produce the like of this Qurʼān, they could not produce its like, though -the one should help the other.’ (xvii. 91.) And this is sufficient proof of his mission. -So he invited men to the worship of the One God, the only God, the Self-sufficing, -and they entered into his religion and accepted his authority without being forced -and without unwillingness, but rather humbly acknowledging him and soliciting the -light of his guidance, and in his name becoming victorious over those who denied his -divine mission and rejected his message and scornfully entreated him. So God set them -up in the cities and subjected to them the necks of the nations of men, except those -who hearkened to them and accepted their religion and bore witness to their faith, -whereby their blood, their property and their honour were safe and they were exempt -from humbly paying jizyah.” [He then enumerates the various ordinances of Islam, such -as the five daily prayers, the fast of Ramaḍān, Jihād; expounds the doctrine of the -resurrection of the dead and the last judgment, and recounts the joys of Paradise -and the pains of Hell.] “So I have admonished you: if you believe in this faith and -accept whatever is read to you from the revealed Word of God, then you will profit -from my admonition and my writing to you. But if you refuse and continue in your unbelief -and error and contend against the truth, I shall have my reward, having fulfilled -the commandment. And the truth will judge you.” [He then enumerates various religious -duties and privileges of the Muslim, and concludes.] “So now in this my letter I have -read to you the words of the great and high God, which are the words of the Truth, -whose promises <span class="pageNum" id="pb433">[<a href="#pb433">433</a>]</span>cannot fail and in whose words there is no deceit. Then give up your unbelief and -error, of which God disapproves and which calls for punishment, and speak no more -of Father, Son, and Holy Ghost, these words that you yourself admit to be so confusing: -and give up the worship of the cross which brings loss and no profit, for I wish you -to turn away from it, since your learning and nobility of soul are degraded thereby. -For the great and high God says: ‘Verily, God will not forgive the union of other -gods with Himself; but other than this will He forgive to whom He pleaseth. And whoso -uniteth gods with God, hath devised a great wickedness.’ (iv. 51.) And again: ‘Surely -now are they infidels who say, “God is the Messiah, Son of Mary;” for the Messiah -said, “O children of Israel! worship God, my Lord and your Lord.” Verily, those who -join other gods with God, God doth exclude from Paradise, and their abode the Fire; -and for the wicked no helpers! They surely are infidels who say, “God is a third of -three:” for there is no god but one God; and if they refrain not from what they say, -a grievous chastisement shall assuredly befall such of them as believe not. Will they -not, therefore, turn unto God, and ask pardon of Him? since God is Forgiving, Merciful! -The Messiah, Son of Mary, is but an Apostle; other Apostles have flourished before -him; and his mother was a just person; they both ate food.’ (v. 76–9.) Then leave -this path of error and this long and stubborn clinging to your religion and those -burdensome and wearisome fasts which are a constant trouble to you and are of no use -or profit and produce nothing but weariness of body and torment of soul. Embrace this -faith and take this, the right and easy path, the true faith, the ample law and the -way that God has chosen for His favoured ones and to which He has invited the people -of all religions, that He may show His kindness and favour to them by guiding them -into the true path by means of His guidance, and fill up the measure of His goodness -unto men. -</p> -<p>“So I have advised you and paid the debt of friendship and sincere love, for I have -desired to take you to myself, that you and I may be of the same opinion and the same -faith, for I have found my Lord saying in his perfect Book: <span class="pageNum" id="pb434">[<a href="#pb434">434</a>]</span>‘Verily the unbelievers among the people of the Book and among the polytheists, shall -go into the fire of Hell to abide therein for ever. Of all creatures they are the -worst. But they verily who believe and do the things that are right—these of all creatures -are the best. Their recompense with their Lord shall be gardens of Eden, ’neath which -the rivers flow, in which they shall abide for evermore. God is well pleased with -them, and they with Him. This, for him who feareth his Lord.’ (xcviii. 5–8.) ‘Ye are -the best folk that hath been raised up for mankind. Ye enjoin what is just, and ye -forbid what is evil, and ye believe in God: and if the people of the book had believed, -it had surely been better for them. Believers there are among them, but most of them -are disobedient.’ (iii. 106.) So I have had compassion upon you lest you might be -among the people of Hell who are the worst of all creatures, and I have hoped that -by the grace of God you may become one of the true believers with whom God is well -pleased and they with Him, and they are the best of all creatures, and I have hoped -that you will join yourself to that religion which is the best of the religions raised -up for men. But if you refuse and persist in your obstinacy, contentiousness and ignorance, -your infidelity and error, and if you reject my words and refuse the sincere advice -I have offered you (without looking for any thanks or reward)—then write whatever -you wish to say about your religion, all that you hold to be true and established -by strong proof, without any fear or apprehension, without curtailment of your proofs -or concealment of your beliefs; for I purpose only to listen patiently to your arguments -and to yield to and acknowledge all that is convincing therein, submitting willingly -without refusing or rejecting or fear, in order that I may compare your account and -mine. You are free to set forth your case; bring forward no plea that fear prevented -you from making your arguments complete and that you had to put a bridle on your tongue, -so that you could not freely express your arguments. So now you are free to bring -forward all your arguments, that you may not accuse me of pride, injustice or partiality: -for that is far from me. -</p> -<p>“Therefore bring forward all the arguments you wish and <span class="pageNum" id="pb435">[<a href="#pb435">435</a>]</span>say whatever you please and speak your mind freely. Now that you are safe and free -to say whatever you please, appoint some arbitrator who will impartially judge between -us and lean only towards the truth and be free from the empery of passion: and that -arbitrator shall be Reason, whereby God makes us responsible for our own rewards and -punishments. Herein I have dealt justly with you and have given you full security -and am ready to accept whatever decision Reason may give for me or against me. For -‘there is no compulsion in religion’ (ii. 257) and I have only invited you to accept -our faith willingly and of your own accord and have pointed out the hideousness of -your present belief. Peace be with you and the mercy and blessings of God!” -</p> -<p>There can be very little doubt but that this document has come down to us in an imperfect -condition and has suffered mutilation at the hands of Christian copyists: the almost -entire absence of any refutation of such distinctively Christian doctrines as that -of the Blessed Trinity, and the references to such attacks to be found in al-Kindī’s -reply, certainly indicate the excision of such passages as might have given offence -to Christian readers.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8404src" href="#xd31e8404">1</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb436">[<a href="#pb436">436</a>]</span> </p> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8404"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8404src">1</a></span> Similarly, the Spanish editor of the controversial letters that passed between Alvar -and “the transgressor” (a Christian convert to Judaism), adds the following note after -Epist. xv.: “<span lang="la">Quatuordecim in hac pagina ita abrasae sunt liniae, ut nec verbum unum legi possit. -Folium subsequens exsecuit possessor codicis, ne transgressoris deliramenta legerentur.</span>” (Migne, Patr. Lat., tom. cxxi. p. 483.) <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8404src" title="Return to note 1 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="app2" class="div1 appendix"><span class="pageNum">[<a href="#xd31e432">Contents</a>]</span><div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">APPENDIX II.</h2> -<h2 class="main">CONTROVERSIAL LITERATURE BETWEEN MUSLIMS AND THE FOLLOWERS OF OTHER FAITHS.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Although Islam has had no organised system of propaganda, no tract societies or similar -agencies of missionary work, there has been no lack of reasoned presentments of the -faith to unbelievers, particularly to Christians and Jews. Of these it is not proposed -to give a detailed account here, but it is of importance to draw attention to their -existence if only to remove the wide-spread misconception that mass conversion is -the prevailing characteristic of the spread of Islam and that individual conviction -has formed no part of the propagandist schemes of the Muslim missionary. The beginnings -of Muhammadan controversy against unbelievers are to be found in the Qurʼān itself, -but from the ninth century of the Christian era begins a long series of systematic -treatises of Muhammadan Apologetics, which has been actively continued to the present -day. The number of such works directed against the Christian faith has been far more -numerous than the Christian refutations of Islam, and some of the ablest of Muslim -thinkers have employed their pens in their composition, e.g. Abū Yūsuf b. Isḥāq al-Kindī -(<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 813–873), al-Masʻūdī (ob. <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 958), Ibn Ḥazm (<span class="asc">A.D.</span> 994–1064), al-G͟hazālī (ob. <span class="asc">A.D.</span> 1111), etc. It is interesting also to note that several renegades have written apologies -for their change of faith and in defence of the Muslim creed, e.g. Ibn Jazlah in the -eleventh century, Yūsuf al-Lubnānī and Shayk͟h Ziyādah b. Yaḥyạ̄ in the thirteenth, -ʻAbd Allāh b. ʻAbd Allāh in the fifteenth, Darwesh ʻAlī in the sixteenth, Aḥmad b. -ʻAbd Allāh, an Englishman born at Cambridge, in the seventeenth century, etc. These -latter were all Christians before their conversion, <span class="pageNum" id="pb437">[<a href="#pb437">437</a>]</span>but Jewish renegades also, though fewer in number, have been among the apologists -of Islam. In India, besides many Muhammadan books written against the Christian religion, -there is an enormous number of controversial works against Hinduism: as to whether -the Muhammadans have been equally active in other heathen countries, I have no information. -</p> -<p>The reader will find a vast store of information on Muslim controversial literature -in the following writings: Moritz Steinschneider: <span lang="de">Polemische und apologetische Litteratur in arabischer Sprache, zwischen Muslimen, -Christen und Juden.</span> (Leipzig, 1877); Ignaz Goldziher: <span lang="de">Über Muhammedanische Polemik gegen Ahl al-kitâb</span> (Z.D.M.G., vol. 32, p. 341 ff. 1878); Martin Schreiner: <span lang="de">Zur Geschichte der Polemik zwischen Juden und Muhammedanern</span> (Z.D.M.G., vol. 42, p. 591 ff. 1888); W. A. Shedd: Islam and the Oriental Churches, -pp. 252–3; Carl Güterbock: <span lang="de">Der Islam in Lichte der byzantinischen Polemik.</span> (Berlin, 1912.) -<span class="pageNum" id="pb438">[<a href="#pb438">438</a>]</span> </p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="app3" class="div1 appendix"><span class="pageNum">[<a href="#xd31e440">Contents</a>]</span><div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="label">APPENDIX III.</h2> -<h2 class="main">MUSLIM MISSIONARY SOCIETIES.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">The formation of societies for carrying on a propaganda in an organised and systematic -manner is a recent development in the missionary history of Islam—as indeed it is -comparatively recent in the history of Christian missions. Such Muslim missionary -societies would appear to have been formed in conscious imitation of similar organisations -in the Christian world, and are not in themselves the most characteristic expressions -of the missionary spirit in Islam. In the Western world there is very little to note. -No attempt seems to have been made to form such a society before the latter half of -the nineteenth century, and the earliest efforts were attended with little success. -When H. M. Stanley in 1875 urged in the English Press the sending of a Christian mission -to King Mutesa of Uganda, the wide-spread attention paid to his appeal led to the -formation of a missionary society in Constantinople for the propagation of Islam in -that country, but no Muhammadan missionaries were ever sent to Uganda, and the outbreak -of the Russo-Turkish war in 1878 diverted the attention of the Turks from any such -enterprise.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8454src" href="#xd31e8454">1</a> A similar failure to establish organised missionary effort was manifested when the -Anglo-Egyptian Government of the Sudan marked out zones of influence for various Christian -missionary societies in districts the natives of which were heathen; some Muslims -of Cairo claimed that a part of the territory should be allotted to the followers -of Islam; whereupon the Government replied that all they had to do was to send the -missionaries and the same facilities would be afforded to them as to the Christian -missionaries; but the necessary organisation was lacking and the matter was allowed -to drop.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8457src" href="#xd31e8457">2</a> In 1910 Shayk͟h Rashīd, the editor of <i>al-Manār</i>, founded a missionary society in Cairo, the object of which is to establish a college -(entitled <i>Dār al-daʻwah <span class="pageNum" id="pb439">[<a href="#pb439">439</a>]</span>waʼl-irshād</i>) for the training of missionaries and apologists for Islam, who are to be sent primarily -into heathen and Christian lands, but also into those Muhammadan countries in which -attempts are being made to induce the Muhammadans to abandon their faith.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8467src" href="#xd31e8467">3</a> -</p> -<p>But it is in India that there has been the greatest expansion of such organisations. -One of the best organised of these is probably the Anjuman Ḥimāyat-i-Islām of Lahore, -but propagandist work forms only a small part of the wide field of its activities -and it cannot therefore be described as a missionary society pure and simple. The -original purpose for which the Anjuman Ḥāmī Islām of Ajmer was founded was to answer -the objections urged against Islam by the members of the Ārya Samāj, but it included -among its objects the preaching of Islam and the providing of food and clothing to -new converts.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8473src" href="#xd31e8473">4</a> The Anjuman Waʻz̤-i-Islām, as its name denotes, concentrated its efforts on the preaching -of Islam, and, while Mawlavī Baqā Ḥusayn K͟hān (p. 283) was its Secretary, published -lists of the converts gained—as did also the Anjuman-i-Islām and the Anjuman Tablīg͟h-i-Islām -(which aimed at the conversion of the Hindu untouchables) established in Ḥaydarabad -(Deccan), but it does not appear that either of these societies continues to exist.<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8476src" href="#xd31e8476">5</a> Among the societies that have been established in the twentieth century are the Madrasa -Ilāhiyyāt at Cawnpore, for the training of missionaries and the publication of tracts -in defence of Islam and in refutation of attacks made upon it; and the Anjuman Ishāʻat -wa Taʻlīm-i-Islām at Baṭālah in the <span class="corr" id="xd31e8479" title="Source: Panjab">Panjāb</span>, with similar objects. But the largest of these organisations is the Anjuman Hidāyat -al-Islām of Dehlī, to which as many as twenty-four other societies,<a class="noteRef" id="xd31e8482src" href="#xd31e8482">6</a> in various parts of India, are affiliated; this Anjuman sends out missionaries to -preach the doctrines of Islam and to hold controversies with non-Muslims, and publishes -controversial literature, especially in refutation of the attacks made by the members -of the Ārya Samāj. -<span class="pageNum" id="pb440">[<a href="#pb440">440</a>]</span> </p> -</div> -<div class="footnotes"> -<hr class="fnsep"> -<div class="footnote-body"> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8454"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8454src">1</a></span> Richter, pp. 164–5. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8454src" title="Return to note 1 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8457"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8457src">2</a></span> Artin, p. 35. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8457src" title="Return to note 2 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8467"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8467src">3</a></span> The Moslem World, vol. i. p. 441. -</p> -<p class="footnote cont">R. du M. M., vol. xv. p. 374; vol. xviii. pp. 216, 224. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8467src" title="Return to note 3 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8473"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8473src">4</a></span> Rajputana Herald, April 17, 1889. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8473src" title="Return to note 4 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8476"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8476src">5</a></span> Mohammedan World of To-day, p. 183. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8476src" title="Return to note 5 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -<div class="fndiv" id="xd31e8482"> -<p class="footnote"><span class="fnlabel"><a class="noteRef" href="#xd31e8482src">6</a></span> A list of these is given on p. 19 of the Annual Report for the year 1328 H. <a class="fnarrow" href="#xd31e8482src" title="Return to note 6 in text.">↑</a></p> -</div> -</div> -</div> -</div> -<div id="biblio" class="div1 bibliography"><span class="pageNum">[<a href="#xd31e448">Contents</a>]</span><div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">TITLES OF WORKS CITED BY ABBREVIATED REFERENCES.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first xd31e8489">(<i>The Titles, etc., of books quoted once only, are given in full in the foot-notes.</i>) -</p> -<p><i>Aa</i> (P. J. B. Robidé van der): <span lang="nl">Reizen naar Nederlandsch Nieuw-Guinea, met Geschied- en Aardrijkskundige Toelichtingen.</span> (The Hague, 1879.) -</p> -<p><i>ʻAbd al-Razzāq al-Samarqandi</i>: <span class="corr" id="xd31e8502" title="Source: Matlaʻ">Maṭlaʻ</span> al-saʻdayn wa majmaʻ al-baḥrayn. (India Office MS. No. 2704.) -</p> -<p lang="de"><i>Abh. f. d. K. d. M. hrsg. v. d. D. M. G.</i>: Abhandlungen für die Kunde des Morgenlandes, herausgegeben von der Deutschen Morgenländischen -Gesellschaft. (Leipzig.) -</p> -<p><i>Abu’l-Fidā</i>: <span lang="fr">Géographie d’Aboulféda, traduite par M. Reinaud. (Paris, 1848.)</span> -</p> -<p><i>Abu’l-G͟hāzī</i>: <span lang="fr">Histoire des Mogols et des Tartares par Aboul-Ghâzi Behâdour Khan, traduite par le -Baron Desmaisons.</span> (St. Petersburg, 1871–4.) -</p> -<p><i>Abū Ṣāliḥ</i>: The Churches and Monasteries of Egypt, edited and translated by B. T. A. Evetts. -(Oxford, 1895.) -</p> -<p><i>Abū Shāmah</i>: <span lang="de">Arabische Quellenbeiträge zur Geschichte der Kreuzzüge übersetzt und herausgegeben -von E. P. Goergens und R. Röhricht. Erster Band: Zur Geschichte Ṣalâḥ ad-dîn’s. (Berlin, -1879.)</span> -</p> -<p><i>Abū ʻUbayd al-Bakrī</i>: <span lang="fr">Fragments de géographes et d’historiens Arabes et Persans inédits, relatifs aux anciens -peuples du Caucase et de la Russie <span class="corr" id="xd31e8534" title="Source: meridionale">méridionale</span>, traduits par C. Defrémery. (J. A. iv<sup>me</sup> série. Tome xiii, 1849.)</span> -</p> -<p><i>Abū Yūsuf</i>: Kitāb al-K͟harāj. (Cairo, <span class="asc">A.H.</span> 1302.) -</p> -<p><i>Adeney</i> (W. F.): The Greek and Eastern Churches. (Edinburgh, 1908.) -</p> -<p><i>Aḥmad b. Yaḥyạ̄ b. al-Murtaḍạ̄</i>: Al-Muʻtazilah, being an extract from the Kitāb al-Milal waʼl-Niḥal, edited by T. W. -Arnold. (Leipzig, 1902.) -</p> -<p><i>Allégret</i> (E.): <span lang="fr">L’Islamisme en Afrique. (Revue Chrétienne, iii<sup>me</sup> sér., tome xiv. (Paris, 1901.)<span class="corr" id="xd31e8562" title="Not in source">)</span></span> -</p> -<p><i>Alvar</i>: (1) <span lang="la">Alvari Cordubensis Epistolae. (Migne, Patr. Lat. tom. cxxi.)</span> -</p> -<p><span class="corr" title="Not in source">——</span> </p> -<p>(2) <span lang="la">Indiculus Luminosus. (id. ib.)</span> -</p> -<p><i>Alvarez</i>: <span lang="it">Viaggio nella Ethiopia al Prete Ianni fatto par Don Francesco Alvarez Portughese. -(1520–27.) (Ramusio<span class="corr" id="xd31e8583" title="Source: .">,</span> Tom. i.)</span> -</p> -<p><i>Amari</i> (Michele): <span lang="it">Storia dei Musulmani di Sicilia.</span> (Florence, 1854–72.) -</p> -<p><i>Amélineau</i> (E.): <span lang="fr">Étude sur le Christianisme en Égypte au septième siècle. (Paris, 1887.)</span> -</p> -<p><i>ʻAmr b. Mattai</i>: <span lang="la">Maris, Amri et Slibae De Patriarchis Nestorianorum Commentaria, ed. Henricus Gismondi. -Pars Altera. (Romae, 1896.)</span> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb441">[<a href="#pb441">441</a>]</span></p> -<p><i>Anderson</i> (John): Chinese Mohammedans. (Journal of the Anthropological Institute of Great Britain -and Ireland, vol. i. London, 1872.) -</p> -<p><i>Andriessen</i> (W. F.): <span lang="nl">De Islam in Nederlandsch Indië. (Vragen van den Dag. Amsterdam, 1889.)</span> -</p> -<p><i>ʻArabfaqīh</i>: <span lang="fr">Histoire de la conquête de l’Abyssinie (<span class="corr" id="xd31e8621" title="Source: XVIe">XVI<sup>e</sup></span> siècle) par Chihab ed-did Aḥmed ben ʻAbd el-Qâder surnommé Arab-Faqih. Texte arabe -publié par René Basset. (Paris, 1897–1909.)</span> -</p> -<p><i>Argensola</i> (B. Leonardo de): <span lang="es">Conquista de las Islas Malucas. (Madrid, 1609.)</span> -</p> -<p><i>Arminjon</i> (Pierre): <span lang="fr">Étrangers et protégés dans l’empire ottoman. (Paris, 1903.)</span> -</p> -<p><i>Artin</i> (Yacoub Pasha): England in the Sudan, translated by George Robb. (London, 1911.) -</p> -<p><i>Asboth</i> (J. de): An official tour through Bosnia and Herzegovina. (London, 1890.) -</p> -<p><i>Assemani</i> (J. S.): <span lang="la">Bibliotheca Orientalis Clementino-Vaticana.</span> (Rome, 1719–28.) -</p> -<p><i>Azdī</i>: Futūḥ al-Shām by Muḥammad ibn ʻAbd Allāh al-Azdī al-Baṣrī, edited by W. N. Lees. -(Calcutta, 1854.) -</p> -<p><i>Bahā al-Dīn</i>: <span lang="la">Vita et res gestae Saladini, auctore Bohadino filio Sjeddadi. Edidit A. Schultens. -(Lugduni Batavorum, 1732.)</span> -</p> -<p><i>Balād͟hurī</i>: <span lang="la">Liber Expugnationis Regionum, auctore Imámo Ahmed ibn Jahja ibn Djábir al-Beládsorí</span>, ed. M. J. de Goeje. (Leiden, 1866.) -</p> -<p><i>Barbaro</i>: <span lang="it">Viaggio di Iosafa Barbaro nella Persia. (Ramusio, Tom. ii.)</span> -</p> -<p><i>Barbier de Meynard</i> (A. C.): <span lang="fr">Un document turc sur la Circassie. (Centenaire de l’École des Langues Orientales Vivantes. -Recueil de Mémoires publié par les Professeurs de l’École. Paris, 1895.)</span> -</p> -<p><i>Barbosa</i> (Odoardo): <span lang="it">Libro di Odoardo Barbosa Portoghese dell’Indie Orientali, 1516. (Ramusio, Tom. i.)</span> -</p> -<p lang="la"><i><span class="corr" id="xd31e8692" title="Source: Barhebraeus">Barhebræus</span></i>: (1) Gregorii Barhebraei Chronicon Ecclesiasticum, ed. J. B. Abbeloos et T. J. Lamy. -(Louvain, 1872–77.) -</p> -<p><span class="corr" title="Not in source">——</span> (2) Abu’l-Faraj, Taʼrīk͟h Muk͟htaṣar al-Duwal, ed. A. Ṣāliḥānī. (Bairut, 1890.) -</p> -<p><span class="corr" title="Not in source">——</span> (3) <span lang="la">Gregorii Abulpharagii sive Bar-Hebraei Chronicon Syriacum</span>, ed. et vert. P. J. Bruns et G. G. Kirsch. (<span lang="la">Lipsiae</span>, 1789.) -</p> -<p><i>Barros</i> (J. de): <span lang="pt">Da Asia.</span> (Lisbon, 1777–8.) -</p> -<p><i>Basset</i> (René): <span lang="fr">Études sur l’Histoire d’Éthiopie. (Paris, 1882.)</span> -</p> -<p><i>Bastian</i> (A.): <span lang="de">Die Völker des östlichen Asien. (Leipzig, 1866.)</span> -</p> -<p><i>Baudier</i> (Michel): <span lang="fr">Histoire Générale de la Religion des Turcs. (Rouen, 1641.)</span> -</p> -<p><i>Baudissin</i> (W. W. Graf von): <span lang="de">Eulogius und Alvar. Ein Abschnitt spanischer Kirchengeschichte aus der Zeit der Maurenherrschaft. -(Leipzig, 1872.)</span> -</p> -<p><i>Baumgarten</i> (Martin): The travels of. (A Collection of Voyages and Travels. London, 1752.) -</p> -<p><i>Becker</i> (C. H.): (1) <span lang="de">Materialien zur Kenntnis des Islam in Deutsch-Ostafrika. (Der Islam, vol. ii. Strassburg, -1911.)</span> -</p> -<p><span class="corr" title="Not in source">——</span> (2) <span lang="de">Papyri Schott-Reinhardt I., herausgegeben und erklärt. (Veröffentlichungen aus der -Heidelberger Papyrus-Sammlung, iii.) (Heidelberg, 1906.)</span> -</p> -<p><span class="corr" title="Not in source">——</span> (3) <span lang="fr">Zur Geschichte des östlichen Sūdān. (Der Islam, vol. i. Strassburg, 1910.)</span> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb442">[<a href="#pb442">442</a>]</span></p> -<p><i>Beke</i> (T. C.): Routes in Abyssinia. (J. R. Ggr. 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(Bibliotheca Barberina, Rome, N<sup>r</sup> L. 126.) -</p> -<p><i>Zollinger</i> (H.): (1) The Island of Lombok. Journal of the Indian Archipelago, vol. v. (Singapore, -1851.) -</p> -<p lang="nl"><span class="corr" title="Not in source">——</span> (2) <span lang="nl">Verslag van eene reis naar Bima en Soembawa. (Verh. Bat. Gen. van K. en W. Deel xxiii. -1850.)</span> -</p> -<p><i>Zwemer</i> (S. M.): Islam: A Challenge to faith. (New York, 1908.) -<span class="pageNum" id="pb457">[<a href="#pb457">457</a>]</span> </p> -</div> -</div> -<div id="ix" class="div1 index"><span class="pageNum">[<a href="#xd31e456">Contents</a>]</span><div class="divHead"> -<h2 class="main">INDEX.</h2> -</div> -<div class="divBody"> -<p class="first">Aaron, Jacobite Bishop, <a href="#pb87" class="pageref">87</a> -</p> -<p>Abāqā K͟hān, <a href="#pb229" class="pageref">229</a> -</p> -<p>ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz b. Marwān, governor of Egypt, <a href="#pb63" class="pageref">63</a>, <a href="#pb66" class="pageref">66</a> -</p> -<p>ʻAbd al-Karīm, founder of the kingdom of Wadai, <a href="#pb322" class="pageref">322</a> -</p> -<p>ʻAbd al-Malik, caliph, <a href="#pb63" class="pageref">63</a>, <a href="#pb66" class="pageref">66</a>, <a href="#pb81" class="pageref">81</a>, <a href="#pb313" class="pageref">313</a> -</p> -<p id="ix.abd.al-masih.b.ishaq.al-kindi">ʻAbd al-Masīḥ b. Isḥāq al-Kindī, <a href="#pb84" class="pageref">84</a>–5, <a href="#pb428" class="pageref">428</a> -</p> -<p>ʻAbd al-Qādir al-Jīlānī, <a href="#pb271" class="pageref">271</a>, <a href="#pb274" class="pageref">274</a>, <a href="#pb328" class="pageref">328</a>, <a href="#pb329" class="pageref">329</a> -</p> -<p>ʻAbd al-Raḥīm b. ʻAlī, on forcible conversion to Islam, <a href="#pb421" class="pageref">421</a> -</p> -<p>ʻAbd al-Raḥmān, head of the Imperial finances in China, <a href="#pb297" class="pageref">297</a> -</p> -<p>ʻAbd al-Raḥmān al-Sāmirī, reputed Hindu king, <a href="#pb265" class="pageref">265</a> -</p> -<p>ʻAbd Allāh, first Muslim king of Baghirmi, <a href="#pb322" class="pageref">322</a> -</p> -<p>ʻAbd Allāh b. Ismāʻīl al-Hāshimī, letter to al-Kindī, <a href="#pb84" class="pageref">84</a>–5, <a href="#pb428" class="pageref">428</a>–35 -</p> -<p>ʻAbd Allāh b. Masʻūd, <a href="#pb15" class="pageref">15</a> -</p> -<p>ʻAbd Allāh b. Maymūn, <a href="#pb211" class="pageref">211</a>, <a href="#pb213" class="pageref">213</a> -</p> -<p>ʻAbd Allāh b. Yāsīn, <a href="#pb331" class="pageref">331</a> -</p> -<p>Abkhazes, <a href="#pb101" class="pageref">101</a> -</p> -<p>Abū Bakr, caliph, <a href="#pb12" class="pageref">12</a>, <a href="#pb45" class="pageref">45</a> -</p> -<p>Abu’l-Faraj b. al-Jawzī, <a href="#pb75" class="pageref">75</a> -</p> -<p>Abu’l-Ḥasan Mihyār, converted, <a href="#pb210" class="pageref">210</a> -</p> -<p>Abū Nūḥ al-Anbārī, Christian secretary, <a href="#pb64" class="pageref">64</a> -</p> -<p>Abū Ṭālib, <a href="#pb13" class="pageref">13</a>–14, <a href="#pb15" class="pageref">15</a>, <a href="#pb19" class="pageref">19</a> -</p> -<p>Abyssinia, Bilāl, the first-fruits of, <a href="#pb15" class="pageref">15</a>, <a href="#pb29" class="pageref">29</a> -</p> -<p>Abyssinia, flight to, <a href="#pb15" class="pageref">15</a>–16 -</p> -<p>Abyssinia, Islam in, <a href="#pb113" class="pageref">113</a>–21, <a href="#pb410" class="pageref">410</a> -</p> -<p>Achin. <i>See</i> <a href="#ix.atjeh">Atjeh</a> -</p> -<p>Adal, Muhammadan Kingdom, <a href="#pb114" class="pageref">114</a>, <a href="#pb115" class="pageref">115</a> -</p> -<p>Adamaua, <a href="#pb325" class="pageref">325</a> -</p> -<p>Adi, island, <a href="#pb404" class="pageref">404</a> -</p> -<p>Adoptionism, in Spain, <a href="#pb139" class="pageref">139</a> -</p> -<p>Adrianople, <a href="#pb159" class="pageref">159</a> -</p> -<p>Afg͟hāns, conversion to Islam, <a href="#pb217" class="pageref">217</a>; <br>in Bengal, <a href="#pb279" class="pageref">279</a> -</p> -<p>Africa, Church of North, <a href="#pb121" class="pageref">121</a>–7, <a href="#pb129" class="pageref">129</a>–30; <br>Islam in, <a href="#pb102" class="pageref">102</a>–30, <a href="#pb312" class="pageref">312</a>–62; <br>Partition of, facilitates spread of Islam, <a href="#pb333" class="pageref">333</a>, <a href="#pb340" class="pageref">340</a>, <a href="#pb345" class="pageref">345</a>–6, <a href="#pb361" class="pageref">361</a>–2 -</p> -<p>Ahl al-Kitāb, <a href="#pb207" class="pageref">207</a> -</p> -<p>Aḥmad, Tunjar Arab in Darfur, <a href="#pb322" class="pageref">322</a> -</p> -<p>Aḥmad b. Idrīs, <a href="#pb327" class="pageref">327</a> -</p> -<p id="ix.ahmad.gran">Aḥmad Grāñ, <a href="#pb113" class="pageref">113</a>, <a href="#pb115" class="pageref">115</a>–116 -</p> -<p>Aḥmad Mujaddid, <a href="#pb412" class="pageref">412</a> -</p> -<p>Aḥmad Shanūrāzah, first Muhammadan king of the Maldive Islands, <a href="#pb270" class="pageref">270</a> -</p> -<p>Aḥmad Takūdār. <i>See</i> <a href="#ix.takudar">Takūdār</a> -</p> -<p>Aḥmadu Shayk͟hu, <a href="#pb330" class="pageref">330</a> -</p> -<p>Akbar, <a href="#pb259" class="pageref">259</a>, <a href="#pb262" class="pageref">262</a>, <a href="#pb292" class="pageref">292</a> -</p> -<p>Ak͟hṭal, court poet, <a href="#pb63" class="pageref">63</a> -</p> -<p>Albanians, <a href="#pb62" class="pageref">62</a>, <a href="#pb177" class="pageref">177</a>–92 -</p> -<p>Alfurs, <a href="#pb390" class="pageref">390</a>, <a href="#pb393" class="pageref">393</a> -</p> -<p>ʻAlī b. Abī Ṭālib, <a href="#pb12" class="pageref">12</a>, <a href="#pb13" class="pageref">13</a> -</p> -<p>ʻAlī Mug͟hāyat Shāh, king of Atjeh, <a href="#pb367" class="pageref">367</a> -</p> -<p>Almohad dynasty, <a href="#pb316" class="pageref">316</a>, <a href="#pb421" class="pageref">421</a> -</p> -<p>Almoravid dynasty, <a href="#pb142" class="pageref">142</a>–3, <a href="#pb314" class="pageref">314</a>, <a href="#pb316" class="pageref">316</a>, <a href="#pb317" class="pageref">317</a> -</p> -<p>Alvar, <a href="#pb138" class="pageref">138</a>, <a href="#pb142" class="pageref">142</a> -</p> -<p>Amboina, <a href="#pb389" class="pageref">389</a> -</p> -<p>Amīrg͟hāniyyah order, <a href="#pb327" class="pageref">327</a> -</p> -<p>Amiroutzes, George, <a href="#pb160" class="pageref">160</a> -</p> -<p>Ampel, in Java, <a href="#pb381" class="pageref">381</a>, <a href="#pb383" class="pageref">383</a>, <a href="#pb384" class="pageref">384</a> -</p> -<p>Ānanda, viceroy of Kan-su, <a href="#pb227" class="pageref">227</a>, <a href="#pb239" class="pageref">239</a> -</p> -<p>Anjumans in India, <a href="#pb286" class="pageref">286</a>, <a href="#pb439" class="pageref">439</a> -</p> -<p>Antivari, <a href="#pb177" class="pageref">177</a>, <a href="#pb180" class="pageref">180</a>, <a href="#pb187" class="pageref">187</a>, <a href="#pb188" class="pageref">188</a>, <a href="#pb189" class="pageref">189</a>, <a href="#pb191" class="pageref">191</a> -</p> -<p>Arab conquest of Byzantine empire, <a href="#pb54" class="pageref">54</a>–6; <br>of Egypt, <a href="#pb102" class="pageref">102</a>; <br>of North Africa, <a href="#pb121" class="pageref">121</a>, <a href="#pb125" class="pageref">125</a>–<span class="corr" id="xd31e10919" title="Source: 16">26</span>, <a href="#pb312" class="pageref">312</a>–13; <br>of Persia, <a href="#pb47" class="pageref">47</a>–8 -</p> -<p>Arab conquests, not missionary, <a href="#pb45" class="pageref">45</a>–7 -</p> -<p>Arab society in the time of Muḥammad, <a href="#pb31" class="pageref">31</a>–2, <a href="#pb42" class="pageref">42</a>–3 -</p> -<p>Arab traders, as proselytisers, <a href="#pb353" class="pageref">353</a> <br>sq. <i>See also</i> <a href="#ix.merchants">Merchants</a> -</p> -<p>Arab tribes, conversion of, <a href="#pb32" class="pageref">32</a>–3, <a href="#pb35" class="pageref">35</a>–41 -</p> -<p>Arabic language, adoption of, a possible aid to the spread of Islam, <a href="#pb73" class="pageref">73</a>, <a href="#pb137" class="pageref">137</a>–9 -</p> -<p>Arabs, Christian, converted to Islam, <a href="#pb47" class="pageref">47</a>–50 -</p> -<p>Arabs, in Africa:—Abyssinia, <a href="#pb114" class="pageref">114</a>; <br>East Coast, <a href="#pb340" class="pageref">340</a>–3; <br>Nubia, <a href="#pb110" class="pageref">110</a>, <a href="#pb112" class="pageref">112</a>; <br>Somaliland, <a href="#pb350" class="pageref">350</a>; <br>Sudan, <a href="#pb320" class="pageref">320</a>, <a href="#pb321" class="pageref">321</a>, <a href="#pb322" class="pageref">322</a>, <a href="#pb331" class="pageref">331</a>; <br>Uganda, <a href="#pb344" class="pageref">344</a>;—<span class="pageNum" id="pb458">[<a href="#pb458">458</a>]</span> <br>in China, <a href="#pb294" class="pageref">294</a>–6, <a href="#pb297" class="pageref">297</a>, <a href="#pb363" class="pageref">363</a>; <br>in India, <a href="#pb255" class="pageref">255</a>, <a href="#pb256" class="pageref">256</a>, <a href="#pb263" class="pageref">263</a>–6, <a href="#pb269" class="pageref">269</a>–273; <br>in Indo-China, <a href="#pb376" class="pageref">376</a>; <br>in Malay Archipelago, <a href="#pb364" class="pageref">364</a>–5, <a href="#pb366" class="pageref">366</a>, <a href="#pb371" class="pageref">371</a>, <a href="#pb373" class="pageref">373</a>, <a href="#pb376" class="pageref">376</a>, <a href="#pb378" class="pageref">378</a>, <a href="#pb388" class="pageref">388</a>, <a href="#pb391" class="pageref">391</a>, <a href="#pb397" class="pageref">397</a>–8, <a href="#pb401" class="pageref">401</a>, <a href="#pb404" class="pageref">404</a>; <br>in Malay Peninsula, <a href="#pb373" class="pageref">373</a> -</p> -<p>Arghons, <a href="#pb293" class="pageref">293</a> -</p> -<p>Arg͟hūn, fourth Īlk͟hān, <a href="#pb232" class="pageref">232</a>, <a href="#pb239" class="pageref">239</a>; <br>persecutes Muhammadans, <a href="#pb226" class="pageref">226</a> -</p> -<p>Arianism, in Spain, <a href="#pb134" class="pageref">134</a> -</p> -<p>Armatoli, <a href="#pb62" class="pageref">62</a> -</p> -<p>Armenians, <a href="#pb.viii" class="pageref">viii</a>. <i>n.</i><sup>1</sup>, <a href="#pb96" class="pageref">96</a>–7, <a href="#pb176" class="pageref">176</a>, <a href="#pb229" class="pageref">229</a> -</p> -<p>Arslān K͟hān b. Qadr K͟hān, <a href="#pb216" class="pageref">216</a> -</p> -<p>Aru, in Sumatra, <a href="#pb367" class="pageref">367</a>, <a href="#pb368" class="pageref">368</a> -</p> -<p>Arya Damar, <a href="#pb380" class="pageref">380</a>, <a href="#pb381" class="pageref">381</a>, <a href="#pb382" class="pageref">382</a> -</p> -<p>Ashanti, <a href="#pb339" class="pageref">339</a> -</p> -<p>Assam, <a href="#pb282" class="pageref">282</a> -</p> -<p>Athanasius, of Edessa, builds churches, <a href="#pb63" class="pageref">63</a>, <a href="#pb66" class="pageref">66</a> -</p> -<p id="ix.atjeh">Atjeh, <a href="#pb366" class="pageref">366</a>, <a href="#pb367" class="pageref">367</a>, <a href="#pb369" class="pageref">369</a>, <a href="#pb375" class="pageref">375</a>, <a href="#pb376" class="pageref">376</a>, <a href="#pb394" class="pageref">394</a> -</p> -<p>Aurangzeb, <a href="#pb254" class="pageref">254</a>, <a href="#pb260" class="pageref">260</a>, <a href="#pb292" class="pageref">292</a> -</p> -<p>Azhar, mosque of al-, <a href="#pb328" class="pageref">328</a>, <a href="#pb355" class="pageref">355</a> -</p> -<p>Baduwis, in Java, <a href="#pb386" class="pageref">386</a> -</p> -<p>Baʼeda Māryām, king of Abyssinia, <a href="#pb114" class="pageref">114</a> -</p> -<p>Baele tribe, <a href="#pb335" class="pageref">335</a> -</p> -<p>Baganda, Islam among the, <a href="#pb344" class="pageref">344</a> -</p> -<p>Baghirmi, <a href="#pb322" class="pageref">322</a>–3 -</p> -<p>Bak͟htiyār K͟hiljī, <a href="#pb277" class="pageref">277</a> -</p> -<p>Balambangan, kingdom in Java, <a href="#pb382" class="pageref">382</a> -</p> -<p>Bālāsāg͟hūn, <a href="#pb216" class="pageref">216</a> -</p> -<p>Bali, island, <a href="#pb384" class="pageref">384</a>, <a href="#pb404" class="pageref">404</a> -</p> -<p>Balinese, in Lombok, <a href="#pb398" class="pageref">398</a>–9 -</p> -<p>Baliyyūn, <a href="#pb113" class="pageref">113</a> -</p> -<p>Baltistan, <a href="#pb292" class="pageref">292</a>–3 -</p> -<p>Bambara, <a href="#pb321" class="pageref">321</a> -</p> -<p>Bangalore, <a href="#pb285" class="pageref">285</a> -</p> -<p>Banjarmasin, kingdom in Borneo, <a href="#pb390" class="pageref">390</a>–1 -</p> -<p>Bantam, in Java, <a href="#pb385" class="pageref">385</a>, <a href="#pb386" class="pageref">386</a> -</p> -<p>Banū G͟hassān, <a href="#pb47" class="pageref">47</a>, <a href="#pb52" class="pageref">52</a> -</p> -<p>Banū Namir, <a href="#pb48" class="pageref">48</a>, <a href="#pb49" class="pageref">49</a> -</p> -<p>Banū Tag͟hlib, <a href="#pb49" class="pageref">49</a>–50 -</p> -<p>Banū Tanūk͟h, <a href="#pb50" class="pageref">50</a> -</p> -<p>Baptism of Muhammadan children, <a href="#pb181" class="pageref">181</a>, <a href="#pb187" class="pageref">187</a><span id="xd31e11347"></span> -</p> -<p>Baraba Tatars, <a href="#pb253" class="pageref">253</a> -</p> -<p>Baraka K͟hān, <a href="#pb223" class="pageref">223</a>, <a href="#pb224" class="pageref">224</a>, <a href="#pb227" class="pageref">227</a>–9, <a href="#pb239" class="pageref">239</a>, <a href="#pb240" class="pageref">240</a> -</p> -<p>Bashkirs, in Hungary, <a href="#pb193" class="pageref">193</a>–4; <br>in Russia, <a href="#pb250" class="pageref">250</a> -</p> -<p>Bataks, <a href="#pb369" class="pageref">369</a>–70, <a href="#pb372" class="pageref">372</a> -</p> -<p>Bāyazīd, Sultan of Turkey, <a href="#pb193" class="pageref">193</a> -</p> -<p>Baybars, Mamlūk Sultan of Egypt, <a href="#pb223" class="pageref">223</a>, <a href="#pb228" class="pageref">228</a>, <a href="#pb229" class="pageref">229</a> -</p> -<p>Baydū K͟hān, <a href="#pb232" class="pageref">232</a>–3 -</p> -<p>Belgaum, <a href="#pb271" class="pageref">271</a> -</p> -<p>Belloos, <a href="#pb112" class="pageref">112</a>–13 -</p> -<p>Bengal, <a href="#pb277" class="pageref">277</a>–80, <a href="#pb288" class="pageref">288</a> -</p> -<p>Berberah, <a href="#pb350" class="pageref">350</a> -</p> -<p>Berbers, Christianity among, <a href="#pb122" class="pageref">122</a>; <br>Islam among, <a href="#pb312" class="pageref">312</a>–16; <br>in the Sudan, <a href="#pb317" class="pageref">317</a>, <a href="#pb321" class="pageref">321</a> -</p> -<p>Bilāl, <a href="#pb14" class="pageref">14</a>–15, <a href="#pb29" class="pageref">29</a> -</p> -<p>Bintara, in Java, <a href="#pb383" class="pageref">383</a> -</p> -<p>Bishnois, Hindu sect, <a href="#pb263" class="pageref">263</a> -</p> -<p>Bizzi, Marco, in Albania, <a href="#pb180" class="pageref">180</a>–3 -</p> -<p>Bodh Mal, Raja of Majhauli, <a href="#pb262" class="pageref">262</a> -</p> -<p>Bogomiles, <a href="#pb198" class="pageref">198</a>–200 -</p> -<p>Bohra sect, <a href="#pb275" class="pageref">275</a>–7 -</p> -<p>Bolaäng-Mongondou, in Celebes, <a href="#pb396" class="pageref">396</a>–8 -</p> -<p>Borneo, <a href="#pb390" class="pageref">390</a>–2 -</p> -<p>Bornu, <a href="#pb320" class="pageref">320</a> n.<sup>5</sup>, <a href="#pb322" class="pageref">322</a>, <a href="#pb355" class="pageref">355</a> -</p> -<p>Borun tribe, <a href="#pb411" class="pageref">411</a> -</p> -<p>Bosnia, <a href="#pb168" class="pageref">168</a>, <a href="#pb198" class="pageref">198</a>–201 -</p> -<p>Brahmanābād, <a href="#pb272" class="pageref">272</a> -</p> -<p>Brunai, in Borneo, <a href="#pb391" class="pageref">391</a> -</p> -<p>Buckle, on Muslim missionaries, <a href="#pb405" class="pageref">405</a> -</p> -<p>Buddhism in conflict with Islam, <a href="#pb220" class="pageref">220</a>, <a href="#pb225" class="pageref">225</a>, <a href="#pb227" class="pageref">227</a> -</p> -<p>Buddhists, converted to Islam, <a href="#pb227" class="pageref">227</a>, <a href="#pb233" class="pageref">233</a>, <a href="#pb293" class="pageref">293</a>, <a href="#pb376" class="pageref">376</a>, <a href="#pb421" class="pageref">421</a> -</p> -<p>Bugis, in Borneo, <a href="#pb392" class="pageref">392</a>; <br>in Celebes, <a href="#pb393" class="pageref">393</a>, <a href="#pb395" class="pageref">395</a>–6, <a href="#pb397" class="pageref">397</a>; <br>in Lombok, <a href="#pb398" class="pageref">398</a> -</p> -<p>Bukām, a wealthy Christian, builds churches, <a href="#pb67" class="pageref">67</a> -</p> -<p>Buk͟hārā, conquered by Arabs, <a href="#pb213" class="pageref">213</a>; <br>sacked by the Mongols, <a href="#pb218" class="pageref">218</a>; <br>Saljūqs accept Islam here, <a href="#pb216" class="pageref">216</a> -</p> -<p>Bulandshahr, <a href="#pb257" class="pageref">257</a>, <a href="#pb260" class="pageref">260</a> -</p> -<p>Bulgarians, <a href="#pb242" class="pageref">242</a>–3 -</p> -<p>Burāq K͟hān, <a href="#pb235" class="pageref">235</a> -</p> -<p>Byzantine government, <a href="#pb53" class="pageref">53</a>–5, <a href="#pb72" class="pageref">72</a>–3; <br>in Africa, <a href="#pb104" class="pageref">104</a>, <a href="#pb106" class="pageref">106</a>, <a href="#pb124" class="pageref">124</a>; <br>in Greece, <a href="#pb147" class="pageref">147</a>–8<span id="xd31e11658"></span> -</p> -<p>Calvinism and Islam, <a href="#pb155" class="pageref">155</a>, <a href="#pb162" class="pageref">162</a>–3 -</p> -<p>Cambodia, <a href="#pb296" class="pageref">296</a> <i>n.</i><sup>3</sup> -</p> -<p>Canton, <a href="#pb296" class="pageref">296</a> -</p> -<p id="ix.cape.colony">Cape Colony, <a href="#pb3" class="pageref">3</a>, <a href="#pb350" class="pageref">350</a>–2 -</p> -<p id="ix.capitation-tax">Capitation-tax in Albania, <a href="#pb182" class="pageref">182</a>, <a href="#pb189" class="pageref">189</a>; <br>in Turkey, <a href="#pb152" class="pageref">152</a>–4. <br><i>See</i> <a href="#ix.jizyah">Jizyah</a> -</p> -<p>Catherine II, <a href="#pb247" class="pageref">247</a> -</p> -<p>Celebes, <a href="#pb392" class="pageref">392</a>–8 -</p> -<p>Ceram, <a href="#pb404" class="pageref">404</a> -</p> -<p>Ceylon, Islam in, <a href="#pb266" class="pageref">266</a> <i>n.</i><sup>2</sup> -</p> -<p>Chag͟hatāy, <a href="#pb234" class="pageref">234</a> -</p> -<p>Chalcedon, Council of, <a href="#pb53" class="pageref">53</a>, <a href="#pb102" class="pageref">102</a> -</p> -<p>Champa, <a href="#pb380" class="pageref">380</a> -</p> -<p>Chams, <a href="#pb296" class="pageref">296</a> <i>n.</i><sup>3</sup> -</p> -<p>Charlemagne, <a href="#pb7" class="pageref">7</a>, <a href="#pb136" class="pageref">136</a>, <a href="#pb139" class="pageref">139</a> -</p> -<p>Cheribon, <a href="#pb380" class="pageref">380</a>, <a href="#pb385" class="pageref">385</a> -</p> -<p>Cherimiss, <a href="#pb250" class="pageref">250</a>–1 -</p> -<p>Chermen, <a href="#pb378" class="pageref">378</a> -</p> -<p>Cherumans, <a href="#pb268" class="pageref">268</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb459">[<a href="#pb459">459</a>]</span></p> -<p>China, Islam in, <a href="#pb227" class="pageref">227</a>, <a href="#pb294" class="pageref">294</a>–311 -</p> -<p>Chinese, in Borneo, <a href="#pb392" class="pageref">392</a>; <br>in Java, <a href="#pb379" class="pageref">379</a>; <br>in Mindanao, <a href="#pb401" class="pageref">401</a> <i>n.</i><sup>2</sup> -</p> -<p>Chingīz K͟hān, <a href="#pb218" class="pageref">218</a>, <a href="#pb220" class="pageref">220</a>, <a href="#pb225" class="pageref">225</a>, <a href="#pb301" class="pageref">301</a> -</p> -<p>Chittagong, <a href="#pb278" class="pageref">278</a> -</p> -<p>Christian Arabs, converted to Islam, <a href="#pb47" class="pageref">47</a>–50; <br>in alliance with Muslim Arabs, <a href="#pb47" class="pageref">47</a>–9, <a href="#pb62" class="pageref">62</a>; <br>in modern times, <a href="#pb52" class="pageref">52</a>; <br>persecuted, <a href="#pb50" class="pageref">50</a> -</p> -<p id="ix.christian.clergy">Christian clergy converted to Islam, <a href="#pb84" class="pageref">84</a>, <a href="#pb86" class="pageref">86</a>–7; <br>in Abyssinia, <a href="#pb115" class="pageref">115</a>; <br>in Egypt, <a href="#pb92" class="pageref">92</a>; <br>in Spain, <a href="#pb134" class="pageref">134</a>; <br>in Turkey, <a href="#pb159" class="pageref">159</a>, <a href="#pb165" class="pageref">165</a>, <a href="#pb166" class="pageref">166</a>, <a href="#pb168" class="pageref">168</a> <i>n.</i><sup>2</sup>, <a href="#pb169" class="pageref">169</a> -</p> -<p>Christian heresies as predisposing to conversion to Islam, <a href="#pb105" class="pageref">105</a>, <a href="#pb134" class="pageref">134</a>, <a href="#pb161" class="pageref">161</a>, <a href="#pb199" class="pageref">199</a>–200 -</p> -<p>Christian officials employed by Muhammadan governments, <a href="#pb62" class="pageref">62</a>–4; <br>in Egypt, <a href="#pb107" class="pageref">107</a>; <br>in Spain, <a href="#pb135" class="pageref">135</a> -</p> -<p>Christian soldiers in Muhammadan service, during the Crusades, <a href="#pb91" class="pageref">91</a>, <a href="#pb96" class="pageref">96</a>; <br>in North Africa, <a href="#pb129" class="pageref">129</a>–30; <br>in Spain, <a href="#pb135" class="pageref">135</a>; <br>in Turkey, <a href="#pb62" class="pageref">62</a>, <a href="#pb151" class="pageref">151</a> <i>n.</i><sup>2</sup>, <a href="#pb179" class="pageref">179</a>; <br>exempted from the payment of capitation-tax, <a href="#pb61" class="pageref">61</a>–2 -</p> -<p>Christianity, forced conversion to. <i>See</i> <a href="#ix.conversion">Conversion, forced</a> -</p> -<p>Christians converted to Islam, in Borneo, <a href="#pb392" class="pageref">392</a>; <br>in Celebes, <a href="#pb396" class="pageref">396</a>–8; <br>in India, <a href="#pb269" class="pageref">269</a>; <br>in Sumatra, <a href="#pb370" class="pageref">370</a>. <br><i>See also</i> <a href="#ix.christian.clergy">Christian clergy</a> -</p> -<p>Christians prefer Muslim to Christian rule, <a href="#pb155" class="pageref">155</a>–7; <br>in Byzantine empire, <a href="#pb54" class="pageref">54</a>–6, <a href="#pb96" class="pageref">96</a>, <a href="#pb147" class="pageref">147</a>–8; <br>in Greece under Frankish and Venetian rule, <a href="#pb147" class="pageref">147</a>; <br>in Hungary, <a href="#pb155" class="pageref">155</a>; <br>in Spain, <a href="#pb132" class="pageref">132</a>; <br>in Servia, <a href="#pb194" class="pageref">194</a>–5; <br>in Transylvania, <a href="#pb155" class="pageref">155</a> -</p> -<p id="ix.christians.under.muslim.rule">Christians under Muslim rule, condition of, <a href="#pb49" class="pageref">49</a>–50, <a href="#pb52" class="pageref">52</a>, <a href="#pb54" class="pageref">54</a>–69, <a href="#pb75" class="pageref">75</a>–84, <a href="#pb95" class="pageref">95</a>–100, <a href="#pb103" class="pageref">103</a>–4, <a href="#pb106" class="pageref">106</a>–9, <a href="#pb121" class="pageref">121</a>–2, <a href="#pb125" class="pageref">125</a>–7, <a href="#pb129" class="pageref">129</a>–44, <a href="#pb146" class="pageref">146</a>–60, <a href="#pb178" class="pageref">178</a>–84, <a href="#pb189" class="pageref">189</a>, <a href="#pb194" class="pageref">194</a>–7, <a href="#pb203" class="pageref">203</a>–5, <a href="#pb207" class="pageref">207</a>, <a href="#pb422" class="pageref">422</a>. <br><i>See also</i> <a href="#ix.dhimmis">D͟himmīs</a> -</p> -<p>Churches built in Muhammadan countries, <a href="#pb57" class="pageref">57</a> <i>n.</i><sup>5</sup>, <a href="#pb65" class="pageref">65</a>–8, <a href="#pb109" class="pageref">109</a>, <a href="#pb135" class="pageref">135</a>, <a href="#pb422" class="pageref">422</a> <i>n.</i><sup>2</sup> -</p> -<p>Chuvash, <a href="#pb251" class="pageref">251</a> -</p> -<p>Circassians, <a href="#pb100" class="pageref">100</a>–1 -</p> -<p>Constantine, Tsarevitch of Kakheth, becomes Muslim, <a href="#pb99" class="pageref">99</a> -</p> -<p>Controversies between Christians and Muslims, <a href="#pb83" class="pageref">83</a>–5, <a href="#pb108" class="pageref">108</a>, <a href="#pb226" class="pageref">226</a>, <a href="#pb227" class="pageref">227</a> <i>n.</i><sup>4</sup>, <a href="#pb436" class="pageref">436</a>–7 -</p> -<p id="ix.conversion">Conversion, forced, to Christianity, in Abyssinia, <a href="#pb114" class="pageref">114</a>, <a href="#pb116" class="pageref">116</a>, <a href="#pb119" class="pageref">119</a>–20; <br>in Amboina, <a href="#pb7" class="pageref">7</a>–8; <br>in Europe, <a href="#pb7" class="pageref">7</a>–8, <a href="#pb194" class="pageref">194</a>; <br>in the Galla country, <a href="#pb348" class="pageref">348</a>; <br>in the Philippine Islands, <a href="#pb401" class="pageref">401</a> -</p> -<p>Conversion, forced, to Islam, absence of, vindicated by contemporary evidence, <a href="#pb81" class="pageref">81</a>–2, <a href="#pb157" class="pageref">157</a>–8, <a href="#pb173" class="pageref">173</a>–4 -</p> -<p id="ix.conversion.forced.2">Conversion, forced, to Islam, condemned, <a href="#pb5" class="pageref">5</a>–6, <a href="#pb85" class="pageref">85</a> <i>n.</i><sup>4</sup>, <a href="#pb158" class="pageref">158</a>, <a href="#pb421" class="pageref">421</a>–3 -</p> -<p>Conversion, forced, to Islam, in Albania, <a href="#pb182" class="pageref">182</a>, <a href="#pb190" class="pageref">190</a>; <br>in India, <a href="#pb254" class="pageref">254</a>, <a href="#pb260" class="pageref">260</a>–2, <a href="#pb268" class="pageref">268</a>, <a href="#pb278" class="pageref">278</a>; <br>in Kashmīr, <a href="#pb292" class="pageref">292</a>; <br>in Morocco, <a href="#pb126" class="pageref">126</a>; <br>in Mug͟halistān, <a href="#pb238" class="pageref">238</a>; <br>in Tunis, <a href="#pb126" class="pageref">126</a> <i>n.</i><sup>2</sup>; <br>in Turkey, <a href="#pb150" class="pageref">150</a>, <a href="#pb166" class="pageref">166</a>, <a href="#pb174" class="pageref">174</a> -</p> -<p>Conversion of Muslims to Christianity, in Crete, <a href="#pb201" class="pageref">201</a> -</p> -<p id="ix.copts">Copts, <a href="#pb102" class="pageref">102</a>–9 -</p> -<p>Crete, <a href="#pb.viii" class="pageref">viii</a>. <i>n.</i><sup>1</sup>, <a href="#pb201" class="pageref">201</a>–5 -</p> -<p>Crimea, Islam in the, <a href="#pb245" class="pageref">245</a> -</p> -<p>Crusaders, <a href="#pb88" class="pageref">88</a>–92 -</p> -<p>Cutch, <a href="#pb275" class="pageref">275</a>, <a href="#pb277" class="pageref">277</a> -</p> -<p>Cyprus, Copts in, accept Islam, <a href="#pb108" class="pageref">108</a> <i>n.</i><sup>3</sup>; <br>under Venetian rule, <a href="#pb147" class="pageref">147</a> <i>n.</i><sup>2</sup> -</p> -<p>Daghistan, <a href="#pb100" class="pageref">100</a> -</p> -<p>Dahanu, <a href="#pb271" class="pageref">271</a> -</p> -<p>Dahomey, <a href="#pb339" class="pageref">339</a> -</p> -<p>Damascus, <a href="#pb55" class="pageref">55</a>, <a href="#pb65" class="pageref">65</a> -</p> -<p>Danagla Arabs, <a href="#pb110" class="pageref">110</a> n.<sup>7</sup> -</p> -<p>Daniel, Bishop of Khabur, <a href="#pb87" class="pageref">87</a> -</p> -<p>Darfur, <a href="#pb322" class="pageref">322</a>, <a href="#pb354" class="pageref">354</a>, <a href="#pb355" class="pageref">355</a> -</p> -<p>Dasavatār, sacred book of the Khojahs, <a href="#pb274" class="pageref">274</a> -</p> -<p>Daylam, <a href="#pb210" class="pageref">210</a> -</p> -<p>Deccan, merchants from the, in the Malay Archipelago, <a href="#pb364" class="pageref">364</a> -</p> -<p id="ix.dhimmis">D͟himmīs, <a href="#pb57" class="pageref">57</a>–61, <a href="#pb66" class="pageref">66</a>, <a href="#pb75" class="pageref">75</a>–6, <a href="#pb77" class="pageref">77</a> <i>n.</i><sup>6</sup>, <a href="#pb83" class="pageref">83</a>, <a href="#pb207" class="pageref">207</a>. <br><i>See also</i> <a href="#ix.christians.under.muslim.rule">Christians under Muslim Rule</a>, <a href="#ix.zoroastrians">Zoroastrians</a> -</p> -<p>Dongola, <a href="#pb110" class="pageref">110</a>, <a href="#pb327" class="pageref">327</a> -</p> -<p>Doughty, quoted, <a href="#pb347" class="pageref">347</a>, <a href="#pb413" class="pageref">413</a>, <a href="#pb416" class="pageref">416</a>–17 -</p> -<p>Dudekulas, <a href="#pb267" class="pageref">267</a> -</p> -<p>Dutch, in the Malay Archipelago, <a href="#pb369" class="pageref">369</a>, <a href="#pb372" class="pageref">372</a>, <a href="#pb397" class="pageref">397</a>–8, <a href="#pb405" class="pageref">405</a>–7 -</p> -<p>Dutch-speaking Muslims. <i>See</i> <a href="#ix.cape.colony">Cape Colony</a> -</p> -<p>Dyaks, <a href="#pb392" class="pageref">392</a> -</p> -<p>Egypt, Christians under Muslim rule, <a href="#pb102" class="pageref">102</a>–4, <a href="#pb106" class="pageref">106</a>–9; <br>churches built, <a href="#pb66" class="pageref">66</a>–7, <a href="#pb109" class="pageref">109</a>, <a href="#pb422" class="pageref">422</a> <i>n.</i><sup>2</sup> -</p> -<p>Egypt, Jacobite Christians of. <i>See</i> <a href="#ix.copts">Copts</a> -</p> -<p>Felix, Bishop of Urgel, <a href="#pb139" class="pageref">139</a> -</p> -<p>Fire-temples, in Persia, <a href="#pb209" class="pageref">209</a>–11 -</p> -<p>Fīrūz Shāh Tug͟hlaq, <a href="#pb258" class="pageref">258</a> -</p> -<p>Flores, <a href="#pb396" class="pageref">396</a> -</p> -<p id="ix.fulbe">Fulbe, condition in eighteenth century, <a href="#pb323" class="pageref">323</a>–4; <br>in nineteenth century, <a href="#pb325" class="pageref">325</a>; <br>destroy Hausa records, <a href="#pb319" class="pageref">319</a>; <br>missionary activity, <span class="pageNum" id="pb460">[<a href="#pb460">460</a>]</span>333, <a href="#pb353" class="pageref">353</a>–4; <br>on West Coast of Africa, <a href="#pb340" class="pageref">340</a> -</p> -<p>Fūnj, empire of the, <a href="#pb111" class="pageref">111</a>, <a href="#pb113" class="pageref">113</a>, <a href="#pb337" class="pageref">337</a> -</p> -<p>Futah-Jallon, <a href="#pb328" class="pageref">328</a>, <a href="#pb330" class="pageref">330</a> -</p> -<p>Gabriel, Christian physician of Hārūn al-Rashīd, <a href="#pb64" class="pageref">64</a> -</p> -<p>Gabriel, Metropolitan of Fārs, <a href="#pb86" class="pageref">86</a> -</p> -<p>Gallas, <a href="#pb348" class="pageref">348</a>–9; <br>in Abyssinia, <a href="#pb116" class="pageref">116</a>–17, <a href="#pb347" class="pageref">347</a> -</p> -<p>Galley-slaves, <a href="#pb173" class="pageref">173</a> -</p> -<p>Gennadios, Patriarch of Constantinople, <a href="#pb146" class="pageref">146</a> -</p> -<p>George, Bishop of Baḥrayn, <a href="#pb86" class="pageref">86</a> -</p> -<p>Georgians, <a href="#pb97" class="pageref">97</a>–100, <a href="#pb165" class="pageref">165</a> <i>n.</i><sup>1</sup> -</p> -<p>Gerganos, <a href="#pb164" class="pageref">164</a> -</p> -<p>German East Africa, <a href="#pb345" class="pageref">345</a>–6, <a href="#pb410" class="pageref">410</a> -</p> -<p>G͟hāzān, <a href="#pb232" class="pageref">232</a>–4, <a href="#pb421" class="pageref">421</a> -</p> -<p>Gilolo, <a href="#pb390" class="pageref">390</a> -</p> -<p>Giri, <a href="#pb382" class="pageref">382</a> -</p> -<p>Gold Coast, <a href="#pb339" class="pageref">339</a> -</p> -<p>Golden Horde, <a href="#pb220" class="pageref">220</a>, <a href="#pb227" class="pageref">227</a>, <a href="#pb239" class="pageref">239</a> -</p> -<p>Gowa, in Celebes, <a href="#pb393" class="pageref">393</a>, <a href="#pb395" class="pageref">395</a> -</p> -<p>Grāñ. <i>See</i> <a href="#ix.ahmad.gran">Aḥmad Grāñ</a> -</p> -<p>Greece, the first-fruits of, Ṣuhayb, <a href="#pb26" class="pageref">26</a>, <a href="#pb29" class="pageref">29</a> -</p> -<p>Greek Christians exempted from payment of capitation-tax, <a href="#pb62" class="pageref">62</a> -</p> -<p>Greek Church, attempt to Calvinise the, <a href="#pb161" class="pageref">161</a>–4; <br>under Byzantine rule in fifteenth century, <a href="#pb159" class="pageref">159</a>; <br>under Turkish rule in seventeenth century, <a href="#pb167" class="pageref">167</a>, <a href="#pb169" class="pageref">169</a>; <br>in Bosnia, <a href="#pb168" class="pageref">168</a>; <br>in Crete, under Venetian rule, <a href="#pb203" class="pageref">203</a>; <br>in Servia, <a href="#pb196" class="pageref">196</a> -</p> -<p>Greeks, in the Crimea, <a href="#pb245" class="pageref">245</a>; <br>under Turkish rule, <a href="#pb145" class="pageref">145</a>–55, <a href="#pb160" class="pageref">160</a> -</p> -<p>Gresik, <a href="#pb378" class="pageref">378</a>, <a href="#pb379" class="pageref">379</a>, <a href="#pb381" class="pageref">381</a>, <a href="#pb382" class="pageref">382</a>, <a href="#pb389" class="pageref">389</a> -</p> -<p>Grodno, Muslims in, <a href="#pb3" class="pageref">3</a> -</p> -<p>Guinea Coast, <a href="#pb338" class="pageref">338</a>–9 -</p> -<p>Gujarāt, spread of Islam in, <a href="#pb275" class="pageref">275</a>–7 -</p> -<p>Gulbarga, <a href="#pb271" class="pageref">271</a> -</p> -<p>Hādī, caliph, <a href="#pb84" class="pageref">84</a> -</p> -<p>Ḥafṣ b. al-Walīd, governor of Egypt, and the Christians, <a href="#pb103" class="pageref">103</a>–4 -</p> -<p>Ḥājī Purwa, <a href="#pb378" class="pageref">378</a> -</p> -<p id="ix.hajis">Ḥājīs, and missionary activity, <a href="#pb416" class="pageref">416</a>; <br>in Africa, <a href="#pb330" class="pageref">330</a>, <a href="#pb354" class="pageref">354</a>; <br>in the Malay Archipelago, <a href="#pb405" class="pageref">405</a>–6; <br>in Java, <a href="#pb377" class="pageref">377</a>; <br>in Sambawa, <a href="#pb398" class="pageref">398</a>; <br>in Sumatra, <a href="#pb369" class="pageref">369</a>, <a href="#pb370" class="pageref">370</a>, <a href="#pb371" class="pageref">371</a> -</p> -<p>Ḥājj ʻUmar, <a href="#pb330" class="pageref">330</a>, <a href="#pb332" class="pageref">332</a>, <a href="#pb333" class="pageref">333</a> -</p> -<p>Ḥākim, <a href="#pb8" class="pageref">8</a>, <a href="#pb422" class="pageref">422</a> -</p> -<p>Halemahera, <a href="#pb390" class="pageref">390</a> -</p> -<p>Harar, <a href="#pb335" class="pageref">335</a>, <a href="#pb350" class="pageref">350</a> -</p> -<p>Hardatta, <a href="#pb257" class="pageref">257</a> -</p> -<p>Hārūn al-Rashīd, <a href="#pb64" class="pageref">64</a>, <a href="#pb84" class="pageref">84</a>; <br>oppresses the Christians, <a href="#pb76" class="pageref">76</a>; <br>permits erection of churches, <a href="#pb67" class="pageref">67</a> -</p> -<p>Hausas, <a href="#pb319" class="pageref">319</a>–20, <a href="#pb321" class="pageref">321</a>, <a href="#pb325" class="pageref">325</a>; <br>as proselytisers, <a href="#pb320" class="pageref">320</a>, <a href="#pb333" class="pageref">333</a>, <a href="#pb339" class="pageref">339</a>; <br>on West Coast of Africa, <a href="#pb340" class="pageref">340</a> -</p> -<p>Ḥaydar ʻAlī, <a href="#pb254" class="pageref">254</a>, <a href="#pb261" class="pageref">261</a>, <a href="#pb268" class="pageref">268</a> -</p> -<p>Hayton, king of Armenia, <a href="#pb221" class="pageref">221</a>, <a href="#pb229" class="pageref">229</a> -</p> -<p>Heraclius, <a href="#pb28" class="pageref">28</a>, <a href="#pb48" class="pageref">48</a>, <a href="#pb53" class="pageref">53</a>–4, <a href="#pb70" class="pageref">70</a> n.<sup>3</sup>, <a href="#pb207" class="pageref">207</a> -</p> -<p>Hinduism and Islam, in India, <a href="#pb254" class="pageref">254</a>–91; <br>in Java, <a href="#pb384" class="pageref">384</a>–6 -</p> -<p>Ḥīrah, <a href="#pb50" class="pageref">50</a> -</p> -<p>Hishām, caliph, <a href="#pb295" class="pageref">295</a> -</p> -<p>Hottentots, <a href="#pb351" class="pageref">351</a> -</p> -<p>Hui Hui, <a href="#pb295" class="pageref">295</a> -</p> -<p>Hūlāgū, <a href="#pb221" class="pageref">221</a>, <a href="#pb228" class="pageref">228</a>, <a href="#pb229" class="pageref">229</a>, <a href="#pb240" class="pageref">240</a> -</p> -<p>Hungary, Calvinists of, <a href="#pb155" class="pageref">155</a>; <br>Muslims in, <a href="#pb160" class="pageref">160</a> <i>n.</i><sup>1</sup>, <a href="#pb193" class="pageref">193</a>–4 -</p> -<p>Hunyady, John, <a href="#pb193" class="pageref">193</a>, <a href="#pb195" class="pageref">195</a> -</p> -<p>Ibn Ḥanbal, <a href="#pb74" class="pageref">74</a> -</p> -<p>Ibn K͟hūrdādbih, <a href="#pb211" class="pageref">211</a> -</p> -<p>Ibn Tūmart, <a href="#pb316" class="pageref">316</a> -</p> -<p>Ibrāhīm, Christian, in charge of Bayt al-Māl, <a href="#pb63" class="pageref">63</a> -</p> -<p>Ibrāhīm I, Sultan of Turkey, <a href="#pb423" class="pageref">423</a> -</p> -<p>Idaans, tribe in Borneo, <a href="#pb391" class="pageref">391</a>–2 -</p> -<p>Ijebu country, South Nigeria, <a href="#pb326" class="pageref">326</a> -</p> -<p>Īlik-K͟hāns, dynasty, <a href="#pb215" class="pageref">215</a>, <a href="#pb216" class="pageref">216</a> -</p> -<p>Īlk͟hān dynasty, <a href="#pb223" class="pageref">223</a>, <a href="#pb226" class="pageref">226</a>, <a href="#pb229" class="pageref">229</a>–34 -</p> -<p>Ilorin, <a href="#pb325" class="pageref">325</a> -</p> -<p>India, <a href="#pb212" class="pageref">212</a>, <a href="#pb254" class="pageref">254</a>–91, <a href="#pb439" class="pageref">439</a>; <br>Islam introduced into Malay Archipelago from, <a href="#pb364" class="pageref">364</a> -</p> -<p>Indo-China, Islam in, <a href="#pb376" class="pageref">376</a> -</p> -<p>Intolerance condemned, <a href="#pb209" class="pageref">209</a>. <br><i>See also</i> <a href="#ix.conversion.forced.2">Forced conversion, to Islam, condemned</a> -</p> -<p>Ishōʻ-yabh III, Nestorian Patriarch, <a href="#pb81" class="pageref">81</a> -</p> -<p>Islam, brotherhood of, <a href="#pb42" class="pageref">42</a>–3, <a href="#pb75" class="pageref">75</a>,340, <a href="#pb356" class="pageref">356</a>, <a href="#pb357" class="pageref">357</a>, <a href="#pb416" class="pageref">416</a> -</p> -<p>Islam, causes of spread of, <a href="#pb413" class="pageref">413</a>–26; <br>in Africa, <a href="#pb353" class="pageref">353</a>–8, <a href="#pb362" class="pageref">362</a>; <br>in Albania, <a href="#pb182" class="pageref">182</a>, <a href="#pb184" class="pageref">184</a>, <a href="#pb190" class="pageref">190</a>; <br>in Arabia, <a href="#pb35" class="pageref">35</a>, <a href="#pb41" class="pageref">41</a>; <br>in Bosnia, <a href="#pb200" class="pageref">200</a>; <br>in Egypt, <a href="#pb94" class="pageref">94</a>, <a href="#pb105" class="pageref">105</a>–6, <a href="#pb108" class="pageref">108</a>–9; <br>in India, <a href="#pb279" class="pageref">279</a>, <a href="#pb287" class="pageref">287</a>–91; <br>in the Malay Archipelago, <a href="#pb365" class="pageref">365</a>, <a href="#pb400" class="pageref">400</a>, <a href="#pb405" class="pageref">405</a>, <a href="#pb407" class="pageref">407</a>; <br>in Spain, <a href="#pb132" class="pageref">132</a>; <br>in Turkey, <a href="#pb157" class="pageref">157</a>–8, <a href="#pb160" class="pageref">160</a>, <a href="#pb166" class="pageref">166</a>, <a href="#pb172" class="pageref">172</a>–5; <br>under the Umayyads and ʻAbbāsids, <a href="#pb70" class="pageref">70</a>–5, <a href="#pb79" class="pageref">79</a> <i>n.</i><sup>1</sup> -</p> -<p>Islam, a missionary religion, <a href="#pb1" class="pageref">1</a>, <a href="#pb11" class="pageref">11</a>, <a href="#pb29" class="pageref">29</a>, <a href="#pb42" class="pageref">42</a>–4, <a href="#pb409" class="pageref">409</a> -</p> -<p>Islam, ritualism of, <a href="#pb417" class="pageref">417</a>–19 -</p> -<p>Islam, a universal religion, <a href="#pb28" class="pageref">28</a>–30 -</p> -<p>Ismāʻīl b. ʻAbd Allāh, governor of North Africa, <a href="#pb314" class="pageref">314</a> -</p> -<p>Ismāʻīlian missionaries, <a href="#pb211" class="pageref">211</a>–13; <br>in India, <a href="#pb212" class="pageref">212</a>, <a href="#pb274" class="pageref">274</a>–6; <br>in Kashmīr, <a href="#pb291" class="pageref">291</a> -</p> -<p>Israel, Christian official, <a href="#pb64" class="pageref">64</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb461">[<a href="#pb461">461</a>]</span></p> -<p>Jacobite Church, in Abyssinia, <a href="#pb113" class="pageref">113</a>–21; <br>in Egypt, <a href="#pb69" class="pageref">69</a>, <a href="#pb102" class="pageref">102</a>–9; <br>in Nubia, <a href="#pb109" class="pageref">109</a>–13; <br>in Persia, <a href="#pb69" class="pageref">69</a>, <a href="#pb81" class="pageref">81</a>–2, <a href="#pb207" class="pageref">207</a>; <br>recent statistics, <a href="#pb80" class="pageref">80</a> -</p> -<p>Jacobus Manopo, first Christian king of Bolaäng-Mongondou, <a href="#pb396" class="pageref">396</a> -</p> -<p>Jacobus Manuel Manopo, first Muslim king of Bolaäng-Mongondou, <a href="#pb397" class="pageref">397</a> -</p> -<p>Jag͟habūb, <a href="#pb334" class="pageref">334</a>, <a href="#pb335" class="pageref">335</a> -</p> -<p>Jains converted to Islam, <a href="#pb271" class="pageref">271</a> -</p> -<p>Jalāl al-Dīn Muḥammad Shāh, king of Bengal, <a href="#pb278" class="pageref">278</a> -</p> -<p>Jamāl al-Dīn, first Muslim king of Tidor, <a href="#pb388" class="pageref">388</a> -</p> -<p>James II, king of England, invited to embrace Islam, <a href="#pb409" class="pageref">409</a> <i>n.</i><sup>3</sup> -</p> -<p>Janissaries, corps of, <a href="#pb150" class="pageref">150</a>–1, <a href="#pb167" class="pageref">167</a> -</p> -<p>Jarrāḥ b. ʻAbd Allāh, governor of K͟hurāsān, <a href="#pb83" class="pageref">83</a> -</p> -<p>Jatmall, becomes a Muhammadan, <a href="#pb277" class="pageref">277</a>–8 -</p> -<p>Java, <a href="#pb364" class="pageref">364</a>, <a href="#pb377" class="pageref">377</a>–87 -</p> -<p>Jāwej, Abyssinian chief, <a href="#pb118" class="pageref">118</a> -</p> -<p>Jenne, <a href="#pb318" class="pageref">318</a> -</p> -<p>Jerusalem, <a href="#pb59" class="pageref">59</a>, <a href="#pb90" class="pageref">90</a> -</p> -<p>Jews, attempt the conversion of the Russians, <a href="#pb243" class="pageref">243</a>; <br>forced to become Muslims, <a href="#pb421" class="pageref">421</a>; <br>in China, <a href="#pb305" class="pageref">305</a>; <br>in Medina, <a href="#pb20" class="pageref">20</a>, <a href="#pb26" class="pageref">26</a>; <br>in Spain, welcome Arabs, <a href="#pb132" class="pageref">132</a>; <br>Spanish, take refuge in Turkey, <a href="#pb156" class="pageref">156</a> -</p> -<p>Jihād, in Africa, <a href="#pb329" class="pageref">329</a>, <a href="#pb331" class="pageref">331</a>–3, <a href="#pb353" class="pageref">353</a>; <br>in Sumatra, <a href="#pb372" class="pageref">372</a> -</p> -<p id="ix.jizyah">Jizyah, tribute paid by non-Muslim subjects, <a href="#pb59" class="pageref">59</a>–62, <a href="#pb103" class="pageref">103</a>–4, <a href="#pb115" class="pageref">115</a>, <a href="#pb207" class="pageref">207</a>, <a href="#pb432" class="pageref">432</a>; <br>paid also by newly-converted Muslims, <a href="#pb60" class="pageref">60</a>, <a href="#pb83" class="pageref">83</a>, <a href="#pb103" class="pageref">103</a> <i>n.</i><sup>5</sup>; <br>—exemption granted to, Banū Tag͟hlib, <a href="#pb49" class="pageref">49</a>; <br>newly-converted Muslims, <a href="#pb103" class="pageref">103</a>–4, <a href="#pb258" class="pageref">258</a>; <br>Christian troops in Muslim service, <a href="#pb61" class="pageref">61</a>–2; <br>—rates, <a href="#pb60" class="pageref">60</a>; <br>in Jerusalem, <a href="#pb57" class="pageref">57</a>; <br>in Nubia, <a href="#pb110" class="pageref">110</a>; <br>in Spain, <a href="#pb134" class="pageref">134</a>. <br><i>See also</i> <a href="#ix.capitation-tax">Capitation-tax</a> -</p> -<p>John, king of Abyssinia, <a href="#pb119" class="pageref">119</a>, <a href="#pb120" class="pageref">120</a> -</p> -<p>Joseph, Metropolitan of Merv, <a href="#pb84" class="pageref">84</a>, <a href="#pb86" class="pageref">86</a> <i>n.</i><sup>7</sup> -</p> -<p>Joshua, Jacobite Patriarch, <a href="#pb86" class="pageref">86</a> <i>n.</i><sup>6</sup> -</p> -<p>Jukun tribe, <a href="#pb337" class="pageref">337</a> -</p> -<p>Justinian, <a href="#pb52" class="pageref">52</a>, <a href="#pb72" class="pageref">72</a>, <a href="#pb102" class="pageref">102</a> <i>n.</i><sup>1</sup>, <a href="#pb123" class="pageref">123</a> -</p> -<p>Justus Stevenius, <a href="#pb93" class="pageref">93</a> -</p> -<p>Kabils, of Algeria, <a href="#pb127" class="pageref">127</a>–9 -</p> -<p>Kābul, <a href="#pb217" class="pageref">217</a> -</p> -<p>Kanem, <a href="#pb320" class="pageref">320</a> -</p> -<p>Kano, <a href="#pb319" class="pageref">319</a> <i>n.</i><sup>6</sup>, <a href="#pb320" class="pageref">320</a> -</p> -<p>Kan-su, <a href="#pb302" class="pageref">302</a>, <a href="#pb306" class="pageref">306</a>, <a href="#pb309" class="pageref">309</a>, <a href="#pb310" class="pageref">310</a> -</p> -<p>Karamurtads, in Albania, <a href="#pb192" class="pageref">192</a> -</p> -<p>Karīm b. Shahriyār, <a href="#pb210" class="pageref">210</a> -</p> -<p>Kāshgar, Islam in, <a href="#pb215" class="pageref">215</a>, <a href="#pb235" class="pageref">235</a>, <a href="#pb238" class="pageref">238</a> -</p> -<p>Kashmīr, <a href="#pb291" class="pageref">291</a>–2 -</p> -<p>Kastriota, George, <a href="#pb177" class="pageref">177</a> -</p> -<p>Katsena, <a href="#pb320" class="pageref">320</a> -</p> -<p>Kazaks, <a href="#pb238" class="pageref">238</a> -</p> -<p>Kazan, <a href="#pb247" class="pageref">247</a>–9, <a href="#pb252" class="pageref">252</a>, <a href="#pb411" class="pageref">411</a> -</p> -<p>Kei Islands, <a href="#pb404" class="pageref">404</a> -</p> -<p>K͟hadījah, <a href="#pb12" class="pageref">12</a>, <a href="#pb18" class="pageref">18</a> -</p> -<p>K͟hālid al-Qasrī, erects a church, <a href="#pb67" class="pageref">67</a> -</p> -<p>K͟hālid b. al-Walīd, <a href="#pb46" class="pageref">46</a>; <br>at Ḥīrah, <a href="#pb50" class="pageref">50</a>–1; <br>Afghan legend concerning, <a href="#pb217" class="pageref">217</a> -</p> -<p>K͟harāj, <a href="#pb83" class="pageref">83</a> -</p> -<p>K͟hazars, <a href="#pb243" class="pageref">243</a> -</p> -<p>K͟hiljīs, Islam under the, <a href="#pb257" class="pageref">257</a>–8 -</p> -<p>Khīva, <a href="#pb214" class="pageref">214</a>, <a href="#pb246" class="pageref">246</a> -</p> -<p>Khojah sect, <a href="#pb274" class="pageref">274</a>–5 -</p> -<p>Khokand, <a href="#pb246" class="pageref">246</a> -</p> -<p>Khotan, <a href="#pb216" class="pageref">216</a>, <a href="#pb238" class="pageref">238</a>, <a href="#pb296" class="pageref">296</a> <i>n.</i><sup>3</sup> -</p> -<p>K͟hurāsān, conversion of Christians of, <a href="#pb81" class="pageref">81</a>–2 -</p> -<p>Kʼien Lung, emperor of China, <a href="#pb304" class="pageref">304</a>, <a href="#pb305" class="pageref">305</a> -</p> -<p>Kiloa, <a href="#pb340" class="pageref">340</a>, <a href="#pb342" class="pageref">342</a> -</p> -<p>Kindī. <i>See</i> <a href="#ix.abd.al-masih.b.ishaq.al-kindi">ʻAbd al-Masīḥ b. Isḥāq al-Kindī</a> -</p> -<p>Kirghiz, <a href="#pb238" class="pageref">238</a>, <a href="#pb245" class="pageref">245</a>–7, <a href="#pb253" class="pageref">253</a> -</p> -<p>Kocch tribe, converted to Islam, <a href="#pb288" class="pageref">288</a> -</p> -<p>Kordofan, <a href="#pb320" class="pageref">320</a>, <a href="#pb327" class="pageref">327</a> -</p> -<p>Kovno, Muslims in, <a href="#pb3" class="pageref">3</a> -</p> -<p>Kritopoulos, Metrophanes, on tribute of Christian children, <a href="#pb150" class="pageref">150</a> <i>n.</i><sup>2</sup>, <a href="#pb151" class="pageref">151</a> -</p> -<p>Kūchum K͟hān, <a href="#pb252" class="pageref">252</a> -</p> -<p>Kufra, <a href="#pb334" class="pageref">334</a> n.<sup>2</sup> -</p> -<p>Kurguz, Buddhist governor of Persia, becomes Muslim, <a href="#pb227" class="pageref">227</a> -</p> -<p>Kuyūk K͟hān, treatment of Christians, <a href="#pb221" class="pageref">221</a>, <a href="#pb225" class="pageref">225</a>; <br>of Muhammadans, <a href="#pb225" class="pageref">225</a>–6 -</p> -<p>Laccadive Islands, <a href="#pb270" class="pageref">270</a> -</p> -<p>Ladakh, <a href="#pb292" class="pageref">292</a>–3 -</p> -<p>Lagos, <a href="#pb340" class="pageref">340</a> -</p> -<p>Lambri, in Sumatra, <a href="#pb368" class="pageref">368</a> -</p> -<p>Lampong districts, <a href="#pb371" class="pageref">371</a> -</p> -<p>Lamṭūna clan, <a href="#pb315" class="pageref">315</a>, <a href="#pb317" class="pageref">317</a> -</p> -<p>Lefroy, Bishop, on causes of spread of Islam, <a href="#pb414" class="pageref">414</a>–15; <br>on Islam in India, <a href="#pb259" class="pageref">259</a>; <br>on Muslim public prayer, <a href="#pb418" class="pageref">418</a> <i>n.</i><sup>2</sup> -</p> -<p>Lhasa, Muhammadans in, <a href="#pb293" class="pageref">293</a> -</p> -<p>Liberia, <a href="#pb338" class="pageref">338</a> -</p> -<p>Lithuania, Islam in, <a href="#pb3" class="pageref">3</a>, <a href="#pb245" class="pageref">245</a> -</p> -<p>Lohānas, conversion of, <a href="#pb274" class="pageref">274</a> -</p> -<p>Lombok, <a href="#pb398" class="pageref">398</a> -</p> -<p>Louis VII. <i>See</i> <a href="#ix.st.louis">St. Louis</a> -</p> -<p>Lucaris, Cyril, Patriarch of Constantinople, <a href="#pb161" class="pageref">161</a>–4 -<span class="pageNum" id="pb462">[<a href="#pb462">462</a>]</span></p> -<p>Macarius, Patriarch of Antioch, <a href="#pb156" class="pageref">156</a> -</p> -<p>Macassar, kingdom in Celebes, <a href="#pb393" class="pageref">393</a>, <a href="#pb395" class="pageref">395</a>–6 -</p> -<p>Madagascar, <a href="#pb352" class="pageref">352</a> -</p> -<p>Madāyi, <a href="#pb265" class="pageref">265</a> -</p> -<p>Madura, <a href="#pb382" class="pageref">382</a>, <a href="#pb404" class="pageref">404</a> -</p> -<p>Magellan, <a href="#pb387" class="pageref">387</a>, <a href="#pb388" class="pageref">388</a> -</p> -<p>Mahdī, caliph, <a href="#pb50" class="pageref">50</a>, <a href="#pb67" class="pageref">67</a>, <a href="#pb78" class="pageref">78</a> -</p> -<p>Mahdī Purāṇa, <a href="#pb212" class="pageref">212</a> -</p> -<p>Maḥmūd of Ghazna, <a href="#pb254" class="pageref">254</a>, <a href="#pb256" class="pageref">256</a>, <a href="#pb257" class="pageref">257</a> -</p> -<p>Maimonides, Moses, <a href="#pb421" class="pageref">421</a> -</p> -<p>Majapahit, <a href="#pb379" class="pageref">379</a>, <a href="#pb380" class="pageref">380</a>–4, <a href="#pb390" class="pageref">390</a>, <a href="#pb391" class="pageref">391</a> <i>n.</i><sup>4</sup> -</p> -<p>Malabar, <a href="#pb261" class="pageref">261</a>–9, <a href="#pb364" class="pageref">364</a>, <a href="#pb366" class="pageref">366</a> <i>n.</i><sup>4</sup> -</p> -<p>Malacca, <a href="#pb372" class="pageref">372</a>, <a href="#pb401" class="pageref">401</a> -</p> -<p>Malay Archipelago, <a href="#pb363" class="pageref">363</a>–72, <a href="#pb377" class="pageref">377</a>–407 -</p> -<p>Malay Peninsula, <a href="#pb372" class="pageref">372</a>–6 -</p> -<p>Malays, in Cape Colony, <a href="#pb350" class="pageref">350</a> -</p> -<p>Maldive Islands, <a href="#pb270" class="pageref">270</a> -</p> -<p>Malik al-Z̤āhir, king of Samudra, <a href="#pb368" class="pageref">368</a> -</p> -<p>Malik b. al-Walīd, Christian official, <a href="#pb64" class="pageref">64</a> -</p> -<p>Maʼmūn, caliph, reign of, <a href="#pb78" class="pageref">78</a>, <a href="#pb84" class="pageref">84</a>, <a href="#pb85" class="pageref">85</a>, <a href="#pb217" class="pageref">217</a>; <br>permits erection of churches<span class="corr" id="xd31e14209" title="Not in source">,</span> <a href="#pb67" class="pageref">67</a>; <br>interview with his uncle, Ibrāhīm, <a href="#pb358" class="pageref">358</a> -</p> -<p>Mandingos, <a href="#pb319" class="pageref">319</a>, <a href="#pb331" class="pageref">331</a>, <a href="#pb354" class="pageref">354</a>; <br>as Muslim missionaries, <a href="#pb319" class="pageref">319</a>, <a href="#pb321" class="pageref">321</a>, <a href="#pb353" class="pageref">353</a>; <br>on West Coast of Africa, <a href="#pb338" class="pageref">338</a>, <a href="#pb340" class="pageref">340</a>; <br>still pagan, <a href="#pb337" class="pageref">337</a> -</p> -<p>Mangū K͟hān, <a href="#pb222" class="pageref">222</a> -</p> -<p>Manila, <a href="#pb402" class="pageref">402</a> -</p> -<p>Manṣūr, caliph, <a href="#pb75" class="pageref">75</a>, <a href="#pb296" class="pageref">296</a> -</p> -<p>Mappillas, <a href="#pb263" class="pageref">263</a>–4 -</p> -<p>Marabouts, <a href="#pb317" class="pageref">317</a>, <a href="#pb354" class="pageref">354</a> -</p> -<p>Mark bar Qīqī, Jacobite Metropolitan, <a href="#pb86" class="pageref">86</a> -</p> -<p>Marriages of Christian women to Muhammadans, <a href="#pb136" class="pageref">136</a> <i>n.</i><sup>3</sup>, <a href="#pb181" class="pageref">181</a>, <a href="#pb186" class="pageref">186</a> -</p> -<p>Martyrs, Muslim, <a href="#pb14" class="pageref">14</a>–15, <a href="#pb38" class="pageref">38</a>, <a href="#pb224" class="pageref">224</a> -</p> -<p>Marwān, caliph, quoted, <a href="#pb8" class="pageref">8</a> -</p> -<p>Mecca, Arabs from, in the Malay Archipelago, <a href="#pb367" class="pageref">367</a>, <a href="#pb375" class="pageref">375</a>, <a href="#pb391" class="pageref">391</a>; <br>pilgrimage to, <a href="#pb415" class="pageref">415</a>–16; <br>religious centre of the Muslim world, <a href="#pb27" class="pageref">27</a>. <br><i>See also</i> <a href="#ix.hajis">Ḥājīs</a>. -</p> -<p id="ix.medina">Medina, <a href="#pb19" class="pageref">19</a>–26, <a href="#pb31" class="pageref">31</a>–2, <a href="#pb34" class="pageref">34</a>–5 -</p> -<p>Melle, <a href="#pb319" class="pageref">319</a>, <a href="#pb321" class="pageref">321</a> -</p> -<p>Menangkabau, kingdom of, <a href="#pb368" class="pageref">368</a>–9, <a href="#pb372" class="pageref">372</a> -</p> -<p>Menelik, emperor of Abyssinia, <a href="#pb120" class="pageref">120</a>, <a href="#pb350" class="pageref">350</a> -</p> -<p>Merāts, <a href="#pb287" class="pageref">287</a> -</p> -<p id="ix.merchants">Merchants, Muslim, as missionaries, <a href="#pb409" class="pageref">409</a>, <a href="#pb419" class="pageref">419</a>; <br>among the Mongols, <a href="#pb228" class="pageref">228</a>; <br>in Africa, <a href="#pb118" class="pageref">118</a>, <a href="#pb320" class="pageref">320</a>, <a href="#pb333" class="pageref">333</a>, <a href="#pb337" class="pageref">337</a>, <a href="#pb339" class="pageref">339</a>, <a href="#pb348" class="pageref">348</a>, <a href="#pb353" class="pageref">353</a>, <a href="#pb362" class="pageref">362</a>; <br>in India, <a href="#pb264" class="pageref">264</a>, <a href="#pb273" class="pageref">273</a>; <br>in the Malay Archipelago, <a href="#pb365" class="pageref">365</a>, <a href="#pb377" class="pageref">377</a>, <a href="#pb387" class="pageref">387</a>–8, <a href="#pb396" class="pageref">396</a>, <a href="#pb403" class="pageref">403</a>, <a href="#pb404" class="pageref">404</a>; <br>in Siberia, <a href="#pb252" class="pageref">252</a> -</p> -<p>Merv, conversion of Christians of, <a href="#pb81" class="pageref">81</a>–2 -</p> -<p>Metaras, Nicodemus, <a href="#pb164" class="pageref">164</a> -</p> -<p>Minahassa, <a href="#pb393" class="pageref">393</a> -</p> -<p>Mindanao, <a href="#pb399" class="pageref">399</a>–401 -</p> -<p>Ming dynasty, <a href="#pb299" class="pageref">299</a> -</p> -<p>Minnat al-Islām Sabhā, <a href="#pb269" class="pageref">269</a> -</p> -<p>Mirdites, <a href="#pb62" class="pageref">62</a>, <a href="#pb179" class="pageref">179</a> <i>n.</i><sup>2</sup>, <a href="#pb192" class="pageref">192</a> -</p> -<p>Misool, island, <a href="#pb402" class="pageref">402</a>, <a href="#pb403" class="pageref">403</a> <i>n.</i><sup>3</sup> -</p> -<p>Missionaries, Muslim:— <br>ʻAbd Allāh, al-Yamanī, <a href="#pb275" class="pageref">275</a> <br>ʻAbd Allāh, Shayk͟h, <a href="#pb373" class="pageref">373</a>–5 <br>ʻAbd Allāh ʻĀrif, <a href="#pb366" class="pageref">366</a> <br>ʻAbd Allāh b. Yāsīn, <a href="#pb315" class="pageref">315</a> <br>ʻAbd al-Razzāq, <a href="#pb266" class="pageref">266</a>–7 <br>Abū ʻAbd Allāh Muḥammad<span class="corr" id="xd31e14558" title="Not in source">,</span> <a href="#pb113" class="pageref">113</a>–14 <br>Abū ʻAlī Qalandar, <a href="#pb282" class="pageref">282</a> <br>Abū Bakr, <a href="#pb401" class="pageref">401</a> <br>Abū Ṣaydā, <a href="#pb214" class="pageref">214</a> <br>Abu’l-Faraj b. al-Jawzī, <a href="#pb75" class="pageref">75</a> <br>Abu’l-Naṣr Sāmānī, <a href="#pb215" class="pageref">215</a> <br>ʻAmr b. Mālik, <a href="#pb40" class="pageref">40</a> <br>ʻAmr b. Murrah, <a href="#pb36" class="pageref">36</a>–7 <br>ʻAyyāsh b. Abī Rabīʻah, <a href="#pb39" class="pageref">39</a> <br>Bahā al-Dīn Zakariyyā, <a href="#pb281" class="pageref">281</a> <br>Bahā al-Ḥaqq, <a href="#pb281" class="pageref">281</a> <br>Baqā Ḥusayn K͟hān, <a href="#pb283" class="pageref">283</a>, <a href="#pb439" class="pageref">439</a> <br>Bulbul Shāh, <a href="#pb292" class="pageref">292</a> <br>Burhān al-Dīn, <a href="#pb366" class="pageref">366</a> <br>Ḍaḥḥāk b. Sufyān, <a href="#pb40" class="pageref">40</a> <br>Danfodio. <i>See</i> <a href="#ix.uthman">ʻUt͟hmān Danfodio</a> <br>Darvīsh Manṣūr, <a href="#pb100" class="pageref">100</a> <br>Datu Mullā Ḥusayn, <a href="#pb388" class="pageref">388</a>–9 <br>Dāwal Shāh Pīr, <a href="#pb277" class="pageref">277</a> <br>Ḍimām b. T͟haʻlabah, <a href="#pb35" class="pageref">35</a>–6 <br>Fak͟hr al-Dīn, <a href="#pb267" class="pageref">267</a>–8 <br>Faraḥ ʻAlī, <a href="#pb101" class="pageref">101</a> <br>Farīd al-Dīn, <a href="#pb281" class="pageref">281</a> <br>Ḥājī Muḥammad, <a href="#pb283" class="pageref">283</a> <br>Ḥakīm Bagus, <a href="#pb397" class="pageref">397</a> <br>Ḥasan al-Dīn, <a href="#pb385" class="pageref">385</a> <br>Ḥasan ʻAlī, <a href="#pb283" class="pageref">283</a> <br>Ḥasan b. ʻAlī, <a href="#pb210" class="pageref">210</a> <br>Ḥasan Kabīr al-Dīn, <a href="#pb282" class="pageref">282</a> <br>Ḥāshim Pīr Gujarātī, <a href="#pb271" class="pageref">271</a> <br>Ibn Ḥanbal, <a href="#pb74" class="pageref">74</a> <br>Ibrāhīm Abū Zarbay, <a href="#pb350" class="pageref">350</a> <br>Imām Dikir, <a href="#pb404" class="pageref">404</a> <br>Imām Shāh, <a href="#pb277" class="pageref">277</a> <br>Imām Tuwéko, <a href="#pb397" class="pageref">397</a> <br>Isḥāq, <a href="#pb382" class="pageref">382</a> <br>Isḥāq Walī, <a href="#pb238" class="pageref">238</a> <br>Ismāʻīl, Shayk͟h, <a href="#pb367" class="pageref">367</a>–8 <br>Jalāl al-Dīn Tabrīzī, <a href="#pb280" class="pageref">280</a> <br>Jamāl al-Dīn, <a href="#pb235" class="pageref">235</a>–6 <br>Jumāda ʻl-Kubrạ̄, <a href="#pb381" class="pageref">381</a> <br>K͟halīfah Ḥusayn, Shayk͟h, <a href="#pb382" class="pageref">382</a> <br>K͟haṭīb Tungal, <a href="#pb395" class="pageref">395</a> <br>Khunmir Ḥusaynī, <a href="#pb271" class="pageref">271</a> <br><span class="pageNum" id="pb463">[<a href="#pb463">463</a>]</span>Mahābīr Khamdāyat, <a href="#pb271" class="pageref">271</a> <br>Malik ʻAbd al-Laṭīf, <a href="#pb277" class="pageref">277</a> <br>Mālik b. Dīnār, <a href="#pb264" class="pageref">264</a>–5 <br>Mālik b. Ḥabīb, <a href="#pb264" class="pageref">264</a>–5 <br>Malik Ibrāhīm, <a href="#pb378" class="pageref">378</a>–9 <br>Manṣūr, Shayk͟h, <a href="#pb388" class="pageref">388</a> <br>Minak Kamala Bumi, <a href="#pb371" class="pageref">371</a> <br>Muḥammad b. ʻAbd al-Karīm b. Muḥammad al-Majīlī, <a href="#pb320" class="pageref">320</a> <br>Muḥammad b. al-Huzayl, <a href="#pb74" class="pageref">74</a><span id="xd31e14846"></span> <i>n.</i><sup>3</sup> <br>Muḥammad ʻUbayd Allāh, <a href="#pb284" class="pageref">284</a>–5 <br>Muḥammad ʻUt͟hmān al-Amīr G͟hanī, <a href="#pb327" class="pageref">327</a> <br>Muʻīn al-Dīn Chishtī, <a href="#pb281" class="pageref">281</a> <br>Mullā ʻAlī, <a href="#pb275" class="pageref">275</a>–6 <br>Mumba Mulyaya, <a href="#pb270" class="pageref">270</a> <br>Muṣʻab b. ʻUmayr, <a href="#pb15" class="pageref">15</a>–16, <a href="#pb22" class="pageref">22</a>–5 <br>Nāṣir al-Ḥaqq Abū Muḥammad, <a href="#pb210" class="pageref">210</a> <br>Nūr al-Dīn, <a href="#pb275" class="pageref">275</a> <br>Nūr al-Dīn Ibrāhīm, <a href="#pb385" class="pageref">385</a> <br>Nūr Satāgar, <a href="#pb275" class="pageref">275</a> <br>Pati Putah, <a href="#pb389" class="pageref">389</a> <br>Rashīd al-Dīn, <a href="#pb236" class="pageref">236</a>–7 <br>Ṣadr al-Dīn, <a href="#pb274" class="pageref">274</a>–5 <br>Sayyid Aḥmad Kabīr, <a href="#pb282" class="pageref">282</a> <br>Sayyid ʻAlī Hamadānī, <a href="#pb292" class="pageref">292</a> <br>Sayyid Ismāʻīl, <a href="#pb280" class="pageref">280</a> <br>Sayyid Jalāl al-Dīn, <a href="#pb281" class="pageref">281</a>–2 <br>Sayyid <span class="corr" id="xd31e14948" title="Source: Muhammad">Muḥammad</span> b. Sayyid ʻAlī, <a href="#pb271" class="pageref">271</a> <br>Sayyid Muḥammad Gīsūdarāz, <a href="#pb271" class="pageref">271</a> <br>Sayyid Nathar Shāh, <a href="#pb267" class="pageref">267</a>, <a href="#pb268" class="pageref">268</a> <br>Sayyid Ṣadr al-Dīn, <a href="#pb282" class="pageref">282</a> <br>Sayyid Safdar ʻAlī, <a href="#pb283" class="pageref">283</a> <br>Sayyid Shāh Farīd al-Dīn, <a href="#pb292" class="pageref">292</a> <br>Sayyid ʻUmar ʻAydrūs Basheban, <a href="#pb271" class="pageref">271</a> <br>Sayyid Yūsuf al-Dīn, <a href="#pb274" class="pageref">274</a> <br>Shāh al-Ḥamīd, <a href="#pb267" class="pageref">267</a> <br>Shāh Muḥammad Ṣādiq Sarmast Ḥusaynī, <a href="#pb271" class="pageref">271</a> <br>Shams al-Dīn, Mīr, <a href="#pb292" class="pageref">292</a> <br>Sharaf b. Mālik, <a href="#pb264" class="pageref">264</a> <br>Sharīf Kabungsuwan, <a href="#pb399" class="pageref">399</a> <br>Sharīf Karīm al-Mak͟hdūm, <a href="#pb401" class="pageref">401</a> <br>Sīdī ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz, <a href="#pb373" class="pageref">373</a> <br>Tufayl b. ʻAmr, <a href="#pb37" class="pageref">37</a>–8 <br>ʻUmaru Kaba, <a href="#pb321" class="pageref">321</a> <br>ʻUrwah b. Masʻūd, <a href="#pb38" class="pageref">38</a> <br>ʻUt͟hmān Danfodio, <a href="#pb323" class="pageref">323</a>–5 <br>Wāt͟hilah b. al-Asqaʻ, <a href="#pb40" class="pageref">40</a> <br>Yūsuf Shams al-Dīn, <a href="#pb270" class="pageref">270</a> -</p> -<p>Missionaries, Muslim, <br>from Bag͟hdād, in India, <a href="#pb271" class="pageref">271</a>, <a href="#pb274" class="pageref">274</a>; <br>from Buk͟hārā, in India, <a href="#pb280" class="pageref">280</a>, <a href="#pb281" class="pageref">281</a><span class="corr" id="xd31e15082" title="Source: ,">;</span> <br>among the Mongols, <a href="#pb228" class="pageref">228</a>, <a href="#pb235" class="pageref">235</a>–6<span class="corr" id="xd31e15093" title="Source: ,">;</span> <br>in Siberia, <a href="#pb252" class="pageref">252</a>; <br>from Persia, in India, <a href="#pb270" class="pageref">270</a>, <a href="#pb280" class="pageref">280</a>–2, <a href="#pb292" class="pageref">292</a>. <br><i>See also</i> <a href="#ix.merchants">Merchants</a>, <a href="#ix.prisoners">Prisoners</a>, <a href="#ix.women">Women, as missionaries</a> -</p> -<p>Missionary activity, Muslim, <br>character of, <a href="#pb408" class="pageref">408</a>–9; <br>enjoined in the Qurʼān, <a href="#pb3" class="pageref">3</a>–4, <a href="#pb409" class="pageref">409</a>; <br>in times of political weakness, <a href="#pb2" class="pageref">2</a>, <a href="#pb144" class="pageref">144</a>, <a href="#pb225" class="pageref">225</a>, <a href="#pb239" class="pageref">239</a>, <a href="#pb397" class="pageref">397</a>, <a href="#pb400" class="pageref">400</a> -</p> -<p>Missionary efforts, unsuccessful Muslim, <br>in Arabia, <a href="#pb34" class="pageref">34</a>–5, <a href="#pb40" class="pageref">40</a>; <br>in Africa, <a href="#pb325" class="pageref">325</a>–6; <br>in India, <a href="#pb266" class="pageref">266</a>–7; <br>in Java, <a href="#pb378" class="pageref">378</a>; <br>among the Mongols, <a href="#pb240" class="pageref">240</a>; <br>among the Papuans, <a href="#pb403" class="pageref">403</a>; <br>among the Russians, <a href="#pb242" class="pageref">242</a>–3 -</p> -<p>Missionary religion, defined, <a href="#pb1" class="pageref">1</a> -</p> -<p>Missionary Societies, Muslim, <a href="#pb438" class="pageref">438</a>–9 -</p> -<p>Moluccas, <a href="#pb387" class="pageref">387</a>–90 -</p> -<p>Mongols, conquests, <a href="#pb218" class="pageref">218</a>–19, <a href="#pb225" class="pageref">225</a>; <br>converted to Christianity, <a href="#pb221" class="pageref">221</a>; <br>converted to Islam, <a href="#pb227" class="pageref">227</a>–30, <a href="#pb232" class="pageref">232</a>–7, <br>in China, <a href="#pb297" class="pageref">297</a> sq.<span class="corr" id="xd31e15247" title="Source: ,">;</span> <br>in Georgia, <a href="#pb97" class="pageref">97</a>–8; <br>persecute the Muhammadans, <a href="#pb225" class="pageref">225</a>–6, <a href="#pb234" class="pageref">234</a>; <br>primitive religion, <a href="#pb220" class="pageref">220</a>; <br>relations with Christian princes, <a href="#pb222" class="pageref">222</a>, <a href="#pb229" class="pageref">229</a>. <br><i>See also</i> <a href="#ix.tatars">Tatars</a> -</p> -<p>Monotheletism, <a href="#pb53" class="pageref">53</a>, <a href="#pb124" class="pageref">124</a> -</p> -<p>Montenegro, <a href="#pb197" class="pageref">197</a>–8 -</p> -<p>Moral superiority of Muslims, <br>in Abyssinia, <a href="#pb117" class="pageref">117</a>; <br>in Spain, <a href="#pb133" class="pageref">133</a>; <br>in Turkey, <a href="#pb171" class="pageref">171</a> -</p> -<p>Moriscoes, <a href="#pb143" class="pageref">143</a>–4 -</p> -<p>Morocco, Christians in, <a href="#pb126" class="pageref">126</a>, <a href="#pb127" class="pageref">127</a> <i>n.</i><sup>3</sup> -</p> -<p>Moses Maimonides, <a href="#pb421" class="pageref">421</a> -</p> -<p>Muʻāwiyah, <br>employed Christians, <a href="#pb63" class="pageref">63</a>; <br>revenue of Egypt in reign of, <a href="#pb103" class="pageref">103</a> -</p> -<p>Mubārak Shāh, <a href="#pb235" class="pageref">235</a> -</p> -<p>Mug͟halistān, <a href="#pb238" class="pageref">238</a> -</p> -<p>Muḥammad, <a href="#pb11" class="pageref">11</a>–43, <a href="#pb47" class="pageref">47</a>–8 -</p> -<p>Muḥammad II, Sultan of Turkey, <a href="#pb145" class="pageref">145</a>–6, <a href="#pb176" class="pageref">176</a>; <br>in Bosnia, <a href="#pb198" class="pageref">198</a>–9 -</p> -<p>Muḥammad b. al-Huzayl, <a href="#pb74" class="pageref">74</a> <i>n.</i><sup>3</sup> -</p> -<p>Muḥammad b. ʻAlī al-Sanūsī, <a href="#pb334" class="pageref">334</a> -</p> -<p>Muḥammad b. Qāsim, <a href="#pb256" class="pageref">256</a> <i>n.</i><sup>2</sup>, <a href="#pb272" class="pageref">272</a> -</p> -<p>Muḥammad K͟hān, K͟hān of Mug͟halistān, <a href="#pb237" class="pageref">237</a>–8 -</p> -<p>Muḥammad K͟hudābandah, <a href="#pb234" class="pageref">234</a> -</p> -<p>Muḥammad Shāh, Sultan of Malacca, <a href="#pb372" class="pageref">372</a>–3, <a href="#pb401" class="pageref">401</a> -</p> -<p>Muhammadan martyrs, <a href="#pb14" class="pageref">14</a>–15, <a href="#pb38" class="pageref">38</a>, <a href="#pb224" class="pageref">224</a> -</p> -<p>Muhammadan officials and soldiers of Christian governments, as propagandists of Islam, -<br>in Africa, <a href="#pb326" class="pageref">326</a>, <a href="#pb333" class="pageref">333</a>, <a href="#pb345" class="pageref">345</a>–6, <a href="#pb362" class="pageref">362</a>; <br>in the Malay Archipelago, <a href="#pb369" class="pageref">369</a>, <a href="#pb399" class="pageref">399</a>, <a href="#pb407" class="pageref">407</a> -</p> -<p>Muhammadans observe Christian rites, in Albania, <a href="#pb181" class="pageref">181</a>, <a href="#pb187" class="pageref">187</a> -</p> -<p>Muhammadans under Christian rule in Abyssinia, <a href="#pb114" class="pageref">114</a>, <a href="#pb115" class="pageref">115</a>, <a href="#pb117" class="pageref">117</a>–21, <a href="#pb410" class="pageref">410</a>; <br>Cape Colony, <a href="#pb350" class="pageref">350</a>–2; <br><span class="pageNum" id="pb464">[<a href="#pb464">464</a>]</span>Crete, <a href="#pb201" class="pageref">201</a>; <br>Egypt, <a href="#pb424" class="pageref">424</a>, <a href="#pb438" class="pageref">438</a>–9; <br>German East Africa, <a href="#pb326" class="pageref">326</a>, <a href="#pb345" class="pageref">345</a>–6, <a href="#pb361" class="pageref">361</a>–2, <a href="#pb410" class="pageref">410</a>; <br>Hungary, <a href="#pb193" class="pageref">193</a>–4; <br>India, <a href="#pb280" class="pageref">280</a>, <a href="#pb282" class="pageref">282</a>–91, <a href="#pb439" class="pageref">439</a>; <br>Lagos, <a href="#pb340" class="pageref">340</a>; <br>Lithuania, <a href="#pb245" class="pageref">245</a>; <br>Malay Archipelago, <a href="#pb369" class="pageref">369</a>–70, <a href="#pb371" class="pageref">371</a>–2, <a href="#pb387" class="pageref">387</a>, <a href="#pb393" class="pageref">393</a>, <a href="#pb397" class="pageref">397</a>–8, <a href="#pb399" class="pageref">399</a>, <a href="#pb400" class="pageref">400</a>–2, <a href="#pb405" class="pageref">405</a>–7; <br>Montenegro, <a href="#pb197" class="pageref">197</a>–8; <br>Nigeria, <a href="#pb325" class="pageref">325</a>, <a href="#pb326" class="pageref">326</a>; <br>Nubia, <a href="#pb110" class="pageref">110</a>; <br>Russian empire, <a href="#pb100" class="pageref">100</a>, <a href="#pb101" class="pageref">101</a>, <a href="#pb247" class="pageref">247</a>–51, <a href="#pb252" class="pageref">252</a>–3, <a href="#pb411" class="pageref">411</a>; <br>Spain, <a href="#pb140" class="pageref">140</a>, <a href="#pb143" class="pageref">143</a>–4 -</p> -<p>Mukkuvans, <a href="#pb268" class="pageref">268</a> -</p> -<p>Multan, <a href="#pb272" class="pageref">272</a>, <a href="#pb273" class="pageref">273</a> -</p> -<p>Muqtadir, caliph, <a href="#pb75" class="pageref">75</a>, <a href="#pb77" class="pageref">77</a>, <a href="#pb422" class="pageref">422</a> <i>n.</i><sup>2</sup> -</p> -<p>Murād II, Sultan of Turkey, <a href="#pb148" class="pageref">148</a>–9 -</p> -<p>Murshid Qulī K͟hān, <a href="#pb278" class="pageref">278</a> -</p> -<p>Mustaḍī, caliph, <a href="#pb68" class="pageref">68</a> -</p> -<p>Muʻtadid, caliph, <a href="#pb64" class="pageref">64</a> -</p> -<p>Muʻtaṣim, caliph, reign of, <a href="#pb209" class="pageref">209</a>, <a href="#pb214" class="pageref">214</a>, <a href="#pb272" class="pageref">272</a>; <br>employs Christian officials, <a href="#pb63" class="pageref">63</a>; <br>sends ambassadors to Nubia, <a href="#pb109" class="pageref">109</a> -</p> -<p>Mutawakkil, caliph, <br>fanatical measures, <a href="#pb8" class="pageref">8</a>, <a href="#pb75" class="pageref">75</a>, <a href="#pb76" class="pageref">76</a>–7, <a href="#pb420" class="pageref">420</a> <i>n.</i><sup>1</sup>; <br>orders recently constructed churches to be destroyed, <a href="#pb66" class="pageref">66</a> -</p> -<p>Muʻtazilites, <a href="#pb74" class="pageref">74</a>–5, <a href="#pb77" class="pageref">77</a> -</p> -<p>Mutesa, king of Uganda, <a href="#pb438" class="pageref">438</a> -</p> -<p>Muwallads, in Spain, <a href="#pb139" class="pageref">139</a> -</p> -<p>Muzarabes, <a href="#pb137" class="pageref">137</a>, <a href="#pb138" class="pageref">138</a> -</p> -<p>Nafīsah, <a href="#pb411" class="pageref">411</a> -</p> -<p>Najm al-Dīn Muk͟htār al-Zāhidī, <a href="#pb227" class="pageref">227</a> <i>n.</i><sup>1</sup> -</p> -<p>Naqshbandiyyah order, <a href="#pb239" class="pageref">239</a>, <a href="#pb407" class="pageref">407</a> <i>n.</i><sup>2</sup> -</p> -<p>Nasik, <a href="#pb271" class="pageref">271</a>, <a href="#pb284" class="pageref">284</a> -</p> -<p>Naṣr b. Hārūn, Christian official, <a href="#pb64" class="pageref">64</a> -</p> -<p>Nestorian Church, under Muslim rule, <a href="#pb68" class="pageref">68</a>, <a href="#pb77" class="pageref">77</a>, <a href="#pb80" class="pageref">80</a>, <a href="#pb81" class="pageref">81</a>–2, <a href="#pb86" class="pageref">86</a> -</p> -<p>Nestorians among the Mongols, <a href="#pb221" class="pageref">221</a>–2 -</p> -<p>New Guinea, <a href="#pb402" class="pageref">402</a>–3 -</p> -<p>Niʻmat Allāh, Jacobite Patriarch, <a href="#pb86" class="pageref">86</a> <i>n.</i><sup>2</sup> -</p> -<p>Noanta, Christians of, become Muslims, <a href="#pb168" class="pageref">168</a>–9 -</p> -<p>Nogais, <a href="#pb240" class="pageref">240</a> -</p> -<p>Nubia, <a href="#pb109" class="pageref">109</a>–13, <a href="#pb337" class="pageref">337</a> -</p> -<p>Nubians join Amīrg͟haniyyah order, <a href="#pb327" class="pageref">327</a> -</p> -<p>Nūr al-Dīn, al-K͟hwārazmī, maltreated at court of Kuyūk, <a href="#pb225" class="pageref">225</a>–6 -</p> -<p>Nyasaland, <a href="#pb346" class="pageref">346</a> -</p> -<p>Onin, peninsula of New Guinea, <a href="#pb403" class="pageref">403</a> -</p> -<p>Org͟hana, wife of Qarā-Hūlāgū, <a href="#pb234" class="pageref">234</a>–5 -</p> -<p id="ix.ottoman.turks">Ottoman Turks, <br>administration, <a href="#pb146" class="pageref">146</a>–9; <br>conquests, <a href="#pb145" class="pageref">145</a>, <a href="#pb171" class="pageref">171</a>, <a href="#pb177" class="pageref">177</a>, <a href="#pb192" class="pageref">192</a>–3, <a href="#pb198" class="pageref">198</a>–9, <a href="#pb201" class="pageref">201</a>; <br>moral qualities, <a href="#pb169" class="pageref">169</a>–71, <a href="#pb172" class="pageref">172</a>; <br>oppression, <a href="#pb154" class="pageref">154</a>–5; <br>proselytising zeal, <a href="#pb158" class="pageref">158</a>, <a href="#pb159" class="pageref">159</a> <i>n.</i><sup>1</sup>; <br>taxation, <a href="#pb149" class="pageref">149</a>–54; <br>toleration, <a href="#pb155" class="pageref">155</a>–8, <a href="#pb194" class="pageref">194</a>–5 -</p> -<p>Padrīs, in Sumatra, <a href="#pb369" class="pageref">369</a>, <a href="#pb372" class="pageref">372</a> -</p> -<p>Pahlavān, saint of Khīva, <a href="#pb214" class="pageref">214</a> -</p> -<p>Pajajaran, kingdom in Java, <a href="#pb378" class="pageref">378</a>, <a href="#pb385" class="pageref">385</a>–6 -</p> -<p>Palembang, <a href="#pb371" class="pageref">371</a>, <a href="#pb381" class="pageref">381</a>, <a href="#pb391" class="pageref">391</a> -</p> -<p>Panjāb, <a href="#pb280" class="pageref">280</a>–3, <a href="#pb286" class="pageref">286</a>–7 -</p> -<p>Papuans, <a href="#pb402" class="pageref">402</a>–4 -</p> -<p>Parlāk, kingdom in Sumatra, <a href="#pb367" class="pageref">367</a>–8 -</p> -<p>Paulician heresy, <a href="#pb96" class="pageref">96</a>, <a href="#pb161" class="pageref">161</a> -</p> -<p>Pechenegs, <a href="#pb412" class="pageref">412</a> -</p> -<p>Penukonda, <a href="#pb268" class="pageref">268</a> -</p> -<p>Persecution forbidden in the Qurʼān, <a href="#pb5" class="pageref">5</a>–6 -</p> -<p>Persecution of Christians by Muslims, <a href="#pb75" class="pageref">75</a>–9, <a href="#pb420" class="pageref">420</a> <i>n.</i><sup>1</sup>; <br>Banū Tanūk͟h, <a href="#pb50" class="pageref">50</a>; <br>in Albania, <a href="#pb183" class="pageref">183</a>, <a href="#pb189" class="pageref">189</a>; <br>in Armenia, <a href="#pb97" class="pageref">97</a>; <br>in Egypt, <a href="#pb106" class="pageref">106</a>–7; <br>in Georgia, <a href="#pb98" class="pageref">98</a>–100; <br>in North Africa, <a href="#pb126" class="pageref">126</a>; <br>in Persia, <a href="#pb232" class="pageref">232</a>; <br>in Samarqand, <a href="#pb224" class="pageref">224</a>; <br>in Spain, <a href="#pb142" class="pageref">142</a>–3; <br>in Turkey, <a href="#pb150" class="pageref">150</a>, <a href="#pb154" class="pageref">154</a> -</p> -<p>Persecution of Christians by their co-religionists, <br>in Bosnia, <a href="#pb168" class="pageref">168</a>; <br>in Crete, <a href="#pb203" class="pageref">203</a>; <br>in Cyprus, <a href="#pb108" class="pageref">108</a> <i>n.</i><sup>3</sup>; <br>in Egypt, <a href="#pb69" class="pageref">69</a>, <a href="#pb102" class="pageref">102</a>, <a href="#pb106" class="pageref">106</a> <i>n.</i><sup>3</sup>; <br>in France, <a href="#pb136" class="pageref">136</a>; <br>in Hungary, <a href="#pb155" class="pageref">155</a>; <br>in Persia, <a href="#pb68" class="pageref">68</a>–9; <br>in Russia, <a href="#pb156" class="pageref">156</a>; <br>in Servia, <a href="#pb196" class="pageref">196</a>; <br>in Transylvania, <a href="#pb155" class="pageref">155</a>; <br>in Turkey, <a href="#pb167" class="pageref">167</a> -</p> -<p>Persecution of Muslims, <br>by the Mongols, <a href="#pb225" class="pageref">225</a>–6, <a href="#pb234" class="pageref">234</a>; <br>by the Russians, <a href="#pb247" class="pageref">247</a> -</p> -<p>Persia, heretical movements in the Christian Church in, <a href="#pb69" class="pageref">69</a>–70, <a href="#pb206" class="pageref">206</a>, <a href="#pb209" class="pageref">209</a> -</p> -<p>Persia, spread of Islam in, <a href="#pb207" class="pageref">207</a>–11, <a href="#pb229" class="pageref">229</a> sq. -</p> -<p>Persian convert, first, <a href="#pb29" class="pageref">29</a> -</p> -<p>Persians, <br>in China, <a href="#pb297" class="pageref">297</a>, <a href="#pb298" class="pageref">298</a>; <br>in Indo-China, <a href="#pb376" class="pageref">376</a>; <br>in Sumatra, <a href="#pb364" class="pageref">364</a> -</p> -<p>Peter, Metropolitan of Russian Church, <a href="#pb241" class="pageref">241</a>–2 -</p> -<p>Philippine Islands, <a href="#pb390" class="pageref">390</a>, <a href="#pb399" class="pageref">399</a>–402 -</p> -<p>Philoxenos, Jacobite Bishop, <a href="#pb86" class="pageref">86</a> -</p> -<p>Pilgrims to Mecca. <i>See</i> <a href="#ix.hajis">Ḥājīs</a> -</p> -<p>Pīrāna, <a href="#pb277" class="pageref">277</a> -</p> -<p>Pīrs, as missionaries, <br>in India, <a href="#pb271" class="pageref">271</a>, <a href="#pb274" class="pageref">274</a>–5, <a href="#pb277" class="pageref">277</a>; <br>under the Mongols, <a href="#pb239" class="pageref">239</a> -</p> -<p>Poles, Catholic, under Russian rule, <a href="#pb156" class="pageref">156</a> -</p> -<p>Polish-speaking Muslims, <a href="#pb3" class="pageref">3</a> -</p> -<p>Ponnani, <a href="#pb269" class="pageref">269</a> -</p> -<p>Pope Gregory II, <a href="#pb125" class="pageref">125</a> -</p> -<p>Pope Gregory VII, <a href="#pb127" class="pageref">127</a>, <a href="#pb130" class="pageref">130</a> <i>n.</i> -</p> -<p>Pope Gregory IX, <a href="#pb130" class="pageref">130</a> <i>n.</i><sup>4</sup> -</p> -<p>Pope Hadrian I, <a href="#pb133" class="pageref">133</a> <i>n.</i><sup>5</sup>, <a href="#pb136" class="pageref">136</a> <i>n.</i><sup>3</sup> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb465">[<a href="#pb465">465</a>]</span></p> -<p>Pope Innocent III, <a href="#pb130" class="pageref">130</a> <i>n.</i><sup>4</sup> -</p> -<p>Pope Innocent IV, <a href="#pb130" class="pageref">130</a> <i>n.</i><sup>4</sup>, <a href="#pb198" class="pageref">198</a> <i>n.</i><sup>2</sup>, <a href="#pb221" class="pageref">221</a> -</p> -<p>Pope John XXII, <a href="#pb198" class="pageref">198</a>, <a href="#pb242" class="pageref">242</a> -</p> -<p>Pope Leo III, <a href="#pb139" class="pageref">139</a> -</p> -<p>Pope Leo IX, <a href="#pb126" class="pageref">126</a> -</p> -<p>Portuguese, <br>in Abyssinia, <a href="#pb116" class="pageref">116</a>; <br>on East Coast of Africa, <a href="#pb340" class="pageref">340</a>, <a href="#pb343" class="pageref">343</a>; <br>in India, <a href="#pb266" class="pageref">266</a>; <br>in the Malay Archipelago, <a href="#pb388" class="pageref">388</a>, <a href="#pb389" class="pageref">389</a>, <a href="#pb390" class="pageref">390</a>, <a href="#pb393" class="pageref">393</a>, <a href="#pb394" class="pageref">394</a> -</p> -<p>Prayer, Muslim public, impressiveness of, <a href="#pb417" class="pageref">417</a>–19 -</p> -<p id="ix.prisoners">Prisoners, Muslim, as Missionaries, <a href="#pb411" class="pageref">411</a>–12 -</p> -<p>Pul. <i>See</i> <a href="#ix.fulbe">Fulbe</a> -</p> -<p>Qādir, caliph, <a href="#pb86" class="pageref">86</a> -</p> -<p>Qādiriyyah order, <a href="#pb127" class="pageref">127</a>, <a href="#pb328" class="pageref">328</a>–9, <a href="#pb330" class="pageref">330</a>, <a href="#pb332" class="pageref">332</a>, <a href="#pb333" class="pageref">333</a>, <a href="#pb407" class="pageref">407</a> <i>n.</i><sup>2</sup> -</p> -<p>Qastīliyyah, Christians in, <a href="#pb129" class="pageref">129</a> -</p> -<p>Quarquar, Vaivode of <span class="corr" id="xd31e16465" title="Source: Samstkheth">Samtskheth</span>, becomes a Muslim, <a href="#pb165" class="pageref">165</a> <i>n.</i><sup>1</sup> -</p> -<p>Qūbīlāy K͟hān, <a href="#pb220" class="pageref">220</a>, <a href="#pb225" class="pageref">225</a>, <a href="#pb232" class="pageref">232</a>, <a href="#pb298" class="pageref">298</a> -</p> -<p>Queda, <a href="#pb373" class="pageref">373</a>–5 -</p> -<p>Qutaybah b. Muslim, <a href="#pb213" class="pageref">213</a>, <a href="#pb295" class="pageref">295</a> -</p> -<p>Raden Ḥusayn, <a href="#pb382" class="pageref">382</a>–4 -</p> -<p>Raden Paku, <a href="#pb382" class="pageref">382</a>–3 -</p> -<p>Raden Patah, <a href="#pb380" class="pageref">380</a>, <a href="#pb382" class="pageref">382</a>–3 -</p> -<p>Raden Raḥmat, <a href="#pb380" class="pageref">380</a>–3 -</p> -<p>Rainaud, <a href="#pb88" class="pageref">88</a> -</p> -<p>Rajputs, <br>converted to Islam, <a href="#pb259" class="pageref">259</a>, <a href="#pb260" class="pageref">260</a>, <a href="#pb281" class="pageref">281</a>; <br>Muhammadan influences among, <a href="#pb289" class="pageref">289</a> -</p> -<p>Ras ʻAlī, vice-regent of Abyssinia, <a href="#pb118" class="pageref">118</a>–19 -</p> -<p>Rationalism in Islam, <a href="#pb73" class="pageref">73</a>–4 -</p> -<p>Ravuttans, <a href="#pb267" class="pageref">267</a> -</p> -<p>Raymund III, Count of Tripoli, <a href="#pb91" class="pageref">91</a> -</p> -<p>Religious orders, influence of the, <a href="#pb239" class="pageref">239</a>, <a href="#pb326" class="pageref">326</a>–35, <a href="#pb408" class="pageref">408</a> -</p> -<p>Ricoldus de Monte Crucis, on the virtues of the Saracens, <a href="#pb425" class="pageref">425</a> -</p> -<p>Robert of St. Albans, <a href="#pb91" class="pageref">91</a> -</p> -<p>Rubruck, William of, embassy to Mongol K͟hāqān, <a href="#pb222" class="pageref">222</a> -</p> -<p>Rumanians, Southern, <a href="#pb62" class="pageref">62</a>, <a href="#pb168" class="pageref">168</a>–9 -</p> -<p>Russia, Mongols in, <a href="#pb239" class="pageref">239</a> sqq. <i>See also</i> <a href="#ix.tatars">Tatars</a> -</p> -<p>Russian rule, Muslims under, <a href="#pb101" class="pageref">101</a>, <a href="#pb246" class="pageref">246</a>–53 -</p> -<p>Russians under Muslim rule, <a href="#pb240" class="pageref">240</a>–4 -</p> -<p>Rustam, first Muhammadan king of Karthli, <a href="#pb99" class="pageref">99</a> -</p> -<p>Saʻd b. Abī Waqqāṣ, <a href="#pb13" class="pageref">13</a> -</p> -<p>Saʻd b. Muʻad͟h, conversion of, <a href="#pb23" class="pageref">23</a>–4 -</p> -<p>Ṣadr al-Dīn, first Muhammadan king of Kashmīr, <a href="#pb292" class="pageref">292</a> -</p> -<p>Saffāḥ, caliph, <a href="#pb104" class="pageref">104</a> -</p> -<p>Saʻīd b. Ḥasan, on Muslim public prayer, <a href="#pb417" class="pageref">417</a>–8 -</p> -<p>Saifa Arʻād, king of Abyssinia, <a href="#pb114" class="pageref">114</a> -</p> -<p>St. Augustine, on motives of conversion to Christianity, <a href="#pb423" class="pageref">423</a> -</p> -<p>St. John of Damascus, <a href="#pb83" class="pageref">83</a> -</p> -<p id="ix.st.louis">St. Louis, <br>crusade of, <a href="#pb88" class="pageref">88</a>, <a href="#pb92" class="pageref">92</a>; <br>embassy to the Mongol K͟hāqān, <a href="#pb222" class="pageref">222</a>; <br>receives Mongol embassy, <a href="#pb229" class="pageref">229</a>; <br>on the treatment of infidels, <a href="#pb8" class="pageref">8</a> -</p> -<p>Saints, Muslim, worshipped by Hindus, <a href="#pb289" class="pageref">289</a> <i>n.</i><sup>3</sup> -</p> -<p>Saladin, <br>and the Crusaders, <a href="#pb90" class="pageref">90</a>–1, <a href="#pb425" class="pageref">425</a>; <br>Christians in Egypt, under rule of, <a href="#pb107" class="pageref">107</a>, <a href="#pb421" class="pageref">421</a> -</p> -<p>Salawatti, island, <a href="#pb403" class="pageref">403</a> -</p> -<p>Salīm I, Sultan of Turkey, <a href="#pb423" class="pageref">423</a> -</p> -<p id="ix.saljuq.turks">Saljūq Turks, <a href="#pb88" class="pageref">88</a>, <a href="#pb96" class="pageref">96</a>, <a href="#pb216" class="pageref">216</a> -</p> -<p>Salmān, the first Persian convert, <a href="#pb29" class="pageref">29</a> -</p> -<p>Salmūyah, Christian, in service of the caliph al-Muʻtaṣim, <a href="#pb63" class="pageref">63</a> -</p> -<p>Sāmān becomes Muslim, <a href="#pb210" class="pageref">210</a> -</p> -<p>Samarqand, <br>Chinese embassy in, <a href="#pb299" class="pageref">299</a>; <br>Chinese workmen in, <a href="#pb297" class="pageref">297</a> <i>n.</i><sup>4</sup>; <br>introduction of Islam, <a href="#pb213" class="pageref">213</a>, <a href="#pb214" class="pageref">214</a>; <br>under the Mongols, <a href="#pb223" class="pageref">223</a>–4 -</p> -<p>Sambawa, <a href="#pb398" class="pageref">398</a> -</p> -<p>Samory, <a href="#pb331" class="pageref">331</a>, <a href="#pb332" class="pageref">332</a> <i>n.</i><sup>3</sup>, <a href="#pb333" class="pageref">333</a> -</p> -<p>Samsams, <a href="#pb376" class="pageref">376</a> -</p> -<p>Samudra, <a href="#pb364" class="pageref">364</a>, <a href="#pb367" class="pageref">367</a>, <a href="#pb368" class="pageref">368</a> -</p> -<p>Ṣamudu, <a href="#pb331" class="pageref">331</a>–2 -</p> -<p>Sanūsiyyah order, <br>in Africa, <a href="#pb334" class="pageref">334</a>–5, <a href="#pb410" class="pageref">410</a>; <br>in the Malay Archipelago, <a href="#pb407" class="pageref">407</a> -</p> -<p>Sasaks, in Lombok, <a href="#pb398" class="pageref">398</a>–9 -</p> -<p>Sāsānid dynasty, Christian Church, under, <a href="#pb68" class="pageref">68</a>–9, <a href="#pb206" class="pageref">206</a>–7 -</p> -<p>Sātūq Bug͟hrā K͟hān, <a href="#pb215" class="pageref">215</a>–16 -</p> -<p>Sawo-Teheno, king of Kafa, becomes a Muhammadan, <a href="#pb120" class="pageref">120</a> -</p> -<p>Sayyid ʻAlī Akbar, Muhammadan merchant in Peking, <a href="#pb302" class="pageref">302</a>, <a href="#pb311" class="pageref">311</a> <i>n.</i><sup>1</sup> -</p> -<p id="ix.sayyid.ajall">Sayyid Ajall, <a href="#pb297" class="pageref">297</a>–8 -</p> -<p>Sayyid Ashraf al-Dīn, <a href="#pb223" class="pageref">223</a>–4 -</p> -<p>Sayyid Sulaymān, Chinese Muslim, <a href="#pb307" class="pageref">307</a>, <a href="#pb309" class="pageref">309</a>, <a href="#pb311" class="pageref">311</a> -</p> -<p>Scanderbeg, <a href="#pb177" class="pageref">177</a> -</p> -<p>Sciataraccio, tax, <a href="#pb182" class="pageref">182</a>, <a href="#pb189" class="pageref">189</a> -</p> -<p>Scutari, <a href="#pb184" class="pageref">184</a> -</p> -<p>Senegal, <a href="#pb315" class="pageref">315</a>, <a href="#pb330" class="pageref">330</a>, <a href="#pb333" class="pageref">333</a> -</p> -<p>Sennaar, <a href="#pb110" class="pageref">110</a>, <a href="#pb113" class="pageref">113</a>, <a href="#pb337" class="pageref">337</a> -</p> -<p>Servia, <a href="#pb192" class="pageref">192</a>–7 -</p> -<p>Shāfiʻiyyah sect, in Malay Archipelago, <a href="#pb364" class="pageref">364</a> -</p> -<p>Shāh Ruk͟h Bahādur, <a href="#pb266" class="pageref">266</a>, <a href="#pb299" class="pageref">299</a> -</p> -<p>Shamanism, <a href="#pb220" class="pageref">220</a>, <a href="#pb240" class="pageref">240</a>, <a href="#pb246" class="pageref">246</a> -</p> -<p>Shanars, become Muslims, <a href="#pb289" class="pageref">289</a> -</p> -<p>Sharīf al-Riḍā, <a href="#pb210" class="pageref">210</a> -</p> -<p>Shayk͟h Jalāl al-Dīn Tabrīzī, <a href="#pb282" class="pageref">282</a> -</p> -<p>Shayk͟h Yūsuf, <a href="#pb350" class="pageref">350</a> <i>n.</i><sup>6</sup> -</p> -<p>Shīʻahs, in Africa, <a href="#pb341" class="pageref">341</a>; <br>in India, <span class="pageNum" id="pb466">[<a href="#pb466">466</a>]</span>274–6; <br>in Kashmīr, <a href="#pb292" class="pageref">292</a>; <br>in Java and Sumatra, <a href="#pb364" class="pageref">364</a>; <br>in Persia, <a href="#pb209" class="pageref">209</a>, <a href="#pb211" class="pageref">211</a><span class="corr" id="xd31e17029" title="Source: ,">;</span> <br>in Turkey, <a href="#pb423" class="pageref">423</a> -</p> -<p>Shihāb family, in Mount Lebanon, <a href="#pb176" class="pageref">176</a>–7 -</p> -<p>Siam, Islam in, <a href="#pb376" class="pageref">376</a> -</p> -<p>Siberia, <a href="#pb251" class="pageref">251</a>–3 -</p> -<p>Sierra Leone, <a href="#pb338" class="pageref">338</a> -</p> -<p>Silhaṭ, <a href="#pb282" class="pageref">282</a> -</p> -<p>Sind, <a href="#pb272" class="pageref">272</a>–5 -</p> -<p>Sindān, <a href="#pb272" class="pageref">272</a> -</p> -<p>Slavery, <br>under the Muslims, <a href="#pb416" class="pageref">416</a>–17; <br>under the Turks, <a href="#pb172" class="pageref">172</a>–6 -</p> -<p>Slave-trade, suppression of, facilitates spread of Islam, <a href="#pb345" class="pageref">345</a>–6 -</p> -<p>Slave-traders, not propagandists of Islam, <a href="#pb343" class="pageref">343</a>–4 -</p> -<p>Soba, mosque built in, <a href="#pb110" class="pageref">110</a> -</p> -<p>Sokoto, <a href="#pb325" class="pageref">325</a> -</p> -<p>Somalis, <a href="#pb349" class="pageref">349</a>–50 -</p> -<p>Songhay kingdom, <a href="#pb318" class="pageref">318</a>, <a href="#pb321" class="pageref">321</a> -</p> -<p>Sophronius, Metropolitan of Athens, <a href="#pb164" class="pageref">164</a> -</p> -<p>Spain, Islam in, <a href="#pb131" class="pageref">131</a>–44 -</p> -<p>Spaniards, in the Malay Archipelago, <a href="#pb387" class="pageref">387</a>, <a href="#pb388" class="pageref">388</a>, <a href="#pb390" class="pageref">390</a>, <a href="#pb400" class="pageref">400</a>–1, <a href="#pb402" class="pageref">402</a> -</p> -<p>Spanish Muslims, missionary activity of, <a href="#pb127" class="pageref">127</a> -</p> -<p>Sudan, <a href="#pb317" class="pageref">317</a>–37, <a href="#pb353" class="pageref">353</a>–62 -</p> -<p>Ṣuhayb, the first-fruits of Greece, <a href="#pb26" class="pageref">26</a>, <a href="#pb29" class="pageref">29</a> -</p> -<p>Sukadana, kingdom in Borneo, <a href="#pb391" class="pageref">391</a> -</p> -<p>Sulu Islands, <a href="#pb401" class="pageref">401</a>–2 -</p> -<p>Sumatra, <a href="#pb364" class="pageref">364</a>, <a href="#pb366" class="pageref">366</a>–72 -</p> -<p>Survivals of Christian usages among Muhammadans, <a href="#pb129" class="pageref">129</a> <i>n.</i><sup>2</sup>, <a href="#pb181" class="pageref">181</a>, <a href="#pb187" class="pageref">187</a>, <a href="#pb197" class="pageref">197</a> -</p> -<p>Swahilis, as propagandists of Islam, <a href="#pb345" class="pageref">345</a> -</p> -<p>Sword of Islam, <a href="#pb5" class="pageref">5</a>, <a href="#pb8" class="pageref">8</a>, <a href="#pb46" class="pageref">46</a>, <a href="#pb85" class="pageref">85</a> <i>n.</i><sup>4</sup>, <a href="#pb256" class="pageref">256</a>, <a href="#pb405" class="pageref">405</a> -</p> -<p>Tabaristān, <a href="#pb210" class="pageref">210</a> -</p> -<p>Ṭāʼif, <a href="#pb19" class="pageref">19</a>, <a href="#pb38" class="pageref">38</a> -</p> -<p id="ix.takudar">Takūdār, first Muslim Īlk͟hān, <a href="#pb229" class="pageref">229</a>–32, <a href="#pb238" class="pageref">238</a>–9 -</p> -<p>Tallo, in Celebes, <a href="#pb395" class="pageref">395</a> -</p> -<p>Tʼang dynasty, <a href="#pb294" class="pageref">294</a>, <a href="#pb297" class="pageref">297</a> -</p> -<p>Ṭarmāshīrīn K͟hān, <a href="#pb235" class="pageref">235</a>, <a href="#pb239" class="pageref">239</a> -</p> -<p>Tartars. <i>See</i> <a href="#ix.tatars">Tatars</a> -</p> -<p id="ix.tatars">Tatars, <br>in Lithuania, <a href="#pb3" class="pageref">3</a>, <a href="#pb245" class="pageref">245</a>; <br>in Russia, <a href="#pb244" class="pageref">244</a>–5, <a href="#pb247" class="pageref">247</a>–51; <br>in Siberia, <a href="#pb251" class="pageref">251</a>–3 -</p> -<p>Ternate, <a href="#pb388" class="pageref">388</a>–90 -</p> -<p>Theodisclus, Archbishop of Seville, adopts Islam, <a href="#pb134" class="pageref">134</a> -</p> -<p>Theodore Abū Qurrah, <a href="#pb84" class="pageref">84</a> -</p> -<p>Theodore, Nestorian Bishop, <a href="#pb86" class="pageref">86</a> -</p> -<p>Tibesti, <a href="#pb335" class="pageref">335</a> -</p> -<p>Tibet, <a href="#pb293" class="pageref">293</a> -</p> -<p>Tidor, <a href="#pb388" class="pageref">388</a> -</p> -<p>Tijāniyyah order, <a href="#pb325" class="pageref">325</a>, <a href="#pb328" class="pageref">328</a>–30, <a href="#pb333" class="pageref">333</a> -</p> -<p>Tilok Chand, <a href="#pb259" class="pageref">259</a>–60 -</p> -<p>Timbuktu, <a href="#pb318" class="pageref">318</a>–19, <a href="#pb328" class="pageref">328</a> -</p> -<p>Timotheus, Nestorian Patriarch, <a href="#pb67" class="pageref">67</a>, <a href="#pb84" class="pageref">84</a> -</p> -<p>Tīmūr, <a href="#pb256" class="pageref">256</a>, <a href="#pb292" class="pageref">292</a> -</p> -<p>Tinnevelli, <a href="#pb288" class="pageref">288</a> -</p> -<p>Tīpū Sulṭān, <a href="#pb8" class="pageref">8</a>, <a href="#pb254" class="pageref">254</a>, <a href="#pb261" class="pageref">261</a>–2, <a href="#pb268" class="pageref">268</a> -</p> -<p>Tiyans, <a href="#pb268" class="pageref">268</a> -</p> -<p>Toleration enjoined upon Muslims, <a href="#pb5" class="pageref">5</a>–6, <a href="#pb77" class="pageref">77</a> <i>n.</i><sup>6</sup>, <a href="#pb420" class="pageref">420</a> -</p> -<p>Toleration towards the Christians<span class="corr" id="xd31e17426" title="Not in source">,</span> <br>in Egypt, <a href="#pb102" class="pageref">102</a>–3; <br>in K͟hurāsān, <a href="#pb82" class="pageref">82</a>; <br>in North Africa, <a href="#pb130" class="pageref">130</a>; <br>in Russia, <a href="#pb241" class="pageref">241</a>–2; <br>in Spain, <a href="#pb135" class="pageref">135</a>, <a href="#pb143" class="pageref">143</a>–4; <br>in Syria and Palestine, <a href="#pb56" class="pageref">56</a>–7, <a href="#pb95" class="pageref">95</a>; <br>in Turkey, <a href="#pb146" class="pageref">146</a>–7, <a href="#pb156" class="pageref">156</a>–7, <a href="#pb178" class="pageref">178</a>–9, <a href="#pb191" class="pageref">191</a> -</p> -<p>Tosks in Southern Albania, <a href="#pb192" class="pageref">192</a> -</p> -<p>Traders, Muslim. <i>See</i> <a href="#ix.merchants">Merchants</a> -</p> -<p>Tribute of Christian children, <a href="#pb150" class="pageref">150</a>–2, <a href="#pb155" class="pageref">155</a> -</p> -<p>Trichinopoly, <a href="#pb267" class="pageref">267</a>, <a href="#pb268" class="pageref">268</a> -</p> -<p>Tūbū, <a href="#pb410" class="pageref">410</a> -</p> -<p>Tunis, <a href="#pb129" class="pageref">129</a>–30 -</p> -<p>Tūqluq Tīmūr K͟hān, king of Kāshgar, <a href="#pb235" class="pageref">235</a>–7 -</p> -<p>Turkistan, <a href="#pb215" class="pageref">215</a>, <a href="#pb216" class="pageref">216</a> -</p> -<p>Turks, <br>converted to Islam, <a href="#pb214" class="pageref">214</a>–16; <br>in China, <a href="#pb297" class="pageref">297</a>, <a href="#pb298" class="pageref">298</a>, <a href="#pb304" class="pageref">304</a>, <a href="#pb310" class="pageref">310</a>; <br>in the Mongol armies, <a href="#pb226" class="pageref">226</a> <i>n.</i><sup>3</sup>. <br><i>See also</i> <a href="#ix.ottoman.turks">Ottoman Turks</a>, <a href="#ix.saljuq.turks">Saljūq Turks</a> -</p> -<p>Uch, <a href="#pb281" class="pageref">281</a> -</p> -<p>Uganda, <a href="#pb344" class="pageref">344</a> -</p> -<p>Uljāytū, <a href="#pb234" class="pageref">234</a> -</p> -<p>ʻUmar b. ʻAbd al-ʻAzīz, <br>and Egypt, <a href="#pb103" class="pageref">103</a>; <br>and North Africa, <a href="#pb314" class="pageref">314</a>; <br>and Sind, <a href="#pb272" class="pageref">272</a>; <br>and Transoxania, <a href="#pb214" class="pageref">214</a>; <br>orders recently-constructed churches to be destroyed, <a href="#pb66" class="pageref">66</a>; <br>prayed for by Christian historian, <a href="#pb424" class="pageref">424</a>; <br>revenue of Egypt, in reign of, <a href="#pb103" class="pageref">103</a>; <br>zeal for Islam, <a href="#pb82" class="pageref">82</a>–3 -</p> -<p>ʻUmar b. al-K͟haṭṭāb, <br>and the Banū Tag͟hlib, <a href="#pb49" class="pageref">49</a>; <br>conversion of, <a href="#pb17" class="pageref">17</a>; <br>ordinance of, <a href="#pb57" class="pageref">57</a>–8, <a href="#pb76" class="pageref">76</a>; <br>and the propagation of Islam, <a href="#pb51" class="pageref">51</a>, <a href="#pb81" class="pageref">81</a>, <a href="#pb82" class="pageref">82</a>–3; <br>submission of Jerusalem, <a href="#pb56" class="pageref">56</a>–7 -</p> -<p>ʻUmar b. Yūsuf, Christian governor of Anbar, <a href="#pb64" class="pageref">64</a> -</p> -<p>ʻUmar Shams al-Dīn. <i>See</i> <a href="#ix.sayyid.ajall">Sayyid Ajall</a> -</p> -<p>Urkhān, <a href="#pb149" class="pageref">149</a>, <a href="#pb150" class="pageref">150</a> -</p> -<p>Usāma b. Munqid͟h, <a href="#pb90" class="pageref">90</a> -</p> -<p>Usambara, <a href="#pb346" class="pageref">346</a> -</p> -<p>Usayd b. Ḥuḍayr, conversion of, <a href="#pb23" class="pageref">23</a> -</p> -<p>ʻUsayfān, <a href="#pb273" class="pageref">273</a> -<span class="pageNum" id="pb467">[<a href="#pb467">467</a>]</span></p> -<p id="ix.uthman">ʻUt͟hmān, conversion, <a href="#pb13" class="pageref">13</a>; <br>relations with China, <a href="#pb295" class="pageref">295</a>; <br>revenue of Egypt, in reign of, <a href="#pb103" class="pageref">103</a> -</p> -<p>Ūzbek <span class="corr" id="xd31e17730" title="Source: K͟han">K͟hān</span>, <a href="#pb240" class="pageref">240</a>–2 -</p> -<p>Ūzbeks, <a href="#pb240" class="pageref">240</a> -</p> -<p>Venetians, <br>in Albania, <a href="#pb188" class="pageref">188</a>–9; <br>in Crete, <a href="#pb201" class="pageref">201</a>–3; <br>in the Levant, <a href="#pb147" class="pageref">147</a> -</p> -<p>Vilno, Muslims in, <a href="#pb3" class="pageref">3</a> -</p> -<p>Vladimir, <a href="#pb242" class="pageref">242</a>–4 -</p> -<p>Votiaks, <a href="#pb249" class="pageref">249</a> -</p> -<p>Wadai, <a href="#pb322" class="pageref">322</a>, <a href="#pb335" class="pageref">335</a>, <a href="#pb355" class="pageref">355</a> -</p> -<p>Wahhābī reformation, <br>influence of, <a href="#pb426" class="pageref">426</a>; <br>in Africa, <a href="#pb323" class="pageref">323</a>; <br>in Bengal, <a href="#pb280" class="pageref">280</a>; <br>in Sumatra, <a href="#pb372" class="pageref">372</a> -</p> -<p>Waigama, island, <a href="#pb402" class="pageref">402</a> -</p> -<p>Waigyu, island, <a href="#pb402" class="pageref">402</a> -</p> -<p>Wakhtang VI, king of Georgia, <a href="#pb100" class="pageref">100</a> -</p> -<p>Walīd, caliph, <a href="#pb66" class="pageref">66</a> -</p> -<p id="ix.women">Women, Muslim, as missionaries, <a href="#pb120" class="pageref">120</a>, <a href="#pb234" class="pageref">234</a> <i>n.</i><sup>1</sup>, <a href="#pb410" class="pageref">410</a>–11 -</p> -<p>Yaʻqūb b. Layt͟h, <a href="#pb217" class="pageref">217</a> -</p> -<p>Yārkand, <a href="#pb238" class="pageref">238</a> -</p> -<p>Yat͟hrib. <i>See</i> <a href="#ix.medina">Medina</a> -</p> -<p>Yazdānbak͟ht, <a href="#pb85" class="pageref">85</a> -</p> -<p>Yazīd II, caliph, <a href="#pb66" class="pageref">66</a>–7 -</p> -<p>Yoruba country, <a href="#pb325" class="pageref">325</a> -</p> -<p>Yung Chen, edict of, <a href="#pb303" class="pageref">303</a> -</p> -<p>Yunnan, <a href="#pb293" class="pageref">293</a>, <a href="#pb298" class="pageref">298</a> -</p> -<p>Zamorin of Calicut, <a href="#pb265" class="pageref">265</a>–6 -</p> -<p>Zanj, Islam among the, <a href="#pb342" class="pageref">342</a>–3 -</p> -<p>Zanzibar, <a href="#pb342" class="pageref">342</a> -</p> -<p>Zaylaʻ, <a href="#pb349" class="pageref">349</a> -</p> -<p>Zayn al-ʻAbidīn, first Muhammadan king of Batjan, <a href="#pb403" class="pageref">403</a> <i>n.</i><sup>1</sup> -</p> -<p>Zmaievich, in Albania, <a href="#pb185" class="pageref">185</a>–91<span id="xd31e17924"></span> -</p> -<p id="ix.zoroastrians">Zoroastrians, <a href="#pb206" class="pageref">206</a>–11 -<span class="pageNum" id="pb468">[<a href="#pb468">468</a>]</span> </p> -</div> -</div> -<div class="div1 imprint"><span class="pageNum">[<a href="#toc">Contents</a>]</span><div class="divBody"> -<p class="first xd31e8489"><span class="sc">Richard Clay & Sons, Limited,</span> <br><span class="asc">Brunswick Street, Stamford Street, S.E., and Bungay, Suffolk.</span> -</p> -</div> -</div> -<div class="transcriberNote"> -<h2 class="main">Colophon</h2> -<h3 class="main">Availability</h3> -<p class="first">This eBook is for the use of anyone anywhere at no cost and with almost no restrictions -whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it under the terms of the Project -Gutenberg License included with this eBook or online at <a class="seclink xd31e40" title="External link" href="https://www.gutenberg.org/">www.gutenberg.org</a>. -</p> -<p>This eBook is produced by the Online Distributed Proofreading Team at <a class="seclink xd31e40" title="External link" href="https://www.pgdp.net/">www.pgdp.net</a>. -</p> -<h3 class="main">Metadata</h3> -<table class="colophonMetadata" summary="Metadata"> -<tr> -<td><b>Title:</b></td> -<td>The preaching of Islam: A History of the Propagation of the Muslim Faith</td> -<td></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td><b>Author:</b></td> -<td>Thomas Walker Arnold (1864–1930)</td> -<td><a href="https://viaf.org/viaf/39370766/" class="seclink">Info</a></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td><b>Language:</b></td> -<td>English</td> -<td></td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td><b>Original publication date:</b></td> -<td>1913</td> -<td></td> -</tr> </table> -<h3 class="main">Revision History</h3> -<ul> -<li>2021-12-05 Started. </li> -</ul> -<h3 class="main">External References</h3> -<p>This Project Gutenberg eBook contains external references. These links may not work -for you.</p> -<h3 class="main">Corrections</h3> -<p>The following corrections have been applied to the text:</p> -<table class="correctionTable" summary="Overview of corrections applied to the text."> -<tr> -<th>Page</th> -<th>Source</th> -<th>Correction</th> -<th>Edit distance</th> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e357">xv</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Īlk͟hans</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Īlk͟hāns</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e360">xv</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Uzbek</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Ūzbek</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e373">xv</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e5312">269</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Mappilas</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Mappillas</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e539">5</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">zünachst</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">zunächst</td> -<td class="bottom">2 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e611">8</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e2318">109</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e4850">241</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e5895">298</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">,</td> -<td class="width40 bottom"> -[<i>Deleted</i>] -</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e799">29</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e2211">103</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e4977">249</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e4980">249</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e5801">293</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e6717">345</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e7195">371</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e9366">445</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">,</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">.</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e1070">49</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">:</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">,</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e1416">66</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Hurgonje</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Hurgronje</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e1693">77</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e2894">135</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e3973">186</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e4334">208</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e8813">442</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e9014">443</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e9672">448</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom"> -[<i>Not in source</i>] -</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">.</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e1724">79</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">.</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">:</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e2023">95</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e2201">103</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e3040">142</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e5714">289</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e8081">410</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e14209">462</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e14558">462</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e17426">466</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom"> -[<i>Not in source</i>] -</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">,</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e2130">100</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e9705">448</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">regne</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">règne</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e2357">110</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Mamluk</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Mamlūk</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e2482">116</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e9168">444</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom"> -[<i>Not in source</i>] -</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">(</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e2649">125</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Abū-l Fidā</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Abū’l-Fidā</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e2695">127</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Saintes</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Saints</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e2714">129</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">xxviii–xxxvi</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">xxvi–xxxvii</td> -<td class="bottom">3</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e3033">141</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e5718">289</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e8201">418</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">).</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">.)</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e3166">149</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">commerical</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">commercial</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e3193">150</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">tolerée</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">tolérée</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e3569">168</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">episcopale</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">épiscopale</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e3602">169</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Crêtiens</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Chrêtiens</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e3645">172</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Spurctiæ</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Spurcitiæ</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e3764">178</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Dachen</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Sachen</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e3809">180</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e6680">343</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e8583">440</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e9246">445</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e9745">448</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">.</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">,</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e3860">182</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e10318">454</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e11347">458</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e11658">458</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e14846">463</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e17924">467</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">.</td> -<td class="width40 bottom"> -[<i>Deleted</i>] -</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e4199">200</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">fesaient</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">faisaient</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e4299">206</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">westward</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">eastward</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e4322">207</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Khusrau</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">K͟husrau</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e4378">210</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Iṣtak͟hrī</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Iṣṭak͟hrī</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e4382">210</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Al-Sharastānī</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Al-Shahrastānī</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e4390">210</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom"> -[<i>Not in source</i>] -</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">the </td> -<td class="bottom">4</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e4420">211</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">ʻAbbasid</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">ʻAbbāsid</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e4475">214</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">reason</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">reasons</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e4638">225</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Nūr-al-Dīn</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Nūr al-Dīn</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e4782">237</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Amir</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Amīr</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e4841">240</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Abū-l G͟hāzī</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Abū’l-G͟hāzī</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e4856">242</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Karamzin</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Karamsin</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e4954">248</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">musalmans</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">musulmans</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e5289">268</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Shah</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Shāh</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e5419">273</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Kashmir</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Kashmīr</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e5422">273</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Kabul</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Kābul</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e5431">273</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Khurāsān</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">K͟hurāsān</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e5515">278</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Khān</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">K͟hān</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e5523">278</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">landord</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">landlord</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e5594">281</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Dehli</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Delhi</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e5631">283</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">become</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">became</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e5666">286</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">bazars</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">bazaars</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e5768">293</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Khurasan</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">K͟hurāsān</td> -<td class="bottom">3 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e5781">293</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Kashmiri</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Kashmīrī</td> -<td class="bottom">2 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e5843">295</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">eastern</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">western</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e5851">296</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">ʻAbbāsīd</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">ʻAbbāsid</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e5930">300</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">stablishing</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">establishing</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e5963">304</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Kashgar</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Kāshgar</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e6004">306</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Le</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">La</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e6082">309</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">p.</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">P.</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e6184">314</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Materialen</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Materialien</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e6330">320</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">(</td> -<td class="width40 bottom"> -[<i>Deleted</i>] -</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e6594">339</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Waītz</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Waitz</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e6644">341</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Bahrayn</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Baḥrayn</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e6653">341</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Sunnis</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Sunnīs</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e6828">349</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom"> -[<i>Not in source</i>] -</td> -<td class="width40 bottom"> of</td> -<td class="bottom">3</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e6946">357</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">negre</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">nègre</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e6952">357</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Évangiliques</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Évangéliques</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e6980">359</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">imples</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">implies</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e6993">360</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Imam</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Imām</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e7015">362</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Eingebornen</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Eingeborenen</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e7018">362</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">waren</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">wären</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e7021">362</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">gleichberechtige</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">gleichberechtigte</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e7024">362</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">konnte</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">könnte</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e7541">381</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Chamba</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Champa</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e7797">396</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom"> -[<i>Not in source</i>] -</td> -<td class="width40 bottom"> (2)</td> -<td class="bottom">4</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e7940">403</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Mahamed</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Mahomed</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e7943">403</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">einige</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">eenige</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e7946">403</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">overgegangen</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">overgegaan</td> -<td class="bottom">3</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e7963">403</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">volkstammen</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">volksstammen</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e8224">419</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">fulfiled</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">fulfilled</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e8250">420</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">a</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">à</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e8253">420</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">regle</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">règle</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e8479">439</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Panjab</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Panjāb</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e8502">440</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Matlaʻ</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Maṭlaʻ</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e8534">440</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">meridionale</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">méridionale</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e8562">440</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e10324">454</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom"> -[<i>Not in source</i>] -</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">)</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><i title="39 occurrences">Passim. -</i></td> -<td class="width40 bottom"> -[<i>Not in source</i>] -</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">——</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e8621">441</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">XVI<sub>e</sub></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">XVI<sup>e</sup></td> -<td class="bottom">0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e8692">441</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Barhebraeus</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Barhebræus</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e8768">442</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">de,</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">des</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e8771">442</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">l’islamismes</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">l’islamisme,</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e8800">442</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">geestelijkeid</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">geestelijkheid</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e8815">442</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Koniglijk</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Koninklijk</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e8983">443</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Chytraeus</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Chytræus</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e9287">445</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">hrgs.</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">hrsg.</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e9335">445</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Archeólogie</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Archéologie</td> -<td class="bottom">2 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e9457">446</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Ts. ind. t.- l.- en vk.</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Ts. ind. t.- l.- vk.</td> -<td class="bottom">3</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e9661">448</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">xiii</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">xiii<sup>e</sup></td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e9751">448</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">executée</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">exécutée</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e9754">448</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Gualtier</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Gaultier</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e9846">449</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Masʻūdi</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Masʻūdī</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e9865">449</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Mohammedon</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Mohammedan</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e9984">451</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">religiöse</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">religiösen</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e10024">451</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">der</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">des</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e10049">451</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">M.M.</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">M. M.</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e10170">452</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">de</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">du</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e10204">453</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Sitzungberichte</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Sitzungsberichte</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e10235">453</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">edité</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">édité</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e10241">453</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e10409">454</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom"> -[<i>Not in source</i>] -</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">:</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e10284">454</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Turchicae</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Turchicæ</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e10287">454</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Spurcitiae</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Spurcitiæ</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e10290">454</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Perfidiae</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Perfidiæ</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e10302">454</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">ii.<sup>me</sup></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">ii<sup>me</sup></td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e10315">454</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">ser.</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">sér.</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e10346">454</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">;</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">:</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e10379">454</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">d’Alexandie</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">d’Alexandrie</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e10411">454</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">einer</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">eener</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e10919">457</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">16</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">26</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e14948">463</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Muhammad</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Muḥammad</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e15082">463</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e15093">463</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e15247">463</a>, <a class="pageref" href="#xd31e17029">466</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">,</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">;</td> -<td class="bottom">1</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e16465">465</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Samstkheth</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">Samtskheth</td> -<td class="bottom">2</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="width20"><a class="pageref" href="#xd31e17730">467</a></td> -<td class="width40 bottom">K͟han</td> -<td class="width40 bottom">K͟hān</td> -<td class="bottom">1 / 0</td> -</tr> -</table> -<h3 class="main">Abbreviations</h3> -<p>Overview of abbreviations used.</p> -<table class="abbreviationtable" summary="Overview of abbreviations used."> -<tr> -<th>Abbreviation</th> -<th>Expansion</th> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="bottom">A.H.</td> -<td class="bottom">Anno Hegirae</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="bottom">C.I.E.</td> -<td class="bottom">Companion of the Most Eminent Order of the Indian Empire </td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="bottom">K.C.I.E.</td> -<td class="bottom">Knight Commander of the Most Eminent Order of the Indian Empire </td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="bottom">K.C.S.I.</td> -<td class="bottom">Knight Commander of the Most Exalted Order of the Star of India</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="bottom">Lieut.-Col.</td> -<td class="bottom">Lieutenant-Colonel</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="bottom">LL.D.</td> -<td class="bottom">Legum Doctor</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="bottom">M.A.</td> -<td class="bottom">Master of Arts</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="bottom">N.</td> -<td class="bottom">North</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="bottom">N.-I.</td> -<td class="bottom">Nederlandsch-Indië</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="bottom">N.E.</td> -<td class="bottom">North-East</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="bottom">N.S.</td> -<td class="bottom">New Series</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="bottom">N.W.P.</td> -<td class="bottom">North-Western Provinces</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="bottom">Ts. ind. t.- l.- vk.</td> -<td class="bottom">Tijdschrift voor Indische Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde</td> -</tr> -<tr> -<td class="bottom">Z.D.M.G.</td> -<td class="bottom">Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft</td> -</tr> -</table> -</div> -</div> -<div style='display:block; margin-top:4em'>*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE PREACHING OF ISLAM ***</div> -<div style='text-align:left'> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Updated editions will replace the previous one—the old editions will -be renamed. -</div> - -<div style='display:block; margin:1em 0'> -Creating the works from print editions not protected by U.S. copyright -law means that no one owns a United States copyright in these works, -so the Foundation (and you!) can copy and distribute it in the United -States without permission and without paying copyright -royalties. 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